DEVELOPMENT
BY
DECEMBER, 2018
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
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CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER TWO
2.6 The Implications of Boko Haram Insurgency on Nigeria’s National Development ... 14
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CHAPTER THREE
METHODOLOGY
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CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Insurgency is a threat to the economic, political and social security of a nation and a
major factor associated with underdevelopment; because it discourages both local and foreign
investments. Also, it reduces the quality of life, destroys human and social capital, damages
relationship between citizens and the states, undermining democracy, rule of law and the
ability of the country to promote development (Akhain, 2012).
On the state of the country, when people feel insecure, their appetite to invest, buy or
rent from the product of investment reduces; and that is why all over the world today, any
country that radiates an environment of insecurity naturally repels investment initiatives from
both the international community and its own local investors. Every society across the globe
has its peculiar problems and challenges in which Nigeria is not an exception. Today,
insecurity is one of the greatest problems bedevilling various countries in varying degrees. It
affects policies of government and also retards development (Ifijeh, 2011).
A number of analysts have variously attributed the disturbing trend to political
dissatisfaction, ethnic and religious differences, perceived societal neglect and pervasive
poverty among the people. Some scholar attributed insecurity to the desire of man to satisfy
his inordinate ambition of lust for power and this has often led to the irrational use of
violence against the state, private organizations and the general public with the ultimate
objective of achieving selfish goals (Akhain, 2012).
Nigeria is a multi-ethnic and a multi-religious state with a population of about
160 million people cutting across the divides of ethnicity and religious beliefs.
Comprising 36 states, a federal capital territory (FCT) and 774 local government
councils, it is a complex, multi-religious and multi-ethnic nation state according to
(Oyeniyi 2012). The complexity of Nigeria as a nation state is centred on its political
formation, economic, social and religious inclinations. As a nation state, the country
since independence has experienced several ethnic and religious crisis of various degrees
and magnitude (Gilbert, 2013). Grappling with such political and economically
motivated crises, successive administrations in Nigeria have been criticized by either the
Muslim or Christian faithfuls when they are not favoured.
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Insecurity has been a serious challenge to the Nigerian government in
contemporary times. Since the return of Nigeria to democratic rule in 1999, the country
is beset with series of security challenges such as ethno-religious conflicts, communal
riots and agitation for resource control. All these problems have various implications for
national development. The climax of these security threats is the emergence of deadly
group known as Boko Haram which has assumed dangerous dimension since 2009. The
inhuman activities of the Islamist sect have unsettled the Nigerian nation to the extent
that ample time and socio-economic cum political resources that ought to have been
channeled to the development of the entire country is being wasted on various efforts
geared towards checkmating and possibly annihilating the insurgency in the North -East
geopolitical zone (Awortu, 2015).
The current Boko Haram insurgency in the North-east geopolitical zone of
Nigeria that originally took the form of sectarian religious violence has escalated into
terrorist activities with international linkages and affiliations making it a relatively
difficult nut for the Nigerian government to crack (Gilbert, 2014). Consequently, Nigeria
has not known peace for about four years now. The emergence of the fundamentalist
Islamic sect, has led to the flight for safety and security of most Nigerians residing in the
North East, especially Christians. Since the commencement of the terrorist operations of
the sect, they have adopted several methods to unleash terror on the people. And most
states of Northern Nigeria have experienced their dastardly activities, but the worst hit
has been Adamawa, Bauchi, Bornu, FCT (Abuja), Kaduna, Kano, Plateau and Yobe
(Nwakaudu, 2012).
According to reports, multiple explosions went one after the other in places like
Kano, Maiduguri, Damaturu, Postiskum, Gombe, Abuja and Madalla in Niger State in
the usual manner of attacks by the members of Boko Haram sect (Okponga, Ugwu&Eme,
2012). Government institutions were attacked by the members of this sect which later
spread to churches, thereby destroying lives and properties of the people. Suicide
bombing of the United Nations Secretariat in Abuja on August, 26, 2011 did not happen
long after a similar attack on Nigerian Police Force Headquarters on June, 16 (Ovaga,
2013). It is true that North East is the epicentre of Boko Haram attacks but its impact has
affected the whole country which poses a serious challenge to national development.
Agomuo (2011), opined that, what started around 2006 in the far flung North East
geopolitical zone of the country as a child’s play, has become a national disgrace and of
international concern. The emergence of the deadly group, whose activities assumed a
worrisome dimension in 2009, has continued a reign of terror in parts of the country. The
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inhuman activities of the Islamist sect, have unsettled the Nigerian nation to the extent that
ample time and socio-economic cum political resources that ought to have been channeled to
the development of the entire country is being wasted on various efforts geared towards
checkmating and possibly, annihilating the insurgency in the North East geopolitical zone of
Nigeria. Agreed that the North-east is the epic centre of the insurgency but its effect
reverberates through the entire country and has constituted a major source of
underdevelopment to Nigeria. It is against this backdrop that this research seeks to critically
investigate the implication of Boko Haram insurgency on Nigeria’s national development.
With the use of data basically from secondary sources, the study analyzes the implication of
the nefarious activities of the Islamist sect on the social, economic and political life of
Nigeria.
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Nigeria as a whole. The research will also exploit the latest tactics adopted by Boko Haram.
Previous studies are outdated because the terrorist groups always keep changing their tactics
of attack. Therefore, the purpose of this research study is to examine the implication of the
Boko Haram insurgence on Nigeria and its impact on Nigeria’s national development.
1.3 Objective of the study
The general aim of this study is to examine the implication of Boko Haram
insurgency on Nigeria’s National development.
Specifically, the study seeks to achieve the following objectives;
1. To examine the origin and cause of Boko insurgency in Nigeria.
2. To examine the implication of Boko Haram insurgency on Nigeria’s National
Development.
3. To provide possible solutions to the insurgency of Boko Haram on Nigeria’s National
Development.
1.4 Statement of Research Questions
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1.5 Scope of the Study
The study will cover the Northern part of Nigeria where Boko Haram operates mostly.
The years under review are 2009 to 2015 when the activities of the sect intensified and they
gained worldwide notoriety. This is based on the fact that the outbreak of the Boko Haram
uprising in Nigeria started in July 2009 and marked yet another phase in the recurring
pattern that violent uprisings, riot and disturbances became the order of the day.
1.7 Significance of the study
BOKO HARAM: The term Boko Haramis a derivation of Hausa word Bokon
meaning amnesty Western or otherwise non – Islamic education while Haram is a word
with Arabic origin that means sin but literally, forbidden. In order words, Boko Haram is
a very controversial Nigeria militant Islamic group that seeks for the imposition of
Sharia law in the entire Northern state of Nigeria.
INSURGENCY: This is define as a political battle waged among a co-operation
or acquiescence populace in order for a group of outside to take over (or at last
undermine) the government of a nation.
DEVELOPMENT: It is an act of improving by expanding or enlarging or
refining.
NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT: Evolving from the meaning of development,
national development can be explained to mean totality of improvement in collective and
concrete terms across socio-economic, political, technology as well as religion and is
best achieved through strategies mapped out by government as contained in the nation
development plans (Akindele, Ogini & Agada, 2013).
SECT: Sect can be seen as a body of persons distinguished by pecularities of
faith and practice form other bodies adhering to the same general system. Specially, the
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adherents collectively of a particular creed or confession a demonation or older form of
faith or believe (Britanic world language dictionary).
PEACE: Peace is generally defined as the absence of war, conflict, anxiety, suffering
and violence and absolute peaceful co-existence. However, peace connotes more than a mere
absence of war hostilities because an absence of conflict is inevitable. Therefore, peace could
be defined as a political condition that ensure justice and social stability through formal or
informal institutions, practices and norms (Howard, 1987).
SECURITY: Security can be defined to mean ― the total sum of action and
measures, including legislative and operational procedures, adopted to ensure peace, stability
and the general well being of a nation and its citizens (Shinikaiye, 2004:2).
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CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction
This chapter presents the literature review that will be accessed by the researcher
on the subject. It will focus on the relevant theories advanced towards national development,
the origin of Boko Haram, its implication to Nigeria’s National Development and the
solutions to Boko Haram insurgency will be well examined. The chapter will further cover a
synthesis of the related literature as well as the research gaps.
2.2 Theoretical Framework
This study was anchored on Ludwig von Bertalanffy’s Systems Theory.
2.2.1 System Theory
This study is anchored on the Systems Theory as propounded by Ludwig von
Bertalanffy. Systems theory is the interdisciplinary study of systems in general, with the
goal of elucidating principles that can be applied to all types of systems at all nesting
levels in all fields of research. The term originates from Bertalanffy's General System
Theory (GST) and is used in later efforts in other fields, such as the action theory of
Talcott Parsons and the social systems theory of Niklas Luhmann.
The systems theory is defined by Ludwing Von Bertalanffy. “System theory is the
interdisciplinary study of systems in general, with the goal of elucidating principles that
can be applied to all types of systems at all nesting levels in all fields of resear ch.” The
theory originated from Bertalanffy’s General System Theory (GST), and it was adopted
in other fields such as Talcott Parsons’ action theory and NiklasLuhmann’s social system
theory. The word systems referred to self-regulating systems that are self-correcting via
feedback. Self regulating systems are found in nature, which includes the physiological
systems of human body, local and global ecosystems, in climate and in human learning
processes (Von Bertalanffy, 1968).
David Easton in 1953 adopted the same theory to explain what happens in a
political system but later elaborated his conception in 1965 in his two works: A
Framework for Political Analysis and A System Analysis of Political Life Proper
Understanding of system theory as developed by David Easton may demand the
following steps.
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i. Changes in the social or physical environment surrounding a political system
produce “demands” and supports for action or status quo directed as “inputs”
towards the political system through political behaviour.
ii. These demands and supporting groups stimulate competition in the political
system, leading to decisions or “outputs” directed at some aspect of the
surrounding social or physical environment.
iii. After a decision or output is made (e.g specific policy), it interacts with its
environment and if it produces change in the environment, there is “outcome”.
iv. When a new policy interacts with its environment, “outcomes” may generate
new demands or supports and groups in support or against the polic y (feedback)
or a new policy on some related matter.
v. Feedback leads back to step 1, forming a never-ending cycle. Accordingly, if the
system functions as described, then we have a “stable political system”. If the
system breaks down, then we have a “dysfunctional political system” (System
Theory in Political Science, 2016).
Systems theory serves within the area of systems science itself as well as bridge for
interdisciplinary dialogue between autonomous areas of study. The early investigators used
systems theory for defining a new way of thinking about science and scientific paradigms due
to interdependence of relationships created in organizations. The system composed of
regularly interaction or group activities interrelation. The systems theory defines
interdependence between groups of activities in the society, whenever there is occurrence of
something in one sector of a society; it affects the other sectors of the society.
The system viewed that, the social insecurity occurred due to Boko Haram insurgency
of attacks, destructions of lives and properties, armed robbery, kidnapping and raping and
other social violence which affected social sector of the society. Also, the inability of the
political system to address Boko Haram insurgency has adversely affected the economic
and social transformation of the country whereby business and commercial activities and
schools are closed down, foreign direct investments reduced and unemployment level
increasing. This has negatively affected economic sector whereby companies and industries
were closed, internal and external investments stopped, unemployment increased and other
economic activities negatively affected due to the lack of peace and security. This has badly
reflected to political sector where it created confusion in government policy formulation and
implementation.
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2.3 Conceptual Issues on Insurgency
Concept of Insurgency: Scholars and theorists have given different definitions of
insurgency. While some of these definitions are closely related, others are not so related but
contain common elements and this still makes the subject technically difficult. Perhaps,
insurgency is best understood by first considering what it is not. Liolio, (2013) posited that
insurgency is not terrorism or conventional war, though they share some similarities such as
the use of force, or guerrilla tactics to achieve an end which is often political. Basically, the
difference between insurgency and terrorism lies in the scope and magnitude of violence.
While for instance, terrorism rarely brings about political change on its own, insurgency
attempts to bring about change through force of arms. Similarly, terrorists often apply a wide
range of damages when compared to insurgents.
On the other hand, while conventional war involves adversaries more or less
symmetric in equipment or training, insurgency involves adversaries that are asymmetric and
weak. Traditionally, insurgencies seek to overthrow an existing order with one that is
commensurate with their political, economic, ideological or religious goals (Gompert and
Gordon, 2008). Moreover, Kilcullen (2006) revealed that insurgency is a struggle to control a
contested political space between a state (and a group of states or occupying powers) and one
or more popularly based non-state challengers the author also tries to draw a line between
classical and contemporary insurgencies thus: while the latter seek to replace the existing
order, the former sometimes strive for the expulsion of foreign invaders from their territory or
seek to fill an existing power vacuum. In summary, insurgency connotes an internal uprising
often outside the confines of state’s laws and it is often characterised by social-economic and
political goals as well as military or guerrilla tactics. Put differently, it is a protracted struggle
carefully and methodically carried out to achieve certain goals with an eventual aim of
replacing the existing power structure.
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According to Adesoji, the ‘Yantatsine violence was caused by radical and
conservative Islamic group that emerged and gained popularity in northern part. Muhammad
Yusuf was among the members he was a school dropout; he studied in Chad and Niger
Republic where he built local religious schools and mosque before coming back to
Maiduguri. Muhammad Yusuf later became the local leader of one of such group called
Jama’atul Tajdeedil Islam, as a result of a dispute over its tactics and strategy, he left the
group. Other scholars stated that, Muhammad Yusuf was influenced by ‘Ibn Taymiyyah’ who
was a fourteen century legal scholar that preached on Islamic fundamentalism. Muhammad
Yusuf built religious schools and mosques in Maiduguri in 2002 which attracted many
students not only from northern Nigeria, but from Chad, Cameroon and Niger (Farouk,
2012).
He influenced the students through his teaching and propagating on Jihad on Nigerian
government in particular northern part that must adopt Islamic law, if not he would launch
attacks on both humans and institutions. The Boko Haram was founded by Muhammad Yusuf
in 2002 in Maiduguri with the vision of establishing of Islamic law (Sharia) under
governorship of Ali Modu Sheriff. He built mosque and Islamic schools whereby parents
from Nigeria and other neighbouring countries fetched their children especially poor parents,
and soon the centre transformed from Islamic school to a jihadists recruiting centre.
In 2004, the centre was relocated to his village Kanamma in Yobe state near Niger
Republic border. It was reported in a News watch magazine article in 2004 that “many
students from technical colleges in Maiduguri and Damaturu had torn up their educational
certificates and discarded their studies and joined the Qur’anic lessons and preaching”
(Danjibo 3). This preaching and lectures by Muhammad Yusuf spread not only among
students, but even among the local government officials as well as the executive governor of
Borno State Ali Modu Sheriff was asked by his former commissioner Alhaji Buji Foi to join
the movement. Recently, the Boko Haram exposed conditionality to Federal Government of
Nigeria for ceasefire agreement. It includes the resignation of Executive Governor of Borno
State Alhaji Kashim Shettima, Senator Ali Modu Sheriff to be on watching trial and
imposition of sharia legal system in the 12 Muslim northern states. The Islamic militant
group asked for the trial of number of politicians, traditional rulers and security staff who
have their hands in the killings of its members in 2009 uprising in Borno state, they should be
brought under Islamic law.
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2.5. Causes of Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria
Insecurity: There is no any country that can achieve its development without
security, security is the back bone of every development, and is it political, economic and
social. Nigeria as a giant of Africa, but it terribly faces a problem of economic, political and
social insecurity which restricted its national development since the end of civil war in 1970.
Boko Haram is a great threat to the country which destroyed the northern part of the country
due to lack of security. This disaster of Boko Haram caused the distorting and collapse of
Nigerian national security. According to Eme and Ibietan 2012, Boko Haram brought a
widespread of insecurity all over the northern Nigeria (the most populated part of the
country), it caused the increase of tensions among the various ethnic group, collapse in
development activities, frightening of foreign and national investors, border insecurity of
neighbouring countries, daily attacks in Borno, Kano, Yobe and Adamawa states, major
attack in Kano which killed over 200 people and other three attacks in Abuja that included
the bombing of UN headquarter in August 2012. Attacks on mosques, churches,
governmental institutions and parastatals, all these attacks are intended to put pressure and
inflame religious tensions on the nation (Eme, et. al, 2012).
Poverty: Poverty Nigeria is a country with almost 200 million people and
approximately 500 ethnic groups speaking different languages and culture with about fifty
percent Muslims, forty percent Christians and ten percent others. The country has abundant
of human and natural resources and number six in terms of oil wealth global ranking, and an
OPEC member. Despite all these endowment of human and natural resources, Nigeria has
currently been ranked as 158 out of 177 poor economies by Human Development Index
(HDI, 2008). According to International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD, 2007),
that despite the Nigerian resources of human and natural endowment as well as oil wealth, the
country ranked as one of the poorest countries in the global ranking with over 70 percent of
its population as poor and 35 percent in absolute poverty (Kester, 2012). This problem of
poverty caused many of Nigerian citizens to engage in social violence.
According to Shettima (2009), the Almajiri (child pupil) scattered all over the streets
with calabash in their hands for alms begging very dirty, hungry, and thirsty and in traffic
hazards. In northern Nigeria, the Almajiris were seriously neglected as the northern of part
children that usually cause them willingly to join Boko Haram and engage in violent
aggression and other social and criminal activities of Boko Haram of suicide bombing. As
reported in Saturday Tribune of 14th July, 2012, a fifteen year suicide-bomber (an Almajiri)
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attacked the Maiduguri Central Mosque and killed ten innocent Nigerians with the narrow
escape of the Emir of Borno State and the Borno State Deputy Speaker (Bwala, 2012).
Political Instability and Corruption: The high number of poverty is caused by high
level of corruption within the Nigeria as it was ranked among the most corrupt country in the
world in 2001(the Transparency International Corruption Index, 2001). According to Adetoro
2012, the majority of Nigerian agencies and ministries were found guilty of corruption and
the police was ranked as the most corrupt agency among them which gives chance to Boko
Haram insurgency to expand its militant activities. Johnson (2011) reported that illegal public
executions of Boko Haram sects and hundreds of extra-judicial killings by Nigerian police as
depicted on the Al-Jazeera TV were allowed to “go uninvestigated and unpunished” as
reported by Amnesty International. Due to high number of police corruption and injustice to
Boko Haram, Utebor (2012) stated that the former Nigerian president Olusegun Obasanjo
called the National Assembly political office holders as ‘rogues and armed robbers’ due to
their oil scandal in Nigeria. This confirms the allegation of the Central Bank of Nigerian
Governor against the Nigerian political office holders (that are less than one percent of the
population) for sharing more than twenty five percent of the national budgets to themselves
(Sanusi, 2010). Because of this high number of corruption among security personnel and
political office holders agitated Boko Haram for sharia law in the country.
Foreign Connection: Boko Haram for being movement of Islamic Jihad Propagation
in northern Nigeria, but it is being questioned that there is a signal of foreign intervention or
influence from other foreign countries or organization that finance it with money and
weapons to discharge its insurgency accordingly and continue with its daily violent activities
of attacks, kidnapping, raping, assault, burglary, extension, terrorism, militancy and other
social violence. According to United Nations reported that, Boko Haram has a connection
with Al-Qaeda Islamic Movement (AQIM) in the Maghreb region in order to expand its
mission (Nossiter, 2012). Another report from Johnson (2011) stated the link between the
Boko Haram, AQIM and Somalia’s Al- Shabaab as he considered the similarities of their
violent activities of suicide bombing attacks and contacting the outside terrorists with an
intention to relate with one another in order to threat United Nations and its allies due to the
suicide bombing of UN House in Nigeria in August, 2011 by Boko Haram.
No nation can afford to treat with levity the security of its territorial integrity and of
its people. Indeed every aspect of human endeavour, be it health, environmental, food,
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economy, political, social and physiological etc, stands to be greatly affected by the state of
security or insecurity of that nation. It is no longer news that in recent time; Nigeria has been
bugged down with challenging security issues championed by the Boko Haram insurgency.
Terrorism and insecurity, especially internal insecurity is not a problem that is unique to
Nigeria. The US, the UK and many other countries, face the challenges of insecurity within
their borders on a daily basis (Adejumo, 2012). The difference between them and Nigeria is
how they manage the threats; how knowledgeable and prepared they are; how they deploy
resources against the threats; how effective they are; how patriotic and united these people
are against threats of insecurity. The costs of crime are tangible and intangible, economic or
social, direct or indirect, physical or psychological, individual or community.
In fact, it is from the cost that the consequences of crime are derived. The cost of
crime can be incurred as a result of actual experience of criminal activities, when there is
physical injury, when properties are stolen, damaged or destroyed. As a consequence of the
prevalence of crime in society, the demographic composition may be altered through mass
movement of people from crime-prone areas to areas perceived to be relatively crime-free.
This can also lead to brain-drain and other socio-economic problems. The Boko Haram
insurgents have been severally called terrorists in many quarters.
According to the United States Department of Defence, terrorism is “the calculated
use of unlawful violence or threat of unlawful violence to inculcate fear; intended to coerce
or to intimidate governments or societies in the pursuit of goals that are generally political,
religious or ideological”. Inherent in this definition are the three key elements of violence,
fear, and intimidation. All three elements coalesce in instigating terror in the victims or those
at the receiving end. The American Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), on its part, defines
terrorism as “the unlawful use of force and violence against persons or property to intimidate
or coerce a government, the civilian population, or any segment thereof, in furtherance of
political or social objectives”. The U.S. State Department, on the other hand, understands it
as the deployment of “premeditated politically motivated violence perpetrated against non-
combatant targets by sub-national groups or clandestine agents, usually intended to influence
an audience.
Recently, Nigeria was ranked in 14th in the list of the most failed states in the world
out of the 177 countries considered in the ranking by the Fund for Peace, an American
independent non-profit research and educational organisation that works to prevent violent
conflicts and promote sustainable security in the world. When the pillar of national security is
weak, the structure quivers and sends sensations to the occupiers and potential occupiers of
such structures. This is the case with the Nigerian entity, where insecurity and unrelenting
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violence by several groups in the country have continued to pose a threat to the nation’s
economy and investments.
In the wake of the crisis in the country, many international agencies and countries
began to issue travel warnings to their citizens about the dangers involved in travelling and
doing business in some parts of the country. Precisely, the United States warned American
citizens of the risks of coming to Nigeria, with particular emphasis to Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa,
Delta, Rivers, Abia, Edo, Imo, Jos, Bauchi, Gombe, Yobe and Borno states; and the Gulf of
Guinea (Carson, 2012), and this has grave consequences for the development of the country.
Terrorism has always had huge financial implications and burden to the affected country. For
example, it has been estimated that the city of New York alone lost US$21 billion as a result
of the 9/11 terrorist attacks. With the establishment of the Homeland Security, the US
Government now has to spend a whopping US$500 billion on security alone.
Globally, it has also been calculated that world GDP decreased by a whopping
US$3.6 trillion in 2002 as a direct and indirect consequence of terrorist activities in 2001.
This amount can be put in perspective when we realise it amounts to a third of the GDP of the
United States and exceeds the combined GDP of Argentina, Italy and Britain. Another area of
economic cost relates to the impact of terrorism on international trade supply chains, i.e. the
sequence of steps that global suppliers of goods take to get products from one area to another
(Mailafia, 2013).
In a similar way, the budget of N921.91 billion earmarked to combat terrorism in
Nigeria in the year 2012 alone, could have been deployed to development programmes that
the nation desperately need. Apart from the economic and monetary costs associated with
terrorism, there are also social and psychological costs. Terrorism erodes inter-communal
trust and destroys the reservoir of social capital that is so vital to building harmonious
societies and pooling together community energies for national development. The attendant
proliferation of small arms and the militarization of society results in a vicious cycle of
violence which hampers national cohesion and stability.
The long-term impact of such violence on cities and regions is best exemplified by the
impoverishment that has affected Kaduna and Jos. Kaduna used to be one of the most
prosperous cities in Nigeria. It was in many ways the industrial hub of the North, a
cosmopolitan city with over a dozen textile firms and prosperous trading companies. The
Kaduna of today is a tragically divided city in which Muslims live predominantly in the
North and Christians predominantly in the South. All the textiles companies have shut down
and most investors have packed up their businesses. The Jos Plateau is following a similar
trend, as it loses its cosmopolitanism and local economies are destroyed. The tragedy is that
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the collapse of local economies and the erosion of social capital reinforce a downward spiral
of further impoverishment, which in itself sows the seeds of further conflict.
For most of the north, the ongoing insurgency has had a significant negative impact
on the regional economy. Lebanese and Indian expatriates who have established businesses in
Kano going back decades have relocated to Abuja and the south. A good number have left the
country altogether. Hotels, banks and other business sectors have witnessed significant
reductions in their activities. The border towns that have thrived on trade with neighbouring
countries have also seen their businesses curtailed because of increasing restrictions on cross-
border traffic. In Kano alone, an estimated 126 industries have recently closed down (Sunday
Trust, 2012). Another trend is the massive movement of southerners from the north, many of
them SME operators and professionals.
Boko Haram insurgency and terrorism is a bad signal to foreign investors. Economic
experts have described President Goodluck Jonathan’s economic reform as an effort that may
yield no results due to the insecurity in Nigeria. They also said the only problems with the
nation’s economy were insecurity and mismanagement. A professor in the Department of
Economics of the Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Dr. Usman Muttaka, who spoke to
SUNDAY PUNCH recently on the telephone, said even if Jonathan had gone to Switzerland
for the World Economic Forum, it would have yielded no result. He said, The president was
in Australia for a similar summit with about 500 delegates and he has done nothing. He also
went to France with about 300 delegates but there was no tangible result. The issue of
investment is also about the issue of security.
No investor will come to invest in Nigeria with the current security challenge
(Baiyewu, 2012). Some experts believe there are no criteria to quantify the loss to the
economy. Many children have died, and many have been become orphans due to the Boko
Haram onslaught that killed their parents and guardians, while such children continue to
suffer deprivation. Many families have been scattered, and their ambitions cut short. In terms
of properties, the scenes of each bomb blast present a scenario of massive waste and
destruction. As such, some have concluded that any figure that is thrown up from any source
may be a scratch on the surface. The HWR report with its scary figures revealed that, in 2011
alone, ‘Boko Haram’ struck 115 times and killed 550 people. Within the first three weeks of
the year 2012, the sect killed 250 people with the deadliest being the coordinated bombings in
the ancient city of Kano, which claimed 185 lives.
A few weeks later, another 12 people were killed in a shoot-out between the Joint
Task Force (JTF) and members of the sect in Maiduguri, Borno State. On Sunday, February
26, suicide bombers hit a Church in Jos, killing four persons, with another four in a reprisal
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attack, and destroying 38 vehicles. In the night of the same day, gunmen attacked Shuwa
Divisional Police Station in Madagali local government.
Due to insecurity and other factors in Nigeria, the capacity of the manufacturing
sector to absorb youths into its workforce has been hampered by the continuous decline in the
sector, thereby further increasing the number of people available for criminality. In 2009,
over 837 factories have collapsed and closed shops. About half of the remaining operating
firms have been classified as “ailing”, a situation that poses serious threat to the survival of
the manufacturing sector in the country in the next few years (Okafor, 2011).
According to a survey carried out as part of its membership operational audit in
January 2010 by the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN), the 837 figure represents
the cumulative aggregate of firms that have shut down operations in 2009 across the country.
The MAN survey usually covers five manufacturing enclaves into which the country is
divided in terms of manufacturing activities. These include the Lagos, northern, southeast,
southwest and south-south areas. The report of the survey showed that in 2009, a total
number of 176 firms became terminally ill and collapsed in the northern area, comprising the
Kano and Kaduna manufacturing axis.
In the southeast area, which is comprised of Anambra, Enugu, Imo and Abia states, a
total number of 178 companies’ closed shops during the period. While in the south-south
area, which comprised of Rivers, cross River and Akwa Ibom states, 46 companies shut down
operations before December 2009. According to the survey, the southwest area, which
comprised of Oyo, Ogun, Osun, Ondo, Ekiti, Kogi and Kwara states, lost 225 companies
during the year. It said that the Lagos area covering Ikeja, Apapa, Ikorodu and other
industrial divisions in the state, followed closely with 214 manufacturing firms closing shop
before the end of 2009 (Maiyak, 2010; Okafor, 2008; Okafor; 2011). Many of these firms
have severally cited insecurity, vandalization of equipment and sabotage, epileptic power
supply, among other reasons. This number is likely to increase if the crime rate and terrorism
goes on further unabated.
Terrorism increases the cost of doing business for the private sector and providing
public services. Resources that would have otherwise been invested in increasing output, fund
education, health and other welfare programmes are diverted to crime control and prevention.
According to the Nigeria’s Finance Minister, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, key allocation of
funds in the 2013 budget include: Critical infrastructure (including power, works, transport,
aviation, gas pipelines, and Federal Capital Territory) – N497 billion; human capital
development (i.e. education and health) – N705 billion; and agriculture/water resources –
N175 billion. Also over N950 billion for was allocated for national security purposes,
21
comprised of N320 billion for the Police, N364 billion for the Armed Forces, N115 billion
for the Office of the NSA, and N154 billion for the Ministry of the Interior (This Day, 2013).
A situation where the funds allocated to security alone is almost equal to funds allocated to
education, health and critical infrastructure combined in a fiscal year, as is the case with
Nigeria, is detrimental to national development. The development of a society largely
depends on the rate of crime. If the crime rate is high, it could scare away or discourage
investors (Adebayo, 2013a).
The major factors are discussed below;
i. Socio- Economic Implications
It is disheartening that Nigeria is being lumped together with Somalia, Iraq, Syria,
Afghanistan and other ill reputed nations. Terrorism is a disincentive to potential indigenous
and foreign investors and the Boko Haram problem continues to hurt Nigeria. The evidence
and fast changing indices (in form of changing migration patterns, cost of insurance in the
North, mass repatriation of funds, dearth in skilled labouretc) speaks volumes. Historically,
each region in Nigeria compliments the other. What the North lacks in access to the sea, the
South provides. The north wields 78 percent of Nigeria’s land which supports most of
Nigeria’s agriculture (food, cash crops and livestock). The South-West’s terrain supports both
domestic and international commerce and provides an import/export rout. While the South-
South and some parts of the South-East wield Nigeria’s oil wealth (Business Day, April 18,
2012).
With increased intensity of bombings in the North, the gripping tension, insecurity,
and suffering occasioned by the sect members and the military actions, subjecting innocent
civilians to humiliation, brutalization, extortion and undue hardship led to the mass exodus of
people from the violent zones. On July 2009, for instance, over 3,500 people were internally
displaced, more than 1,264 children orphaned, and over 392 women widowed. Properties
destroyed include buildings, three primary schools, more than 12 churches and a magistrate
court (Onuoha, 2010). The movements were of unprecedented kind since both Southerners
and Northerners simultaneously moved from Boko Haram strong holds. The implication is
22
that “there will be significant dearth in professionals, artisans and commercial professionals
Olasile’s view cannot be far from the truth. For instance, a doctor at the University of
Maiduguri teaching hospital says that many professionals in the service sector and doctors
have sought for transfer out of affected zones in the North. Some whose requests are not
being honoured and feel they cannot continue in the apprehension resign on the back of
pressure from relations. Those who remain do so because opportunities are few (Business
Day, April 18, 2012, retrieved). Business activities are gradually fizzling out, with social
Boko Haram. Hotels up North are enjoying a patronage of dissertation and so are markets.
Blessing Essien, a hotelier in the city of Maiduguri said “We are no longer opening our
restaurants because people don’t come out to socialize for fear of losing their lives. Thousand
of local businesses close down and residents are forced to migrate to greener pastures. Rent in
major metropolises in Kano, Borno, Bauchi, Kebbi and Yobe reduced significantly as the
23
Dare Dairo argues further that the socio –economic implications of Boko Haram
activities is not limited to the Northern region as some State Governments in the South are
already regulating the activities of the Hausa/Fulani in their States. For instance, in Lagos
State, commercial activities of Hausa in Magodo and Iseri areas are been restricted and
denied in some cases, while some have been suspiciously arrested without legal trial. This no
doubt portends threat to national integration. He opined further “many of the internally
displaced persons, IDPs, reluctantly begin a new life and manage to survive. Those who
could not earn their living will be desperate and thus becomes threat to their host community.
As a result, different forms of social vices and criminality will set in and consequently
are treated with suspicion, discrimination and resistance by the host community. By
implication, the thirst for national integration is doomed” (Dairo, 2014). Such consequences
include; social disintegration and disruption (among kinship groups, family systems, trade
linkages, formal and informal associations, disruption of education, gender discrimination
and abuse especially rape and sexual violence often manifest), increase in crime, orphans and
street begging, joblessness, marginalization, food insecurity, increased mortality (social stress
and psychological trauma). It inadvertently affects the economic well being and integration of
people in the country” (Olasile, 2014).
ii. Psycho-Cultural and Political Implications
Boko Haram’s indiscriminate violent activities and successes make the security
agencies look inept. As a result, there is a growing perception that the police and their allied
organizations are weak, corrupt, and poorly trained. Evidently frustrated by the lack of
progress made in countering the threat, President Jonathan recently spoke about supporters of
the sect saying that “some of them are in the executive arm of government; some of them are
in the parliamentary/legislative arm of the government, whilst some of them are in the
judiciary. Some are also in the armed forces, the police and other security agencies”(BBC
News, January 8, 2012, retrieved). The real trouble lies in the constant anxiety it is causing
Nigerians and the discord it is sowing. The panic was not an exhibition of paranoia, but an
admission that in the contest between Boko Haram and the state, the sect is leading... The
realization of this grim fact is what is responsible for the change in attitude. Hotels screen
guests for bombs and other weapons. Churches and schools do the same. Entertainment and
sports stadium concerns, even in places far away from the North, have adopted the same
measure (Nkrumah, 2012).
According to Olorode, stop and search policy have unnecessarily becomes routine in
many church in the city of Abeokuta. She puts “I go to church for service at least three times
a week and we are always subjected to search before entering, particularly on Sundays, and
24
that is the same experience in many other churches in the city. Our Pastor said that is the only
way to ensure our safety during service” (Olorode, 2013). Pastor Karunwi, and Fasasi, further
states “the phobia of not been attacked by the Boko Haram has created suspicion among
members of their denomination and that is not good for our relationship and integration. This
also led to the recent evacuation being conducted by various states, particularly in the south
that fear for their indigenes’ lives in the region (Karunwi 2012, and Fasasi 2012).
Oluseye opined that “the incessant attacks would adversely affect intra and inter-
marriage relationship between the South and the North. The Muslim South and the Muslim
North would find it difficult to allow contacts of their children on the one hand, and to a large
extent within the Muslim fold in the South who does not belong to the same religious
denomination on the other hand, more or less Muslim-Christian marrying to one another.
Evident reveals that Southerners particularly among Yoruba people are members of the Boko
Haram.” (Oluseye, 2014; Mbega, 2014; Adebukola, 2013). Moreover, Olasile argues that the
daily trouncing of the security and intelligence services is likely to have a demoralizing
impact.
Low ranking members may begin to doubt the ability of their leaders to make the
right calls; and the senior ranks too may begin to doubt the vision and the ability of their
superiors. These and other factors are likely to have a negative impact on the cohesiveness of
the security and intelligence agencies. Thus disintegration set in within the sector. In addition,
civilians and even non-civilians are begun to doubt the leadership capability of the
government (Olasile, 2014). A government that can’t, or that is unable to secure lives and
property, will find it difficult to govern or command respect that could promote integration of
the electorate. This may consequently lead to a crisis of leadership and when the center is in
turmoil in the face of ethnic and religious bigotry, integration of these groups within the
context of national identity and cultural unity is a mirage (Kehinde, 2013).
Furthermore, Nigeria is now regarded as a terrorist state and another axis of the devil.
Prof. Sagay argues that “the country’s image had already been damaged…” The implication
is that Nigerians will be subjected to inhuman treatment within and outside her boundary and
entire Nigerian will be a suspect to one another. No wonder David Cameron, the British
prime minister, had to meet with President Jonathan in Lagos (South-West) instead of the
Federal capital Abuja. Kehinde opined that the crises in the North may have psychological
implication causing anxiety, suspicion and sowing discord and could affect political
relationship between Christians and Muslims on the one hand and Southerners versus
Northerners on the other hand in future political dispensation (Olasile, 2014).
25
iii. Ethnic and Religious Implications
Boko Haram’s major attacks, aside from unconfirmed rumors of minor incidents in
the South, have so far not extended further South than Abuja, which is technically part of the
North. But the group seems to pose indirect threat to attack Southern cities like Lagos and
Ibadan, or to oil production in the Delta. The threats Boko Haram poses to the South are more
indirect: first the potential for an escalation of inter-communal ethnic and religious tensions
and second, the continued erosion of Nigeria’s faith in the central government.
Dairo posits “the security situation in Northern Nigeria has become frightening,
especially the dimension which it has taken. The wave of violence in the North has led to an
escalation in the rhetoric of some Southern groups who perceive Boko Haram as anti-South
and anti-Christian movement and are aimed at provoking its adherents to action” (Dairo,
2014). Killings by Boko Haram and the fear of becoming targets of retaliation has also led to
the exodus of Muslim northerners from the southern parts of the country since the beginning
of 2012, especially Delta and Edo States where mosques were allegedly attacked. Attacks on
mosques and a Islamic school in January 2012, in the Southern communities of Sapele and
Benin city suggest that some retaliatory violence has already begun in the South.
In Sapele, Delta State, a mosque, a Quranic school and several persons have been
attacked by unidentified people who claimed to be retaliating attacks on churches in the
northeastern parts of the country. In Edo State, soldiers and mobile policemen were reported
to have evacuated northerners from their residences to military and police barracks in the
state capital for fear of being attacked. Despite the appeal by the Southern state governors,
northerners still could not sleep in their homes with any eye closed for fear of the unknown
(Tajudeen, 2012).
2.7. Solutions to Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria
26
insurgency operations, detection of improvised explosive devices, forensic analysis,
intelligence gathering and analysis.
From this perspective, without international assistance the Nigerian government
will almost certainly face a prolonged battle in neutralising Boko Haram. This is
succinctly captured by the findings of Marc-Antoine Pérouse de Montclos, a Chatham
House researcher, who emphasises that the inadequate data and competing political
interests as well as institutional weaknesses and the under-resourced armed forces have
provided Boko Haram the impetus to entrench itself in its north-eastern stronghold. The
military repression of the Boko Haram uprising in July 2009, massacres, extra-judicial
killings and arrests without trial have widened the gap between communities and the
armed forces. The only sustainable way to combat Boko Haram is to protect civi lians.
Furthermore, the scale of necessary reforms to limit social unrest across Nigeria
is massive. These reforms must be undertaken simultaneously and be well-coordinated if
they are effectively to tackle the problems presented by Boko Haram. The governm ent
must immediately terminate its ‘patronage-politics’ if it is to gain the trust of northern
Muslim communities who have been excluded from critical sectors of government.
Therefore, to gain the trust of the ‘northerners’, the government will have to
introduce policy alternatives allowing it to appoint northern Muslims to key positions in
government. Perhaps under those circumstances, ongoing and hugely important anti -
corruption efforts can prove more successful. The consensus among most observers is
that the high level of corruption in Nigeria has weakened the government’s legitimacy.
This must be addressed if public confidence in the government is to be restored.
Furthermore, the Multi-National Joint Force created to fight criminal activities in
the Lake Chad area has since 2014 been mandated to assist in the spread of Boko Haram
along the borders of Niger, Nigeria and Chad. However, the insurgents frequently
overwhelm the Nigerian and allied forces based in northern Nigeria. This was confirmed
by the senator from Bono State in Nigeria, MainaMaajiLawan, who said that ‘there is
actually something wrong with the task force that makes them run from their base every
time there is an attack by Boko Haram’. It has emerged clearly that the insurgents have
succeeded in overrunning the bases of this joint military task force.
According to a report by the BBC in 2015, the insurgents attacked a Nigerian Air
Force base in Maiduguri, northern Nigeria, and destroyed two helicopters.All these
events show how ineffective the task force is and demand a more tactical and resilient
regional force. The response of the Economic Community of West African States
(‘ECOWAS’) and the African Union (‘AU’) in tackling the violent insurgence remains a
27
mystery despite the crisis being a topical issue at international, regional and sub-regional
levels. The delayed response by ECOWAS and the AU has been, according to the
Chairman of the ECOWAS, President John Mahama of Ghana, ‘due to the complex
nature of the crisis which demands that the intervention should not be only how to gain
robust military control, but also how to navigate the political landscape of Nigeria’. The
ECOWAS formally sought the approval and backing of the African Union to create a
multi-national force to fight the Boko Haram insurgents during the 2015 AU Summit,
which was approved.
It is good that African countries will play a leading role in the international
intervention as this may provide a platform for solutions that avoid being caught up in
‘war on terror’ rhetoric. It must be stated that the dangers posed by Boko Haram demand
greater attention in Africa and call for a well-formulated and practical counter-
insurgency operation informed by a well-coordinated and flexible inter-agency analysis.
This is because ‘to turn the tide against Boko Haram would require a full scale
counterinsurgency plan across Nigeria, Niger and Cameroon.’ The response needs to be
considerably more effective if it is to effect an immediate change in what is currently
happening in northern Nigeria. This requires concerted multinational efforts to change
the current trajectory aligned to an improvement in the Nigerian military’s capacity to
implement the change.
28
Terrorism affects industries like airlines, tourism, manufacturing companies, and export
sector, which can reduce gross domestic product and growth (Enders and Sandler, 2006.)
Blomberg, Hess and Orphanides (2004) carried out a study on 177 countries ranging from
1968 to 2000 (pooled cross section data). The panel estimates showed that terrorism has a
small effect on per capita income growth for all samples, and it reduces investment. Tavaries
(2004) carried out another study on the cost of terrorism, using sample size ranging from
1987 to 2001. The result showed that terrorism had a significant but negative impact on GDP
growth.
Gupta et al (2004) studied the impact of armed conflict and terrorism on
macroeconomic variables, using a sample size of 66 low- and middle –income countries. It
was observed that conflict indirectly reduces economic growth by increasing the defense
spending share of government expenditure. Eckstein and Tsiddon (2004) investigated the
effect of terrorism on the macro economy of Israel, using quarterly data from 1980 through
2003. Applying vector autoregression (VAR), the result showed that terrorism has a
significant negative impact on per capita GDP, investment and exports.
Gaibulloev and Sandler (2009) in their study ‘the impact of insurgency and conflicts
on growth in Asia 1070-2004’ observed that transnational terrorism attacks had a significant
growth-limiting effect. It reduces growth by crowding in government expenditures.
Achumba, (2013) in their study insecurity in Nigeria and its implication for business
investment and sustainable development indicated that insecurity challenges in the country is
enormous and complex and would continue to be, if the situation remains unabated.
Otto and Ukpere (2012) carried out a study on national security and development in
Nigeria. They observed that there is a positive relationship between security and development
while insecurity is debilitating to the economic development of many less developed
economies. Sandler and Ender (2008) concluded that ‘given the low intensity of most terrorist
campaigns, the economic consequences of terrorism are generally very modest and short-
lived. The economic influence of terrorism is anticipated to surface in specific sectors that
face an enhanced terrorism risk, such as the tourist industry or FDI’. These conclusions were
drawn from their study ‘Economic consequences of terrorism in developed and developing
countries’.
29
CHAPTER THREE
METHODOLOGY
3.1 Introduction
This chapter includes the means used in the collection of data for this research
study. It also covers the research methodology including the introduction, research
design, statement of research question, statement of hypothesis, characteristics of the research
population, sampling method, data collection, validity of research instrument and
limitation to the research.
3.2 Restatement of Research Questions (as stated in Chapter One)
With the help of the research questions, a direction was given to source for
data to facilitate the research instrument.
This research was facilitated by the utilization of research survey method. The
research design used a defined population and collected data from this defined
population. With the data collected, required information about the implication of Boko
Haram insurgency on Nigeria’s National Development was gotten from the population.
30
3.5 Population of the Study
The study targeted the personnel in Tourism sector, State officials, economic analysts
and citizens living on the northern states of Nigeria. The target population provided
information on the rates of unemployment, scarcity of food, rate of economic growth, impact
on tourism as well as the image of the country. These factors are major indicators of the
progress of the country or can be used as measures of the national development. Any change
such as a decline in any of the factors or an improvement will be useful in this study
especially in the Northern State of Nigeria. The targeted people will help with guiding
information on the changes experienced in the period between 2009 and 2015 which
The target people were selected randomly from the tourism sector, the state, economic
analysts and the members of the public to be in the sample. The sample consisted of 80
people who were achieved as follows: 30 people were selected randomly from the tourism
sector. The tourism sector included the tourist guides, wardens and the officers in charge of
the game reserves and the parks. 10 officials of the state from the Northern part of the country
governors who discussed key issues concerning the amount of revenue collected in those
years compared to years when there is minimum Boko Haram activities. They also discussed
about the budget allocated on the security matters in their region which could otherwise been
used for the development of the country. 10 economic analysts who helped in the analysis of
the direction of the economy especially considering the Northern part of the Country. Finally,
31
20 members of the public were consulted on their opinions about the economy and how the
Boko Haram has disrupted their normal life including the employment opportunities.
The primary source of data was the respondents. They provided the study with
firsthand as well as reliable information about the impact of the Boko Haram sect on the
activities of the country including employment activities, tourism sector as well as the image
of the nation which is important in attracting investors to the country. The study also used
secondary data. This included the research materials from written by other researchers who
have investigated the Boko Haram sect impact on other sectors, journals, newspapers
The study designed a questionnaire which was issued to the respondents. The
questionnaire was self-designed with the title “Implication of Boko Haram Insurgency on
closed questions which enabled the study to gather adequate information concerning the
activities of Boko Haram sect in the region. Respondents were required to respond to the set
of questions to their best knowledge possible which revealed the extent which the Boko
Haram had impacted matters national development in the country. The questionnaires were
distributed using drop and pick method for most respondents were they filled the
the other hand, reliability ensures that the measurements are stable as well as seeking to
ensure to maintain consistency of the instruments of the study. The questionnaire was a valid
instrument as well as a reliable one since it helped the study achieve its objectives to a great
extent. Besides, the analysis and interpretations which relied on the data gathered using the
32
questionnaire was done precisely and with completeness. Besides, the measurements were
consistent. For instance, the impact of Boko Haram can be illustrated using the low number
of tourists vising the country as well as increased joblessness of not only the youth but also
Correlation and regression analysis were the methods used to analyze data.
relationship between two variables. In this study, regression will be useful in determining the
relationship between Boko Haram and national development. On the other hand, correction
After conducting research of the target population, the study will focus on the tourist
guides, economists and the citizens. Besides, the study will also focus on the officials of the
state ranging from the local government officials as well as the federal members such as the
house representatives and senators from the Northern States of Nigeria. The reasons as to
why these people are targeted is because they provide very key information about the
progression of the economy. Tourist guides, wardens have useful information on the extent in
which the tourism sector has been affected since they are in daily contact with the parks as
well as the reserves. Besides, they also have information concerning the statistics or the
numbers of the tourists touring the parks and reserves. Moreover, economists provide
information about economic growth as well as analysis of the progress or decline over the
years.
First, the respondents may provide false information. The respondents don’t
provide 100 percent correct information especially in cases where social issues or
questions requiring information which may seem to be directly related to them because
33
they may feel security threat thus providing incorrect response which may amount to
wrong interpretations and thus wrong results. Second, respondents understand and
interpret questions in different ways. One limitations of drop and pick is that the
respondent may not interpret the question as required thus providing wrong responses as
well. Some meanings of concepts or words used may be challenging to the respondents
thus having trouble in understanding the intended meaning which the researcher is trying
to pass. Third, a questionnaire may not be able to express the feelings as well as
even those expressed through body language. This may lead to the loss of very useful
data to the study. Finally, the questionnaire lacks customization to individuals. The
individual characteristics which suite them. General information for all respondents may
not suite every respondent and may not provide all the information.
The research study observed ethics while dealing with the respondents. First, the
study obtained the consent of the respondents before engaging them in research and
disclosed. For identification, they were assigned random numbers which concealed their
identities. In simple terms. Their privacy was observed throughout the period of
research. Third, the respondents were notified about the aims as well as the objectives of
the research and therefore any information provided by them was purposely for the
research. Finally, the questionnaire was formulated using fair language which didn’t
CHAPTER FOUR
34
DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS
4.1 Introduction
CHAPTER FIVE
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Summary
5.3 Conclusion
5.4 Recommendations
QUESTIONAIRE
BIBLIOGRAPGY
APPENDICES
35
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