1

Raffael Joorde, Dortmund (Germany)

Juba II of Mauretania and the description of Africa in his „Libyca“

Juba II (about 50 BC to 23 AD) was son of the Numidian king Juba I.1 After his death in 46
BC and after the conquest and division of the Numidian kingdom by the Roman general C.
Iulius Caesar, little Juba arrived during the Roman triumphal procession to Rome. There he
was educated later in a Hellenistic-Roman way at the instigation of Emperor Augustus. In 25
BC Augustus set him in Mauretania as a client king2; to his kingdom also were some
Gaetulian areas included.3 Juba II married Cleopatra Selene who was the only daughter of the
Egyptian queen Cleopatra VII and the Roman general Marc Antony in 20 BC. There was born
a son named Ptolemy. Juba II was for Roman political interests an important ruler because he
made sure that his subjects adopted quickly Roman culture and lifestyle. During his reign
Juba II sent out geographical research expeditions beyond his kingdom such as the Purple
Islands or the Canary Islands in the Atlantic Ocean, and so he opened new economic
opportunities. The Gaetulian neighbors at the southern border of his kingdom did not seem to
want to open the romanization because during Juba’s reign there were quite a few many years
of uprising against him; the riots attended almost war-like conditions and could only be
crushed with help of Roman generals.4

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1
For Juba II in general see Roller (2004), 1-5; Fündling (1998), 1185-1186; Jacoby (1916), 2384-2395; Jacoby
(1954), 317-357. For the political situation during Juba’s reign see also Gozalbes Cravioto (2011), 155. An
outline of the history about Juba’s ancestors presents Roller (2003), 11-32; for Juba I see Ritter (1987), 126-134.
2
Client kings were allied kings or chiefs of peoples at the borders of the Roman Empire. For the year 25 BC cf.
recently Gozalbes Cravioto (2011), 158 who refers concerning the chronology to the historian Dio Cassius and to
coinage of Juba II; cf. also Roller (2003), 107.
3
Among Gaetulians Roman authors understood larger tribes of ancient Libyan peoples who settled at the
southern borders of Mauretania and Numidia.
4
Cf. Mattingly (1995), 115-116; Gutsfeld (1989), 33-38 and 42-45.
 2

His residence Juba II moved to the coastal city of Iol in which he improved the infrastructure
and called it Caesarea. Not only in his kingdom one appreciated him as ruler, also outside
(cities in Spain, Athens) he was honored by offices, inscriptions and statues. In addition to his
political duties Juba II devoted himself to writing. He wrote a variety of works of cultural
history and works with ethnographic, zoological, and with geographical content; these works,
however, are lost and only some fragments in later authors survived.5 Already earlier
researchers saw in Juba II a pure compiler. Just as Alexandros Polyhistor wrote a large
number of writing with different content more in a compiled than in a scientific way in the
first century BC, early researchers considered the written works of the Numidian as carefully
researched compiled writings of a bookworm; scholars thought that these writings, however,
have no scientific value. So they thought that Juba II gathered much knowledge like his
contemporary Alexandros. This, however, was not evaluated scientifically and therefore
incredible things were taken uncritically.6 Juba II, however, was more than just a compiler.
Whereever it was possible, he tried to increase knowledge of the African continent through
autopsy. So it is assumed in recent research that the king prepared several expeditions and
sent them out to various destinations one the one hand to confirm or to disprove the reports of
older geographers and historians, and secondly to provide in fact new material for the
scholarly world. Only in the works which dealt with Juba’s own home or Africa, modern
historians confessed to him in addition to the use of existing written sources own ability to
work independently. For a ruler born in North Africa, so they argue, he would have had a very
good knowledge concerning geography, flora and fauna as well as the political situation in
African regions.7

In this essay I want to go into a written work by Juba II which was an extensive description of
Africa. As far as can be seen in the surviving fragments, Juba’s “Libyca” was divided in
several books. So mythology was treated, probably in the presentation of his own royal family
tree. There were also accurate descriptions of geographical features, the flora and fauna, and
certainly descriptions of the inhabitants of Northwest- and Central Africa. Jacoby assumed
that all fragments of Juba II dealing with West Africa and the inland would go back to the
“Libyca”. Egypt was treated possibly also in the “Libyca”.8

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5
Juba’s fragments (FGrHist 275) are collected in Jacoby’s text volume (1954), 127-155. A new edition of the
fragments of Greek historians with commentary who are based on Jacoby’s fragment collection, comes for
several years in a comprehensive online-project: There is also the text of Juba’s fragments edited new by Duane
W. Roller: [Roller, Duane W.. "Juba II of Mauretania (275)." Brill’s New Jacoby. Editor in Chief: Ian
Worthington (University of Missouri). Brill Online, 2015. Reference. 06 October 2015
http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/brill-s-new-jacoby/juba-ii-of-mauretania-275-a275]. The text of the
fragments of Juba’s geographical writings is also found in Roller (2004).
6
So Jacoby (1954), S. 317.
7
Cf. Jacoby (1954), 317. Roller (2003), 187, assumes that Juba II could draw in his library on the whole
repertoire of all the important authors who wrote before him on North Africa and Aethiopia. For Juba’s library
cf. Roller (2003), 183.
8
Cf. Jacoby (1916), 2389; Roller (2003), 191.
 3

The book on the plant Euphorbion which was ancient authors known was possibly originally
part of the „Libyca“.9 As Jacoby noted Iuba II had „den Ehrgeiz, so etwas zu sein wie die
alten Ptolemäer für Alexandria (…). Die Anknüpfung war ja durch Selene gegeben.“
Accordingly was in his literary work “„Interesse für die Entdeckungsfahrten der Ptolemäer
sehr deutlich. Wie diese hat auch er eine Bibliothek gegründet.“10 Similarly, Roller sees an
influence of Cleopatra Selene who was Juba’s wife in the conception of this work. Through
her communication Juba II had access to many reports of the expedition leaders. On behalf of
the Ptolemaic kings in Alexandria the expeditions were sent into the interior of Nubia, into the
interior of East Africa, and also by sea along the shores of the Red Sea. For Roller the
“Libyca” are a “general work on North Africa” which linked the West with the East by
through processing of different sources. So this work led to a “connection between
Mauretania and Ptolemaic Egypt.”11 As North African client king Juba II had also the duty to
represent the foreign policy ideas of Emperor Augustus. The Roman Emperor propagated as
imperator over almost the entire Oikumene (the known world) an expansion idea which had
already floated in the Republican era in the minds of Roman generals: goal of a good foreign
policy should be the expansion beyond the frontiers of the Roman Empire and the domination
of the so-called barbarians. The client kings should try to expand with help of the Roman
armies and with help of their own troops beyond the borders and outlying areas of the
provinces. Such a client king was Juba II.12

As a preliminary study to illustrate the history of Africa, the so-called “Travels of Hanno”
could apply, and this document could have possibly later incorporated by Juba II in his
“Libyca”. Hanno was a Carthaginian shophet who undertook around 500 BC two sea
expeditions along the West African coast. On the first trip, he founded colonies north of the
river Lixos, and on the second trip he explored the Atlantic coast south of the island named
Cerne which was a trading post and the outermost point of West Africa known by later Greek
and Roman writers.13

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9
Cf. Jacoby (1916), 2391.
10
Jacoby (1916), 2387.
11
Roller (2004), 48; Roller (2003), 183-185; cf. also Gozalbes Cravioto (2011), 181.
12
Gozalbes Cravioto (2011), 159.
13
Gozalbes Cravioto (2011), 161.
 4

Presumably Juba II had presented a Greek translation of the logbook (or travel diary) of
Hanno the Carthaginian together with a detailed comment within this document. There is a
quote in Athenaeus of Naucratis (8.343) who wrote around 200 AD. He calls this document in
addition to the “Libyca”. If Juba II, as Roller assumes, has transferred first the Punic text into
Greek and made known it to the scholarly Greco-Roman world, it would be an extraordinary
attainment. As Roller assumes, the original inscription was in Carthage until its destruction in
146 BC. Only the Greek historian Polybius (200 – 120 BC) had been able to see the
inscription in the Temple of Kronos at that time. Later surviving books from Punic libraries
(or whole libraries?) had been distributed to Numidian kings, and again after the conquest of
Numidia they came in Roman hands. Even the report of Hanno could have stood as a text in
such a library, so that Juba II was able to use it later – and he had access to “Punic books”.14

In recent research, it is believed, Juba II has compiled his “Libyca” not only from a variety of
written sources, but he was also actively involved in the exploration of the African continent.
First he merited by explorating the Atlantic Ocean coast of his Mauretanian kingdom.
Gozalbes Cravioto points out that this active exploration was overlooked in modern research.
As proof he relies on Pliny the Elder in his “Naturalis Historia” where he reports on the sea
expedition of Polybius along the West African coast. However, shortly after the mention of
Polybius, Pliny suddenly refers in the text to Agrippa who carried out a survey of the
Oikumene (the known world) for Emperor Augustus. These information of Agrippa which
many other modern historians return on statements of Polybius, would, however, go back on
research of Juba II.15 Mederos Martín dates the expedition of Polybius in 146/45 BC. which
had happened either shortly before or after the destruction of Carthage. Another proof that
Agrippa’s data can not go back to Polybius was the naming of the Gaetuli which are first
mentioned in Roman literature in the work of the historian Sallustius.16

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14
Roller (2004), 43-44.
15
Gozalbes Cravioto (2011), 163; to the individual research approaches on the chronology of Polybius’
expedition cf. Mederos Martín (2013), 243; ancient sources: Plin. nat. hist. 5. 9-10 = Polyb. 34.15.7 Hultsch =
Agrippa F 25 Riese.
16
Mederos Martín (2013), 258. The Gaetulians are first mentioned in Roman literature in the so-called „African
digression“ within the Bellum Jugurthinum of the historian Sallustius (86 – 35 BC): Sall. Jug. 18.1 and further;
cf. also Roller (2003), 183.
 5

All the known places in Juba’s periplus would be within his sphere of influence, thus under
direct control. As Mederos Martín points out, from the periplus only three major coastal cities
(Lixos, Sala, Rutubis) survived as text fragments, in which he sees foundations of the
Phoenicians as well as three major rivers (Subuta [today Sebou], Salad [today Salé,
Bouregreg], and Oum er-Rbia). Then on a promontory (Cabo del Sol Cantin) there was the
beginning of the region which was inhabited by the Gaetulian Autololes. From the periplus
only the name of the harbor (Rhysaddir / Rs Addir) survived. Juba II sent another expedition
inland (the region of Gaetulia) to determine the southern borders of his sphere of influence
and to explore the unknown regions. This expedition was also undertaken for economic
reasons.

Even the Atlas Mountains were explored by an expedtion. Juba II thought to find the origin of
the river Nile in the mountains of Mauretania near the ocean. In the question of the origin of
the sources of the Nile he joined the theories of the Greek researcher Euthymenes of Massilia
who had traveled the western Atlantic along the African coast about five hundred years
earlier. Because he found there same animals and plants like along the Nile, he believed in a
western course of this great river. In addition to the views of Euthymenes there were
numerous other theories in ancient geographers and historians about the course of the Nile
and its sources. Iuba II sent out an expedition that should clarify this geographical problem.
The members of this expedition traveled to extreme Mauretania and arrived in these
mountains to a lake named Nilides. From there they brought for the king a crocodile as gift.
Seeing this reptile and hearing the name of the lake, Juba II felt confirmed in his theory that
the Nile supposedly flows in western direction and has its origins in western Mauretania. In
connection with the Atlas-Expedition seems to be the discovery of the plant Euphorbia.
Maybe, so Gozalbes Cravioto assumes, the passage in Strabo (17.3.5) could be stand in this
context.

_______________
17
Mederos Martín (2013), 259.
18
Gozalbes Cravioto (2011), 167.
19
Roller (2003), 193 (also for the use of the sources by Juba II). For Juba’s opinion about the western course of
the Nile see: F 38a = Plin. nat. hist. 5.51 and F 38b = Amm. Marc. 22.15.8-9. Ammianus Marcellinus, a historian
in the 4th century AD, points out particularly that Juba relied on literature in Punic language when he tried to
clarify this geographical problem („rex autem Juba, Punicorum confisus textu librorum …“). For Euthymenes of
Massilia cf. Roller (2006), 15-19. For the older state of research see Hennig (1944), 80-85. For the exploration of
the sources of the Nile in western Africa cf. also Gozalbes Cravioto (2011), 175-181. For the exploration of the
Canarian Islands under Juba II. cf. Gozalbes Cravioto (2011), 167-172.
20
Gozalbes Cravioto (2011), 179.
 6

Most surviving fragments of Juba II can be found in the “Naturalis History” of the Roman
scholar Pliny the Elder (23/24 – 79 AD). In his description of Africa Pliny uses Juba II as
main source. In most cases Juba II is called as an authority with information on distances, for
the mention of unknown peoples as well as expert on flora and fauna. Noteworthy is the fact
that Juba II is often cited in Pliny’s books as a specialist for the presence of important
resources such as beads, precious stones or metals. This suggests that Juba II was also
informed about various trade routes in the Arab region and in East African regions. It is
striking that Juba II is almost never quoted by contemporaries. As only contemporary the
geographer Strabo of Amasia quoted him in his “Geographica”: he calls him in connection
with the receipt of the domination of Mauretania [T 4b = Strabo 6.4.2 p. 288 and T8a = Strabo
17.3.12 p. 831(Juba II converts the city of Iol in Caesarea); cf. Strabo 17.3.7 p. 828; 17.3.9 p.
829 where Strabo says that Juba II died short before. Otherwise Strabo quotes Juba II in his
seventeenth book which deals with Egypt and the rest of known Africa not by name.

It is increasingly clear that Juba’s research on African geography differs to a great extent from
the views of other ancient scholars, especially from the Hellenistic period. I would like
explain this with a few fragments: possibly Juba II believed in a circumnavigation of the
African continent. So he assumed that from an unidentified promontory of Africa (Mossylon)
to the Atlantic Ocean begins. In his opinion it would be the wind Corus which is a help for
seafarers to sail along the continent and passing by his kingdom Mauretania and reach the
Spanish market town of Gades. It seems as if this view is either once in the “newer”
geographical literature or at least greatly differing from other ancient geographers. Pliny
studies Juba’s view unspecified, however, he wanted this view not deprive his readers.21 For
Roman readers this was only an allegation of Juba II which had obviously not been confirmed
by other authors nor had been proved. It seems Pliny wanted to say that Juba II wants to
impose other scholars his view (sententia) that differs greatly from the general literary canon.
But why should Juba II only draw up a statement since he was otherwise a scrupulously
correct author? Perhaps there arrived yet at his time or short time before actually sailors in
Spain who had been made a circumnavigation of the African continent. If Juba II had just
referred to the since Herodotus well-known circumnavigation of Africa by the Phoenicians at
the instigation of Pharao Necho II, the special distancing of Pliny would have been
incomprehensible. For an extension of this geographical horizon stands Juba’s view that in
deviation of older views one can sail, in fact, passing by the islands in the Arabian Gulf, in the
ocean to the south.22 The fact that Africa can be circumnavigated, incidentally, adapts to the
view of modern researchers that Iuba II wanted to connect the East with the West in his
“Libyca”.

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21
F 35 = Plin. nat. hist. 6.175: “ (...) A Mossyli<ti>co promunturio Atlanticum mare incipere vult Juba praeter
Mauretanias suas Gadis usque navigandum coro, cuius tota sententia hoc in loco subtrahenda non est.” The use
of the verb “velle” is strange. Pliny thus distances himself from the general view of the course of the East
African coast.
22
F 35 = Plin. nat. hist. 6.175. Furthermore there appear Aethiopian and Troglodytic peoples in a row who
otherwise are not mentioned in ancient literature except for Juba II: F 36 = Plin. nat. hist. 6.176.
 7

That Juba II holds his research on African geography up to date show more fragments. In one
example he opposes the views of researchers who claimed that the residencies along the river
Nile from Syene to the metropolis of Meroë are among the Aethiopians; for Juba II they are of
Arab origin.23 The name „Aethiopians“ or „Aithiopians“ is not identical to modern Ethiopia,
but all sub-Saharan peoples in East-, West-, and South Africa were called „Aethiopians“ by
ancient authors. This Greek name means „burnt-faces“.24 Obviously the reports of the
expedition leasers from the Ptolemaic period were still relevant for the geography of Nubia
until Juba’s time, although these expeditions along the African coast of the Red Sea and along
the Nile laid back already almost three hundred years. Juba II, however, wanted in his
„Libyca“ update the names of villages and the distances along the Nile (both sides) towards
Meroë. So it is quite understandable that he improves the details of Bion who wrote in the
second century BC.25

Finally the question how Juba II imagined the expansion of the African continent as far as
Juba‘s view towards the south is still to be clarified. This question was explored by Hermann
Wissmann. The basis of his research are few passages from the sixth book of Pliny’s
„Naturalis Historia“. He points out that Juba II indeed mentioned the last points on the Somali
coast, a promontory Mossylon and a port of the same name. But his eyes seemed to go even
further. The part of the Indian Ocean which began on the Somali coast, Juba II called the
Atlantic Ocean. From that promontory one can certainly sail around the whole African
continent and eventually reach the Spanish port of Gades. This view apparently was not
shared by all contemporary geographers. And even the eminent geographer of the second
century AD, Claudius Ptolemy of Alexandria, knew as the southernmost point on the East
African coast Cape Prason. Geographers in Hellenistic era like Eratosthenes of Cyrene knew
only Cape Guardafui in Somalia as southernmost point. Juba II, however, extended the
geographical horizon by claiming that the African continent can be circumnavigated indeed in
his time. Pliny even explicitly states that in his time there were just two different geographical
views on the course of the African coasts: the Hellenistic-era views and the geographical view
of Juba II. Still in the third century AD Solinus refers Juba`s views.26

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23
F 36 = Plin. nat. hist. 6.177.
24
Snowden (1997), 103; Werner (1993), 21.
25
F 37 = Plin. nat. hist. 6.178-179: Juba aliter (…).“ As well as to other passages Pliny expresses here again the
peculiarity of the views of Juba II which differ from views of other contemporary or older authors. For the
distances mentioned by Bion and Juba II see: Török (1998), 806-809; Török (1988), 205-210.
26
Solin. 56.6 (this fragment is missing in Jacoby). See Wissmann (1958), 311-312; see also recently: Bianchetti
(2002), 285, who also points out that there towards the end of the second century BC more modern theories on
the course of the East African coast next to the Eratosthenic idea. According to Bianchetti Juba II cherished
Eratosthenic idea, and Pliny had taken his information uncritically, so that „der Einfluß Jubas, (...) ein
Afrikabild geltend machte, das sich kaum von den Vorstellungen des Eratosthenes unterschied und die Einwände
außer Acht ließ, welche Geographen wie Hipparch und Artemidoros von Ephesos gegen den Gelehrten von
Kyrene erhoben hatten.“
 8

From §§149-152 of Pliny’s sixth book of the “Naturalis Historia” Wissmann attempts to read
a knowledge of Juba II concerning Northern Madagascar and the Comoros. In these chapters,
some places of the Arabian coast on both sides of the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea are
mentioned. Wissmann finally devotes particular attention to § 152, are called where are
mentioned a "regio Amithoscatta" and other places, namely "Damnis, Mizi (Mihi) maiores et
minores, Drimati (Drymati)"27 With help of an atlas of the German colonial era and Arab
reports from the 12th century AD Wissmann comes to following conclusion: from the island
of Wa-mizi (south of Rowuma estuary) led a sea route via the Comoros to the coast of
Northern Madagascar (regio Amithoscatta). This sea route which was according Wissmann’s
interpretation known to Juba II, had possibly been not taken into accounts of the geographers
of the Roman Empire, Marinos of Tyre and Claudius Ptolemy, because of inaccurate position
information.28 Sailors which came from India sailed on their way to the East African coast via
North Madagascar. For example, in this case is the episode of the seafarer Diogenes
understandable who came from India via the Indian Ocean and was up through inhospistable
winds considerably south to the coast of East Africa. Likewise is the story of Iambulos (3./2.
second century BC) who visited an island in the southern Indian Ocean due to vague
knowledge of the Comoros and Madagascar. The detailed description of the scripture (the
course from top to bottom) and the anatomy of the islanders, however, suggest according to
Wissmann to East and Southeast Asia.29

Many of the place names, people’s names, and geographical points (promontory, waters) have
in Juba’s fragments completely different names than those in the known ancient geographical
literature. This meant that even the contemporary readers had considerable difficulties
concerning localizations.So neither Pliny nor his readers were able to do something with these
names. Even today in modern research accurate localizations are hardly possible because
scribal error or incorrect readings can not be exluded.30

Though geographers and historians who wrote after Juba II apart from exceptions such as
Pliny the Elder or Ammianus Marcellinus could not do much with these new creations of
African geography, other writers used Juba’s “Libyca” more extensively. Popular
philosophers such as Plutarch and Athenaeus were interested in African mythology.
Especially the stories on African animals like elephants or lions some of which were certainly
included in the “Libyca” enjoyed many Greek or Latin writers untile late antiquity.

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27
Wissmann (1958), 318.
28
Wissmann (1958), 318-321.
29
Diogenes: Ptol. 1.9.1 in Hennig (1944), 412. Iambulos: Diod. 2.55-60 (cf. Hennig (1944), 387 and 392-393).
For Madagascar see Wissmann (1958), 322 and also Stechow (1944), 84-85.
30
Wissmann (1958), 323-324.
 9

Summary

Juba II wrote numerous writings with geographical, zoological, botanical, cultural, and historical
content. Possibly some zoological and botanical surviving fragments concerning African animals and
plants could be parts of digressions from his extensive literary oeuvre on Africa. The "Libyka" had a
comprehensive overall view of the African continent from the coasts of West Africa to the Red Sea.
Included were North Africa with the northern Sahara, possibly Egypt, and also Nubia, the territories of
present-day Ethiopia, the Red Sea and the East Africa coast possible towards northern Madagascar.
Through the marriage with Cleopatra Selene, Juba II had access to all sources of Alexandrian archives
such as expedition reports. The Numidian was very well read and set up a library in his residence. So
he let certainly procure from everywhere literature about his interests. Apart from Greek, he also
understood the Punic language, what him very wide helped in understanding Carthaginian literature.
When drafting his "Libyka" Juba II incorporated all available sources about Africa. But he was not just
a compiler in his studies, but he wanted to offer an possible updated representation of Africa. He let
equip own expeditions, sent them out along the Atlantic coasts of West Africa to the Canary Islands
and by land to the Atlas and to the northern Sahara. In addition to these research findings he also used
reports from merchants and he might also used reports of ambassadors of foreign tribes. Despite the
energetic diligence with which Juba II was drafting his work, it seems that his large-scale work on
Africa prevailed only partly in the ancient geographical science. Since the Hellenistic geographers, led
by Eratosthenes of Cyrene and his successors were anxious to expand the geographic horizon. All
names of geographic fixed points, cities, villages, mountains and waters were, it seems, defined
"international", so that later geographers to Strabo had no difficulty in understanding. Since Juba II
now in addition to the results of own expeditions also used and evaluated varieties of other reports by
non-geographers, he expanded on the one hand the knowledge of the African continent enormous, but
on the other hand he made significantly use of many new names which had been previously unknown
and not yet included in the well-known geographic literature. In addition, there is the fact that some
geographers such as Strabo principle approach attracted only so-called standard works (the historians
who wrote on Alexander the Great, significant Hellenistic geographers) and they simply ignored
newer geographic literary works. Most of Juba’s geographical surviving fragments were used by later
writers. There are obviously no fragments of Juba which were used by contemporaries. It can be
possible that some passages on Africa in Strabo’s seventeenth book could go back to Juba II. Strabo
only quoted Juba concerning some episodes of the king’s life, but otherwise he does not mention Juba
II by name when he writes about the geography of Africa. Pliny the Elder ultimately faced a problem
by describing the coast of East Africa. Pliny held on to the familiar Eratosthenic tradition, however, he
also gave in addition a lecture of the newer views of Juba II. So the readers could ultimately decide
which theory they wanted to follow. It seems that Hellenistic geography was the framework for
Pliny’s image of Africa, and he only used Juba II when there were white spots in the geographical
image of Africa which were completed. Not much different, it made Strabo, when he wanted to write
about important peculiarities of foreign countries which the so-called standard authors hat not
mentioned yet. In this case he had to use such “modern” geographers. During his geographical views
were rarely evaluated by later geographers or historians, authors of other literary genres were more
interested in his information concerning African mythology and zoology. Occasionally there were also
mistakes in Juba’s work like his “proof” that the river Nile had its source in West Africa.
 10

Sources:

Jacoby, Felix: Die Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker (FGrHist). Dritter Teil: Geschichte von Städten und
Völkern (Horographie und Ethnographie). A – Textband zu Nr. 262-296. Unveränderter Neudruck der Ausgabe
1940, Leiden 1954, pp.127-155.

Gaius Iulius Solinus: Wunder der Welt. Lateinisch und deutsch. Eingeleitet, übersetzt und
kommentiert von Kai Brodersen, Darmstadt 2014 [Edition Antike].

Bibliography:

Bianchetti (2002):
Bianchetti, Serena: Die Seerouten nach Indien in hellenistischer und römischer Zeit, in: Eckart Olshausen /
Holger Sonnabend (Hrsg.): Zu Wasser und zu Land. Verkehrswege in der Antiken Welt. Stuttgarter Kolloquium
zur historischen Geographie des Altertums 7,1999, Stuttgart 2002 [Geographica Historica; 17], pp. 280-292.

Fündling (1998):
Fündling, Jörg s. v. Iuba [2] II, in: Der Neue Pauly (DNP) 5 (Gru-Iug), Stuttgart & Weimar 1998, col. 1185-
1186.

Gozalbes Cravioto (2011):

Gozalbes Cravioto, Enrique: Africa en el imaginario: Las exploraciones geográfricas del Rey Juba II de
Mauretania, in: Studia Historica. Historia Antigua 29 (2011), pp.153-181.

Gutsfeld (1989):
Gutsfeld, Andreas: Römische Herrschaft und einheimischer Widerstand in Nordafrika. Militärische
Auseinandersetzungen mit den Nomaden, Stuttgart 1989.

Hennig (1944)
Hennig, Richard: Terrae Incognitae. Eine Zusammenstellung und kritische Bewertung der wichtigsten
vorcolumbischen Entdeckungsreisen an Hand der darüber vorliegenden Originalberichte, Bd. 1: Altertum bis
Ptolemäus, Leiden 21944.

Jacoby (1916):
Jacoby, Felix s. v. Iuba 2, in Paulys Realencyclopädie (RE) IX 2 (1916), col. 2384-2395.

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© Raffael Joorde (October 2015):

https://independent.academia.edu/RaffaelJoorde
(This paper is an English translation from my paper „Iuba II. von Mauretanien und
seine Darstellung Afrikas in den „Libyka“, published on the same website.)