MAX WEBER AND MICHEL FOUCAULT

Max Weber and Michel Foucault are among the most controversial, and
fascinating, thinkers of our century. This book is the first to analyse them
jointly in detail, and to make effective links between their life and work; it
coincides with a substantial resurgence of interest in their writings.
The book reconstructs the entire intellectual trajectory of Weber and
Foucault. Both aimed to understand the present by pursuing historical
studies. They focused on the formation of the conduct and identity of a
modern form of subjectivity, assuming that much of the specificity and
power of modernity is based here. Such a project is necessarily self-reflexive
and personal; this explains the special importance of Nietzsche for both
thinkers. This subjectivity must also be rooted in certain experiences which
first arouse curiosity, and make the pursuit of a long-run personal research
project possible.
Ir is with this in mi nd that Arpad Szakolczai reconstructs such experi-
ences as a main concern for the book; he treats Weber and Foucault in a
particularly original way as 'parrhesiasts' - as social critics whose insights
call into question the very validity of criticism itself. These two major
thinkers are treated not only as critics, but also as exemplifications of the
crisis they presume to treat. The figure of the parrhesiast raises the issue of
how we fetishise critical authority, as weIl as highlighting the self-referential
implications of their respective criticisms of late modernity.
Szakolczai's exciting interpretative approach reveals a new dimension in
reading the work of Foucault and Weber; it will be invaluable to students
and those researching in Philosophy, Sociology, Political Science,
Comparative Literature and Cultural Studies.
Arpad Szakolczai is Senior Lecturer in Social Theory at the European
Institute in Florence, Italy.
ROUTLEDGE STUDIES IN SOCIAL AND POLITICAL
THOUGHT

1 HAYEK AND AFTER

Hayekian Liberalism as a Research Programme
Jeremy Shearmur
2 CONFLICTS IN SOCIAL SCIENCE
Edited by Anton van Harskamp
3 POLITICAL THOUGHT OF ANDRE GORZ
Adrian Little
4 CORRUPTION, CAPITALISM AND DEMOCRACY
John Girling
5 FREEDOM AND CULTURE IN WESTERN SOCIETY
Hans Bloekland
6 FREEDOM IN ECONOMICS
New Perspectives in Normative Analysis
Edited by J ean-Franfois Laslier, Mare Fleurbaey,
N ieolas Gravel and Alain Trannoy
7 AGAINST POLITICS
On Government and Order
Anthony deJasay
8 MAX WEBER AND MICHEL FOUCAULT
Parallel Life-Works
Arpdd Szakolczai
MAX WEBER AND
MICHEL FOUCAULT
Parallellife-works

Arpad Szakolczai

London and New York

 First published 1998
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
270 Madison Ave, New York NY 10016
Reprinted 2000,2001
Transferred to Digital Printing 2006
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group
© 1998 Arpad. Szakolczai
Typeset in Garamond by Routledge
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic,
mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter
invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system, without permission in
writing from the publishers.
British Library Cataloguing in Publkation Data
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Library 0/ Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data
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ISBN 0-415-16681-0
In Plato's or Xenophon's portrayals of him, we never see Socrates requiring an
examination of conseienee or a eonfession of sins. Here, giving an aeeount of
your life, your bios, is not to give a narrative of the historieal events that have
taken plaee in your life, but rather to demonstrate whether you are able to
show that there is a relation between the rational discourse, the logos, you are
able to use, and the way that you live. Soerates is inquiring into the way that
logos gives form to a person's style of life; for he is interested in discovering
whether there is a harmonie re1ationship between the two.
(Michel Foueault, Discourse and Truth: The Problematization 0/ Parrhesia,
Berke1ey seminars, 1983)
This page intentionally left blank
 CONTENTS

Aeknowledgements lX
Abbreviations Xl

INTRODUCTION 1

Part I Studying life-works

1 ON REFLEXIVE HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY 9
2 ON THE CONDITIONS OF POSSIBILITY OF
UNDERSTANDING 20
3 NIETZSCHE, WEBER AND FOUCAULT: THE KEYS 38
4 NIETZSCHE, WEBER AND FOUCAULT: THEIR PROBLEM 61
INTRODUCTION TO PARTS II AND III 83

Part II Weber's life-work

5 BACKGROUND AND EARLY YEARS (UP TO 1897) 89
6 YEARS OF CRISIS AND QUEST (1897-1910) 132
7 NEW FOCUS AND RECOVERY (1911-1920) 168

Part III Foucault's life-work

8 BACKGROUND AND EARLY YEARS (UP TO 1966) 193
9 YEARS OF QUEST AND CRISIS 0966-1979) 218
10 NEW FOCUS AND RECOVERY (1980-1984) 246
Conclusion 263
Notes 267
Bibliography 292
Name index 304
Subjeet index 309

V11
This page intentionally left blank
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This book was in the making for almost six years. Given the conditions, this
was more than a luxury. During this period, I accumulated a huge debt to a
number of people and institutions to whom I would like to express my grat-
itude.
The European University Institute provided a unique environment in
more ways than one. Indeed, nowhere else would such a project - a
Hungarian writing in English about a French and a German thinker in Italy
- have been possible. Due to its attraction for visitors, it was also an excel-
lent setting for stimulating discussions with Zygmunt Bauman, Bert
Dreyfus, Didier Eribon, Franc;ois Ewald, Clifford Geertz, Bernd Giesen,
Alois Hahn, Michele Lamont, Maite Larrauri, Stephen Mennell, Peter
Miller, Richard Sakwa, Martin Riesebrodt, Peggy Somers, Wolfgang
Schluchter. I thank all of them for their willingness to discuss aspects of my
project, and also for their precious advice.
I am most grateful for the unwavering support of the Research Ctmncil of
the EUI, in spite of the rather unconventional character of the project. My
research assistants, Monica Greco and especially Sebastian Rinken - without
whose expert and patient help in the labyrinth of Weber's German this
project could not have gone ahead - were of crucial help. The support of the
Research Council also enabled me to undertake several visits to the Foucault
Archives in Paris, and Sebastian Rinken to visit the Weber Archives in
Munich. I would like to thank the Bibliotheque de Saulchoir and j the Max
Weber Arbeitsstelle an der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften for ~heir kind
assistance. My gratitude to Daniel Defert is especially great, as he kindly
allowed me to browse in the personal library of Michel Foucault for several
days. This is also the place to express my thanks for the support of the
Library of the EUI, especially Peter Kennealy, and the members of its
Interlibrary Loan service, who managed to meet my requests for the
strangest books and editions.
During these years, I must have annoyed many people with my insistence
that they read parts or even the whole of the different draft versions of the
manuscript. I owe a lot to all those who were not deterred, and who gave
lX
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

important advice and reinforcement: Jeffrey Alexander, William Connolly,

Harvey Goldman, Gianfranco Poggi, Giovanna Procacci, Keith Tribe, and
Dennis Wrong. I am especially grateful for the very detailed written
comments by Daniel Defert and Colin Gordon.
This book owes much more than usual to the students who participated
in my seminars during the past six years, and who provided support in
several ways. I am grateful to each and every one, but let me single out,
apart from Monica and Sebastian, Knut Mittendorfer, Stefan Rossbach,
Roberta Sassatelli and Harald Wydra.
The encouragement and interest of Elemer Hankiss, Alessandro Pizzorno,
Paul Rabinow and Ivan Szelenyi provided tireless support throughout the
entire period. They read and commented on different drafts, were willing to
share their views repeatedly about the problems of the project, and in the
most difficult moments always gave just the right kind of advice.
The guilt I feel towards Daniel, Peter, J anos, then to Tamas, and even to
Istvan, is great, because of some of the conditions in which this book has
been written. I can only hope - and promise - that this experience will not
be repeated.
About my debts to Agnes I must be silent.
Arpad Szakolczai
Fiesoie, 21 February 1997

x
 ABBREVIATIONS

Abbreviations are for works by Weber and Foucault frequendy used in the
book, although only in the reference sections, while in the main text a short-
ened version of the tide will be used.
ForWeber
A] Weber, M. ({l921}1952) AncientJudaism, New York: The Free Press.
ES - - ({1921-22}1978) Economy andSociety, Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press.
FMW - - (1948) From Max Weber, H. Gerth and C. W. Mills (eds), London: Roudedge.
(It contains the Einleitung, translated as The Social Psychology 0/ the Warld Religions,
and the Zwischenbetraehtung, translated as Religious Rejections 0/ the World and Their
Directions.)
GARS - - (1920-21) Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Religionssoziologie, 3 vols, Tübingen: ]. C.
B. Mohr. It contains the Vorbemerkung, the PE, the essays on Protestant Sects, and
the Economie Ethie 0/ World Religions essays (Die Wirtseha/tethik der Weltreligionen -
WEWR) (Referred co as Soeiology o/Religions.)
]B - - (1936)Jugendbrie/e, Marianne Weber (ed.), Tübingen:]. C. B. Mohr.
MSS - - (1949) On the Methodology 0/ the Social Scienees, E. A. Shils and H. A. Finch
(eds), Glencoe: The Free Press. (It contains the 'Objectivity', the 'Value Freedom'
and the 'Meyer' essays.)
MWG - - (1981-) Max Weber Gesamtausgabe, H. Baier, M. R. Lepsius, W. J. Mommsen,
W. Schluchter, ]. Winckelmann (eds), Tübingen: ]. C. B. Mohr. (Roman numeral
I is given to the writings, II to the letters. Texts from this collection are cited by
volume or page number.)
PE - - ({192011995) The Protestant Ethie and the 'Spirit' 0/ Capitalism, Los Angeles:
Roxbury. (It also contains the Vorbemerkung, translated as 'Author's Introduction'.)
PE2 - - (1978) Die protestentische Ethik, Vol. 2, Gütersloh: Mohn. (Ir contains the
'anticritical essays'.)
PW - - (1994) Politkal Writings, P. Lassman and R. Speirs (eds), Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press. (It contains a new translation of 'Politics as a
Vocation' and the Freiburg inaugural address.)
SV - - (1989) Max Weber's 'Science as a Voeation', P. Lassman and R. Speirs (eds),
London: Unwin Hyman. (It contains a new translation of'Science as a Vocation'.)
WB Weber, Marianne «(192611988) Max Weber: A Biography, Oxford: Transactions
Books. (Referred to as Biography.)

Xl
 ABBREVIATIONS

Für Füucault
AK Foucault, M. ([1969}1976) The Archeology 0/ Knowledge, New York: Harper.
BC - - ([1963}1975) The Birth 0/ the Clinic: An Archeology 0/ Medical Perception, New
York: Vintage.
CS - - ([1984}1987) The Care 0/ the Self, New York: Vintage.
DE - - (1994) Dits et ecrits, Four vols, D. Defert and F. Ewald (eds), Paris: Gallimard.
(Texts from this collection are either cited by volume and page number, or by the
chronological number given ro them. Vol I, pp. 13-64 is the Chronology by D.
Defert.)
DP - - ([1975}1979) Discipline and Punish, New York: Vintage.
EB Eribon, D. (1991) Michel Foucault, second edn, Paris: Flammarion. (English transla-
tion of first edn: Michel Foucault (1991), Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press.)
FE Foucault, M. (1991) The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality, G. Burehell, C.
Gordon and P. Miller (eds), London: Harvester Wheatsheaf.
FF - - (1988) The Final Foucault, J. Bernauer and D. Rasmussen (eds), Cambridge,
MA: MIT Press.
FR - - (1984) The Foucault Reader, P. Rabinow (ed.), New York: Pantheon.
HF - - ([1961}1972) Histoire de la folie cl Fage classique, Paris: Gallimard. (Partial
English translation: Madness and Civilisation (1965), New York: Mentor.)
LCP - - (1977) Language, Counter-Memory, Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews, D. F.
Bouchard (ed.), Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
OD - - (1971) L'ordre du discours, Paris: Gallimard. (Published in English as an
Appendix to The Archeology 0/ Knowledge.)
OT - - ([1966}1973) The Order o/Things, New York: Vintage.
PK - - (1980) Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings by Michel
Foucault, 1972-1977, C. Gordon (ed.), Brighton: Harvester.
PPC - - (1988) Politics, Philosophy, Culture: Interviews and Other Writings, 1. D.
Kritzman (ed.), London: Routledge.
RR - - (1963) Raymond Roussel, Paris: Gallimard.
TS - - (1988) Technologies 0/ the Self, 1. H. Martin, H. Gutman and P. H. Hutton
(eds), London: Tavistock.
UP - - ([1984}1986) The Use o/Pleasure, New York: Vintage.
WK - - ([1976J1980) The History 0/ Sexuality, Vol. I: An Introduction, New York:
Vintage. (Original title: La volonti de savoir - The Will to Know.)

XlI
 INTRODUCTION

Writing a book on Weber and Foucault looks at once self-evident and

perplexing. It is self-evident due to the striking similarity in the themes
Weber and Foucault studied and in their approach, but it is still perplexing,
as they are associated with opposing corners in the contemporary intellectual
landscape.
Concerning similarity, both were much interested in the study of power,
giving almost identical definitions. 1 Furthermore, both dosely connected
power to knowledge and rationality, and studied this connection in histor-
ical studies centring on the reconstruction of the process of social discipline
in the early modern period. In these studies, the emphasis was not on the
absolutist state and its institutions, nor on economic processes, but on the
exercise of power over individual souls and bodies, on the regularisation and
extension of a methodical control over the conduct of life. Moreover, at the
same moment in their lives, when they were widely expected to come up
with a definite statement about power and modernity, both took a deep
plunge into Antiquity. Weber focused on economic ethics, while Foucault's
foeus was on sexual ethics; Weber grounded this in religion, Foucault in
philosophy; Weber studied Ancient Israel, India and China (never getting to
the Christian period which was the starting point), while Foucault studied
Greece and Rome (not managing to finish his work on early Christianity, his
starting point). The differences are rather in the accents placed within a
fundamentally similar undertaking.
The similarity had already been recognised in the late 1970s and involved
the four people who at that time were both personally and intellectually
perhaps the dosest to Foucault: Daniel Defert, Pasquale Pasquino, Paul
Rabinow and Paul Veyne. 2 As a result, in his last years Foucault seriously
studied and read Weber and frequently made references to his works in inter-
views and lectures. Two of these instances are worth mentioning here. One is
a tribute to Phi lippe Aries, perhaps the last writing (not interview) that
Foucault published, that has a strong autobiographical component. There he
stated that the problems Aries posed were dose to Weber's, even though Aries
(like most French historians, in fact) ignored Weber (DEIV: 647). The other
1
 INTRODUCTION

is an unpublished section of a 1983 interview where Foucault stated that 'if

Nietzsche interests me, this is only to the extent that Nietzsche for Weber
was absolutely determining, even if in general it is not said' (Foucault 1983:
14). Though this segment of the interview did not get published, no doubt
partly due to the unfortunate formulation that could be read as an historical
account and not a late recognition by Foucault of the similarity between the
way he and Weber read Nietzsche, the fact that this was uttered is significant,
as the decisive impact Nietzsche exerted on Foucault is well-known.
Since the mid-1980s, a number of books and articles have been written
on the Weber-Foucault link. 3 Still, even today, the connection cannot be
taken for granted,4 and Weber and Foucault are classified into different
realms. Weber is seen as a founding father of sociology, a champion of value-
free sociology, a methodologist of objectivity and ideal types and a theorist
of rationality and the rationalisation process. Foucault, on the other hand, is
considered a post-modern or post-structuralist thinker, achampion of
gender and sexual politics and a critic of value-freedom, objectivity and
rationality.
However, in this very difference there is a commonality. Weber and
Foucault are seen as distant, as their reception suffered similar vicissitudes.
The problems of Weber's reception, especially the role attributed to Parsons,
have been widely discussed for decades (Erdelyi 1992, Pope and Whitney
1975, Turner and Factor 1984). It was this reception that made a sociologist
of the 'bureaucratisation' and 'rationalisation' processes out of Weber.
Though the reception of Foucault has so far been much less studied (for
exceptions, see Franche et al., 1997), the argument can be repeated: it is this
reception that made a post-modern, post-structuralist thinker out of
Foucault whose works belong to sexual politics or cultural studies, not to
philosophy or social theory.
Though the srudy of reception, whether based on the sociology of
Bourdieu (Pinto 1995) or the philosophical hermeneutics of Gadamer
(Holub 1984) has recently become a much discussed topic in itself, the
problems posed by the reception of Weber and Foucault are different, more
delicate. Far from purely reconstructing intellectual or institutional influ-
ences and constraints or the way texts are read by the public, they conjure an
evaluative dimension, and thus require special care. The idea is not to set up
rules for concrete applications, rather to reflect upon the way the works of
thinkers acquire a more or less standard interpretation and gain certain
labels, and to argue that this institutionalised version of their works may be
contradictory to their spirit or even their word, and may impede the full
potential of their use.
These problems of reception imply that understanding Weber or Foucault
creates major problems and pos es the task of seeking a better understanding.
Ir would be quite wrong to take the issue lightly, for the difficulties encoun-
tered so far almost guarantee that any naive attempt to come up with a
2
 INTRODUCTION

decisive interpretation would meet a similar fate. This is all the more so as
problems of reception started during the lifetime of the authors. For Weber,
this is best visible in the anticritical essays, while for Foucault, in interviews
given from the 1970s. As will be argued below in much detail, both of them
were intensely concerned with the reception of their own work, and reflected
upon the reasons it was so problematical, and these reflections had an effect
on the work itself. Thus, in both their cases, a strict separation between the
work and its reception cannot be maintained.
All this indicates that, even without siding with the critiques, one has to
admit that the works themselves pose a special type of difficulties. In fact,
commentators have since long pointed out the fragmentary character of
these works and the difficulty of their elassification into established disci-
plinary lines. Concerning Weber, for Mommsen 0974: 1) there is not just
one Weber, and given the wealth of perspectives and the variety of his writ-
ings, it is impossible to distill a central theme (Mommsen 1987: 6). Kalberg
0979: 127) asserted that '[ilt has become such a commonplace to consider
Max Weber's reuvre as a fragmented one without a trace of internal unity
that any claim to the contrary is likely to be met with scepticism'. Other
major Weber scholars similarly questioned the idea of comprehending the
work of a scholar as a unified whole (Riesebrodt 1986: 476, Schluchter
1989: 575, fn 10).
In terms of disciplinary labels, Weber is usually considered a sociologist,
but even this is far from being uncontroversial. According to Mommsen,
Weber was a historian, not a sociologist, while Hennis elassifies hirn as a
political scientist in the elassical sense. Some called attention to the early
work that was elearly not sociological in the usual sense (Käsler 1988,
Riesebrodt 1986, Scaff 1984, Tribe 1983), while others noted the peculiar
characteristics of Weber's career. Still others argued that 'Weber was reluc-
tant to use the term "sociology" when referring to his own work' (Velody
and Lassman 1989: 190), and that 'we must dispense with any attempt to
assign Max Weber to any specialised discipline' (Hennis 1991: 53, fn 1).
The unity of Foucault's work has presented similar difficulties for readers.
Most of the interviewers in the 1970s started with this question. In his
answer, Foucault then usually refused the very idea of coherence, the unity of
an reuvre. As a result, by now the dispersed, disconnected, fragmentary
nature ofFoucault's work is handled as evidence (EB: 253, Eribon 1994: 19,
Macey 1993: xix). Macey even elaimed in his tide that Foucault had several
lives. The same considerations apply to questions of statusand identity. The
books do not fit easily into philosophy, history, sociology or psychology.
Alan Sheridan, who had known Foucault since 1957, started his book, the
first general account of Foucault's work, with this puzzle of identity
(Sheridan 1980: 1). The perplexity was shared by somebody as elose to
Foucault as Georges Dumezil who had known hirn since 1956 and who
stated that 'he escaped me. His personality escaped in all senses. I had the
3
 INTRODUCTION

impression of knowing everything about hirn and at the same time nothing'
(Eribon 1994: 31). To make things more complicated, throughout most of
his life, Foucault explicitly rejected disciplinary labels and refused to iden-
tify hirnself (AK 16, DElI: 105, 2%, 377, 720, DElI!: 376, 573, DEIV:
777, TS: 9).
Furthermore, just as problems of reception bothered Weber and Foucault,
they also kept reflecting on this issue of status and coherence at a late stage
of their careers, even though this caused them considerable perplexity and
uneasiness. Furthermore, each of them realised that this fundamental ques-
tion was the underlying problem of their work, and that its specification in
the works themselves was unsatisfactory, though they tucked this away in
rather obscure pieces of writing. For Weber, these are contained in the anti-
critical essays, showing also the tight connection between reception and
self-reflection; writings that were almost completely neglected until Hennis
(1988) recognised their importance. For Foucault, the clearest statement is
contained in an interview published in 1977 in Japanese. Like most inter-
views of the period, it started with a quest ion about the misunderstanding
surrounding Foucault's work in Japan. However, after acknowledging that
such difficulties also arose in France, and instead of blaming others, Foucault
claimed there was a good reason for this state of affairs, as things were not
completely clear even for hirn for a long time. At the moment, he was
tracing a guiding thread in his works, and he found that indeed there was a
progression, but there wasone thing he did not understand weH so far: 'what
was the problem that made me run' (DElI!: 399-400). Finally, these reflec-
tions, just like the concern with reception, also had a significant effect,
defining the trajectory of his work during the remaining years.
The concern Weber and Foucault had with their own work, much against
their inclination, suggests that the difficulties related to unity and status,
just like those related to reception, were genuine and serious, not to be taken
lightly. In itself, neither fragmentariness, nor a lack of disciplinary identifi-
cation presented serious difficulties. The lack of internal unity is acceptable
for those who safely anchor the work in a particular discipline (sociology,
history, political science, philosophy), or an inteHectual movement
(Marxism, post-modernism, post-structuralism). Similarly, the externailabel
is of little concern if the work has a clear internal coherence and direction.
However, when both external and internal reference points break down, this
pos es a serious dilemma, as the work seems to fall into a void, posing the
quest ion of how such a work could have come into being. Thus, if the ques-
ti on regarding difficulties of reception was about understanding the work,
the question regarding the simultaneous difficulty with unity and status
concerns its very existence.
The difficulties outlined above, however, provide some suggestions about
the way out. First of all, the similarities in the problems encountered in the
works of Weber and Foucault indicate that the solution, the proper approach
4
 INTRODUCTION

to the works, must also be searched for jointly. The common elements of
these works are not to be treated as a marginal issue, a matter of commen-
tary, but as providing a key for understanding each of them. In other words,
Weber is to be approached through Foucault, and Foucault through Weber.
Starting at a very general level, even beyond the body of the work itself, a
characteristic often mentioned with respect to both Weber and Foucault is
the doseness between the writer and the work. 5
The link between life and work, between biographical details and theo-
retical ideas, is an old problem. It can be traced back to the concern with the
origins of ideas. In social science, it is formulated as the dilemma between
personality and social structure. Recently it has received renewed attention
due to the strong biographical interest visible at the level both of popular
literature and sociological analysis. Perhaps the most influential theoretical
approach to the life-work connection is Freudian psycho-history the popu-
larity of which is due to its ability to offer widely appealing revelations
about the private (especially sexual) lives of celebrities while also daiming to
offer a decisive account of the sources of the most influential social theories.
The standard approaches, however, yielded an impasse. The idea that the
works of Weber and Foucault could be better understood through an intel-
lectual biography, a Freudian psycho-history or a reconstruction of the social
context in which they were written would be greeted with just suspicion.
And yet, given the strong life-work links, any attempt that would ignore
them and restrict attention to concrete writings would cut itself off from the
possibility of understanding the significance of the work, and seriously
impair the potential for further research. This is because these works were
extremely personal, in more than one sense. They were very dose to the
authors. For Weber and Foucault, their work was their life, and their life was
their work. This implies that their research was motivated by and based
upon personal experiences, problems they encountered in their lives, within
themselves, in their own being. The authors realised it themselves, although
they were extremely reluctant on this point. 6 This was not simply due to a
fear that the work might then be considered as a purely private affair, but to
a profound hostility and opposition to the 'subjectivism of modern culture'
(Simmel). Their work was by no means an attempt to express feelings or
relate personal experiences, but starting from problems experienced as
personal, existential difficulties it attempted to gain access to the central
characteristics of modern societies, the heart of the modern condition - even
the human condition itself.
The work, therefore, is more than a set of ideas that one could compare,
assess and discuss. It is aseries of unceasing efforts; it is a life-work as a quest.
It is the dynamics of this quest that must be reconstructed. Thus, Parts II
and III of this book will provide an in-depth reconstruction of the dynamics
of the entire life-works ofWeber and Foucault.
This leads to the quest ion of method. The previous discussion provides
5
 INTRODUCTION

some cues even here. As their own work presented problems to the authors
themselves, Weber and Foucault frequently reflected on it and summarised
their views in some of their most important later writings. As part of the
generalised principles of doubt and suspicion that have been characteristic of
modern rational thought since Descartes, the authors' views on their own
works are usually not given much attention. However, there are certain
reasons for making an exception here, or even reconsidering the whole issue.
The aim of these late reflections was not to summarise ideas or theories,
rather to specify the underlying problem of the entire works, which
presented a genuine difficulty for the authors themselves. Finally, these
reflections did not remain external after-thoughts on work already
completed long before, but became agents, catalysts in the ongoing work
itself. Due to this, Chapters 3 and 4 will present the authors' own reflections
on their work. Chapter 3 will analyse a single text by the author that is the
concluding, representative result of these exercises, while Chapter 4 recon-
structs the whole process.
Though these authorial self-reflections will be taken seriously, they will
not be the last words in quest ions of method. This is partly because it would
only beg the question about the reasons why and the conditions under which
such authorial reflections gain significance and even become an effective
force on the work itself. Partly, however, it is because the problems encoun-
tered so far about reception, and status and unity, as weil as the claims made
about life-work links, its dynamics and the role of self-reflection, pose a
series of general, theoretical and methodological questions. Most impor-
tantly, this involves a reconceptualisation of experience. How can a work be
based upon and driven by personal experiences? What renders the pursuit of
such a project possible? Part of the answer lies in the example of Nietzsche,
which - it will be argued in detail - was the most significant inteilectual
encounter in the lives of both Weber and Foucault. The answer, however,
also requires the elaboration of a methodology for the proper reading of
authors like Weber and Foucault. The new approach thus established,
however, will at the same time be very old indeed, as it will be based upon
the work of anthropologists, especially Victor Turner, and students of
Ancient philosophy, especially Pierre Hadot and Bric Voegelin. Chapter 2
will provide the outlines of this methodological approach.
Finaily, the idea that the understanding of Weber and Foucault should
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handled as two singular individuals, but rather as representative cases of a
type. The emphasis on the personal character of their work was not made in
order to reduce its relevance to them as people (that would be absurd
anyway, given its wide appeal), but to specify a certain type of thought.
Before reconstructing the dynamics of their work, the book will therefore
start with a short discussion of the field of thought in which thinkers like
Weber and Foucault can be situated.
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