HanayoIndigenousCommunityYuchengcoCenter2015 PDF

See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.
net/publication/308742756
Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis
Article · May 2015
CITATIONS READS
0 2,159
1 author:
Hanayo Hirai
Iwate University
1 PUBLICATION 0 CITATIONS
SEE PROFILE
All content following this page was uploaded by Hanayo Hirai on 30 September 2016.
The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.

Indigenous Communities in the Philippines:
A Situation Analysis
Hanayo HIRAI
May 2015
Yuchengco Center
De La Salle University
Acknowledgement
More than eight years have elapsed since my field work for UNICEF in Manila on the indigenous
communities in the Philippines in 2006. I wish to express my sincere gratitude to Dr. Trinidad
Osteria, President of Yuchengco Center, De La Salle University, who encouraged, inspired and
supported me to publish this report. I am grateful for her advice, support and patience. It has been
a privilege and pleasure to work with her on this report.
I am fortunate to receive the encouragement from Dr. Nicolas Alipui, Director and Senior Adviser
of – UNICEF, both during and after my engagement as consultant for UNICEF Manila. Without his
support, I could never have accomplished this task. I wish to express my gratitude to Mr. Dale
Rutstein for his valuable guidance and encouragement.
I am thankful to Mr. Masli Quilaman, Director of Office of Policy, Planning and Research of
National Commission on Indigenous Peoples of the Philippines (NCIP).
Ms. Elta Laurilla of the Office of Empowerment and Human Rights of NCIP’s encouragement
during the field work is gratefully acknowledged.
I am grateful to Mr. Ace Lennon Babasa, Research Officer of Yuchengco Center, De La Salle
University for his immense assistance in the publication of this report.
I thank my partner who supported me throughout this task.
Finally, I take this opportunity to express my sincere gratitude to all indigenous children, youth,
women and men who talked with me and shared their stories with the hope that their situation
will improve in the future. I sincerely hope this work will contribute relevant program and
policies that will improve their situation.
Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis i

Contents
Acknowledgement i
Tables and Abbreviations iii
Chapter 1. Introduction 1
Chapter 2. The Indigenous People: Who are they? 4
Chapter 3. The Indigenous People in Luzon

Mountain Province 6
Isabela 13
Aurora 17
Chapter 4. The Indigenous People in Visayas

Antique 21
Capiz 26
Guimaras 29
Negros Oriental 33
Cebu City 37
Northern Samar 41
Chapter 5. The Indigenous People in Mindanao

Zamboanga del Sur 44
Bukidnon 47
Davao City 50
Saranggani 52
Sultan Kudarat 56
North Cotabato 61
Agusan del Sur 64
Maguindanao 67
Chapter 6. Issues and Recommendations 72
Bibliography 82
Appendices
I. Glossary 86
II. Ethnolingusitic Groups 88
III. Legal Basis of IPs Recognition 92
Author 93
Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis ii

Tables
1 Research sites, Indigenous Cultural Communities (ICC)/ Indigenous Peoples (IPs)
2 Percentage Distribution of IP Population in Isabela
3 Annual school expenses at grade school and a secondary school of Dumagats
Abbreviations
AD Ancestral Domain
ALS Alternative Learning System
ARMM Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao
BHW Barangay Health Worker
CADC Certificate of Ancestral Domain Claim
CADT Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title
CAFGU Citizen Armed Force Geographical Unit
CALT Certificate of Ancestral Land Title
CAR Cordillera Administrative Region
CMR Child Mortality Rate
CTWG City Technical Working Group
CPC6 UNICEF Philippines’ Sixth Country Programme for Children
DOH Department of Health
DECS Department of Education, Culture and Sports
DENR Department of Environment and Natural Resources
DepEd Department of Education
DSWD Department of Social Welfare and Development
FGD Focus Group Discussion
ICCs Indigenous Cultural Communities
IMR Infant Mortality Rate
IP Indigenous Peoples
IPCB Indigenous Peoples Consultative Body
IPDP Indigenous People Development Program
IPRA Indigenous Peoples Rights’ Act
LGU Local Government Unit
NCIP National Commission on Indigenous Peoples
NCR National Capital Region
NGO Non Government Organization
NPA New People’s Army
NSO National Statistics Office
PTWG Provincial Technical Working Group
PRA Participatory Rural Appraisal
SLT School for Living Tradition
Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis iii

CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background
The Philippines is a culturally diverse country with an estimated 17 million Indigenous Peoples
(IPs) belonging to 110 ethno-linguistic groups in 2010. They are mainly concentrated in Luzon
(33%), especially in the Cordillera Administrative Region; and Mindanao (61%) with some
groups in the Visayas area (IWGIA, 2011). The Philippine Constitution, cognizant of this
diversity within the framework of national unity and development mandate state recognition,
protection, promotion, and fulfillment of the rights of indigenous peoples. Further, Republic
Act 8371, also known as the “Indigenous Peoples Rights Act” (1997, IPRA), recognizes the right
of IPs to manage their ancestral domains which is the cornerstone of the national policy on IPs
(UNDP, 2010).
Despite this commitment, IPs remain the poorest and most disadvantaged groups. They make
up one-third of the world’s poorest peoples, suffer disproportionately in terms of health,
education, and human rights, and regularly face systemic discrimination and exclusion (ibid).
IP settlements are remote without access to basic services leading to high incidence of
morbidity, mortality and malnutrition. There are one hundred ten (110) major indigenous
groups in the country. Most of them practice traditional swidden agriculture in upland areas.
However, these traditional cultivation activities and fallow areas have been degraded and are
further threatened by the influx of migrant non-IP farmers who have introduced unsustainable
lowland-commercial farming practices. Furthermore, most indigenous cultural communities
do not have legal rights over their lands, limiting their conduct of livelihood activities and
denied access to other natural resources in their communities (De Vera, 2007).
Indigenous Peoples/Indigenous Cultural Communities (IPs/ICCs) are comprised by

ethnolinguistic groups in the country. They are located in seven (7) ethnographic areas as
follows: 1) Cordillera Administrative Region and Region I; 2) Region II; 3) Region III and the
rest of Luzon; 4) Island Groups and the rest of Visayas; 5) Northern and Western Mindanao; 6)
Central Mindanao; and, 7) Southern and Eastern Mindanao. Prior to the arrival of Spaniards in
1521 and the introduction of a Western form of governance, the IPs/ ICCs maintained their
autonomous communities in their respective ancestral domains. These are small and
independent communities with their respective socio-political and economic systems such as
the Muslims of Mindanao with their feudal system; the Igorots of Cordillera with their semi-
primitive communal structure; and the Aetas with their primitive communal set-up. They
adopt the customary concepts and practices of land use and ownership through collectivism
and assume the care of their resources.
1.2 Historical Colonial Disenfranchisement and Resistance

1.2.1 Spanish Colonial Period (1565 – 1898)
Military expeditions and religious missions were launched by Spain since the Regalian
Doctrine declared that the entire Philippines was under the ownership of the King of Spain.
The indigenous peoples were marginalized and the majority-minority dichotomy with its
attendant problems of discrimination and exploitation persisted. These were heightened as the
Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis 1

IPs resisted Christianization and integration into the colonial structure. The Japanese (1940 –
1944) who took over did not change the system.
1.2.2 American Colonial Regime (1898 – 1949)

Politico–military, economic and cultural measures were instituted to subjugate and integrate
indigenous peoples into the political structure which they controlled. The Regalian Doctrine
upheld and promoted the private system of ownership (ibid).
1.2.3 Laws that undermined the communal land ownership concept were:
a. Torrens system of land registration (Land Registration Act No. 496 of 1902);
b. Philippine Commission Act No. 178 of 1903 (all unregistered lands became part
of public domain);
c. Mining Law of 1905 (Acquisition of public lands by Americans for mining
purpose; and
d. Public Land Acts of 1913, 1919, and 1925 (Mindanao and all other fertile lands
the State considered unoccupied and unreserved; unappropriated public lands
became available to homesteaders and corporations) (ibid).
1.2.4 Postcolonial Period (1950 onward)

The postcolonial period did not change the western concept of land ownership and use. The
1935 Constitution stated that all agricultural, timber, and domain, waters, minerals, coal,
petroleum, and other mineral oils, all forces of potential energy, and other natural resources of
the Philippines belong to the State. The 1987 Constitution retained the Regalian Doctrine
stating: “all lands of the public domain, waters, minerals, coal, petroleum, and other mineral
oils, all forces of potential energy, fisheries, forests or timber, wildlife, fauna, and fauna, and
other natural resources are owned by the State.” The constitution also recognized the rights of
indigenous cultural communities within the context of national unity of development.
When the Philippines achieved independence in 1949, a program of assimilation of the

IPs/ICCs was adopted by the government. The IPs/ICCs were steadfast in their attachment to
their ancestral domains, exercising the self-governance system characterized by traditional
leadership and political structures, customs and judicial intervention (Meltogina, 1995).
Encroachment by lowlanders and colonizers persisted. The socio-economic situation of the IPs
further deteriorated in the 19th century when cultivation of crops such as tobacco, sugar, abaca,
coconuts failed. Cutting of timber and mining of metals and minerals resulted in their
displacement and loss of economic resources. Furthermore, the American and subsequently,
the Philippine government policy of cultural assimilation and resettlement of indigenous
people pushed them farther into the hinterlands where they survived with fewer resources.
From the late 1970s to the 1990s, a group of IP leaders with the assistance of civil society,
called for the government’s recognition of their rights. Hence, Republic Act No. 8371, or the
Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act (IPRA), was signed into law on October 29, 1997 by then
President Fidel V. Ramos. It was enacted in 1997 to fully recognize, protect and promote the
rights of ICCs/IPs. The IPRA created the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples to serve
as the primary government agency to implement the rights-based approach in their
development.

Despite the legislation, the IPs remained a neglected group with high incidence of poverty,
illiteracy, unemployment and underemployment, continuous conversion by outsiders of their
ancestral lands and dissipation of their cultural heritage.
In provinces with indigenous cultural communities, most Local Government Units (LGUs) were
assisted by the UNICEF Philippines’ Sixth Country Programme for Children (CP6). The UNICEF
rapid assessment focused on poverty, livelihood, education, health, water and sanitation, child
abuse and exploitation and status of women in these communities. Indigenous children who
reside in nearly every area covered by the program may not have been attended by the CPC6
due to distance and/or cultural factors that make it difficult to deal with them efficiently.
The assessment contributed to UNICEF’s inclusive development program to improve the socio-
cultural and economic well-being of indigenous children, youth and women by efficiently
addressing their specific and expressed needs. These provided inputs into the UNICEF and
Philippine government’s Programme for Child (CPC) 6 Medium Term Review in May 2007 and
UNICEF’s Country Programme for Child (CPC) 7 for 2010-2014.
UNICEF signed a Memorandum of Agreement with the National Commission on Indigenous

Peoples (NCIP) to undertake the assessment. A series of field researches were carried out in 17
provinces within the CP6 areas.
1.3 Objectives of the Assessment

The assessment intended to extricate the policy and programmatic implications of the situation
of indigenous women, youth and children and the factors accounting for them. Specifically, this
paper aims to:
a. describe the conditions of indigenous peoples in Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao and
their predisposing factors,
b. extricate the perceptions of some agencies involved in their welfare and the issues
related to their service provision,
c. determine their economic and health situation and deterrent factors to their
improvement; and
d. identify the critical issues affecting their welfare and means of addressing them.
The methodology adopted were the participatory rural appraisal and focus group discussions
with selected community members. Consultative meetings were convened with the Provincial
Technical Working Group. In the selected communities, reports were substantiated by
individual narrations.

CHAPTER 2
THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES: WHO ARE THEY?
The Indigenous Peoples Rights Act defines “Indigenous Peoples” as a group of people or
homogenous societies identified by self-ascription and ascription by others; who have
continuously lived as an organized community on communally bounded and defined territory
and who have, under claims of ownership since time immemorial, occupied, possessed and
utilized such territories, sharing common bonds of language, customs, traditions and other
distinctive cultural traits, or who have, through resistance to political, social and cultural
inroads of colonization, non-indigenous religions and cultures, became historically
differentiated from the majority of Filipinos. Indigenous Cultural Communities/ Indigenous
Peoples shall likewise include peoples who are regarded as indigenous on account of their
descent from the populations which inhabited the country, at the time of conquest or
colonization, or at the time of inroads of non-indigenous religions and cultures, or the
establishment of present state boundaries, who retain some or all of their own social,
economic, cultural and political institutions, but who may have been displaced from their
traditional domains or who may have resettled outside their ancestral lands (Sec. 3 (h)
Republic Act 8731, or the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act IPRA 1997).
2.1 Geographical Distribution

In the Philippines, there are 110 ethnolinguistic groups comprising 17 percent of the country’s
total population in 2010. There are seven ethnographic regions as follows: 1) Cordillera
Administrative Region and Region I; 2) Region II; 3) Region III and the rest of Luzon; 4) Island
Groups and the rest of Visayas; 5) Northern and Western Mindanao; 6) Central Mindanao; and,
7) Southern and Eastern Mindanao (Guide to IPRA, CIPRAD-PANLIPI cited from NCIP Info Kit).
The total population may not have been reported comprehensively. Different reports indicate
different numbers of IPs. Neither the National Statistics Office nor LGUs have updated their
data on the IP populations. Many of the surveys at most provide rough estimates.
Furthermore, IP groups are often referred by various names. Historical accounts and
anthropological studies differ in classifying the indigenous cultural communities. They do not
always accord on the nature and variations in language, social organizations and economic
practices in what constitutes an indigenous cultural community (Jocano, 2000).
2.2 Study Sites

The research was carried out in the 17 provinces of CPC6 namely: Maguindanao, Zamboanga
del Sur, Aurora, Bukidnon, Agusan del Sur, Negros Oriental, Cebu City, Davao City, Saranggani,
Northern Samar, North Cotabato, Sultan Kudarat, Guimaras, Capiz, Antique, Isabela and Mt.
Province.
2.3 IP Groups in the sites

The selected communities and IPs that participated in the PRA and FGDs were as follows:
Maguindanao (Téduray), Zamboanga del Sur (Subanen), Aurora (Dumagat), Bukidnon
(Bukidnon), Agusan del Sur (Manobo), Negros Oriental (Ati), Cebu City (Badjao), Davao City
(Matigsalog/ Ata-Manobo), Saranggani (T’boli), Northern Samar (Mamanwa), North Cotabato
(Manobo), Sultan Kudarat (B’laan), Guimaras (Ati), Capiz (Ati), Antique (Ati), Isabela
(Gaddang) and Mt. Province (Bontok). The summary is given in Table 1.

Table 1.
Study sites, Indigenous Cultural Communities (ICCs) / Indigenous Peoples (IPs )
Region Province ICC/IPs community ICC/IPs
1 ARMM Maguindanao Barangay Labungan, Datu Téduray
Odin Sinsuat
2 Region IX Zamboanga del Sur Barangay Lacarayan, Tigbao Subanen
3 Region III Aurora Barangay Diteki, San Luis Dumagat
4 Region X Bukidnon Sitio Kibuwa, Barangay Bukidnon
Impalutao Impasug-ong
5 Region Agusan del Sur Barangay Poblacion, Loreto Manobo
XIII
6 Region Negros Oriental Abaca, Barangay Sab-Ahan, Ati/Ata
VII Bais City
7 Region Cebu City Side B, South Reclamation Badjao
VII Project, Barangay Mambaling
8 Region XI Davao City Sitio Pigdalahan, Barangay. Matigsalog/ Ata-
Pandaitan, Paquibato District Manobo
9 Region Saranggani Sitio Wali, Maitum T’boli
XII
10 Region Northern Samar Barangay San Isidro, Las Mamanwa
VIII Navaz
11 Region North Cotabato Amabel, Magpet Manobo
XII
12 Region Sultan Kudarat Sitio Tanansang, Barangay B’laan
XII Palavilla, Lutayan
13 Region Guimaras Sitio Kati-Kati, Brgy. San Ati
VI Miguel, Municipality Jordan,
Guimaras
14 Region Capiz Sitio Tag-Ao, Dumarao Ati
VI
15 Region Antique Sitio Igcaputol, Poblacion Ati
VI North, Barangay Tobias
Fornier, San Jose
16 Region II Isabela Brgy Dalig Kalinga, Aurora Gaddang
17 CAR Mountain Province Brgy Caneo, Bontoc Bontok
Subsequent analysis encompassed three major geographical aggrupations in Luzon, Visayas

and Mindanao.

CHAPTER 3
THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN LUZON
3.1 Mountain Province

The IPs in this region are the Balangao, Bontok, Applai, Kalinga, Kankanaey, Ifugao, Ibaloi,
Bago, Gaddang, Itneg/Apayao, Barlig, Aeta, Ikaluna, Kalanguya, Baliwen (OSCC and ONCC,
1996). The five major tribes are Applai, Balangao, Baliwon, Kankana-ey, and Bontok. Majority
are Kankanaeys followed by Bontoks and Applai. Their major sources of livelihood are farming
mainly for consumption; weaving, and construction labor. They live in ancestral domains.
Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Igorot_people#/media/File:Banaue_Philippines_Ifugao-Tribesman-01.jpg
Barangay Caneo is one of the 16 barangays of Bontoc located in the eastern part of the
municipality. It has a land area of approximately 2,491 hectares consisting of forest cover
estimated as 1,290 hectares, grasslands at 562.5 hectares, pastureland of about 400 hectares,
and the agricultural area covering 203.50 hectares, divided into rice and non-rice lands
(CANEO BNRMP). The barangay has steep to sloping terrains. The residential area is situated
along the sloping terrain. The barangay is located 900 meters above sea level with the
residences situated at the lower elevation bounded by steep mountains.
Majority of Bontok households in the community are engaged in rice farming (CANEO BNRMP).
The farm is located in an ancestral domain. However, the land title has not been officially
granted to the Bontoks through Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title (CADT). Nonetheless,
some villagers consider that they own the land they are tilling. The Social Census Map of the
PRA showed that 10 percent of Bontok families feel that they own the land because they
inherited the land from their ancestors. However, most of the villagers did not inherit the land,
so they think they do not own any. They work on the lands owned by the others.

3.1.2 Problems and concerns
3.1.2.1 Insufficient rice production
The biggest problem in rice farming is the low level of production. Insufficient rice production
leads to their purchase of rice from the nearby town.
“Our lands do not produce enough rice to sell. In fact, the produce is not even
enough for our consumption. After three months, the rice we harvest will all be
consumed. Thus, we have to buy rice from the town regularly.”
The factors accounting for this problem are: lack of irrigation system, reduction of water
sources due to deforestation, damage by pests especially rats on the harvested rice,
unfavorable climate for multiple harvests, and reduction of land size that a family inherits after
continuous redistribution over generations aggravated by population growth in the
community.
3.1.2.2 Lack of irrigation facilities

The Bontoks emphasized that their land has not been utilized effectively because of the lack of
irrigation system.
“We need more irrigation systems because what we have are dilapidated and
inherited from our ancestors.”
Pasturelands which cover the biggest portion of the land area are not utilized productively.
Water scarcity discourages them to improve rice fields.
“We are not motivated to expand rice farms because there is no sufficient water to
sustain new rice paddies. Current canals are not enough to provide rice fields with
water. Ground water utilization is limited because of high elevation. The
construction of new irrigation canals is difficult. The water source is far, about 4-
5 kilometers up the mountain from the community. Besides, the place to construct
the irrigation canal is very rocky.”
Despite the recognition of the need for irrigation systems, the community declined an offer of a
project by the government, called Cordillera Highland Agricultural Resource Management
Project (CHARMP) for 2000-2006, which has a portion on rehabilitation of irrigation systems.
They regretted the decision realizing that there was miscommunication between the

community and the government. The possibility that the NPA had a significant influence on
their decision as perceived by an LGU official could not be overlooked.
Lack of water was mentioned is an issue.
“Water is scarce over the years because of deforestation. Damage by pests is

another headache. They eat our rice and corn in the storage. It is a big problem.
Appropriate technology is needed to eliminate pests and diseases.”
3.1.2.3 Climatic conditions in the community

Reduction of farm size per household is a major reason for the low production of rice.
“The village harvests once a year because of the cold climate. We plant rice in late
March or early April, and we harvest in July. The farm size of a family is getting
smaller over generations due to population growth. The eldest or second eldest
children inherit lands from their parents. Now, many of us only have small farms
and some do not have lands at all.”
3.1.2.4 Road infrastructure problems

The difficulty in access to the community results in food shortage. A barangay access road,
estimated to be 4.5 kilometers from the national road at Sitio Saddle of Talubin, connects
Caneo to other barangays. Accessibility is difficult due to the rocky road and possible
landslides.
“Vehicles easily get damaged because of the rough and rocky roads. Many people
get flat tires on the way and could not reach our village. The poor condition of the
road discourages people to come here and seriously limits food supply from
outside the community. People cannot often bring food and other basic supplies
because of this problem. This is serious as we experience food shortage with the
increasing prices of what’s available here.”
Accessibility worsens during the rainy season because the roads are slippery and prone to
erosion. Daily, there are two service jeepneys to Bontoc in the morning and the same vehicles
return to Caneo in the afternoon. However, landslides inundate the road in the rainy season
resulting in its closure.
“There was a time when the road was closed for three months. We had to trek the
uphill trail for a couple of hours to get supplies from nearby barangays.”
3.1.2.5 Retention of tradition eschewing modernization

In the Bontok community, traditional customs and beliefs remain. The villagers hold ritual
prayers for successful activities. They butcher a couple of chickens and dogs. They slaughter
the chickens in the pinikpikan way by repeatedly beating their bodies, especially thigh, necks
and heads with rounded wooden sticks.
The difference between traditions and modernization in agricultural technologies and life was
discussed.
“We prefer to use organic fertilizer because it is cheaper. Also, agricultural

chemicals destroy the soil. We often work for the village members for free and, in

turn, we receive assistance when necessary. This reciprocal system, called ug
ugpho, is widely practiced. We are proud that we still have this tradition. We help
each other and keep this custom.”
3.1.3 Situation of the population

3.1.3.1 Poverty
Farming for rice consumption is practiced.
“We do not consider farming as an income source because we do not earn money
from it. The produced rice is only consumed by families.”
There are two activities considered as sources of income in the community. One is paid labor in
construction and carpentry works. The other is weaving by the women.
3.1.3.2 Non-farm labor

Laborers are involved in canal construction, stone walling for boundary and property
demarcation, cleaning foot trails, planting trees to prevent erosion, cleaning roads and
carpentry. Some even go as far as Baguio to work. Construction work is not regularly available.
3.1.3.3 Weaving
Almost all women engage in weaving. They produce beautiful colorful garments. This skill has
been handed down from one generation to another.
“I learned how to weave from my mother. I am also teaching this to my daughter.”
However, weaving produces neither sufficient nor stable income. The Bontok women related
the average household income.
“Sometimes the income amounts to Php 1, 000 per month, but there are periods
when there is none at all, so we really cannot estimate our income at all. Also,
when we have children to breastfeed, we cannot earn much. A sizable amount of
income is earned during school graduation season due to the demand for
ceremonial costumes, in big festivals and cultural activities where there are group
gatherings and tourists.
The price of thread in Baguio is increasing.
3.1.3.4 Marketing of products

There is no systematic marketing of products. They simply roam around the town proper for
buyers. However, they often do not get customers. Hence, they return home without any cash.
“We have experienced not getting customers for a whole week. It is quite tiring to
roam around day and night to search for buyers. I feel sad when I have to go home
without anything for my family. The transportation costs 50 pesos for a round
trip. Thus, the balance could be negative when sale is not enough. Hence, we
sometimes walk for three hours carrying all the heavy products and materials. We
want to have a regular source of income.”

3.1.4. Health Services Utilization
3.1.4.1 Maternal and Child Health
DOH (Department of Health) and DepEd (Department of Education) provide services in the
barangay. The DOH implements its health and sanitation program by deploying a midwife and
three Barangay Health Workers while DepEd provides classrooms and teachers (CANEO
BNRMP). Most of the Bontok women in the community registered their births and had their
children immunized.
3.1.4.2 Accessibility of services

Access to medical services poses a big challenge. Medical missions are not regularly conducted
in the community. The Bontoks seek medical assistance from a hospital located about 14
kilometers from the village. The transportation fare to and from the hospital is 50 pesos, which
is a huge financial burden. Some Bontoks gave up going to the hospital because they could not
afford this transportation fee. For emergency cases, they need to hire a jeep for 700 pesos.
Due to severe poverty, medical care is a big concern. Some Bontoks sell their inherited land to
bear the cost of hospitalization of family members.
“We had to sell our inherited land because my husband got sick. We needed
money for his hospitalization. He suffered from severe pain on his back, waist and
arms. The doctor could not treat him and suggested that we go to a hospital in
Manila. There was no way for us to obtain money for that. It has been four years
that he has been suffering. When he feels better, he tries to look for a job as a
laborer, but most of the time he stays at home and endures the pain.
“I sold my land because my son suffered from leukemia and needed to be treated.
Unfortunately, he passed away in the hospital. After losing our land, I earn a living
from weaving and irregular labor.
Many of the households have at least one family member who is sick or died. Having a sick
parent or losing one results in the children dropping out of formal school. Many Bontok
children with a sick parent and/or lost one of them stopped going to school.
“I stopped going to school because my mother was limping and could not walk.
She could not work. The income that my father earns is not enough to support my
school needs.”
“My mother could not provide for my school expenses, so I had to stop schooling
at Grade II.”
“My parents separated because my father could not bear my mother’s sickness.
That was the time when I dropped out from Grade VI because she could no longer
afford my school expenses.”
“My father passed away early. My mother was trying to support my educational
expenses by weaving in Baguio, but the income was just not enough. I finally
stopped going to school four years ago.”

The leading illnesses among the Bontoks in the community are influenza and pneumonia. The
children are mostly affected by respiratory diseases, particularly influenza.
The Bontoks in the Caneo barely make ends meet. Thus, a family member getting ill implies a
tremendous problem. Those who have inherited lands would sell them for treatment although
it does not necessarily lead to cure, while those who do not have the means to earn for the
medical expenses do not consult health providers at all. Children are forced to stop schooling.
“We feel very sad when a family member gets sick. We wish our family would
always be healthy. We hope nobody will get sick.”
3.1.4.3 Infant and Child Mortality

There are no data on the infant and child mortality of the Bontoks in the province, but figures
are suspected to be high. One lost a baby a month after delivery. Some do not go to the hospital
for treatment because they do not have the money. One mother lost a 21-year-old son from
leukemia. A 3-year-old child, passed away but the mother did not know what the sickness was.
3.1.5 Food sufficiency and nutrition

Most of the residents manage to have three meals three times a day. However, food shortage is
still one of their major concerns.
“I fear food shortage especially during typhoons because the roads get damaged,
and are even closed. We can neither go to the market to buy food, nor can others
deliver food supplies to our village.”
3.1.6 Water and sanitation

3.1.6.1 Water
There are two nearby springs which serve as source of drinking water. Washing of clothes is
done in the river. The water pipe in the community was destroyed by the typhoon in 2003.
Water scarcity is a growing problem. Deforestation is a major cause of this.
3.1.6.2 Sanitation
According to CANEO BNRMP (2006-2007), only four households have sanitary toilets. The
majority or 96.5 percent utilized pigpens as toilets. Only one of 26 households have a water-
sealed toilet, 16 have open-pit type toilets and the remaining 8 households do not have any
toilet facilities at all. The Bontoks wash their clothes and took a bath daily. Children play
outside without any underwear.
3.1.7 Education
3.1.7.1 Low educational attainment
The community has a low literacy rate with 60 percent of villagers having no formal education.
This implies that the younger generation has better access to education than the elders.
However, the Social Census Map in the PRA showed a large number of out-of-school children
and youth. Even though there is a grade school in the community, majority of those 6-12 years
were out-of-school. Furthermore, most of those aged 13-18 years were not studying. Low level
of income is the crucial factor that limits access to basic education. A major reason for grade
school children to drop-out is their inability to purchase their school needs. Those who are in
high school, had to stay in a boarding house in the town proper since the school is located
about four kilometers from the community. For secondary school students, inability to pay the
rent of the boarding house at the Bontok town proper is the reason for dropping out.

For early childhood development, more than half of children aged 3-5 years are not attending
the day care center despite its accessibility. Parents could not afford the Php 150 annual fee.
3.1.7.2 Students as house helpers

Among the Bontok families, 71 percent of the children aged 13-18 are not studying. Majority of
students work as house helpers in Bontoc town to support their education. In many cases,
missionaries and private persons, whom the Bontoks call ‘sponsors’, contact the children’s
families directly or through their acquaintances to select children for education assistance.
Many selected work in their place as house helpers for free food and accommodation. During
day time, they study in a high school. It seems the only way to be able to attend high school.
However, their working conditions need to be assessed. In many cases, the required work is
physically demanding to cope with the work both in school and the house, with eventual
dropping-out from school.
For instance, a 14-year girl, used to work as a house help in a private house in Bontoc town to
go to high school. However, she stopped going to school in her first year. She dropped out
because she was too exhausted to work and study at the same time. She explained how
physically hard life was.
“I had to take care of so many things in the house. I wake up at 4’o clock everyday
to feed the pigs and cook. Feeding pigs was the hardest task because I had to
carry heavy sacks of food and walk around to feed them. After coming back from
school, I had to feed the pigs again. I wake up at around 5 o’clock every morning
to finish domestic work before going to school. In the evening, due to domestic
and homework, I go to bed late. I sometimes go to bed at around 11’o clock. It is
hard.”
3.1.7.3 Out-of-school youth

There is a high risk that a Bontok child will drop out of formal education due to poverty. The
out-of-school children and youth yearn to have a second chance to return to school.
3.1.7.4 Bullying
The Bontok high school students in the community are frequently bullied by their classmates
from the same ethnic group.
“They call me ‘I-caneo’ implying me that I am from a remote place. I feel offended
and ashamed.”
3.1.8.1 Possible influence of rebel forces

The Bontok women mentioned that there are no threats of armed conflicts in their community.
However, a Philippine National Police officer noted that the New People’s Army (NPA) has
come in contact with the Bontoks in the community. They invited the youth for discussion. The
Bontoks occasionally provide the NPA with food despite the fact that the community frequently
experiences food shortage. They seem to have a major influence on the Bontoks’ decision to
turn down the irrigation project offered by the government.

3.1.8.2 Child labor
The out-of-school children and youth work for their family. Boys are at risk to engage in
hazardous works, such as construction. A 21-year-old Grade I drop-out started to work as a
laborer when he was 14 years old.
3.2 Isabela
Isabela (Region II) had 1,489,645 population in 2010. IP groups in this province are
constituted by Bontok, Bago, Dumagat, Gaddang, Iballoi, Ifugao, Ibanag, Itawes,
Ilongot/Bugkalot, Kankanaey, Applai, Kalinga, Kalanguya, Agta, Bago, Gaddang, Kalinga,
Kankana-ey, Ibanag, Itawes, Itneg, Tinggian, Ybanag and Yogad. The study area was Barangay
Dalig, Kalinga.
Table 2.
Percentage Distribution of IP Population in Isabela, 2010
Indigenous Groups No. Percentage (%)
Bontok 169 0.03
Bago 551 0.10
Dumagat 2, 102 0.39
Gaddang 89, 536 16.63
Iballoi 801 0.15
Ifugao 5, 286 0.98
Ibanag 425, 815 79.09
Itawes 3, 611 0.67
Ilongot/Bugkalot 242 0.04
Kankanaey 2, 162 0.40
Applai 1, 444 0.27
Kalinga 6, 284 1.17
Kalanguya 376 0.07
Total 538, 379
The main source of livelihood of the community is tobacco and corn farming.

They own the land which they inherited from their ancestors. According to the NCIP of Isabela
Province, the Gaddangs do not officially hold the land title despite the fact that they dwell in
their ancestral domain. The contradiction shows the complex situation of land ownership
among the IPs.
However, they claim that they own the land despite continuous threat of mortgage, foreclosure,
and being taken from them.
3.2.1 History of the Gaddangs

The Gaddangs may have come from the north, entering the Cagayan River. They may have
occupied the Cagayan Valley after the Aetas. The early groups knew rice farming techniques. In
the late 16th and early 17th centuries, the Spaniards arrived and introduced Christianity,
haciendas and tobacco monopoly (NCIP Isabela Provincial Office, 1998). Under the
resettlement policy of the Spaniards, some Gaddangs lived in compact communities while the
others remained in the uplands. Many of the resettled Gaddangs became Christianized. The
Spaniards forbade the Christianized Gaddangs from maintaining economic and social relations
with the non-Christians. Eventually, a dichotomy evolved between the Christian and non-
Christian Gaddangs. The Christian Gaddangs mock their non-Christian counterparts calling
them Kalinga. In 2010, there were about 10 percent non-Christian and 90 percent Christian
Gaddangs. As a result of this historical antagonism, frequent fights occurred, including
headhunting forays that were periodically committed by non-Christian Gaddangs in Christian
territory. Over the years, Christian Gaddangs were largely assimilated into Ilocano or Filipino
society while the upland Gaddangs fundamentally retained their pre-Spanish ways. In the post
second world war years, the upland Gaddangs were gradually assimilated into the mainstream
economic and political structures. Population growth and associated land pressure with
concomitant food shortage encouraged the upland Gaddangs to improve economic relations
with lowland people, such as the Ilocanos, the Cagayanos and their fellow Gaddangs. At
present, it is hard to distinguish the Christianized Gaddang from others. Upland Gaddangs are
now integrated into barangays and municipalities (Abriza).
3.2.2 Characteristics of Gaddangs

Differences are noted among the Gaddangs in terms of physical features, as well as economic,
social and educational status. Some have light skin while others have dark complexion. Some
have large farms and are wealthy enough to hire laborers for their farms while others have
little or no land. Some have water-sealed toilets while others have no toilet facilities at all.
Some do not even know their age or have not completed grade school while others
accomplished tertiary level of education.
Women estimate their age based on historical events, such as changes of political regimes and
natural calamities.
Some women graduated from high school and one even finished college. Some are thin and
have darker skins. Some did not register the birth of their children because it was not their
practice before. Regarding marriage, most are arranged and parental selected union is
acceptable. The tradition is changing.

3.2.3 Why they incur debts
The average size of the farm of a Gaddang household is less than half a hectare. Many of the
farmers make ends meet from the income derived from farming. The lending and borrowing
mechanism which they engage in pushed farmers into debts. They borrow capital to purchase
agricultural inputs, such as fertilizers and pesticides from lenders who buy their products.
These lenders dictate the price and monopolize the market. They dictate not only the retail
prices of the products, but also the interest rate for their loan. The capitalists of the corn
farmers normally demand 30 percent interest within a four-month period. For tobacco, a
monopolistic enterprise demands 15 percent interest in six months.
“We think the interest rates are high, so we asked them for a reduction, but they
refused. There is nothing more that we can do about it.”
A large part of the income derived from their products is spent to pay debts and the
accumulated interests.
“In the end, we are left with almost nothing. When typhoon comes and our plants
are damaged, the income becomes negative.”
Their lands are mortgaged. Hence, when the debts reach a point where the farmers could not
pay back, their lands are forfeited.
“It was the only way to pay our debts. We could not pay for six years and the
interest accumulated to Php 200,000. One hectare of land was mortgaged at Php
100,000. Our family inherited almost two hectares of land but we only have a
quarter now. We made a written agreement with the lender, indicating that our
land would be returned to us upon payment of the debt. If we cannot pay, they
forfeit the land.”
“The saddest moment of my life was when our land was taken away because my
parents could no longer pay the accumulated debt. They are now working as paid
laborers.”
Under the current system, there is a feeling of hopelessness:
“This situation is unfair. We feel that we are forced to be in this system, but what
can we do about it? We have no other choice but to follow. The farmers are stuck
and could not break from the system. We struggle within it. Tobacco is difficult to
produce, but we do our best because if we borrow from them, we could lose our
land in the end. What we need is financial assistance. We fall into the debt trap
and are enmeshed in the relationship.”
3.2.4 Working abroad

As a consequence, the Gaddang farmers think of working abroad as an option to solve the debt
problem and alleviate poverty. Many of the Gaddang families have a family member who is
working or have worked abroad. In many cases, women serve as housemaids.

3.2.5 Situation of children and women
3.2.5.1 Poverty and income
Major livelihood source is planting of corn and tobacco. However, many of the families do not
have sufficient income from farming to meet their daily needs. Furthermore, many incur debts
from lenders or the corporation that purchase their products.
To compensate for the low farm income, they work as farm laborers. The average income is
Php 120. Interestingly, the employers are sometimes the Gaddangs, who have sizable lands to
till with enough capital to hire laborers. An income gap exists among the Gaddangs.
3.2.5.2 Food sufficiency

Majority of the Gaddangs eat three times a day. The meal consists of rice and vegetables.
3.2.6 Maternal and Child Health

3.2.6.1 Access to health services
Access to health care services is rather difficult. A midwife visits their community once a month
and gives immunization. Medical missions are conducted once a year. A Barangay Health
Center, which has only one midwife without medicines, is located two kilometers away from
the community.
“It is difficult when we get sick. We have to go to a neighboring barangay. We

wish health services are close to our community because these are quite far.”
Nearly half of the women do not register their births.
3.2.6.2 Delivery and breastfeeding

The Gaddang women are normally assisted by a traditional midwife, called hilot when they
deliver at home. Breastfeeding is commonly practiced, but some feed their babies with
powdered milk.

There is high infant mortality and child mortality.

3.2.7.1 Water
There are several communal water pumps close to their homes for drinking.
3.2.7.2 Sanitation
Most have a water-sealed toilet, while others do not have any toilet at all.
3.2.8 Education
3.6.6.1 Educational attainment
Many Gaddangs have relatively higher education. Majority of children are studying. There are
likewise many out-of-school children and youth. Children dropped out due to lack of funds for
their school needs. Aside from expenses for their children’s school supplies, there are other
costs, such as materials for educational notices and the PTA’s membership fee, which the
school periodically requires.

3.6.6.2 Bullying
Many of the children and youth have been taunted and discriminated by Non-IP classmates.
“They call us ‘Kalingas!’. I am hurt, but I try to ignore them. I have never
reported this to my teacher or to my family.”
3.2.9 Psychological impact

It is frequent that a family member leaves home to work abroad for a considerable period. In
some cases, the mothers work abroad as house maids. As a result, the children and youth
experienced being motherless for some time. While it brings financial reward to the family, one
cannot entirely overlook the psychological impact on the children, especially during their
formative years.
“My father died two years ago and my mother left home to work in Malaysia.”
3.3 Aurora
Four IP groups are in the province namely: Baluga, Dumagat, Igorot and Ilongot. Majority are
Dumagats (78.4%).
3.3.1 Inter-marriage
The Dumagats are a subset of the Agta Negrito groups. In the past, they lived in the coastal
areas of Aurora and Quezon provinces. With the arrival of other groups, they moved to the
mountains, scattered in small groups.
Inter-marriage between the Dumagats and non-Dumagats has been observed. In Barangay
Diteki many Dumagats married lowlanders. While some have the characteristic features of
Negritos, such as dark skin and kinky hair, others have light skin and straight hair as a result of
inter-marriage over the past generations.
The Dumagat women expressed the assistance they need.
“We do not have permanent jobs, so we want to have a livelihood project. It has to
be related to rattan-gathering because it has been our practice. We also need a
tribal hall in our community because we do not have a place to gather and
discuss, except for this small church.”

“Seventeen women in this community attended the adult literacy classes. It was
very good. We want to learn more. We want to have a 3rd level of literacy class
next time. Educational assistance for our children is crucially important due to
their inability to purchase school needs, which has been the major reason for our
children dropping-out.”
3.3.2 Situation of children and women

The Dumagat women do not have permanent jobs. Majority of households are engaged in
rattan-gathering, charcoal-making and gathering of wild flowers, such as orchids. In some
cases, they are tied in a patron-client relationship with lowlanders, whom they call ‘store
owners’. Buying and selling their forest products seems to be internalized in this relationship,
although the price is basically decided by the buyers.
“We receive cash advance from the lowlanders, approximately Php 500-600, and
go to the mountain to gather rattan and other mountain products. We often stay
there for 2-7 consecutive days to gather about 500-700 pieces of six feet of rattan
poles. We tie the collected rattans and carry or transport them through the river.
We sell the rattans to the ‘store owners’, who decide the price of the materials.”
During rainy seasons, it is difficult to gather rattan. Thus the income from rattan-gathering
significantly decreases. Furthermore, they noted that gathering and hunting have become
difficult because of depletion of forest resources caused by logging operations.
“Tagalog people are not prohibited from conducting logging operations in the
mountain even if it is illegal. But we are not given the same privilege because we
do not have money.”

They usually have simple meals twice or three times a day composed of rice and vegetables.
Animals hunted both from the mountains and the rivers are consumed, occasionally.

3.3.3.1 Maternal health
Early marriage is common. Most women married when they were 17 years old or younger.
Some even married when they were 13 years old.
They are assisted by a traditional midwife, called hilot, when they deliver their babies.
“I want to be a hilot in the future.”
They breastfeed their babies for a year or two.
3.3.3.2 Birth registration and immunization

Some of the women have not registered their births. All of the children were vaccinated.
3.3.3.3 Common illness

The common illnesses are: hypertension, diarrhea, cough and colds.

3.3.4.1 Water
A river running along the community provides water for bathing and washing, transporting
gathered products from the mountain, and playground for the children. Drinking water is
usually drawn from springs.
3.3.4.2 Sanitation
Some of the households have toilet facilities, while others do not. This is a sanitation issue,
especially the usage of the river.
“We sometimes wrap excrement in a plastic bag and throw it into the river.”
Many children play outside without underwear.
3.3.5 Education
Among the Dumagat children and youth aged 7-19 years, a third was not studying. For many, it
is difficult to finish even grade school. Among the women, there was a similar short fall in
educational attainment.
The major reason for dropping-out is lack of funds to purchase school supplies and pay for
transportation costs.
“I do not want my children to experience the same hardships that we are having.”

Table 3.
Annual school expenses at grade school and a secondary school of Dumagats
Grade school Amount in Php
stationery 1,000
uniform and shoes 1,200
transportation 3,000
school miscellaneous fees 1,000
total estimated expenses 6,200
Secondary school
stationery 1,000
uniform and shoes 1,500
transportation 7,000
school miscellaneous fees 1,500
total estimated expenses 11,000
3.3.5.1 Bullying
The children and youth frequently suffer from bullying and racial discrimination at school.
Some classmates call them Alta, Alta. One got upset when they called out from a distance,
“kinky hair is coming.”
3.3.6 Children at risk

3.3.6.1 Working as house helpers
Some youth work as house helpers in cities to support their education. However, one girl had
an employer who, under the influence of liquor, attempted to sexually abuse her. She quit the
job. Her aunt was also sexually harassed by her employer when she worked as a domestic
helper in Laguna.
“I wanted to save money, but I could not because I was paid only Php 1,500 a
month. I want to go to college.”
3.3.6.2 Child labor

The out-of-school children and youth help their parents in various economic activities. Some
gather rattan in a mountain and make charcoal.

CHAPTER 4
THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN THE VISAYAS
The IPs in the Visayas are based in Antique, Capiz, Guimaras, Negros Oriental, Cebu City and
Northern Samar.
4.1 Antique
In 2010, the total population was 546, 000 of whom 3,030 were indigenous peoples (5.5%).
They constitute the Ati, Cuyunen and Bukidnon groups. Their main sources of livelihood are
laundering, farm labor, handicraft, fishing and hunting.
4.1.1 Situation of the Indigenous People

Food shortage with concomitant hunger is alarming in the Ati community. Majority of them eat
twice a day and some once a day. They are thin and frail-looking. The adults combine breakfast
and lunch in one meal. The schoolchildren skip breakfast.
“I feel unhappy because I am hungry. I always go to school without having

breakfast. I only eat once a day and I feel very sad during lean months because
there is nothing to eat.”
Inability to procure school needs is a major reason why Ati children stop going to school.
“My children stopped going to school because they are hungry all the time and we
could not afford their schooling. My child dropped-out of school due to hunger
and inability to obtain school supplies. He collects scrap irons to buy food. I feel
very sad that I cannot provide food for my children. I feel as if I am abusing them.”
Sometimes they have to be absent from school to help their parents. A 12-year-old Grade V
student occasionally helps her mother do laundry, which results in her being absent from
school. Every day is a struggle for the Ati to obtain food. Hunger and shortage of food supply
are the most serious problems needing immediate attention. The fact that the Atis do not plant
root crops worsens the situation. The place where they live is located in a coastal area. The soil
is unfit for planting. Root crops serve as their food in emergency. However, since the Atis are
not able to plant these, they rely on their low income to purchase food. A day care center and
elementary schools are located in their vicinity. Nonetheless, most of school age children do
not attend these.
4.1.2 Financial Problem
“My mother asked me to stop attending school because my family does not have
money. I was 13 years old when I stopped schooling. Since then, I have been
helping my father in farming and fishing. I am sad that I had to stop going to
school. I want to go back. I want to be a policeman. The saddest moment in my life
was when I had to stop school while I see my former classmates going.”

When asked if he wanted to return to school or have an informal education, such as adult
literacy, he replied,
“I want to go back to school. I am not worried about being surrounded by younger

students in classes. I would even be able to bear the bullying. I really want to go
back to formal schooling, and proceed to higher education.”
4.1.3 Lack of land security

The Atis are situated along a coastal area of Sitio Igcaputol. They do not own the lands where
they are situated. They have been transferring several times although they do not want to
relocate.
“We do not like to be transferring. We want to settle down and have our own
source of livelihood. We want to have a permanent place to live in. It is very hard
to transfer from one place to another all the time.”
Their semi-nomadic lifestyle is due to lack of land ownership, the economic difficulties, and
natural calamities.
“We transferred five times because we do not own our land. We once lived where
the landowner initially agreed on our staying but later, they feared that the land
would be given to us without payment through a program of the Department of
Agriculture. Hence, the owner asked us to leave. We relocated. We were allowed
by the land owner to till their land and stay there for five years. We had to leave
after that so we transferred to another place. We have moved so many times
almost every year and I want to stay in a permanent place for peace. The reason
why we left our previous home was the land we were cultivating is owned by
somebody else.”
They also have been moving from one place to another due to natural calamities, particularly
landslide and flood.
4.1.4 Violence against women

Violence against women related to alcoholism among men is a serious issue. The community is
located in the lowland where liquor shops are accessible and men spend money on liquor.
Most of the women have been regularly abused or beaten by intoxicated husbands.
“My husband stabbed me with the cane of a machete.”
She still has a deep scar on her nose. She showed her arm and waist where different deep scars
are left.
“I was sexually forced by my husband before we got married so I had no choice

but marry him even though I did not love him. My husband became abusive when
he is drunk. I have been maltreated since I had my first baby. ”
Another woman reports that her husband punched her on the eye when he was drunk. Most of
the women married at a young age. The children witnessed how their fathers abused their
mothers.

“My father punches my mother on the nose. My father beats my mom, and utters
rough and hurting words to her.”
Observing this domestic violence has a tremendous impact on the children. A woman who
showed the scars from her husband’s machete, sobbed when she reported that her son was
sent to prison for rape. The family eventually broke up.
“My daughter ran away from our house and she has not returned for seven years.
I want to find her.”
4.1.5 Poverty and income

4.1.5.1 Income
Farm labor is the primary source of livelihood for the Atis. Other sources are from laundry and
nipa craft. Occasionally, they are livestock breeders, housemaids and hunters. However, these
do not provide them with sufficient income. Also, none of these activities is a stable income
source. The average daily salary of a farm laborer is Php 100. Farm work is done seven days a
week in the rainy season, but only four days a week during the dry season. To compensate for
the loss of income, men usually go fishing and raise livestock during dry season. In the dry
season, they experience economic hardship and hunger. Laundry service is a common
economic activity among women. They do it in Non-IPs’ private houses. They are usually paid
Php 100; if the employers are kind, they are given Php 150. Work is usually available once a
week. For nipa craft making, they earn an average of Php 300 per month. Hunting is a favorite
economic activity. Husbands and wives go to the mountain together. They would know when
to hunt particularly during full moon.
4.1.5.2 Job-seeking in Negros

Due to economic hardship, they seek better opportunity in Negros where they migrate and/or
work. However, it does not necessarily bring favorable returns. Children were left behind in
Antique without any caretaker. One father moved to Negros to work in a sugarcane plantation
farm. However, it turned out to be a nightmare.
“My father was shot by a CAFGU officer (a paramilitary). He fortunately had a

narrow escape from death. Also, the owner of the sugar plantation was
maltreating the employees.”

4.1.6 Child Health
4.1.6.1 Malnutrition
Ati children suffer from severe malnutrition due to food shortage.

It is likely that infant and childhood deaths are considerably high in the Ati community.
Absence of prenatal care is a major reason.

Birth registration and immunization seem to be better in the community. Most women
registered their births. NCIP and the local civil registry office encouraged them to do so. The
only reason why some failed is the inability to shoulder the cost of late registration. Majority of
the women completed the immunization program of their children. The barangay midwife
effectively conducts information dissemination and immunization campaign.

Water source is near for some Ati families and far from the others. Communal water facilities
are provided by an NGO. Water is sold for one to five pesos per container. An Ati household, on
average, consumes four containers of water in a day. A common practice is to reduce the
frequency of doing laundry and taking baths to minimize the expenses on water and soap.
Some wash their clothes twice a month while others do so twice a week.
“I wash clothes only twice a month to minimize water and soap expenses. I change
clothes after two to three days when it is hard to get water. It is uncomfortable to
wear the same clothes because they smell bad. My children sometimes take a bath
in the sea to save water.”
4.1.8 Education
High rate of dropping out from school due to hunger is a major hindrance. Bullying is another
problem.
4.1.8.1 Bullying
The Ati children and youth suffer from discrimination and bullying in school. It is one of the
causes of dropping out of school. In the community, there is a primary school from Grade I to
IV where majority are Ati students. A 10-year-old boy is thin and small and speaks in a low
voice. He had been an honor student at school.
“I stopped going to school for a year at Grade I because I could no longer bear the
bullying. There are only three non-IP students in the school. But an Ati child, who
is excellent in his school performance, was bullied by non-IPs. I told my teacher
about the bullying but she just told me to take a seat. I also told my parents, but
they could do nothing about it.”

There is an intermediate school, called Central School, where students from Grade V to VI are
enrolled. Majority of the students are non-IPs. Bullying of Ati children has been occurring in
this school. Classmates called a 12-year old girl baraw (gray colored chicken). Many children
mentioned that people often call them ‘Ati!’ and they feel ashamed to be called so. The teachers
felt the need for another school building for Grades V and VI, where the Ati children can
exclusively attend. The question is the isolation of the Ati children and the solution to stop the
bullying and discrimination. Notably, children do not understand the Ati language. Some even
seemed unwilling to learn it. They do not want to use it because people would notice that they
are Atis.
4.1.8.2 Mothers’ educational attainment

The women became particularly emotional when they recall their childhood and the reasonfor
dropping out of school. Very few completed elementary school even though they once enrolled.
The predominant reason for this was economic hardship. They expressed their regret for lost
opportunities.
“I did not have clothes and underwear and this embarrassed me. I picked up
guavas from the mountain and traded them for papers. I tried to find every means
to support my education. I bought one can of ground corn for my food in school. I
went to Manila when I was 14 years old and worked as a housemaid. I could not
go to school there either because the monthly salary was only Php 30. I feel sad
that I could not continue my education. The school was too far from my house and
my parents could not afford my school needs. My parents have never been
enrolled in formal school. I really wanted to go to school and finish my education.
I still want to study. Even a non-formal education such as literacy classes will be
nice. I want to learn how to write and read. They insulted us sometimes because of
illiteracy especially during voting at elections. Some teachers would shout and
harass us when we could not understand the written instructions.”

The Ati children are exposed to the following risks: child labor; potential of dropping out from
formal school due to severe poverty, hunger and malnutrition and bullying.

4. 2 Capiz
Capiz had a total of 720, 000 population in 2010 with an IP population of 25, 200. The main
income sources are broom making, farming, livestock breeding, hunting, labor in non-IP farms,
charcoal making, handicraft (buon buon) making, orchid and herbal medicine gathering. The
Atis are considered nomadic due to their itinerant search for livelihood.
4.2.1 Economic reason for nomadism
“When I was young, we moved to Iloilo to look for a job. Fortunately, my father
found work at a sugarcane plantation in Iloilo. My family kept transferring to
look for land to till and for other sources of livelihood. My parents decided to move
from Sitio Tag-ao to Sitio Aglalana because the place is nearer to a school, and
they got a job in a privately-owned farm.”
Food adequacy is one of the most serious concerns. They occasionally eat, only once a day.
Some eat only once the day before.
4.2.2 Intimidation
In addition to economic reason, lack of land ownership and unbearable discrimination from
lowlanders force the Ati families to move from one place to another.
“My family kept on transferring because lowlanders threaten us. They think of us
as second class citizens. Due to this, we had to leave all our belongings such as
kitchen utensils and flee our house. They would not allow us to get water from
their wells. They do not want us to drink from the well because they think we
might contaminate them. There are lowlanders who did everything to make us
feel inferior.”
4.2.3 Interrupted schooling

One female respondent works as a house help to support her education. At 21 years of age, she
is still in her 4th year of secondary school since she had to stop schooling for three years when
she was in grade school. She worked in Iloilo during those years. Frequent relocation prodded
the Atis schoolchildren to repeat their grade level and even schooling. One Ati had to stop
because her family transferred to Mindoro when she was in Grade III.
“I do not like transferring from one place to another because people see us as
nomadic. I have been insulted by teachers just because I am an Ati. My teacher
even presented me in the class as a sample of an Ati and said that Atis are
nomadic. I was hurt. I do not like to transfer either because it is very hard to start
from scratch again and adjust to a new environment, faces and lifestyle.”
In some cases, only the parents move to find a job and children are left behind in the care of
relatives. This life style is traumatic for many of the children because of the loneliness being far
from their parents and other family members.
“My parents went to a different place to work and I was left with our relatives in
Iloilo. I missed them badly. It was the saddest time of my life.”
One college student, felt sad when her sisters had to live in a different province to work.

They are the most marginalized people in Capiz. Poverty incidence is high. Most derive their
income from broom making. They plant root crops and raise livestock. The other economic
sources include farming, hunting, charcoal making and gathering herbal medicine and orchids.
Although they have many sources of livelihood, the estimated average income of Ati women is
from 600 to 2,000 pesos per month, which is merely about 6 to 21 percent of the average
household income of Region VI. Due to lack of land tenure, they signed an agreement with the
land and/or tree owners that they would remit one fourth of sales of charcoal to the owner.
They feel hopeless. There is no other choice but to adhere to this agreement. Raising money for
transportation is never easy. They could not go to school sometimes because of lack of money
for transportation.
“I was awarded as an honor student at the graduation ceremony. No one from my

family could attend the ceremony because they could not afford the 100 pesos for
the transportation to school. I felt very sad.”

Children’s immunization is complete. However, there is neither a health center nor regular
medical missions that reach their community. Officials mentioned that they expect the Atis to
go to the health services at the lowland areas, instead of the government extending health
services to the community. Many eat only once or twice a day. The meal consists of rice and
vegetables. As a consequence, nutritional problems exist. All Ati women were assisted by a
traditional midwife, called hilot during delivery. An Ati woman who graduated from a
Midwifery College also assists the hilot. However, she is not yet licensed because she cannot
afford to pay the application fee for the midwifery national board exam. Many experienced
having stillborn babies. Infants and child death are serious concerns.

Inadequate sources of water and the distance of the available sources are biggest problems for
the Atis. There are only three water springs and it takes about an hour to fetch water. Hence,
they fetch water twice a day: once in the morning and another in the afternoon. It is the
children who fetch water frequently. Aside from the distance of the available water sources,
the quantity of water to be transported is also limited. This affects their hygienic practices.
They wash their clothes and take a bath only 1-3 times a week. None has a sanitary toilet. Many
have an open-pit toilet, and the rest do not have any toilet facilities at all.
4.2.6 Education
An elementary school is located at approximately 1.5 km from the community. The Ati children
hike a hilly and rugged trail for thirty minutes to reach the school. Despite its fairly good
access, nearly half of the school age population is not studying. Few of children aged 3-5 years
old are enrolled in a Day Care Center. The major reason for dropping out or not attending
school is financial. The Ati parents cannot afford school supplies, such as pencils and
notebooks. Lack of food is also a reason.
“I sometimes feel very hungry by the time I reach school because there is no food
for breakfast. I stopped attending school because of financial difficulties. Our
family did not even have enough food to eat. There were times when I had to eat
sugarcane on my way to school to ease hunger. There was nothing else to eat.”
Sometimes, they are expected to work by their families. One had to stop attending school for
two years to help his father in making charcoal.
“My saddest experience is that I had to stop attending school that is why I was
very happy when I was finally able to return to school.”
4.2.6.1 Bullying
Bullying Ati children at school is alarming - needing serious attention and corrective action. All
the Ati children and youth received racially-oriented taunting by both non-IP students and
teachers. The students call them ‘Ati! Ati!’ in a discriminatory way. Some teachers reportedly
maltreat and verbally abuse them.

4.3 Guimaras
The Atis of Guimaras constitute 3.8 percent of the total provincial population. They are
involved in handicraft making, hunting, gathering and paid labor.
4.3.1 Herbal gathering

Traditional healing is widely practiced in the province and herbs are essential in treatment.
There are plenty of herbal plants in the mountainside and the hills. Many herbal medicines are
sold in Iloilo City, which takes only fifteen minutes to reach by pump boat from the port of
Guimaras islands. A busy street in the center of Iloilo city, called Iznart Street, is known for
stalls where merchants offer various herbal medicines. The Atis are major vendors of these
herbal medicines on the street. An old Ati tribal healer said that the skill of healing has been
handed down by the older generation. However, the younger Atis are no longer interested in
traditional healing and acquisition of indigenous knowledge.
“I learned my healing skills from my mother. It is a pity that there is no one who
wants to learn this skill from me anymore. When people have stomachaches, I
would tenderly massage their stomach with herbal medicine.”
In fact, the government and private sectors have been interacting with the Atis and assisting
the community through health seminars, livelihood projects, relief operations, educational
assistance and vocational training among others. The Ati women seemed to have been used to
interacting with outsiders. They are talkative and lively, and looked comfortable in expressing
themselves. The interventions so far are generally appreciated.
“I was very happy when a religious group financially supported me to return

school.”
Although they may be influenced by external factors traditional beliefs persist.
“We believe in spirits. They usually inhabit Balete trees. If you intrude into their
holy space and touch it without permission, they will punish you and make some
parts of your body swell. You can seek permission from them by talking to them
and praying.”
4.3.2 Lack of land tenure

The Atis are likely emigrants from Antique who intended to seek jobs in Haciendas in Negros,
but were restrained in Guimaras Province and eventually settled there. Their great-
grandparents moved to Guimaras in the mid-40s. Presently they are settled in their respective
areas. However, securing land tenure is a major problem in these settlements. They live in
private lands. Presently, there is no definite ancestral domain in the province. In Sitio Kati-kati,
they are still processing several documents required in procuring land titles to lay claim on
their lands.

Since they are squatting in privately-owned areas, some have been relocated.
“A previous land owner told us to leave our place because he wanted to plant
cassava (root crops) and build a school. We have been relocating several times
because we do not own the lands. I have even been verbally threatened to leave. I
am afraid for the time when we would have to transfer again. I want to have a
permanent place and a house to live in. I want to have our own land to till.”

4.3.3.1 Multiple income sources
They have different livelihood sources. More than half of the households derive their income
from more than four different economic activities: gathering herbal plants and medicines,
making and selling handicraft; hunting and planting and gathering root crops. Other activities
include gathering shells; construction works and carpentry; gathering and selling scraps; and
carving wood handicrafts. Despite numerous sources of livelihood, income from these sources
is not enough. The LGUs and the NCIP have been implementing several livelihood programs
and projects, including capital assistance for indigenous handicraft-making and mat-weaving.
Despite these, poverty incidence remains high in the community. The average income per
household is 500 to 800 pesos per week, which is approximately 23 percent to 37 percent of
the average income of a household in Western Visayas.

The Atis adopt the traditional healing system using indigenous knowledge. However, they
would go to a hospital if they are not cured by herbal medicine. It costs Php 100 for a medical
check-up in private hospitals, but no charges are made in governmental hospitals. The
community has fairly good access to the Barangay Health Center although there is neither a
doctor or nurse who is regularly available but, a midwife and the Barangay Health Workers. A
religious group assists in acquiring modern medicine. They are all aware of the need to take
iodized salt because they participated in a health seminar organized by a health institution.
4.3.4.2 Immunization
The children have immunization records at the center; although there are cases of
incompleteness.

4.3.4.3 Birth registration
The women are assisted by a hilot when they deliver. They widely practice breastfeeding. The
major reasons for failure in registering their births are their inability to pay the penalty charge
for late registration subsequently and lack of marriage certificate. “All my children were
registered for free during election time. I was helped by one of the political aspirants. ”
4.3.5 Food security and nutritional status

They usually eat twice a day although there are times when they eat only once. Mothers save
their food for their children.
“We eat only once a day when the price of rice is high”.

4.3.6.1 Water
There are four open wells in the community. However, they complain about poor access to
water sources. “I have to wake up at four o’clock in the morning just to fetch clean water for
drinking because the wells are easily contaminated after people start using them.”
“The well is very small and many children use it every morning. I have to wait for
them to finish.”
4.3.6.2 Toilet
Many households do not have any toilet facilities at all, while others have water-sealed toilets.
The lack of land ownership could be a factor which discourages some from installing a sanitary
toilet.
“I am not motivated to have a water-sealed toilet at home because my house is

built on land owned by others. I do not know when to move again.”
4.3.7 Education
A day care center, a grade school and a secondary school are accessible to the community. Most
Atis are not studying due to poverty and poor nutrition.
“It was the happiest moment of my life when I was able to return to school. I want
to be a policeman in the future.”

Children stop going to school to help their families earn a living. With low education, limited
livelihood opportunities are available to them.
“Since my father has no job and I am the eldest son, I dropped out of school and
worked as a construction laborer at the age of 15. I was very sad when I stopped
going to school. I really want to go back.”
His income is just enough to support himself and little is left for the family. Construction work
is irregular. When there is no construction, other sources of income have to be sought. Aside
from lack of education, absence of land tenure and residence are sources of insecurity.
“I want to have a permanent residence and a house to live in. My salary is not
enough to support my family.”

4.3.7.2 Bullying
Some children have been bullied by their classmates.
“When my classmates call me ‘Ati’, I feel very sad. I sometimes cry. I retorted. ‘You
are strangers in this place. The Ati came here first. They avoid joining a group
where Atis are present.”
When the children talked about bullying, they retorted that, all people are equal. There should
be no discrimination.
“I want to teach the Ati children in the future, so that they will not be exploited or
maltreated by other people.”

4.3.8.1 Ati language
While the Atis are able to retain their traditional practices, such as their traditional healing
system, some of their culture are in danger of disappearing, including their language. Most do
not usually use the Ati language. Some understand the Ati language while some hardly do.
“Even when my parents would talk to me in the Ati language, I respond in Bisaya
because I have gotten used to it.”
However, when asked if they are interested in learning the language, all said, “Yes!” A necessity
of establishing a School for Living Tradition (SLT) was expressed to maintain their culture.
4.3.8.2 Child labor

Children stop attending school either temporarily or permanently due to financial constraints,
eventually becoming construction workers or housemaids. With little education, lack of land
security, and limited livelihood opportunities, their options for survival are limited.
4.3.9 Alcoholism
Alcoholism is prevailing in the Ati community. Women reported that drinking, among men, has
been a problem. Violence against women has become infrequent.
“There used to be many cases of wives abused by their husbands, but we have not
heard much now.”
The possibility that children drink cannot be disregarded. When asked if youth regularly drink,
“I sometimes drink when my mother drinks.”

4.4 Negros Oriental
There are two groups of IPs in Negros Oriental – the Ati/Ata/Magahat, and the Bukidnon. They
normally work in haciendas, farm, or make handicrafts. They mostly stay in the upland hiking
plains, hills and covered footpaths.
The Atas in Bais City originated from Mabinay, Negros Oriental. They were forced to seek other
lands because of poverty in the area. The Ati families have been there for about 15 years. The
Atas of Mabinay are believed to have come from the first batch of Negritos who occupied the
island of Negros during the pre-Hispanic time and are considered to be the last of the
remaining groups who inhabited the areas of Mabinay. A large percentage of them do not own
the land they till.
4.4.1 Hacienda labor

Most are engaged in sugarcane planting and harvesting. They are paid a minimum wage
under harsh working conditions. Majority of them are involved in farming and most are tenant
workers of Haciendas. The parents’ generation has low educational attainment. The low rate
of enrollment and school dropout among children and youth is alarming. Their poor working
conditions and low wages are appalling. The average daily income is Php 50 during dry season
and Php 120 during rainy season, which are respectively 15 and 36 percent of the average
daily income of Central Visayas region. They normally work on the farms for eight hours, from
7 AM to 4 PM, for five days a week.
“We are weeding most of the time. It is tiring to work under the sun.”
It is not only the eight-hour-work on the farm that tires them. They also have to hike for two to
three hours daily to reach the Hacienda.
“We do not like to work in a Hacienda, but we have no other choice.”

4.4.2 Sense of hopelessness
The Ata women appeared unenergetic and tired. Under the Hacienda system, there is no
possibility of ownership of the land. This reality gives them a sense of hopelessness leading to
dependence on the monetized/cash-based economy.
“I want to earn more money. That is my biggest wish.”
They lack the enthusiasm to send their children to school. They seem not have long-term goals
nor the thought that things actually could be better. The sense of helplessness prevails. Still,
they talked about their dreams.
“I want to own the land that we are cultivating for our children because we want
to be self-sustaining someday.”
4.4.3 Situation of Children and Women

In Bais City, Negros Oriental Province, majority of the Atas are engaged in farming as tenant
workers of Haciendas. The primary income source is Hacienda labor. The laborers work from 7
am to 4 pm five days a week. The average daily income is Php 50 during dry season and Php
120 during rainy season. After harvest, in September and October, there is little or sometimes
no work available in the Hacienda. During these lean periods, they experience more economic
difficulties. The households obtain food by planting corn and root crops. Majority are tenant
workers. Most of the Atas in Bais City do not own the land they till. The agricultural produce
from the farm is consumed by the family. Little is left to sell. They harvest only in August and
September. Their ancestors used to be nomadic, but women prefer to settle in one place
because if they keep relocating, they would have to start over again. They are tired of it. They
wish to have their own land so that their children would have the means to make a living.
4.4.4 Housing
A typical house consists of a single room with a kitchen, sleeping and dining areas rolled into
one. Their houses are built with small wooden posts elevated from the ground a meter or
more. Pigs and chickens are kept under the house. The floor is made of split wood/lumber or
bamboo. The roof is made of cogon grass.

4.4.5.1 Lack of Health information
Some Ata mothers are not aware of the importance of immunization. Many women have not
completed the immunization of their children.
“I can raise my children without vaccination.”
The clinic was viewed is too far. Some have not completed registration of their births. Clearly,
these mothers are not aware of the importance of these services. Information dissemination on
health issues is necessary.

4.4.5.2 Hilot (Traditional Birth Attendant)
Delivery is assisted by hilots at home. The popularity of hilots is attributed to their accessibility,
affordability of their services and cultural appropriateness. The midwife is fetched by a
member of the family from her residence, after the first pangs of labor are felt. Houses are
clustered far from each other, sometimes as far as the next mountain. When the hilot gets to
the house, she looks at the eyes of the cat and from that she can determine if the baby is ready
to come out.
By observing the patterns of the sea, we can determine whether or not the mother
is ready to give birth. Since we cannot see the ocean from here, we look at the eyes
of the cat. If the pupil is large, that means it is high tide and the baby will be born.
If the pupil is not large, it is low tide and it means that the baby is not yet ready to
come out,” a BHW, who is also Ata and a recognized midwife, explained (Dulhao,
2002).
This sounded extraordinary to me. Beliefs like these are what make the Atas and
other IPs a special kind of people. (ibid.)
4.4.5.3 High Infant Mortality

Infant mortality rate is high in the Ata community. Nearly half of women lost their infants. The
causes of death are pneumonia and cough.
4.4.5.4 Malnutrition
The Ata children are thin and fatigued. The staple food is corn.
“We do not eat rice; we eat corn because it is cheaper than rice. We buy ten kilos
of corn per week.”
More than half of their weekly salary are spent for corn. They also consume root crops, such as
gabi and cassava, as substitutes for corn. Ironically, sugar is too expensive for them to
purchase.
“We purchase sugar only when we have extra income. We prefer salt because it is
cheaper. ”
The Ata families manage to eat three times a day. They also face shortage of food. There was a
time when there was nothing to eat.

None of the households have water-sealed nor an open-pit type of toilet facilities. They
dispose their excrement in bushes. There is one deep well and two springs as their water
sources in the community. They fetch water three times a day but the quality is uncertain.
4.4.7 Education
4.4.7.1 Enrolment in day care center
There is a day care center in the community, with one teacher. About 40 pupils are enrolled
there, but only half are regular attendees. Most children aged 3-5 are not attending or not
enrolled in the day care center. The women attributed this to economic constraint.

“It will prevent us from working in the farm, if we bring the children to and from
the day care center every day.”
4.4.7.2 Access to school

The community is located in the upland area. With no access to roads or bridges, education
facilities are unreachable. The children go to Lowason Elementary School located at the
lowland area, about three kilometers from the community. A high school is approximately four
kilometers away. The children normally walk for an hour or two to reach the schools. The road
to the nearest town is rough, and there is no transportation.
4.4.7.3 Educational attainment

Simple literacy rate which comprises basic reading and writing was quite high in 2003 while
functional literacy rate, that includes basic reading, writing skills and computational ability,
was equally at a high level.
Women’s low educational attainment is noteworthy. Nearly half never enrolled in formal
schools. Very few reached Grade IV. Significantly, it is rare that an Ata woman would mention
the importance of education for her children. The primary concern is food and other basic
needs for survival. The educational attainment of the younger generation has improved
although there is still a high number of out-of-school children and youth. The data derived
from the PRA Social Census Map showed children are out-of-school. They often drop out of
formal education within a year. The reasons include economic hardships and bullying. Yet, they
expressed their desire to go to school. Bullying is also common.

4.4.8.1 Child labor at Haciendas
The Ata children and youth looked weak and barely smiled. This could be attributed to their
hard labor at farms, homes and schools. They are laborers in the sugarcane Hacienda. Child
labor at the hacienda leads to late enrolment, repetition and drop out.
“I started to go to school at the age of ten because I was working at the Hacienda
for eight hours daily for 4-5 years.”
“I really do not like to work in a Hacienda because it is very tiring to work under
the sun but I have to earn additional money.”

A quarter of land is given to an Ata household, and payment is given to the family head based
on the amount of work done. The major tasks are weeding and harvesting. Parents often work
with their children. The child becomes a laborer leading to late enrollment or dropping-out of
formal education.
“I wanted to continue my schooling and never liked to work in the Hacienda.”
Youth and children wake up early to cook breakfast for their family before going to school
because
“Mother hardly wakes up early. She is exhausted after hard work.”
Women did not send their children to cities for begging as they believe that it is not good.
“It will be alright during Christmas season.”
4.5 Cebu City

The Badjaos in Cebu City are engaged in fishing, vending, coin diving, begging, pearl and fruit
vending.
4.5.1 Living conditions
The Badjao community is located five kilometers south of downtown Cebu City, close to a busy
highway. They live along a river— some households live on one side of the river called Side A
area, and the other households and individuals settle on the other side of the river, called Side
B area. Despite its location near a busy street, the community looks like a refugee camp. Their
living condition is harsh. They do not have adequate housing, sanitation, livelihood and access
to water and health services. They live in temporary shelters and tents, built with light
materials such as clothes and plastic sheets. Some shelters do not even have walls and doors.
The house consists of a single, tiny room where an average of seven family members. People
cook on the street in front of their shelter exposing kitchen utensils and food to dirt. Some sell
their fish on the street. Others wash their clothes inside their houses, and throw the used water
into the river underneath their houses. No Badjao family has a toilet. They dispose their
excrement in the river where the children play without clothes. The river has become a place
for waste disposal. It is contaminated with an unpleasant smell. Children run and play on the
street and the river. A private organization distributes packed food to the families. Some do not
know how to eat canned foods.

4.5.2 Roots
The Badjaos in Cebu City originated from Zamboanga. Headed by Molo Daomani, they
relocated from Rio Hondo, Zamboanga City to Cebu City in 1960, and formed a slum
community in Alaska, Mambaling, Cebu City. Another group, headed by Berting Asama,
followed and settled in the same place. They are divided into two groups with different leaders.
Their situation became miserable when the community was ravaged by fire in April 2005. This
resulted in the internal displacement of a large number, who relocated to Side B. Others
decided to stay in the burned place.
4.5.3 Education
Some moved to Cebu because their fathers were killed by Muslims while fishing.
“My family used to live in a boat when I was a child. I enjoyed it because I could
swim whenever I wanted and move from one place to another easily. When we
needed food, we would dock at the seashore to buy food.”
Her family continued to live in a boat after moving to Cebu. They settled on land when the
children attended elementary school. The family of a female gave up living at sea when she
started Grade I. Another woman stopped living in a boat when her children started formal
schooling. The education of their children is a major motivation for Badjao parents to change
their lifestyle.
“I prefer to live on land because it is easier for my children to go to school. Also,

we have more chances to improve our life here on land.”
4.5.4 Livelihood and begging

Begging is a major income source. It played an important in obtaining money. All Badjaos
engage in begging on the streets or at sea. At sea it is coin diving. They dive into the seas to pick
coins, which are thrown by tourists. They do not want to beg.
“Begging makes me feel ashamed, but my parents take me to the streets to beg for
money for food.”
They normally beg from 8AM to 4 PM in crowded places, and the average cash they accumulate
is about Php 20-100 a day.
Other major income sources are fish, fruit and pearl vending. However, the income derived
from these is inadequate. Hence, food is inadequate. Many children and youth sometimes eat
only once a day. Poor sanitation and practices are linked to illnesses.
“I had to stop school at Grade IV because I have tuberculosis, and my teacher told
me not to attend classes anymore.”
4.5.5 Relocation plan

The government has a relocation plan for the Badjao community from Cebu City to Tongo
Island. Cebu City would provide a five-year program of assistance to the Badjao community
consisting of housing, education and livelihood projects. However, concerns about the
sustainability of the projects were raised.

4.5.6 Begging
Most of the beggars are young.
4.5.7 Income
People normally buy fish outside their community for Php 40 per kilo, and sell them for Php
65. The sale would range from five kilos as the minimum to a maximum of ten kilos. If they sell
ten kilos of fish, they earn Php 250. In pearl vending, they normally purchase pearls for Php
300 mainly from Colon islands, and sell them for Php 500-1,000 in Cebu City. With this,
average monthly income is less than Php 500 to 1,000.
4.5.8 Maternal and Child health

4.5.8.1 The Badjao mothers
The average family size in Cebu City is seven. Early marriage is common. Most women married
when they were 17 years old or younger. Educational attainment of the mothers is low.
4.5.9 Health and nutrition

Their poor health and nutrition situation is alarming. The river is severely contaminated by
human excrement and other wastes. They usually eat only once or twice a day. Fish, rice and
cassava (root crop) are the common foods eaten. Some experienced not having a meal for two
consecutive days, and there are times when the children eat only junk food. Sometimes the
meal is merely rice and salt. There is no health or nutrition post in their community. Two
Barangay Health Workers extend health services and occasional medical missions are
undertaken by LGUs and private groups. The residents still lack medical services. There are a
number of Badjao children in the community who do not have birth records (The NCIP Cebu
Provincial Office). Women who completed the immunization of their children were assisted by
either a registered midwife or a traditional hilot. Some women purchase rock salt because it is
cheaper than iodized salt.

4.5.10.1 Water
The community lacks access to water supply. They purchase water, which costs five pesos per
container. Five containers are purchased daily. To minimize the cost, they reduce the water
usage. One container is usually consumed for drinking, and the other four for cooking, washing
and bathing. They change their clothes after two to three days.

4.5.10.2 Toilet facility and contaminated river
There is no toilet facility in the community. Human waste is disposed into the river under their
shelter. Other wastes, such as garbage, fish, cans and papers, are also thrown there. The river is
contaminated and generates an acrid smell. The Badjao children play outside without any
clothes on. They also play in the contaminated river, which results in infectious diseases
occurence. With this environment, infectious diseases, including tuberculosis, become
prevalent. They stop schooling when they contract tuberculosis.
4.5.11 Education
4.5.11.1 Enrolment rate
The number of enrollees constantly decreases. It is difficult for a Badjao child to complete the
Grade level within a year. For secondary education, the chance of a Badjao child to enter high
school is low.
4.5.11.2 Day Care Center

There is a Day Care Center in the community where the children are exclusively enrolled.
However, enrollees often are absent due to any of the following reasons: the parents take their
children to the streets and/or sea for begging; there is no food; or they are not motivated to
send their children to the Day Care Center.
4.5.11.3 Bullying
Some of them have been seriously bullied at school. One girl was called a thief by Cebuano
students.
“They call me ‘moklo’. Some students punched me because I did not give them the
money they demanded. So, I brought stones to school to protect myself from
them.”
4.5.11.4 Desire for education

The women prefer to live on land for better access to basic services and opportunities to
improve their life, especially for the education for their children. The women expressed their
desire to send their children to school.
“I wish my children will finish school and have stable jobs in the future.”

4.6 Northern Samar
The number of IPs in Northern Samar is undetermined. They consist of the Mamanwa,
Abaknon and Manobo.
4.6.1 Psychological distance
A remarkable characteristic of the Mamanwas is suspicion of outsiders. They barely smile or

laugh, and select words carefully when they respond. The men lower their voices and whisper
to each other. The youth behave defensively. They are reluctant to talk about themselves and
when they speak, the words are cautiously chosen. They seldom smile. It is reasonable to have
such defensive attitude towards outsiders, due to the fact that they have never received any
basic services, have been continuously discriminated by lowlanders, and left behind.
4.6.2 Lack of basic services

There has been no government services extended to the community.
4.6.3 The Mamanwas of Samar

The Mamanwas are not known. The following are the places where the presence of Mamanwa
communities are located: San Jose de Buan, Western Samar, Las Navas, Northern Samar.
Catolin (2006) mentions that the possibility of IPs other than those who are already identified
in Samar remains.
“We want to live in the Barangay proper to have better access to basic services,
especially health service and education for children.”
They are a Negrito subgroup believed to originate from Surigao and Agusan (Serrano, 2005).
They left Mindanao due to socio-economic difficulties and migrated to Samar and Leyte in
search for better livelihood.
“We were born in Samar, but our parents came from Surigao del Sur, Mindanao.
They left there, passed through Leyte and reached Samar because life in
Mindanao was very difficult. Our parents were looking for better source of
livelihood. Samar has a good source of rattan.”
Life in Samar is not easy either and they wish to seek assistance for their livelihood.
Although the community does not have any security concerns, one cannot entirely discount the
possibility that they have been affected by and/or are involved in armed conflicts. They are
likely to be vulnerable to influences of rebels especially since the government pays no

attention to them and they are left behind. There was an alleged military operation and
insurgency in the area. The military suspected that IPs have been connecting with and/or
supporting the NPAs. The military forcefully limited the amount of rice that they could
purchase from the town because the military suspected that they would supply the rice to the
NPA (Ibid: 4).
“The military restricted us from purchasing food from town, especially rice. They
allowed us to buy only one or two packs of rice. It was very difficult. We hiked for
about one week from San Jose de Buan to this community.”
Insurgency and armed conflicts negatively affect their livelihood.

Their primary source of living is rattan-gathering. Other sources of revenue are gathering wild
abaca, basket and mat-making. They sell their rattan for Php 30 per 100 pieces to buyers in
Barangay Las Navas. On the average, a Mamanwa family collects 400-800 pieces weekly. The
estimated average income per household is Php 120-240 per week. The amount of rattan being
gathered largely depends on the season. During the rainy season, heavy rains prevent them
from collecting rattan. Hence, their income decreases considerably. Most of the income is spent
for rice. They go down to the barangay weekly to sell the rattans and purchase rice. The market
is located about seven kilometers from the community, and they hike for about two hours.
Producing rice is the primal concern of the Mamanwa. As substitute for rice, root crops are
usually planted for self-consumption. Yet, they only eat twice a day. Their income is devoted
only to food. Education, health and other basic needs are not met.

4.6.5.1 Health service
There is no health service in the community, nor has a single medical mission visited them. The
Mamanwa women are not aware of iodized salt. Some have not registered their children
because of the location of the registration center and their inability to bear the cost of the
registration. Although they are aware of the immunization, none of the Mamanwa women had
their children vaccinated. They need to live in the Barangay proper to have better access to
basic services, especially health services and education.
4.6.5.2 Infant and Childhood Mortality

One woman lost three babies right after giving birth. Two other children suffered from severe
diarrhea.
“We eat camote (sweet potato) and rice. Our babies eat the same after they have
gone through the breastfeeding period.”
Their nutritional status should be paid serious attention. The Mamanwa children and youth
are physically thin, so are the adults.
“We eat meal twice a day if we have money. If we do not, we eat only once a day.
We eat camote (sweet potato) more often than any other food. We normally
cannot afford to buy fish.”
They eat rattan sprouts as their viand.

4.6.5.3 Breastfeeding

All women breastfed their babies “until we got pregnant again.” The average number of
children is 6.2. They married early.

There is no water system installed in the community. Three springs in the mountain serve as
their water sources. They normally walk for about 20 minutes to reach the springs and fetch
water four times a day.
4.6.7 Education
None of the children and youth is in school. All of the Mamanwa mothers, children and youth
expressed their strong desire for education.

4.6.8.1 Possible influence of armed conflicts
Although their community is peaceful, the possibility that they have been afflicted and/or are
involved in armed conflicts cannot be disregarded. Security concerns directly and indirectly
influence children’s education. One girl had to be accompanied by her parents to school, which
resulted in her eventual dropping out. One of the reasons was protection. It implies that there
might have been a security issue that motivated parents to protect children.
“We will accompany you to our village up in the mountain the next time you come.
We will protect you along the way.”
Again, they might have had a reason to stress that they would provide protection on the way to
their community.
4.6.9 Bullying
“What is your saddest experience in life?” “It was when I was called a ‘black
person’ and ‘Manobo’ by lowlanders. I was very sad”. The youth have been
constantly receiving similar racially-motivated taunts at the lowland.
The Mamanwa normally go to the lowland to exchange their rattan for rice. On the way to
market, they are often teased by lowlanders. The youth became emotional and showed their
anger and sadness when they talked about it. “We are also humans like them”.

CHAPTER 5
THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLE IN MINDANAO
In Mindanao, there are eight provinces where most IPs are identified: Zamboanga del Sur,
Bukidnon, Davao City, Saranggani, Sultan Kudarat, North Cotabato, Agusan del Sur and
Maguindanao.
http://www.ncip.gov.ph/
5.1 Zamboanga del Sur

In the province, four ethnic groups are identified. Sama (Badjao), Subanen, Kalibugan and
Sama (Samal).
5.1.1 Subanens
The Subanens dwell in a mountainous ancestral domain with vast areas of rice fields. Majority
work as tenant farmers on fields owned by non-IPs because the agriculturally developed and
irrigated areas have already been titled to non-IPs before the IPRA law took effect.
“Under an agreement made between the owner and us, one-eighth of the harvest
or income will be given to the owner. After deducting the expenditure for
agricultural inputs and tenant fee, we are left with almost nothing.”
Many of the Subanen in the community manage to eat three meals a day and send their
children to at least an elementary school. However, poverty incidence in the community is still
high. The children need basic provisions such as school bags and sandals. A Subanen school girl
mentioned,
“I want to have an umbrella. It is very difficult to walk for an hour to school

during rainy seasons without it.”
Alternative sources of income were suggested to improve their livelihood.
“We wish to have sufficient food for our families. We want to have income
generation projects such as cattle-raising and small scale businesses.”

5.1.2 Access to market
They sell their agricultural products at a market located about two kilometers from the
community. The road to the market is rough and rocky. Majority of the Subanen hike for two
hours to reach the market, otherwise they use horses.
“Our vegetables lose their freshness by the time we reach the market and this
adversely affects the retail price. In addition, it is hard to carry agricultural
products on our shoulders. Even the horses can load only a limited amount.”
To improve the road condition and to have a better access to the market are what the women
desire.

The areas where the irrigation system is established and where the soil is fertile have been
titled to non-IPs prior to the implementation of the IPRA law. As a result, despite the fact that
they dwell in their ancestral land, and are surrounded by vast areas of rice fields, majority are
tenant farmers to the non-IPs. Under the agreement made with the land owners, the Subanen
pay about 2,000 pesos annually and give one-eighth of their harvest or income to the
landowners. The average gross income estimated by the Subanen women is Php 7,000 every
four months from rice production and Php 6,000 per harvest from the other crops, of which the
total income reaches approximately one third of the average household income of the region.
They noted, however, that the gross income would be lower after the deduction of the cost of
agricultural inputs and tenant fees.

Barangay medical missions visit the community monthly. All children have been immunized by
the medical missions. Three fourths have been fully immunized. Majority of the Subanen
women give birth at home with the assistance of traditional midwives, called hilot.
“We prefer to deliver in the traditional way.”
A hilot cuts the umbilical cord through a bamboo stick. They go to hospitals for emergencies. A
woman said she was taken to the hospital when she experienced difficulties in delivery. Going
to the hospital, however, is the last resort, not only for economic reasons but the hospital’s
distance.
“We normally do not have pre-natal check-ups, because the hospital is too far.”
Women breastfeed their babies for 1-3 years and they are not fully aware of the value of
breastfeeding.
“We breastfeed because we do not have sufficient money to buy milk.”

Many Subanen children are not registered. They are eager to register their births but many
factors prevent them to do so. They do not have a free registration form which is with the Local
Civil Registrar. They do not have Php 100 registration fee; and lack a marriage certificate which
is required.

“I went to the office, but they ran out of registration forms. So I returned on a
different day, but the same reason was given which I think was lame because all
they had to do was to reproduce the forms through the photocopy machine. I did
not think they want to give us the form because if they do, they would have to
assist us to fill it out, which was bothersome and time-consuming.”

Most of the Subanens manage to have three meals a day. Their children who attend school
bring packed lunches. The meal consists of rice and vegetables. Fish is consumed once a week.
“We manage to eat three times, but the amount of the food is not sufficient.”

5.1.6.1 Water
Drinking water is obtained from a communal water pipe and springs which are both located
about a kilometer from the center of the community. They fetch water three times a day. Many
of the women want access to water and electricity.
“We want a potable water system in our houses. Three neighboring barangays already
have the system. We also wish to have a solar power system. ”
5.1.6.2 Sanitation
Toilet facilities are widely installed in the community although about half are not water-sealed.
Almost half of the households have a water-sealed toilet at home, while the others have an
open-pit type toilet. They take a bath and wash their clothes daily. The average number of
clothes that a Subanen child has is 4-5 pieces. Due to this, they wash them every day.
5.1.7 Education
5.1.7.1 Grade school
A bleak situation in terms of educational achievement of the Barangay children exists. The
literacy rate of Barangay Tigbao is approximately 90 percent However, only half of the
population has attended at least an elementary school. Less than a fifth attended secondary
schools and very few enrolled in college and obtained a degree. Majority of the Subanen
children have completed grade school despite the fact that it takes them an hour to reach the
nearest school. A rice distribution project is conducted at school where a child who is in Grade
II-VI is given a kilo weekly while a child in Grade I is given one kilo daily. It is believed that the
on-going rice distribution project has influenced the high attendance of the grade school
students. Nevertheless, the chance that a Subanen child either enrolls late or repeats the grade
level is high. Some students work as house help to support their education. Furthermore, the
incidence of being out-of-school is not to be discounted. One of the children said,
“There are four siblings in my family. I am the youngest and the only one
attending school.”
There is a strong desire for women to send their children to school.
“We do not own agricultural land for our children to inherit so what future will
they have without education?”

5.1.7.2 Late enrolment and repetition
A schoolchild enrolls late or spends longer than six years to finish grade school.
“I had to stop school for a year because of financial difficulties. My parents are
poor and I have eight siblings.”
5.1.7.3 Day care center

There is no day care center in the community.
5.1.7.4 No bullying at grade school

There is no discrimination or bullying at school as students are mostly Subanen.

Teachers in grade school tend to finish their classes earlier than scheduled due to the distance
of the town proper to the school, which in turn, could affect the instruction of the children.
5.1.8.1 Working students

Some students work as house helps to support their education. One works in a school teacher’s
house five days a week. She is sorry that she is not able to go home as frequently as she wants.
Other school children also work occasionally.
“We get paid for harvesting and threshing rice.”
5.1.8.2 Orphan
Among the children’s group, there is an orphan girl who has been left in the care of relatives. In
contrast to the abovementioned situation regarding the children’s sanitation and food
adequacy, the girl claimed that she has been experiencing a serious problem.
“I do not have packed lunch to bring to school. Neither do I take a bath regularly,
so my classmates call me smelly. ”
5.2 Bukidnon
Bukidnon is composed of six IP groups. They are mainly involved in farming, paid labor, mat
making, fishing, hunting, honey gathering and metal working
5.2.1 Low level of income

Sitio Kibuwa is located in an ancestral domain, and all residents are Bukidnons. Majority of
them engage in farming. The major crops are corn, camote (sweet potatoes), beans, tomatoes
and peppers. The low level of income is notable. They sell their products in a market weekly,
but the average household income from selling agricultural products, is merely 50 pesos per
week. To obtain additional income, many Bukidnons work as paid laborers in the farms owned
by non-IPs or transnational corporations, such as Del Monte, Inc. However, not only do they
receive low wages; they are also subjected to difficult working conditions.
“I work on the pineapple farm from seven in the morning until four in the
afternoon and get paid 20 to 30 pesos per day. It takes one hour to get to the farm
on foot. The major work that I usually do is weeding, fertilizing and harvesting. I

normally get paid 20 pesos per day and 90 pesos during the harvest season. It is
very tiring to work for long hours under the sun. I often suffer from headache. ”
The work at these corporation farms does not provide a stable income since it is significantly
reduced after the harvest.
Other livelihood activities are mat weaving, fishing, hunting, honey gathering and metal
working. However, these hardly increase their income. For instance, one husband is a
blacksmith and earns only about 2,000 pesos a year. Mats are sold for approximately 200 pesos
and some villagers produce a couple of mats in a year while others weave more.
“I try to produce five mats every week to have additional income because our
farm does not produce sufficient corn. I am struggling to send my children to
school.”
Majority of the Bukidnons earn 1,000 pesos per month. In addition to their income, the need to
purchase rice regularly renders their economic situation difficult.
“Rice is our staple food but our land is unfortunately not suitable for rice production due
to the acidic soil. Hence, we regularly purchase rice from a market. More than 90 percent
of our income are spent on rice and the remainder used to purchase salted fish.”
After purchasing food, nothing much is left to meet their other basic needs. However, they are
eager to set aside as much money as possible for their children’s education.
“I do not mind eating once a day to save money and send my children to school.”
5.2.2 Access to markets

The poor access to markets affects the income level. The Bukidnons sell their crops at a market
in Malaybalay City, which is 18.5 kilometers away from their community. Transportation
service to and from the market operates only on Sundays, making it the only day when they
can bring their crops for sale.

Most of the women are assisted by traditional midwives, called hilot, when they give birth at
home. The average age at marriage is 17.6 years and the average number of children is seven
to eight. All of the women breastfed their babies for a year or two. After they finish they feed
their babies with grated rice with sugar, corn and mashed camote (sweet potato) three to five
times a day. Most register their births. Most of the children have been immunized by a medical
mission that the barangay conducts monthly.
“I am happy with the medical mission because the Barangay Health Center and
hospitals are quite far from our community.”
They treat their illnesses with traditional herbal medicines, such as leaves of star apple,
avocado and or guyabano. However, they prefer Western drugs.
“I prefer drugs from the stores because some illnesses cannot be cured by
traditional medicine.”

They seldom go to the hospital because of the distance and transportation cost.

A Bukidnon family eats twice or three times a day consisting of vegetables and rice. However,
there are times time when they cannot afford even rice.
“When we cannot afford rice, we eat root crops, such as cassava and gabi, as
substitute.”
5.2.5 Early marriage

Early marriage is a common practice. Most married when they were below 18 years old. Their
educational attainment is low. Only two reached Grade VI and the others dropped out at lower
levels of schooling. However, they are eager to send their children to school.

5.2.6.1 Water
The community has three communal water systems that are categorized as Level II, from
which they obtain drinking water. According to the socio-economic profile of the province of
Bukidnon, the percentages of households which are provided with water systems categorized
as Levels I, II and III are low.
5.2.6.2 Sanitation
A third of households own water-sealed toilet facilities. The rest have open-pit-type toilets.
Sanitary situation in the community is relatively good and the environment is well-maintained,
with no litter on the ground, and the grass, nicely trimmed with flowering plants.
5.2.7 Education
The highest educational level achieved by more than half of the households in the province is
elementary, while a fourth reached high school. There is a grade school in the community with
three teachers. A grade school teacher mentioned that the number of in-school children
declines with education progression. The biggest reason for this is the inability to afford school
needs. Families generally have very low income. Therefore, the parents cannot send their
children to elementary school continuously, even though it is physically accessible. Those who
are in high school have to stay in a boarding house in the town proper because one high school
is located about 18.5 kilometers from their community and another kilometers away. For these
secondary school students, the inability to pay the rent for a boarding house is one of the major
reasons for dropping out of school.

5.2.8.1 Possibility of human trafficking
One concern is the possibility that they are being recruited as house helpers by brokers, but
are eventually sent to Manila to be sex workers. No additional information on this issue was
provided.
5.2.8.2 Involvement in armed conflicts

Concern about the possibility that they are involved in armed conflicts and are being recruited
by the rebel groups is raised as a serious issue requiring urgent action, although no additional
information was given. The necessity of documenting cases was expressed, considering that
current efforts on recruiting child soldiers are limited to advocacy activities.

5.3 Davao City
Davao City has four tribal groups – the Bagobo-Tagabawa, Bagobo-Guiangan/Clata, Manobo-
Ubo, Ata-Matigsalog. Sources of livelihood are banana planting, copra making and paid labor.
5.3.1 Limited access to the community

The Matigsalogs and Ata-Manobos in the community have limited access to basic services
because it is difficult for them to reach the city due to the physical condition of the road. From
the center of Davao City, it takes two to three hours to reach the community by vehicle. The
road is not cemented, and is uneven with many large holes which make it difficult for vehicles
to pass through. There is a service jeep once a day during dry season, but the operation stops
during the rainy season because the road becomes muddy and rough.
In addition, there is a part of the road which is owned by a banana corporation with vast
plantations. People cannot pass through the gate which serves as the area’s entrance without
the corporation’s approval. The government has limited access to the community due to the
fact that the road is privately owned and the gate usually closes at six o’clock in the afternoon.
Even an ambulance could not enter the corporation’s territory without permission.
On the contrary, the Matigsalogs and Ata- Manobos do not recognize the inconvenience of the
privately-owned road. This is due to the free transportation service provided by the
corporation, which the participants’ schoolchildren have been regularly using.
There are two major routes to the community. However, the condition of the alternative road is
worse. Furthermore, the route is besieged by security problems related to rebel forces. There
were frequent encounters between the government forces and the rebels in that area, which
hinders the government from extending basic services to the community. In fact, the plan to
provide health services to the community was cancelled due to the intensifying security
concern.
Access to markets is also an important issue. Banana farming is a source of livelihood for the
majority of the Matigsalogs/Ata-Manobos in the community. They need to go to the market to
sell their bananas. There are two major markets where they sell their products - one is about
two kilometers away from the community, and the other is located in a town called Panabo,
which is about 45 kilometers away from the community.
The Matigsalog and Ata-Manobo women prefer to sell their products at the market in Panabo
even though it is far and hard to reach because their products are sold for a reasonable price
there. In the nearer market, the price is not good because of middlemen. However,
transportation to reach the market in Panabo costs more than Php 35, in addition to fares for
the agricultural products to be loaded on the vehicles. The actual sales become smaller after
the transportation fees are deducted.
“I want to have a small-scale business, such as a sari-sari store, so that we do not

have to sell our products to the middlemen for a very low price.”

5.3.2.1 Income
Most Matigsalog and Ata-Manobo households are primarily engaged in farming in small banana
plantations on their ancestral domain as a major source of livelihood. They also derive income
from coconut and copra production, working as farm laborers, handicraft making, basket
making and fire wood gathering. The bananas are sold for Php3-11 per kilo, based on quality.
Manobo women have an average household income of Php 600- 1,000 a month, which is about
6 to 11 percent of the average household income of Region XI. The Matigsalog and Ata-Manobo
men and women stressed that their lands used to produce more agricultural products.
However, the soil was damaged by agricultural chemicals sprayed by the banana plantation
corporation.
5.3.2.2 Discussion on paid labor

The Matigsalog/ Ata-Manobo who are in favor of working for the corporation, argued that they
should learn advanced agricultural techniques from the corporation by working for them. On
the other hand, those who showed their reluctance to work stated, “Why should we work for
them when we own ancestral land?”
5.3.2.3 Income gap between the Matigsalog /Ata-Manobo

A fifth of households manage to send all their children to formal school. Some of the
Matigsalog/Ata-Manobo in the community have sufficient capital for purchasing agricultural
inputs and hiring laborers to increase banana production on their farms. Due to the
investment, they became wealthier, enabling them to afford the school expenses of their
children. This situation implies that there exists an economic gap among the Matigsalogs/Ata-
Manobos even when they are part of the same community.

Early marriage is practiced. Most Matigsalog and Ata-Manobo women married when they were
14 to 16 years of age. All were assisted at birth by a traditional midwife called hilot. They
breastfeed their babies for a year or two. After this period, they feed their babies simple meals
consisting of rice and vegetables. They manage to have three meals a day. All women had their
children immunized. Some have not registered the birth of their children because they could
not afford the Php 150 registration fee. Access to health care is limited for the Matigsalogs/Ata-
Manobos in the community. They have to walk one to two hours to reach a health center for
medical consultation. The poor conditions of the road and security concerns along the way
limit their access to health services. The women informed that their PhilHealth memberships
already expired. They wanted to renew this for free.

Access to drinking water has been an issue. To obtain drinking water, they need to purchase it
for one peso per container and a household normally consumes three containers a day. Toilet
is still a luxury for many. Very few have water-sealed toilets; some have open-pit types, and the
remainder do not have any toilet at all.
5.3.5 Education
5.3.5.1 Dropping out of school
An elementary school for Grade I-IV is located in an accessible place of the community while
the school for Grade V-VI is located 2-3 kilometers away from the community. Half of children
aged 6-12 are out of school. For secondary education, a large percentage of large are out of
school. The major reason is economic. Children and youth want to finish school and help their

parents in the future. Majority of the households have one or more out-of-school children or
youth. It is the desire of the women for their children to have a formal education.
5.3.5.2 Bullying
The Matigsalog/Ata-Manobo children and youth have been frequent victims of bullying and
racial discrimination in school by both their classmates and their teachers.

5.3.6.1 Security issues
There have been reported conflicts between the government and rebels. There is a military
camp in the community, where twenty-one volunteers and two military personnel are posted.
Some indigenous people were killed. LGUs provide food for these evacuees. Some leave their
community because a tribal leader was killed by a suspected NPA in 2005. Mass evacuation
occurred as a consequence of the conflict,
“I was very frightened. There are neither official documents nor reported cases
but, one cannot discount the possibility that indigenous children in the area have
been the target for recruitment by the rebel forces.”
5.4 Saranggani
Saranggani Province has the following IP groups: B’laan, T’boli, Manobo and Tagakaolo. They
derive their income from farming.
5.4.1 Polygamy and forced marriage

Polygyny is practiced by the T’boli community. Polygyny refers to the practice of a man having
more than one wife at the same time. It is the most common form of polygamy. The reasons
vary from wealth, social status, inability of the first wife to bear a child to the custom of
levirate, i.e. the obligation of the brother to marry the widow of his deceased sibling. Some
husbands have two to three wives. One became the second wife of a tribal healer in the village
at the age of 15. Since she did not produce a child, her husband married another woman.

“I have a sick mother to take care of, but my husband does not provide me with
any financial support at all. He has not come to my place for a long time. So, I
have to work in a banana farm for money. It is really hard. I do not like polygamy
because my husband does not give me any economic support. I am not happy.”
The income and harvest from their communal farm are divided into the number of families.
“I accept my life as it is. This is how it is. I just hope my children finish school and
help us in the future.”
The other T’boli women are worried that their husbands would also have another wife
someday, and consequently their income and wealth would be reduced. Lack of parental
interest in education and early marriage deprived women of an opportunity to get an
education. They marry young.
“My parents forced me into early marriage because they wanted to have a bride
price. They were not interested in sending me to school. They were afraid that I
would leave them if I am educated, so I had to stop at Grade I. I really did not
want to stop schooling. I still want to continue studying even now if I would be
given a chance. It would be nice if I can teach my children. ”

5.4.2.1 Income
The T’boli community is located in an ancestral domain. Most of them are working in small-
scale banana plantation on their farms. They sell their produce in a market. However, the
harvest is not enough to support their families so they are working as paid laborers in nearby
rice farms owned by Non-IPs. Other economic activities include coconut planting and craft
making such as beads accessory making and basket making. The land used to be fertile; and
produced abundant banana and abaca in the 1970s. However, it became unproductive when an
uncertain disease spread and devastated their crops.
“There has been no agricultural research conducted on our land to revitalize the
productivity. We cannot purchase chemical fertilizer to increase the production
because it is too expensive, so there is nothing we can do about it.”
The average daily income derived from farm labor work is Php 100. They generally work 3-4
days a week. Thus, their estimated weekly income is Php 300-400 each. Although majority of
the T’bolis primarily depend on the farm labor work for their income, the availability of work is
neither certain nor stable.
“We stay at home until the farm owners call us to work. They usually inform us a
day before the working day. There are months when we are not called often.”
The sources of family income are small scale banana and coconut production and tending a
sari-sari store. The average income derived from banana production is Php 200 a week. They
earn approximately Php 1,500 every four months from the coconut production. Some men
have two more wives. The farm is considered a mutual property of the three families of one
husband, thus the income is divided into three. To have additional income for the children,
some women run sari-sari stores from which they earn Php 40-100 a day.

5.4.2.2 Case Studies
Myrna, 55 years old
Myrna’s husband has three wives and he does not provide her with financial support. She
does not have a child and lives with her mother who is sick. It is a burden for her to take
care of her mother without any financial support from her husband. She works at a banana
farm as a laborer irregularly. Her average income is Php 30-40 per day. She normally works
three to five days in a week.
Lina, a 47-year-old mother with four children

Lina’s husband has been ill and unable to work for a long time. She is the breadwinner of
the family. She works as a laborer at a rice farm for Php 100 a day. She usually works for
two to four days a week, with an average income of 200-400 pesos weekly.
Violeta, a 43-year-old mother of seven children

The major income source of Violeta’s family comes from farm work. The weekly average
income is Php 500.
Elena, a 28-year-old mother of four children

Elena’s husband works as a chain saw operator for a bamboo logging. His average salary is
Php 1,000 per week.

5.4.3.1 Lack of information and awareness of health concern
The awareness of health issues among the T’boli women needs to be raised. Most women have
not registered the birth of their children nor have them immunized.
“I feel reluctant to register my births because we are IPs. We are made to feel like
third class citizens.”

Health service is provided by a Barangay Health Worker in a health center located about one
kilometer from their residence area. Medical service is inaccessible. They primarily depend on
herbal medicine.
“My husband is asthmatic and stays in bed all the time. He has not seen a doctor
because we do not have money. I hope he will be cured.”

5.4.4.1 Water
There are potable water systems installed in some parts of the community, but springs are still
the main water sources for some T’boli.
5.4.4.2 Sanitation
Some households have water-sealed toilets; others have open-pit type toilets, or have no toilet
at all.

5.4.5 Education
5.4.5.1 Efforts of the LGUs
Efforts have been made to address the concerns of the IPs. For instance, the Saranggani
Indigenous People Development Program (IPDP) was established in 2005 to address the socio-
economic and cultural concerns of IPs. With regard to the educational sector, the LGUs funded
109 Functional Education Literacy Program Classes and organized 130 classes for the IP’s and
other marginalized groups in the province. It was noted that indigenization of school
curriculum has started, and necessary trainings have been conducted for the school teachers
and day care workers. A number of IPs are educated and actively participating in the
substantial parts of the society in the Province of Saranggani. Regardless of the improvement,
there are still IPs in remote areas who are largely marginalized, and the number of basic
schools is also limited. There are 212 elementary schools and a mere 29 secondary schools in
the whole province.
5.4.5.2 Repetition
The T’boli children and youth in the community spend more than one year to complete a grade
level. The main reason for this is lack of financial support for school expenses and inability to
bring packed lunch to school.
“There was no food for him to bring to school for his lunch, and he could not study
with an empty stomach.”
“I felt embarrassed to repeat the grade level. I worked hard in the farm to have
money so that I can continue my education and proceed to 2nd year.”
5.4.5.3 Bullying
The children and youth are often disparaged by non-IP students at school. Some are called
‘Tagabili (T’boli)’. Non-IP students called them ‘mga T’boli’.
5.4.5.4 Working students

T’boli youth and children who are studying frequently work in farms for their school expenses.
One works every Saturday. Another works eight hours every Saturday and Sunday. Another
girl helps her mother in their sari-sari store after school. The children and youth help their
parents in various domestic works, including baby-sitting, fetching water, cooking, and
washing. They seldom have time to play and they even often feel tired. One girl is still enrolled
in Grade III, said that she has been suffering from constant headache, which affected her
studies.

5.5 Sultan Kudarat
5.5.1 Educational attainment and generation gap
The educational attainment of the B’laan parents’ generation is low. Few proceeded to
secondary education. More than half dropped out of grade school and others have never been
enrolled in formal school.
When women talked about their lost opportunity of studying in formal schools and their early
marriages, they become very emotional.
“I have eighteen brothers and sisters in my family. We are very poor. My family is
not able to support my educational expenses, so I had to stop going to school.
Then my parents arranged my marriage. They wanted to benefit from sunggod
(bride price). I was hurt when I was forced to stop schooling and get married. My
marriage was decided and arranged by my parents when I was only 13 years old. I
have not even met the person I was going to marry. What my parents did to me
was very hurtful. I was sad when I stopped going to school. But what else could I
have done except to obey my parents? My family did not have money to support
my basic needs such as food, clothes, and other school expenses. Also, the school
was very far. I wanted to continue my schooling, so I asked my husband to support
my education. We already had a child but he was not able to do so.”
One mother who managed to study up to 2nd year of secondary school but stopped and married
at 17 years was scolded by parents.
“They told me to get married rather than spend more money for school. I was sad
when they said that. We were poor. I had only one dress and one piece of
underwear, which I washed every day. Father said that if I would insist on going
to school, I had to eat leaves and roots of plants. My parents did not have money.”
They even did not know what shoes are for. They would have been frightened to touch them.
Also, the school was very far.
“My parents were afraid that someone would attack me on the way. They could
not speak other languages except B’laan, which also concerned them sending me
to school. Father did not allow me to go to school because he was afraid that Non-
IPs would harm me on the way.”
The low educational attainment is associated with poverty and early marriage. Women
expressed deep regrets for their lost chances to study. They decided not to repeat these sad
experiences in the next generation as they are determined to send their children to school.
They no longer have the intention to force their children to marry early in the form of arranged
marriages.
“I do not want my children to experience the same thing.” When asked if their
children are studying, they answered, “Yes! They are all in school.”

5.5.2.1 Major income sources
B’laan households are primarily engaged in corn production as their major source of income.
Even though they dwell in the ancestral land, the production scale of corn is too small to earn
sufficient income for their families. It is partly attributed to the fact that only about 0.5-1
hectare per household is utilized for agricultural purposes. Thus, they also engage in charcoal
making and working as paid laborers on farms that are owned by Non-IPs. Some are engaged
in roof-making from cogon grass, gathering and selling fire woods, doing small-scale banana
production, and serving as housemaids.
The average income of an IP family in Sultan Kudarat is P12, 000 per year, which is
approximately 10 percent of the average household income of Region XII. Approximately 6,000
pesos are earned per harvest and they harvest twice a year. Additional income is occasionally
derived from banana production and charcoal-making. One husband works as a paid laborer at
a corn farm of a Non-IP. The average income is 100 pesos per day in dry seasons, and 150
pesos per day during harvest seasons; however, the work is not available every day.
5.5.2.2 House helper

Some youth have been working as domestic helpers in large cities, such as Manila, Laguna and
Marbel to support their education. Mothers react:
“We really do not want our children to work as house helpers. We never liked the
job. We accepted it only because we want our children to continue going to
school.”

5.5.3 Road
The road from the town proper to the community is not concrete. There is no jeep that B’laans
can ride from the community and back. Majority of the B’laans hire motorcycles to go to
market. They also use these to sell their agricultural products at the market. Due to the narrow
space that they can use to load their products on the motorcycle, the volume of the products
that they can sell at the market becomes limited, which in turn, adversely affects their income.

The IPs use herbal medicines as first aid because health facilities are far from their residence.
Health personnel from the Department of Health are not regularly visiting them. Barangay
Health Workers, who are mostly volunteers, are usually not residents of the community where
the IPs belong. There is a Barangay Nutrition Center in the community with a midwife who
reports once a month and a health worker who has not been reporting for two years. There is
no medicine in the Center. They need to go to Marbel, about 16 kilometers away from the
community, to acquire medicine. It becomes hard for the B’laan community to obtain the
health services they need.
“I am very sad that my husband has been sick and just stayed at home since then.
He has never seen a doctor at a hospital nor received any form of medication
because we do not have money. I was very sad when my children got sick, but
there was no medicine to buy. So, I only applied herbal medicine.”
5.5.4.2 Early marriage

They marry young. All marriages are arranged by their parents. The women do not want their
children to go through early marriages as they did.
5.5.4.3 Delivery
The average number of children that a B’laan woman has is 3-4. They are all assisted at birth
by a traditional midwife called hilot. Most of them initiated breastfeeding after they have given
birth. After the breastfeeding period, they feed their babies simple meals consisting of rice and
vegetables.

Majority of children are registered although there was a case when the registration form
submitted by a woman was rejected by the Civil Registry Office because of the misspelled
names on the form. The Office is coordinating with the different Municipal Civil Registrar’s
Offices for possible partnership regarding the free birth registration of IPs, particularly the
removal of the fee on late registration. All children were immunized through a health service
provided by the Barangay Health Workers.
5.5.5 Food security

They have three meals a day although there are times when they eat twice daily. The regular
meal consists of rice and vegetables. Fish is consumed once a week. However, the NCIP
Provincial Office stated that malnutrition among the IPs is still prevalent.

5.5.6 Major causes of illness and death
The B’laans frequently suffer from diarrhea, upper respiratory infection and ulcer. The major
causes of death among B’laan adults and children are pneumonia, tuberculosis, severe anemia,
diarrhea, malaria and high pregnancy risk (early stage of pregnancy). The B’laan children are
at a high risk for diarrhea and broncho pneumonia.

5.5.7.1 Water
Inadequate supply of water is an issue for the B’laans in the community. A water pipe was
installed about 25 years ago to draw water from springs in the mountain to the residence area.
However, the water system was damaged by an earthquake and floods. They carefully use the
broken water pipe to obtain water, but the quantity generated is limited. Aside from the
amount of water, the quality is not good. Although they also have springs in the mountain as
alternative source of water, accessing to clean and safe water still remains an issue.
“We have requested the line agencies to improve the water system in the
community. Their answer is not their priority. We have not received any positive
response yet.”
5.5.7.2 Sanitation
There is unhygienic disposal of human excrement. Most households do not have any toilet at
all. An open-pit type toilet is used in some households.
5.5.8 Education
5.5.8.1 High rate of enrolment
Despite the poverty and the low educational attainment of the early generation many of the
children of the B’laan families attend formal schools.
“I am happy to see my children going to school every day even though we are
poor.”
One mother regrets that she dropped-out from grade school, so she is determined to support
her children to complete their education no matter how hard it is. The high rate of enrolment is
partly a result of the efforts of the government and international agencies. Part of their school
expenses has been provided by the Office. In addition, the community is a beneficiary of the

food and educational assistance project implemented by the World Food Programme (WFP)
since 2006. Rice is regularly distributed to all school children in the three Municipalities. The
projects possibly have an effect on the low rate of the absenteeism in the school.
5.5.8.2 Educational expenses

It is never easy for the B’laan parents to support in their children’s educational expenses.
“We frequently borrow money from our friends. We also incurred debts from
moneylenders during the enrollment period. We need a sizable amount for
enrollment fees, uniforms, and other school supplies, but the interest of money
lenders is as high as 50 percent.”
A gloomy future exists for the IP children in the province. A third of the IPs reached elementary
level of educated or graduated from elementary school, and as low as 15 percent acquired
some secondary or tertiary education. The illiteracy rate of IPs in the Province is
approximately 50 percent.

Serious attention should be paid to the out-of school youth. They either do not have a chance to
enroll or they dropped out from formal schooling due to financial difficulties. However, they
are eager to go to school and study.
“I still want to pursue my studies. I want to go back to school, finish college and be
a teacher. I often read the Bible because I want to learn things in general. If ever I
will be given a chance, I want to go back to grade school. I do not mind studying
with younger children in the same class. I just want to learn. I feel ashamed to be
illiterate. It is unfortunate that my family could not support my education. If I will
be given a chance, I want to learn how to read and write. I still hope I could go to
school in the future.”
5.5.8.5 Fear of inability to continue studying

Even those who are studying are concerned that they might have to stop going to school due to
their financial difficulties.
“I am sometimes frightened when I think that I have to stop schooling because my

family is financially struggling.”
“I think about my parents’ life. Their life is very hard. I want to finish school and
help my family and younger siblings. I am happy when I study, but I am afraid
that I have to stop going to school someday. I feel bad when I think about it.”
5.5.8.6 Grade repetition

It is possible for a B’laan child to repeat a grade level.
“I usually repeat because my family kept transferring from one place to another.
Now my mother is working as a housemaid in Manila. My father is making
charcoal here.”
Language barrier is another reason for the delay in the study.

“I could not understand Tagalog, so I could not comprehend the discussions and
lectures in classes most of the time. I felt ashamed. ”
5.5.8.7 Bullying
The B’laan high school children do not experience bullying at school. However, one high school
student reported being bullied once when he was in grade school.
“Some students called me, ‘B’laan! B’laan!’ I tried to ignore it, but it was too much
and I could not take it anymore, so I punched them.”
One out-of-school youth also had a similar experience.
“I was also called ‘B’laan! B’laan!’ I told them that I am also a human being.”
5.5.8.8 Gender equality in education

There is an indication that B’laan boys are more likely to be out-of-school than girls.

5.5.9.1 Security concern
“We were assisted to evacuate by the military and stayed in a municipal gym for a
week. I saw that our houses and livestock were damaged by fire. I heard the
bombs. I was shocked and frightened.”
5.5.9.2 Alleged human trafficking

Concerns about an increasing number of IP sex workers and related human trafficking are
raised. IPs are initially recruited as domestic workers but end up as sex workers. The IPs who
were involved traveled from South Cotabato to Sultan Kudarat.
5.6 North Cotabato

North Cotabato has five groups of IPs: B’laan, Manobo, Téduray, Bagobo, and Ilianen. They
derive their income from broom making and subsistence farming.
5.6.1 Food shortage

The Manobos dwell in a mountainous ancestral domain and plant corn and root crops, such as
camote, gabi and onions. However, they regularly encounter food shortages. The inability to
bring packed lunch is a major reason for the children to be absent or drop out from school. A
day care center is located near their residence. Most children 3-5 years of age are not attending
a day care center. Similarly, a fifth (24%) 12-18 did not study although there is a grade school
in the community. The reason is lack of food to bring to school.
“I was very sad when there is nothing to eat except camote (sweet potato) for a
week. I experienced a day with absolutely nothing to eat.”
One of the reasons for the chronic food shortage is that pasturelands, which cover the biggest
portion of the land area, are not efficiently utilized to produce sufficient crops. Another reason
is that income is limited due to the inadequate production of crops and the poor access to
markets.

Aside from farming, they are engaged in making brooms, called tahiti. The tahiti is made from
grass, called tiger grass. They sell a dozen brooms for Php 100. A Manobo family generally
earns Php 500-1,000 per month from this. However, tiger grass is harvested only in February,
March and April. Therefore, the period that the Manobos obtain income from tahiti is also
limited within these three months.
5.6.2 Access to market

The Manobos sell their crops in markets located about seven kilometers from the community.
This is located on top of a mountain and the road to the markets is rough and rocky. There is no
regular transportation. Majority of them either hike or ride on horses to reach the markets. The
poor access to markets limits their income because of the inadequate amount of products that
they can bring. Some families entrust their crops to middlemen who bring and sell them at the
market.
“Bananas are sold for eight pesos per kilo, and the middlemen take two pesos per
kilo as fee. I am happy that middlemen come to the village to collect our products
because it is so hard for us to bring them to the market.”
5.6.3 Homicide
One man was murdered, poisoned and two were shot. The women were secretive and did not
explain why the murders occurred and who killed them.
“He was actually poisoned by an unknown person.
“I do not know who shot my father. I was too young to know. ”
Poisoning used to be a common practice among the Manobos from jealousy and political
motivation.
Women stopped their formal education right after their father’s death because the family could
no longer afford their education.

The Manobos regularly suffer from food shortage even though majority are engaged in farming
of their ancestral lands. The provincial government has been implementing livelihood projects,
such as providing seeds, agricultural tools and carabaos (water buffalos) in a number of
indigenous communities. The major income source is broom making, called tahiti. They are
also engaged in planting corn, root crops and bananas. The practice of tahiti making was
handed down to the Manobos by their grandparents. Production is limited since the tiger grass
used to make the brooms is only harvested three months in year.
“We do not bother to plant tiger grass seeds because these grow naturally
without being cared for.”
The community is co-habited by the Manobos and Non-IPs. There seems to be an economic gap
between the two, considering that some Manobo families occasionally work as laborers on
farms owned by non-IPs. They work for Php 100 per day. Differences likely exist not only
between the Manobos and Non-IPs, but also among the Manobos. Four Manobo households

send all their children to formal school, while the others have children who are not attending
school.
“There is an economic and motivation gap among us. Some parents are highly
motivated to send their children to school more than the others.”
Motivation matters for both parents and children especially when hunger discourages children
to study.
“My children are not interested in going to school because there is no food.”

The government extends assistance to various indigenous communities including Amabel and
Magpet. In Amabel, people benefit from free medical consultation by a medical outreach
program weekly from the community health center. In fact, their children have been
immunized through the service.
5.6.5.2 Major causes of death and illness

Major causes of death and illnesses are as follows: pneumonia, diarrhea, tuberculosis, measles,
upper respiratory tract infection, malaria, chicken pox and dengue H-fever. Other causes of
infant deaths are: septicema, pneumonia, diarrhea, sudden infant death syndrome,
prematurity, congenital anomaly, birth injury, asphyxia and parasitism.
5.6.5.3 Hilot (Traditional Birth Attendant)

Most women give birth at home with the assistance of traditional midwives. They breastfeed
their babies for about two years.
5.6.5.4 Feeding program

Feeding programs are implemented in several IP communities in the Province where children
are malnourished, but the budget is limited to Php 5,000-10,000.

Water is obtained from five communal portable water systems in the community.

Few households have water-sealed toilets. More common is the open-pit type and others do
not own any toilet at all.
5.6.7 Education
There is a day care center and a grade school in accessible places in the community. However
more children aged 3-5 years are not the attending day care center. Similarly, a fourth do not
study. Food shortage and the inability to bring packed lunches to school are major reasons for
their children’s absence or school discontinuance. Parental motivation is an important factor in
the pursuit of education of their children. The children tend to start grade school late and/or
repeat the grade. Serious attention should be given to the out -of-school youth in the
community. They drop out from financial difficulties. However, they are eager to return.
“I was very sad when I had to stop going to school. My family could not afford the
school expenses because I have 13 siblings.”
He is working with his father in a rubber plantation in town to support the family.
5.6.7.1 Bullying
The Manobo children and youth are bullied by either non-IP children or those from different
tribes at school. Bagobo (one of the indigenous tribes) classmates would tell us,
“Let us see if the Manobos can finish schooling. I kept quiet but I was very hurt
and angry.”
5.7 Agusan del Sur

Agusan del Sur has Mamanwa, Manobo, Tigwayanon, Higaonon, Dibabaon, Umayamnon and
Mandaya. They are farmers, government employees, fishers, loggers and paid laborers.
5.7.1 Profile of the community and participants

Barangay Poblacion is where the municipal government centers are located and various basic
services are accessible. The Manobos live in the barangay, and they are generally educated. Six
out of the ten Manobo women are college degree holders and four are government employees.
5.7.2 Frustration
Educated Manobo women are sincerely concerned about their fellow-Manobos who are under-
privileged. They talk about their circumstances.
“Our situation does not represent the general circumstance of majority of the
Manobos in the province. In fact, many of us, especially those who are in the
hinterlands, live under harsh poverty conditions and have been victims of
insurgencies.”
They were anxious talking about the lives of the Manobos and other indigenous people who
live in remote areas who were harmed by armed conflicts between the government and the
rebels.

“I feel sad that I cannot do anything for them even though I am their fellow-
Manobo. I am working in a local government office in the barangay and I
sometimes feel helpless because as a government worker, I cannot represent
them. I cannot address the issues to improve their situation. It is so frustrating. I
have to follow the mainstream protocols, which is a barrier to effectively address
the concerns of indigenous peoples.”
In terms of governance,
“I think that there should be IP representatives in higher offices in the government

so that our voice will be heard. Future interventions that are designed to assist
indigenous people should be coursed through tribal councils or other indigenous
peoples’ organizations, not through the mainstream authorities, because they are
ignorant of issues on indigenous people.”
5.7.3 Discrimination
The indigenous peoples, even the well-educated, are discriminated. The government
recruitment process is not conducted in a fair manner and they are disfavored. Non-indigenous
applicants would usually be selected over the indigenous candidates, even if the latter are
better educated and eligible for the posts. Those selected are employed through personal
connections. Indigenous peoples generally do not have such links.
“My aunt is a registered midwife, but she could not get a government post
because there are others who are non-indigenous.”
An LGU officer, in the meeting with the PTWG of the province, argued that the government has
been prioritizing indigenous candidates in the recruitment of teachers and in awarding
government scholarships. “What is disappointing is that even though they have teaching posts,
they quit the job in five years to work abroad.”

Poverty incidence in the municipality is high. More than 70 percent of the households have
incomes below the poverty threshold and a fourth experienced food shortage. Regarding land
usage, the majority of the lands are timberlands and the remaining “alienable and disposable
lands” which are predominantly agricultural. Various logging companies have been established
and the revenues of the municipality are derived from the logging industry. Misuse and
unbridled logging activities partly led to the deterioration of the forest.
Small-scale agriculture is a major income source. The second is employment such as being
teachers and LGU officers. The other major occupations include driving trucks, carrying bags at
a port, tailoring, and working as security guards. The average income is Php 10,000 per month
for government employees; Php 17,000 per year for farmers and Php 2,200 per month for
drivers.

With the Rural Health Center and drugstores nearby, the community has access to health
services. Manobo women have their births registered and immunized. However, majority of
the children who live in remote areas are neither registered nor immunized. Many women feed
powdered milk formulas to their newborns while others breastfeed their babies.

Major illnesses among the indigenous peoples in the province are as follows: diarrhea, TB,
infection, and heart disease.

In spite of access to various basic services in the community, their water source is a deep well.
5.7.7 Education
The Manobos have access to educational institutions in the community where there are five
day care centers, five elementary schools, one high school and one tertiary educational
institution. However, the literacy rate of indigenous peoples remains low, partly because of the
distance from their settlement areas to these service centers. Some indigenous villages are
seriously affected by security threats, which prevent school teachers from staying in the
village.
5.7.7.1 Bullying
The Manobo children and youth are occasionally disparaged by non-IPs.

5.7.8.1 Security concerns
Peace and order situation of the municipality are critical “due to the presence of communists
and other insurgent groups”.
Security issues have been a major concern.
“There was a clash between the police and the NPA in our town in December
2005. A police officer was attacked and two officers were killed. It was
frightening. A barangay nearby was also attacked by the NPA and the
government military has been patrolling there since. I feel that the security
situation is getting worse. ”
Manobos and other indigenous people who live in the hinterlands have been seriously affected
by security threats.
“Some Manobo families who live in a remote area, could not go out of their
houses for a while because of security concerns. Since their movements are
restricted, they could not even go to market to get food and some could not eat
anything at all for a whole day. They are frightened and hungry. It is a pitiful
situation. Even school teachers cannot stay in some villages where indigenous
children are studying because of security threats. How can they study without
teachers? ”
The deteriorating security situation not only terrifies them but has a serious effect on their
livelihood activities and educational pursuit. Children in the hinterlands are at a high risk of
getting involved in armed conflicts. Similarly, a concern was raised that there is a possibility
that indigenous children have been targeted for recruitment by rebel groups.

5.8 Maguindanao
The IPs in Maguindanao are Téduray and Manobo-Dulangan. The source of livelihood is
tenancy in rice farms.
5.8.1 Poverty
Nearly every Téduray household is engaged in farming. The farms are located several
kilometers away from their residence. They produce rice, corn, mongo beans, root crops and
bananas. Although some Tédurays dwell in their ancestral lands, majority are working as
tenants in farms which are privately owned by Non-Tédurays.
“We always run out of money. We are obliged to pay Php 1,200 per hectare as
tenant fee to the land owner. We do not have working animals for farming, such
as carabao. Thus, we often borrow a hand tractor from non-Tédurays, called
Muslim people. As demanded by the owner of the hand tractors, we give them
about 50 percent of our harvest or sales. We purchase rice seeds for about Php
1,200 per sack or Php 40 per kilo, while we sell our rice for only seven pesos per
kilo. That is our situation here. We borrow money from businessmen. Right after
we sell our produce, we have to pay our debt to the businessmen. Then, we have to
borrow money again for the next production. In the end, we are left with almost
nothing while the businessmen get even richer because of us. We are unhappy in
this situation.”
The production scale is small, and heavily depends upon natural conditions, especially
rainfalls, due to lack of an irrigation system.
“We are happy whenever we hear that a typhoon is coming because it will help
us.”
The net income is Php 4,000-5,000 annually. In cases when they need extra money, they sell
their livestock in Cotabato City. A chicken is sold for Php 100; however, the transportation to
the city costs Php 40. Low income directly affects their food consumption and their children’s
education. Many of the Tédurays eat twice a day. Sometimes, they eat only once.
Dropping-out from formal education frequently occurs among schoolchildren because of their
inability to purchase school supplies. The children often work in the farms as well. Romel, an
18-year-old high school lad said;
“I work to have money to buy school supplies because I really want to finish my
education.”
5.8.2 Concerns about armed conflicts

There is an indication that the community has been experiencing frequent disturbances by
armed groups. These groups would visit the community and demand that the Tédurays give
rice and other supplies to them. They could not tell whether they are military or the rebels.
They are not willing to talk about security issues. They choose their words carefully and avoid
elaborating further. This implies how risky they feel it is to talk about these in public.

5.8.3 Situation of Children and Women
Poverty is evident in the Téduray community. Lack of agricultural technology, limited farm
areas, inadequate farm inputs and shortage of capital for necessary investments lead to low
production. Majority of lowland and upland farmers cultivate less than one hectare of land.
They harvest rice only once a year, with an average of 30-50 sacks. Aside from the lack of an
irrigation system, there is no bargaining power which results in low income. They usually sell
rice for Php 7-8 per kilo in Cotabato City, while they purchase rice seeds for Php 40 per kilo or
Php 1,200 per sack.

Low income and low production affect their food sufficiency. There are times when the meal is
composed of only rice and salt. Most of the women and children eat only twice the previous
day.
“We usually take a cup of coffee before going to the farm and eat a meal around
ten in the morning. That would be for breakfast and lunch. It is really hard.”

Less than 40 percent of the women register their births, the main reason being the cost of Php
100, which they could not afford.
The Téduray women breastfeed their newborns for two to three years. After lactation,
grounded rice mixed with sugar and coconut milk, called lugaw, is fed to the babies. Mashed
vegetables, such as squash, kamote and kangkong, are also given.

Children are fully immunized only when the medical mission comes to the community once a
month. There is a Barangay Health Center in the community with a midwife. There is no doctor
and the medicine is insufficient, which limit the efficiency of the center.
Traditional herbal medicine is taken to treat sickness.
“We want to go to a hospital, but we do not have money.”
One woman had to bring her daughter to the hospital, but needed to borrow money from a
private moneylender, who demanded 20 percent interest.
“My daughter stopped going to school, but she wants her to study again.”
They are normally assisted at birth by an indigenous midwife called hilot when they deliver at
home, but there are also some who are assisted by registered midwifes. They only go to a
hospital if it is an emergency situation.
“Hospital personnel do not treat us well once they know that we are Tédurays.”
Another woman recalled her humiliating experience at the hospital when she sought assistance
for her delivery.

“I did not have enough money for hospitalization. The doctor arrogantly told me
that I should have prepared the money because I knew that the baby would be
born.”
Communication gap is a common problem in hospitals. The government has been assisting the
Tédurays in communicating with doctors and nurses because they are often too shy to express
their problems and at times afraid of the doctors and nurses.
5.8.4.4 Marriage
The Téduray youth enters into early marriages. Many women give birth before they reach 18
years. Economic reason, mainly bride price, is a factor why the parents encourage their
daughters to marry early. Arranged marriage is widely practiced. Grooms and brides do not see
each other until before the wedding ceremony. One woman said that her marriage was
arranged by her parents and she respected their decision.
“Even if I did not like the groom, I would not have called off the wedding because
if I did, our family would have been obliged to pay twice the bride price to the
groom’s family.”
Access to water is an important issue. There are two common wells in the community which
were donated by a former mayor in the 1960s.
“The wells are about three kilometers away from my residence. It is hard to carry
containers filled with water.”
Not only the distance, but also the amount of water in the wells is an issue. They claimed that
during dry season, the wells occasionally dry up and they are faced with water scarcity. When
the artesian wells do not provide sufficient water, they purchase drinking water for three
pesos per container.
“When the wells do not function, it is a big problem. There are springs in the
mountain, but they are very, very far. We need another well.”

They gather rain for washing. They buy second-hand clothes once a year. They wash their
clothes only once a week to save on soap and water. Regarding toilets, half have an open-pit
type toilet. A few have a water-sealed toilet. Others do not have any toilet. A toilet is shared by
several households.
5.8.6 Education
The Téduray mothers have low education. Few were able to finish elementary school and
dropped out from high school.
5.8.6.1 Youth and children

In spite of the low income, parents expressed their desire to send their children to school.
Similarly, the youth and children showed their interest to finish their education.
“I do not want to be a farmer all my life, like our parents. That is why I am trying
very hard to continue studying. I want to be a doctor in the future.”
However, they struggle with financial problems.
“It is very difficult to buy school supplies, such as folders, papers, pencils,
envelopes and pens because of lack of money.”
The chance of a Téduray child to drop out of formal school is high. The major reason is poverty.
There are insufficient funds to finance the children’s school needs. A girl who stopped studying
when she was in Grade 4, did not want to go back to elementary school any more even if she is
financially supported, because other students will be much younger than she is. It will be very
embarrassing.
5.8.6.2 Early child care and development

The Téduray women feel that a day-care center is a needed facility. They said,
“It is better for the children to learn in a day care center instead of playing around
the whole day. If the children are in the day care center, they would learn how to
use pencils, how to read, and how to write little by little. Then, when they start
elementary schooling, studying will be smooth-sailing.”
The Téduray adults are overwhelmed with domestic and farm work. It is their wish that a day
care center takes care of their children while they work.
5.8.6.3 Bullying
The Téduray children have shining and straight hair. From their appearance, it seems rather
difficult to distinguish them from those Non-Tédurays. However, the children said Non-
Téduray students call them “kinky hair” at school.

5.8.7.1 Working children
The children regularly help their parents in various domestic works, including baby-sitting,
cooking, washing and fetching water. They are also engaged in farm labor such as weeding and
harvesting, called malong-malong. They are paid Php 30 per 100 square meters or five pesos
per lane of corn field.

“I work just to earn money to buy our school supplies. I really want to finish
schooling.”
Several Téduray children run after vehicles to ask for money. They fix the road by covering
holes with soil and stones, and chase vehicles to ask for coins. Some passengers drop coins
from the vehicles and the children would pick them up.

There is an indication that the community has been affected by armed conflicts. How far
security concerns influence and affect the Téduray community and children is not known.

CHAPTER 6
ISSUES AND RECOMMENDATIONS
6.1 Issues
6.1.1 Poverty and low income
Marginalization, exclusion, exploitation and discrimination characterize the IPs in the
Philippines. Poverty and low levels of education are common features in their lives. Child labor
is an alarming concern. Many IPs such as the Tédurays in Maguindanao, the Subanens in
Zamboanga del Sur, the T’bolis in Saranggani, the B’laans in Sultan Kudarat and the Bukidnons
in Bukidnon dwell in ancestral domains work as tenants or laborers on farms which are
privately owned by non-IPs. In some cases, agriculturally developed and irrigated areas have
been titled to non-IPs before the IPRA (Zamboanga del Sur) and the lands the IPs’ get are not
fertile or have been damaged by diseases or chemicals (Sultan Kudarat and Davao City). Their
farm area is small and pasturelands, which cover the biggest portion of the ancestral domain
are not productive as well. Their economic activities are highly vulnerable to natural
conditions such as dry and rainy seasons which affect their income. Lack of irrigation systems
and other agricultural technologies, limited farm areas, inadequate farm inputs and shortage of
capital lead to low production. Root crops are produced in small scale and if not sold in the
markets, are mainly consumed by the families.
Poor access to markets severely limits their economic improvement. They have to sell their
agricultural produce in the market, which is far. Accessibility is marred by poor road condition
and lack of transport. There is seldom regular transportation to and from the markets. The
Subanens in Zamboanga del Sur and the Manobos in North Cotabato, walk for a couple of hours
or ride on horses to take their crops to market. These poor conditions of roads seriously
threatens food sufficiency in IP communities, as the case of the Bontoks in Mountain Province,
where landslides frequently erode the roads during the rainy seasons which are often closed.
Due to limited food supply outside of the community, the IPs experience food shortages.
Increase of prices of basic commodities lead to inability to purchase food leading to hunger and
malnutrition.
For additional income, the IP families are engaged in non-farm activities, such as broom
making by the Atis in Capiz and the Manobos in North Cotabato; basket making among the
B’laans in Sultan Kudarat; weaving in the Bontok community in Mt. Province and the
Bukidnons in Bukidnon; rattan gathering and charcoal making in the Mamanwa community in
Northern Samar, the Dumagats in Aurora, the B’laans in Sultan Kudarat, the Atis in Capiz;
begging and vending in Cebu City and construction work in the communities of Bontoks in Mt.
Province and the Atis in Guimaras for which they do not generate adequate incomes for their
basic needs.
6.1.2 IPs who do not dwell in ancestral domains

Poverty is higher among the IPs who do not dwell in ancestral domains and/or who do not
have land titles and land security. Those who own land have enough food since they usually
produce root crops and raise livestock. However, food sufficiency of those who do not have
land security is severely threatened by the fact that they do not have land to till or the available
land is too small to produce enough crops, as in the Atis in Antique and Negros Oriental and the
Badjaos in Cebu City. Furthermore, the situation of the Mamanwas indicates that landless IP

communities who are not fully recognized by the government and external entities are in a
serious situation. They experience food shortages. In Negros Oriental, Antique and Capiz, they
suffer from hunger. For them, food shortage is the major reason for their inability to send their
children to school. Hungry children do not have the energy to go to school which results in
repetition or drop out. In the areas where lack of food is serious, child labor is widely practiced
accounting for dropping out of school.
6.1.3 Health
Most of the communities have poor of access to formal health services or medicines. They are
usually assisted by a traditional birth attendant called hilot when they deliver at home. This is
due to the problems of accessibility, affordability and acceptability to their cultures and
customs. Birth registration is done. The major reasons for default in birth registration are
inability to pay the registration fee; not having a marriage certificate that is required for birth
registration; and distance to registration offices.
6.1.3.2 Water
Access to safe water sources is seriously limited in some areas. Atis in Capiz, walk for an hour
to fetch water from a spring. The Badjaos in Cebu City purchase water. During dry seasons,
they experience difficulties in procuring water because springs usually dry up. This shortage
brings about sanitation problems. People reduce the frequency of washing clothes and taking
of baths.
6.1.3.3 Sanitation
Many of the IPs do not have water-sealed toilets. Some do not own toilets at all. Those who do
not live in ancestral domains or who do not have land titles tend to have more hygienic issues
than those living in ancestral domains, in the cases of the Badjaos in Cebu City, the Atas in
Negros Oriental, the Atis in Guimaras and the Mamanwas in Northern Samar. Many households
do not have toilet facilities. They tend to dispose human excrement in the surrounding areas
and the river.
6.1.4 IP mothers
Early and arranged marriages are common among the women in some communities. They tend
to have low educational attainment and but eager to send their children to school.
6.1.5 Education
6.1.5.1 High incidence of school drop out
A large number of out-of-school children and youth is evident among the IPs. Low levels of
income are major factors that limit access to basic education. The main reason for an IP child to
stop going to school is the lack of funds to purchase school supplies such as papers, pencils and
uniforms. The NCIP’s educational program is limited to granting support interventions only
through its Educational Assistance Program. Many IP children are engaged in work, such as
farm work and/or Hacienda labor, scrap gathering, selling vegetables and working as
housemaids to support their own education. Inability to bring packed lunch to school is also a
major reason for children to stop going to school. This is one of the common reasons for
parents to fail in sending their children to day care centers as seen in the case of the Manobos
in North Cotabato. Distance to school and associated cost of transportation to and from the
school is the third reason for dropping out.

There are also IP children and youth who have never been enrolled in any formal school in
some communities. For instance among, the Mamanwas in Northern Samar, nearly every child
and youth has never been enrolled in any formal school. They desire to go to school and their
mothers share this aspiration. The situation of the Mamanwa community suggests that IP
children whose communities lack land titles and have not been fully recognized by the
government and other external bodies tend to lose their opportunity to study.
6.1.5.2 Bullying and discrimination

Physical distance should not be the only factor in accessibility to education; psychological
concerns should also be considered. IP children and youth are frequent victims of
discrimination and bullying at schools where IPs and Non-IP students co-exist. This finding is
common in almost all the communities studied. Many IP children had painful experiences of
being bullied and discriminated both at the basic and tertiary education levels. IP children are
verbally abused and treated in a discriminatory way. In most cases, the children endure the
bullying although it hurts them. Being discriminated and bullied were the most hurtful
experiences that they ever had in their lives. Aside from the devastating emotional impact it it
pushed them to drop out of school. Even when IPs are well-educated, discrimination persists in
employment recruitment. Moreover, the Ati children in Antique who have been seriously
bullied at school are unwilling to enroll or use their own language because people would notice
that they are Atis.

More serious attention should be paid to out-of school youth in IP communities. They either do
not have a chance to enroll or eventually drop out from formal school because of financial
difficulties. They have been working to help their family since they were young. However, they
strongly hope to return to school and dreaming to have professional jobs. Many out-of-school
youth mentioned that dropping out was the saddest experience that they had in their lives.
Some of them were hesitant to talk about these experiences. However, they wanted return to
school. So far, the government has attempted to promote alternative education through the
Alternative Learning System (ALS), but this falls short of what is needed by the majority of the
out-of-school youth who want to study at formal schools. Majority wanted to go back to the
same grade where they stopped at formal school even if it means that they would study with
younger children in the same class, while few wanted to get a literacy education.

Non admission of involvement in armed conflicts is due to the fear of consequences. There
were signs of security-related concerns that cannot be disregarded in Northern Samar and
Maguindanao. One cannot overlook the possibility of IP children’s involvement in armed
conflicts in other parts of Samar and Mindanao.
6.1.6.2 Human trafficking

There is the concern that indigenous children in certain areas have been possibly recruited as
house helpers by brokers, but are eventually forced to be sex workers in Bukidnon and Sultan
Kudarat.

6.1.6.3 Working children and child labor
IP children and youth largely assist their parents daily in various forms of tasks, such as
fetching water, cooking, washing clothes and baby-sitting their siblings. Some are engaged in
income generating activities, such as rattan gathering, charcoal making, working as laborers in
farms, working as construction workers, selling vegetables and working as house maids in
cities. The IP children whose community lacks land security engage in more arduous works,
such as gathering scrap irons among the Ati communities in Antique and Guimaras, working as
Hacienda laborers in the Ata community in Negros Oriental and begging by the Badjao children
in Cebu City. In some cases, work prods the children to repeat the same grades at school enroll
late, drop out of formal school and be unable to be enroll in any formal school. Out-of-school
children engage in economic activities to support their families at an early age.
6.1.6.4 Early marriage and girls’ education

Early and arranged marriages are common among the mothers’ generation. The women who
married early stopped schooling before they marry. Many of them have low educational
attainment. Economic benefits mainly through bride price are reasons why parents encourage
them to marry early. To be forced to marry at an early age and lose the educational
opportunity are extremely painful experiences. These women wanted their own children to go
to school as the B’laan community in Sultan Kudarat.

6. 2 Recommendations
6.2.1 Mainstreaming indigenous peoples’ concerns in the delivery of basic services
Access to basic services, livelihood programs and basic social infrastructures are priorities in
indigenous communities. Yet, they are often marginalized and their access to various basic
services is severely limited. It is imperative that the government’s programs and policies be
formulated to ensure the adequate provision of basic services to indigenous people, develop
most of human capabilities and involving them in policy design and implementation at local
and national levels. Strategies to improve their socio-economic well being in modes that are
acceptable and appropriate to them should be developed. The norms and practices of
indigenous cultures need to be understood and incorporated to address inequity.
6.2.2 Implementation of existing legislations on IP’s participation in governance

Self-determination is of utmost importance to indigenous people. However, their
circumstances prevent them from representation in decision- making in local governance.
There are major legal bases for the indigenous peoples’ mandatory representation to local
policy-making/legislative bodies. These have to be recognized and put into practice.
The Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA) or R.A. 8371 states “ICCs/IPs have the right to
participate fully, if they so choose, at all levels of decision-making in matters which may affect
their rights, lives and destinies through procedures determined by them as well as to maintain
and develop their own indigenous political structures. Consequently, the States shall ensure
that the ICCs/IPs shall be given mandatory representation in policy-making bodies and other
local legislative councils.” (Chapter IV, Section 16, IPRA-Republic Act No. 8371.) They should be
equipped with capabilities for this participation.
Local Government Code 1991 R.A.7160 states that one representative from the urban poor,
indigenous cultural communities or disabled persons shall be added to representatives in
Sangguniang Bayan (Section 446, R.A. 7160), Sangguniang Panlungsod (Section 457, R.A.7160)
and Sangguniang Panlalawigan (Section 467, R.A. 7160) as follows: “In addition thereto, there
shall be three (3) sectoral representatives: one (1) from the women: and, as shall be
determined by the sanggunian concerned within ninety (90) days prior to the holding of local
elections, one (1) from the agricultural or industrial workers, and one (1) from the other
sectors, including the urban poor, indigenous cultural communities, or disabled persons.” This
provision should be strictly enforced.
LGUs are usually not aware of the aforementioned terms in the legislations. It is important for
these provisions to be fully understood and implemented to enable indigenous people to
adequately participate in their governance and address their issues to improve their situation.
6.2.3 Formation of Tribal Council to address concerns pertaining to the IPs

IPRA states that “The ICCs/IPs living in contiguous areas or communities where they form the
predominant population but which are located in municipalities, provinces or cities where they
do not constitute the majority of the population, may form or constitute a separate barangay in
accordance with the Local Government Code on the creation of tribal barangays.” (Chapter IV,
Sec.18) Local Government Code R.A. 7160 states, “to enhance the delivery of basic services in
the indigenous cultural communities, barangays may be created in such communities by an Act
of Congress, notwithstanding the above requirement.” A supportive environment should be
provided for the involvement of the tribal councils.

According to NCIP, an Indigenous Peoples Consultative Body (IPCB) has been formed at the
provincial level, ethnographic regional level and national levels. The creation of tribal
barangays is one of the major agendas of the IPCB (“Guidelines in constituting and
operationalizing the indigenous peoples’ consultative body”, prepared by Assis Development
Foundation, Inc. NCIP with the support of International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs,
European Commission, Danish Foreign Ministry).
The creation of tribal barangays has been seen by indigenous peoples and NCIP as one of
solutions to their current suppressed position in mainstream governance. When the current
political mechanism does not fit their heart and system, “the IPs/ ICCs will be more vulnerable
and prone to manipulation, control, exploitation and oppression by the greater majority of the
Philippines society, a situation which has been the experience of the IPs/ICCs especially
through methods of approach in the encroachment by migrant settlers to their ancestral
domains.” These have to be implemented. Monitoring of implementation and identification of
obstacle should be undertaken.
However, this may be controversial from various perspectives. The major issues discussed
include political segment with original barangays, political position in relation to the LGUs and
other government agencies and source of revenue would marginalize the IPs. In the course of
the discussion of creation of tribal council, capacity building of the indigenous people
themselves, such as literacy training, should also be proposed. Clarifications of issues need to
be made.
6.2.4 Registration of Acts and Events Concerning Civil Status of Indigenous Peoples
Birth and civil registration is not complied by indigenous people. The major reasons are lack of
knowledge or information on registration procedure, distance from their residence to the
office of local civil registrar, inability to pay the charges especially for late registration and
obtaining a marriage certificate. Cultural factors may also influence compliance, especially in
the IP communities where polygamy is widely practices and people have one-name/
indigenous name/ tribal name. Administrative Order No. 3, Series of 2004 (NSO Office of
the Registrar General) aims to assist civil registrars in registering birth, marriage, death and
other registrable events of indigenous people. Its full recognition among LGUs and
implementation was observed to remain challenge. More efforts need to be exerted in ensuring
the sought for registration.
6.2.5 Disaggregation of Census and other Data into IPs and non-IPs
Data at either national or local level are not disaggregated to reflect the situation and living
conditions of indigenous peoples, which further hinders adequateprograms against
discrimination. NSO’s data processing should be disaggregated by sex and by each indigenous
peoples’ groups. LGUs similarly should reflect indigenous peoples’ situation in the socio-
economic profile of the respective province which need to be updated and trended
6.2.6 Coordination between NCIP and LGUs

Inter-agency coordination on indigenous issues can significantly enhance programs related to
indigenous issues. However, effective coordination between NCIP and PTWG/CTWG is absent.
In some cases, the TWGs consider that IP issues are matters to be dealt merely by NCIP. In
other cases, NCIP and TWGs have firstly met in the meeting. Coordination needs to be
enhanced to address the concerns related to indigenous children. Thus, inclusion of NCIP

Regional or Provincial Offices in the PTWG/CTWG is highly recommended. Likewise, tasks and
fuinctions related to coordination should be spelled out.
6.2.7 Enlistment of Free and Prior Informed Consent (FPIC) of IPs

IPRA states that “Free and Prior Informed Consent-as used in this Act shall mean the consensus
of all members of the ICC/IPs that is determined in accordance with their respective customary
laws and practices: free from any external manipulation, interference and coercion and
obtained after fully disclosing the intent and scope of the program/project/activity, in a
language and process understandable to the community. However, there are two major
concerns in its implementation. Firstly NCIP provincial and regional offices are not always fully
aware of the correct procedure on the FPIC indicated in the IPRA. A problem arose in antique
and Davao city that NCIP Regional/Provincial officers provided different information when
they applied for the certification of FPIC according to the IPRA. The absence of knowledge
about the right procedure among the NCIP offices caused delays in certificate procurement of
FPIC from NCIP. It is necessary for the NCIP offices to be fully aware of the procedure about
FPIC and IPRA. Secondly, there are controversies that FPIC has been occasionally influenced by
external forces. An allegation by indigenous people in Davao, is that the FPIC is given to
development related companies and entities including mining corporation and logging
companies without consulting indigenous communities. For harmonious collaboration and
coordination, representation by both IPs and non IPs need to be ensured.
6.2.8 IP curriculum development

Education should be culturally appropriate to indigenous children. It should also aim at raising
awareness of the human rights perspective and eliminating discrimination against them.
DepEd has embarked on indigenization of the curriculum. Indigenous Peoples Core Curriculum
(DepEd, Development of Indigenous Peoples Education) which states that “Making the
education and training curriculum appropriate to the unique circumstances of ICCs/IPs, or
what is commonly known as “indigenization of curriculum”, is vital to the concretization of
education’s role to the empowerment, development and protection of IPs.” (General
Framework for the Core Curriculum of Indigenous People’s Education). There is still work to
be done to ensure its implementation. The level of awareness and understanding of the IP
curriculum and its concept differs from one LGU to another. More situational and culturally
specific curriculum must be developed. Education of IPs of their rights and entitlements need
to be undertaken and assistance should be provided in upholding these rights.
6.2.9 Implementation of IPRA in the ARMM

ARMM Regional Legislative Body Resolution No. 269 passed on August 15 2003 allows
the implementation of the IPRA with non-Moro IPs and communities living in ARMM
(Guidelines in constituting and operationalizing the indigenous people’s consultative
body, 2004). However the complicated territory issues hinder this. These need to be
addressed.
6.2.10 Poverty and income levels

The average household income of indigenous people varies from 250 pesos to 5,000 pesos,
which are a small percentage of general average of household income of each region. The
average of the IP household income of all provinces is 1,036-1,899 pesos, which is about 8-15
percent of national average household income. Furthermore, indigenous people tend to
receive lower wages than the regional daily minimum wage rates. Average daily income of the

Atis in Antique Province is 118 pesos, which is 47-61 percent of the regional daily minimum
wage rate. Many of the Atis in Negros Oriental work as farm laborers in Hacienda plantation
and their daily wages is 50 pesos or 120 pesos during harvest season, which is 22 -65 percent
of the regional minimum wage (185 – 232 pesos for agricultural workers). For the Manobos in
North Cotabato, the B’laans in Sultan Kudarat and the T’bolis in Saranggani, farm laborer on
Non-IP’s farm is a major cash income source. Their regular wage is 100 pesos and 150 pesos
during harvest season, which are 48-72 percent of the regional daily minimum wage (209
pesos). The study found that the Tedurays in South Upi, Maguindanao often work as a farm
labor on non-IP’s farm, where they receive 50-70 pesos, which is 25-35 percent of the regional
daily minimum wage (200 pesos). Information on income and expenditures need to be
documented vis-à-vis non IPs in the same area.
6.2.11 Statistical comparison based on the Phase II study of Atis in Antique Province
According to the provincial socio-economic profile CY 2004 of Antique Province, the literacy
rate in the province of Antique as of 1991 was 90 percent. However, the in-depth study in Ati
communities in Antique indicates that literacy rate among the Ati is lower than the regional
estimate. On sanitation, the in-depth study in the Ati communities indicates that 49 percent of
the Atis use sanitary toilets, while majority of the households in Antique province have
sanitary toilets. Two thirds of the Ati households own toilets at home while almost all of
households in the province own their own toilets at home. Data must be accurate to reflect the
situation of communities.
6.2.12 Suggested projects and priorities

6.2.12.1 Dual approach for poverty reduction and educational assistance
In order to minimize absenteeism and drop out in any formal school a dual approach is
needed. One is humanitarian, where school supplies, scholarships and food-for-education
type of projects are to be provided. These will have an immediate impact on reducing the
number of absentees and out-of-school students. The other approach is the medium and
long term approach, where sustainable development projects/programs are to be
conducted in order for the parents to have stable means of livelihood, and afford the school
needs of their children.
6.2.12.2 Highest priority to landless indigenous peoples

Poverty is most serious among the IPs who do not dwell in ancestral domains and/or who
do not have land titles and land security in the cases of Atis in Antique, Capiz, Negros
Oriental and Badjao in Cebu City. Their food security is severely threatened by the fact that
they do not have land to till or the available land is too small to sufficiently produce. They
tend to experience serious food shortages as well as childhood malnutrition. Food shortage
is the major reason why parents fail to send their children to school. Urgent assistance for
livelihood is of utmost importance for these communities.
6.2.12.3 Agricultural development for indigenous people in ancestral domain

Agricultural development should be aimed for and priority be given to indigenous people
who dwell in ancestral domain due to their connection to land. People who dwell in
ancestral domains are currently likely to work as tenant workers or farm labors in farms.
This is due to lack of access to technology and other means of manufacture. Production is
low due to absence of irrigation systems and other agricultural technologies, limited farm
areas, inadequate farm inputs and shortage of capital for necessary investment.

6.2.12.4 ADSDPP (Ancestral Domain Sustainable Development and Protection Plan)
The NCIP issued guidelines on the formulation of the Ancestral Domain Sustainable
Development and Protection Plan (NCIP Administrative order No. 01, series of 2004). The
plan aims to ensure the protection, promotion and recognition of the rights of ICC/IPs. It
may also facilitate the conduct of the Free and Prior Informed Consent (FPIC) process. It
states that “the ICCs/IPs shall be fully responsible for formulating their ADSDPPs in
accordance to their customary laws, practices, traditions and institutions. As provided in
the NCIP guideline, the formulation of the ADSDPP must adhere to the following principles:
(a) freedom of ICCs/IPs to pursue their economic, social and cultural development, (b)
fulfillment of responsibility to future generations, (c) interdependence of ancestral
domains (d) just and equitable sharing of benefits and (e) comprehensive or all-inclusive
development.”
An issue concerning implementation of ADSDPP is the possible conflict with other

development related plans by different agencies. The ADSDPP states (page 20) that "in
case of conflict, the ADSDPP that was approved by the community shall prevail over other
plans, such as the Comprehensive Land Use Plan (CLUP) of municipalities, the Provincial
Development Plan or Municipal Development Plan, the Protected Area Management Plan
and other plans.” Development plans for IPs need to be given priority in areas where they
reside.
6.2.13 Non-discrimination and mind-set/behavior change

Discrimination against indigenous people is a structural problem, which fundamentally
hinders their appropriate access to basic services, resources and opportunities. Indigenous
children are more likely to suffer from discrimination in school by not only the classmates but
also the teachers. Well- educated indigenous people tend to experience continuous
discrimination especially in the process of recruitment as in the case of Manobos in Loreto,
Agusan del Sur. The principle of human rights requires specific attention to indigenous people.
Their right to self-determination, cultural integrity and diversity need to be recognized. Efforts
should start with the process of changing mind-set and behavior of government personnel,
including school teachers, at local and national level as well as school education for both
indigenous and non indigenous children.
6.2.14 Indigenous youth and children

Indigenous children and youth require special and culturally sensitive programs. Efforts to
express their culture and identity and transmit their language and indigenous knowledge
system and practices (IKSPs) to their next generation need to be exerted. For them, recognizing
their cultural identity is an empowering process. Out-of-school youth in Ati communities in
Guimaras and Gadang communities in Isabela who often perform cultural dances in festivals
and similar occasions exhibited their sense of pride and self-esteem as their tribe. On the
contrary, the Ati children who are often targets of bullying at school tend to have low self-
esteem. They are hesitant to be identified as an Ati and reluctant to use their own language, as
a result many of them no longer speak and understand their language. Programs and plans also
need to protect them from various risks, including child labor, trafficking, involving in armed
conflicts, sexual exploitation and violence.

There can be no security among indigenous peoples in the Philippines if their inherent right to
own, manage and control their lands is not respected. Majority still stay in the rural areas, in
most cases, their own ancestral domains which have been taken from them. As long as they are
in control of ancestral lands and waters, they can offset current survival struggles with their
subsistence economies and other economic activities such as small-scale mining, marketing of
handicrafts, raising of agricultural products and livestock for local markets. Education and
health services are woefully inadequate in their territories, which further exacerbate their
insecurity. If their traditional values and customs of collectivity, mutual reciprocity, labor
exchange, social cohesion and accountability remain strong, their survival could be ensured.
Social capital embracing networks, norms and values of solidarity, justice and equity,
reciprocity and trust will enable them to work in an effective and collaborative manner to
achieve their objectives yet preserve their culture. If this capital is high, a better sense of
security is felt, more than any government pension scheme which the majority would not even
know exists. Social capital is the insurance mechanism which allows indigenous peoples to
survive and sustain their relationship with their environment. An increasing number of
indigenous peoples are being forcibly displaced from their lands by extractive industries like
mining and logging, so-called development projects like hydroelectric dams, expansion of
monocrop plantations of fruits, biofuels, fast-growing trees, and militarization. Others
voluntarily leave to seek better economic opportunities elsewhere, ending up as work hands in
the town and city centers or workplaces outside the country. Whether the situation of those
who migrated is better than those left behind remains unanswered. Those who are in the
urban areas, end up inthe ranks of the urban poor. Some are able to find decent livelihoods, set
up businesses or acquire property, but they still remain a minority. The Indigenous Peoples’
Rights Act of 1997—otherwise known as IPRA or Republic Act 8371, which aims to protect
indigenous peoples’ rights and help bring about sustainable and equitable development for
them—is an instrument that should be used to bring about better security. Unfortunately, the
constitutionality of this Act was questioned at the Supreme Court at the instigation of the
Mining Chamber of Commerce. It took the Supreme Court three years to decide on this and it
was only in 2001 that the court upheld its constitutionality. Implementation of the law was in
limbo for a time, and effectively, it has been implemented for around five to six years only.
Within this period many indigenous peoples have complained about the weak implementation
of the law. A serious commitment to this act is called for.
The provision of basic social services should be expanded so that they will reach those who still
live in remote and isolated areas. It is convenient for the government to say that there is no
budget to support the setting up of schools in indigenous territories where the level of
enrollment is low. Why should those who opt to live in their ancestral domains, no matter how
remote get penalized through the inadequate provision of social services? The Millennium
Development Goals need to be achieved among indigenous peoples. There is no empirical
evidence yet to show that these goals have been realized by indigenous peoples. Poverty and
insecurity are still their problems. A more proactive policy should be pursued.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Books and Journals
David E. De Vera (2007), Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines A Country Case Study
Fraiser, D. (2001). Land Conflict of the Cotabato Manobo People. Manil: Ateneo de Manila
University Press.
Jocano, F. (1975). Philippine Prehsitory: An Anthropological Overview of the beginnings of

Filipino Society and Culture. Diliman Quezon City: University of the Philippines.
Jocano, F. (2000). Filipino Indigenous Ethnic Communities, Patterns, Variations and Typologies,
Anthropology of the Filipino People II. Manila: PUNLAD Research House, Inc.
Jocano, F., Marquez, L. and Caguimbal, M. (1994). Problems and Methods in the Study of
Philippine Indigenous Ethnic Cultures (A Preliminary Overview). Diliman, Quezon City: Asian
Center, University of the Philippines.
ONCC and OSCC, (1996). Indigenous People of the Philippines.
Metagora, “2005 Pilot Study on the Diagnosis of Indigenous People’s Rights to Ancestral
Domains and Ancestral Lands in the Philippines: Book 2
Internet sources
International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA)

http://www.iwgia.org/regions/asia/philippines
FAO Corporate Document Repository,

http://www.fao.org/DOCREP/006/W2352E/W2352E06.htm
National Commission on Indigenous Peoples

http://www.ncip.gov.ph/resources/ethno_detail.php?ethnoid=75, [12 January 2007].
Philippine inside news, http://www.t-macs.com/kiso/local/index.htm.
National Statistics Office, Republic of the Philippines 2003.
Table 3A. Average Income, Average Expenditure and Average Saving of Families at Current
Prices, by Region
[http://www.census.gov.ph/data/sectordata/2003/fie03fr09.htm]

National Statistics Office, Republic of the Philippines, May 1,2000,
Total Population, Number of Households, Average Household Size, Population Growth Rate and
Population Density by Region, Province and Highly Urbanized City: as of
http://www.census.gov.ph/census2000/index.html
United Nations University, http://www.unu.edu/unupress/food2/UIN08E/uin08e0u.htm
Luzon
Mt. Province
Barangay Natural Resource Management Plan, Caneo, Bontoc, Mountain Province, Planning
Period 2000-2006, A joint undertaking of the community of Barangay Caneo, Bontoc, Mountain
Province and the Cordillera Highland Agricultural Resource Management Project (CHARMP)
Socio-economic profile of Mountain Province, 2004 edition
Isabela
The NCIP Isabela Provincial Office, “Brief Profile of the indigenous people of Isabela”, 1998
The NCIP Isabela Provincial Office, “List of Barangays Populated by Indigenous Peoples”,
August 2006.
Abriza, Mary Christine, “Gaddang” [http://literalno4.tripod.com/gadding_frame.html], access

on 24 April 2007
http://www.everyculture.com/East-Southeast-Asia/Gaddang.html
Aurora
The NCIP Aurora Provincial Office, Update census of IPs in Aurora Province as of September
2006
The NCIP Aurora Provincial Office, AIP Form No.1-CY 2006 Annual Investment Plan to be
funded out of the Development Fund equivalent to 20% of IRA
Visayas
Antique
Demographic date sourced out from the NCIP Regional Office VI and VII and the NCIP
Provincial Office of Antique, 2001
Capiz
The NCIP Capiz Service Center, “Ati ethnic group of Dumarao, Capiz”
The NCIP Region VI and VII, census as of July 31 2004, IP settlement profile of sitio Tag-ao,
Barangay Tamulalod/Bungsuan, Dumarao, Capiz as of March 21 2007.

Guimaras
The NCIP Regional Office, Indigenous peoples (Ati) profile, Province of Guimaras
The NCIP Regional Office, Terminal Report, no date indicated
The NCIP Regional Office, “Total population of indigenous cultural communities, Province of
Guimaras, as of December 31 2006”)
The NCIP, “Zone profile of Sitio Kati-kati, Jordan Guimaras”, no date indicated
Negros Oriental
“Indigenous Peoples”, Bais City, Negros Oriental Province
Shiryl M. Dulhao, “Visit to the Ata of Canlimokon”,Department of Social Welfare and

Development VII Vol.II Issue No. III March 2002, Comprehensive Integrated Delivery of Social
Services update.
Socio-Economic Profile of Province of Negros Oriental, 2003 Edition
Wikipedia, [accessed on 15 April, 2007]
Cebu City
The NCIP Cebu Provincial Office, 2006, Data on the Badjaos in Cebu City, unpublished
documents
Northern Samar
Catolin,Alfonso B, 2006. “Indigenous People in Samar”, ( A report of field investigation on the
presence of IP’s in Samar Island for the period February 1-10, 2006 conducted by Director
Alfonso B. Catolin and Ms. Hazel Torrefiel of NCIP Region VI-VII.)
Hazel R. Torretiel, 2005, After Travel Report, “Verification on the status of the Manobos in San
Jose de Buan, Western Samar” Re: Report on the alleged military operation which caused their
displacement”.
Serrano, Janette C. 2005, “The Indigenous Peoples and the Forest of Central Samar” (Position
paper submitted to the Senate Committee on Cultural Communities as required by Senate
Resolution No. 375 dated November 14, 2005)
Mindanao
Zamboanga del Sur
Local Development Plan for Children, 2003, Tigbao, Zamboanga del Sur, Edmundo V.Dalid,
Municipal Mayor.
Bukidnon
The socio-economic profile of Bukidnon as of 2005

Saranggani
Jocano, F.Landa, Philippines Prehistory: An anthropological Overview of the Beginnings of
Filipino Society and Culture, Philippine Center for Advanced Studies, University of the
Philippines System, Diliman, Quezon City, 1975.
Wikipedia http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tboli, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Polygyny
Sultan Kudarat
Socio-Economic Profile 2004 Province of Sultan Kudarat
Somorostro, Teressa (NCIP Provincial Officer), the NCIP Sultan Kudarat Provincial Office,
“Sultan Kudarat IP info”, 2006
Province of Sultan Kudarat, State of the Children Report 2006
North Cotabato
Project summary of Cotabato Provincial Government Extended Assistance to the indigenous
communities
Agusan del Sur

IP situation Agusan del Sur (Information produced by the NCIP Provincial Office, on December
11 2006)
Profile of Barangay Poblacion, Chapter 2
Socio economic profile of Municipality of Loreto
Maguindanao
The NCIP, “The Indigenous Peoples of Maguindanao Province”.

APPENDIX
I. GLOSSARY
Indigenous Cultural Communities/ Indigenous Peoples
refer to a group of people or homogenous societies identified by self-aspiration and ascription
by others, who have continuously lived as organized community on communally bounded and
defined territory, and who have, under claims of ownership since time immemorial, occupied,
possessed and utilized such territories, sharing common bonds of language, customs, traditions
and other distinctive cultural traits, or who have through resistance to political, social and
cultural inroads of colonization, non-indigenous religions and cultures, became historically
differentiated from the majority of Filipinos. ICC/IPs shall likewise include peoples who are
regarded as indigenous on account of their descent from the populations which inhabited the
country, at the time of conquest of colonization, or at the time of inroads of non-indigenous
religions and cultures, or the establishment of present state boundaries, who retain some or all
of their own social, economic, cultural and political institutions, but who may have been
displaced for their traditional domains or who may have resettled outside their ancestral
domains (Republic Act 8371, IPRA1997:3)
Ancestral Domains
subject to Section 56 hereof, refers to all areas generally belonging to ICCs/IPs comprising
lands, inland waters, coastal areas and natural resources therein, held under a claim of
ownership, occupied or possessed by ICC/IPs, by themselves or through continuously to the
present except when interrupted by war, force majeure or displacement by force, deceit,
stealth or as a consequence of government projects or any other voluntary dealings entered
into by government and private individuals/ corporations, and which are necessary to ensure
their economic, social and cultural welfare. It shall included ancestral lands, forests, pasture,
residential, agricultural and other lands individually owned whether alienable and disposable
or otherwise, hunting grounds, burial grounds, worship areas, bodies of water, mineral and
other natural resources and lands which may no longer be exclusively occupied by ICCs/IPs
but from which they traditionally had access to for their subsistence and traditional activities,
particularly the home ranges of ICCs/IPs who are still nomadic and/or shifting cultivators
(Republic Act 8371, IPRA1997:3)
Ancestral Lands
subject to Section 56 hereof, refers to land occupied, possessed and utilized by individuals,
families and clans who are members of the ICCs/IPs since time immemorial, by themselves or
through their predecessors-in-interest, under claims of individual or traditional group
ownership, continuously, to the present except when interrupted by war, force majeure or
displacement by force, deceit, stealth, or as a consequence of government projects and other
voluntary dealings entered into by government and private individuals/ corporations,
including, but not limited to, residential lots, rice terraces or paddies, private forests, swidden
farms and tree lots (Republic Act 8371, IPRA1997:3)
Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title

refers to a title formally recognizing the rights of possession and ownership of ICCs/IPs over
their ancestral domains identified and delineated in accordance with this law (IPRA) (Republic
Act 8371, IPRA1997:3)
Certificate of Ancestral Land Title
refers to a title formally recognizing the rights of possession and ownership of ICCs/IPs over
their ancestral lands (Republic Act 8371, IPRA1997:3)
National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP)

refers to the office created under the IPRA, which shall be under the Office of the President, and
which shall be the primary government agency responsible for the formulation and
implementation of policies, plans and programs to recognize, protect and promote the rights of
ICCs/IPs (Republic Act 8371, IPRA1997:4-5)

II. ETHNOLINGUSITIC GROUPS
Table 1.
Ethnolinguistic groups
1 Adasen 38 Dumagat 75 Mabaca
2 Abelling/Aborlin 39 Eskaya 76 Malaueg
3 Aeta 40 Gubang 77 Magahat/Corolanos
4 Abiyan 41 Gaddang 78 Manobo
5 Agutaynon 42 Giangan 79 Manobo-Blit
6 Agta 43 Guiangan-Clata 80 Mangguangan
7 Agta-Tabangnon 44 Gubatnon (Mangyan) 81 Mamanwa
8 Agta-Cimaron 45 Hanunuo (Mangyan) 82 Mansaka
9 Alangan 46 Hanglulo 83 Matigsalog
(Mangyan)
10 Applai 47 Higaonon 84 Mandaya
11 Ata-Manobo 48 Itneg 85 Molbog
12 Ati 49 Inlaud 86 Pullon
13 Arumanen 50 Ibaloi 87 Palawanon
14 Ayangan 51 Ibanag 88 Remontado
15 Binongan 52 Itawes 89 Ratagnon (Mangyan)
16 Bago 53 Ikalahan 90 Sulod
17 Bangon (Mangyan) 54 Ilongot/Bugkalot 91 Sama (Badjao)
18 Bontok 55 Isinai 92 Sama/ Samal
19 Balatoc 56 Isneg/Apayao 93 Sama/ Kalibugan
20 Baliwen 57 Iwak 94 Subanen
21 Baluga 58 Iraya (Mangyan) 95 Sangil
22 Batak 59 Itom 96 Tadyawan (Mangyan)
23 Batangan/Tao 60 Ilianen 97 Tagabawa
Buid
24 Buhid (Mangyan) 61 Ivatan 98 Tagbanwa
25 Balangao 62 Kiritenken 99 Tagakaolo
26 Bantoanon 63 Kalinga 100 Talaandig
27 Bukidnon 64 Kankanaey 101 Talaingod
28 Badjao 65 Kalanguya 102 T’boli
29 Banac 66 Kalibugan 103 Tao’t Bato
30 B’laan 67 Kabihug 104 Tasaday
31 Bagobo 68 Kalagan 105 Tigwahanon
32 Banwaon 69 Karao 106 Tingguian
33 Calinga 70 Kaylawan 107 Tiruray/Téduray
34 Coyonon 71 Kongking 108 Tuwali
35 Camiguin 72 Langilan 109 Umayamnon
36 Danao 73 Masadiit 110 Ubo
37 Dibabawon 74 Maeng
(Source: NCIP Info Kit updated by the NCIP Ms. Laurilla)

Table 2.
Residential locations of indigenous peoples
Cordillera and Region I

Bontoc Mountain Province
Balangao Mountain Province
Isneg Kalinga, Apayao
Tinguian Abra, Kalinga, Ayayao
Kankanaey Benguet, Mountain Province, Baguio
Kalanguya Benguet, Ifugao
Karao Benguet
Ibaloi Beuguet
Ayangan Ifugao
Ifugao Ifugao
Tuwali Ifugao
Kalinga Kalinga
Apayao Kalinga, Apayao
Bago La Union, Ilocos Sur, Iocos Norte, Pangasinan
Region II, Caraballo Mountains
Agta Cagayan, Quirino, Isabela

Kalanguya Nueva Vizcaya
Bugkalot Nueva Vizcaya, Quirino
Isinai Nueva Vizcaya
Gaddang Nueva Vizcaya, Isabela
Aggay Cagayan
Dumagat Isabela, Cagayan
Ibanag Cagayan
Itawis Cagayan
Ivatan Batanes
Rest of Luzon/Sierra Madre Mountains
Aeta, Negrito, Baluga, Pugot Zambales, Bataan, Pampanga, Tarlac
Abelling Tarlac
Agta Tarlac, Aurora, Palayan City, Camarines Sur
Dumagat Quezon, Rizal, Aurora, Dumagat
Remontado Rizal, Laguna, Quezon
Bugkalot Aurora
Cimaron Camarines Sur
Kabihug Camarines Norte
Tabangnon Sorsogon
Abiyan (Aeta) Camarines Norte/Sur
Isarog Camarines Norte
Itom Albay
Pullon Masbate

Island Groups
Agutaynon Palawan
Tagbanua Palawan
Dagayanen Palawan
Tao’t Bato Palawan
Batak Palawan
Palawanon Palawan
Molbog Palawan
Iraya Mangyan Mindoro Occidental/Oriental
Hanunuo Mangyan Mindoro Occidental/Oriental
Alangan Mangyan Mindoro Oriental
Buhid Mangyan Mindoro Occidental/Oriental
Tadyawan Mangyan Mindoro Occidental/Oriental
Batangan Mangyan Mindro Occidental
Gubatnon Mangyan Mindro Occidental
Ratagnon Mangyan Mindro Occidental
Cuyunon Romblon
Ati Romblon, Iloilo, Antique, Negros Occidental, Capiz, Aklan
Sulod/Bukidnon Iloilo, Capiz, Antique, Aklan
Magahat Negros Occidental
Korolanos Negros Oriental
Ata Negros Oriental
Bukidnon Negros Oriental
Escaya Bohol
Badjao Cebu, Bohol
Kongking Leyte, Samar
Badjao* Leyte
Mamanwa* Northern Samar, Eastern Samar, Western Samar, Leyte,
Southern Leyte
Manobo* Northern Samar, Western Samar, Leyte, Southern Leyte
Southern & Eastern Mindanao
Manobo Agusan del Norte/del Sur
Mandaya Davao Oriental
Mansaka Davao del Norte
Dibabawon Davao del Norte
Banwaon Agusan del Sur
Bagobo Davao del Sur, Davao City
Ubo Manobo Davao del Sur, Davao City
Tagakaolo Davao del Sur
Talaingod. Langilaan Davao del Norte, Davao City
Mamanwa Surigao del Norte
Higaonon Agusan del Norte/del Sur
B’laan Davao del Sur, Saranggani, South Cotabato
T’boli South Cotabato, Saranggani
Kalagan Davao del Sur
Tagabawa Davao City
Manobo B’lit South Cotabato
Matigsalog Davao City, Davao del Sur/ del Norte
Tigwahanon Agusan del Norte/del Sur
Sangil South Cotabato, Saranggani
Central Mindanao
Aromanon North Cotabato
Tiruray/Téduray Sultan Kudarat, Maguindanao
Bagobo Cotabato City
Ubo Manobo North Cotabato
Manobo North Cotabato
Higaonon North Cotabato
Subanen Lanao del Sur, Iligan City
Maguindanao Lanao del Norte
Maranao Maguindanao
Iranon Lanao del Norte/ del Sur
Karitik Maguindanao, Lanao del Sur
B’laan North Cotabato
Lambangian Sultan Kudarat
Dulangan Sultan Kudarat
Northen & Western Mindanao
Subanen Zamboanga del Sur, Zamboanga del Norte, Misamis
Occidental/Oriental, Zamboanga City
Talaandig Bukidnon
Higaonon Bukidnon, Misamis Oriental, Misamis Occidental
Matigsalog Bukidnon
Bukidnon* Bukidnon
Umayamnon Bukidnon
Manobo Bukidnon
Kamigin Kamigin
Yakan Yakan
Sama Tawi-tawi
Badjao/Sama Laut Tawi-tawi, Basilan, Sulu Archipelago
(Source: ECIP, NCCP-PACT, ONCC, OMA, DENR, cited from Metagora, “2005 Pilot Study on the Diagnosis of
Indigenous People’s Rights to Ancestral Domains and Ancestral Lands in the Philippines: Book 2 The study
and the approaches, methods and procedures developed”, 2005, p3-6. *Modifications were made by the
author based on the research results. This list still needs to be validated.)

III. LEGAL BASIS OF IPS’ RECOGNITION
Republic Act 8371: Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act (IPRA)
The Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act (IPRA) was authored by Senator Juan M. Flavier and signed
into law on October 29, 1997 by then President Fidel V. Ramos. The Philippines was
commended by the United Nations and the international IP advocates for providing legal
measures in favor of the IPs, “the fist for any Stats, during the International Decade of
Indigenous People (1995-2004) ” (NCIP Info Kit, IPRA: A landmark legislation). Republic Act
No. 8371 was enacted to recognize, protect and promote the rights of indigenous cultural
communities/ indigenous peoples. The IPRA also created the National Commission on
Indigenous Peoples as the primary government agency to implant a rights-based approach to
the development of the IPs. The IPRA identifies the following rights and aspirations of IPs:
1. Right to Ancestral Domains/ Ancestral Lands

ensures that the rights of ownership and possession of ICCs/IPs of their ancestral
domains shall be recognized and protected.
2. Right to Self-Governance and Empowerment

recognizes the inherent right of ICCs/IPs to self-governance and self-determination
and respects the integrity of their values, practices and institutions. Consequently,
the state shall guarantee the right of ICCs/IPs to freely pursue their economic,
social and cultural development.
3. Social Justice and Human Rights

ensures that the employment of any form of coercion against ICCs/IPs shall be dealt
with by law.
4. Cultural Integrity
includes respect, recognition and protection of the right of ICCs/IPs to preserve and
protect their culture, traditions and institutions. It shall consider these rights in the
formulation and application of national plans and policies.
Through the IPRA that created the NCIP, IPs can apply for certificates of ancestral domain title
(CADT) and certificates of ancestral land title (CALT). The application for a CADT can either be
through direct application or conversion of a Certification of Ancestral Domain Claim (CADC)
to CADT. CADCs are claims of ownership of Indigenous Peoples to their Ancestral Domains
granted by the DENR through Department Administrative Order No.2 (DAO-2).

AUTHOR
Hanayo HIRAI was a Visiting Research Fellow at Yuchengco Center of De La Salle University.
She received her MA degree in Rural Development from University of Sussex, Brighton, United
Kingdom in 2002 and worked for various socio-economic projects, programs and researches in
international organizations such as UNICEF, FAO and the Embassy of Japan in the Philippines.
Her research interests include rural poverty and development, indigenous peoples and cultural
identity.
View publication stats

HanayoIndigenousCommunityYuchengcoCenter2015 PDF

Diunggah oleh

Informasi Dokumen

Judul Asli

Hak Cipta

Format Tersedia

Bagikan dokumen Ini

Bagikan atau Tanam Dokumen

Opsi Berbagi

Apakah menurut Anda dokumen ini bermanfaat?

Apakah konten ini tidak pantas?

Hak Cipta:

Format Tersedia

HanayoIndigenousCommunityYuchengcoCenter2015 PDF

Diunggah oleh

Hak Cipta:

Format Tersedia

See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.

Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis

Article · May 2015

The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.

I thank my partner who supported me throughout this task.

Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis i

Tables and Abbreviations iii

Chapter 2. The Indigenous People: Who are they? 4

Chapter 3. The Indigenous People in Luzon

Chapter 4. The Indigenous People in Visayas

Chapter 5. The Indigenous People in Mindanao

Chapter 6. Issues and Recommendations 72

Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis ii

Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis iii

Indigenous Peoples/Indigenous Cultural Communities (IPs/ICCs) are comprised by

1.2 Historical Colonial Disenfranchisement and Resistance

Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis 1

1.2.2 American Colonial Regime (1898 – 1949)

1.2.4 Postcolonial Period (1950 onward)

When the Philippines achieved independence in 1949, a program of assimilation of the

Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis 2

UNICEF signed a Memorandum of Agreement with the National Commission on Indigenous

1.3 Objectives of the Assessment

Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis 3

2.1 Geographical Distribution

2.2 Study Sites

2.3 IP Groups in the sites

Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis 4

Subsequent analysis encompassed three major geographical aggrupations in Luzon, Visayas

Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis 5

3.1 Mountain Province

Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis 6

3.1.2.2 Lack of irrigation facilities

Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis 7

Lack of water was mentioned is an issue.

“Water is scarce over the years because of deforestation. Damage by pests is

3.1.2.3 Climatic conditions in the community

3.1.2.4 Road infrastructure problems

3.1.2.5 Retention of tradition eschewing modernization

“We prefer to use organic fertilizer because it is cheaper. Also, agricultural

Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis 8

3.1.3 Situation of the population

3.1.3.2 Non-farm labor

“I learned how to weave from my mother. I am also teaching this to my daughter.”

The price of thread in Baguio is increasing.

3.1.3.4 Marketing of products

Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis 9

3.1.4.2 Accessibility of services

Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis 10

3.1.4.3 Infant and Child Mortality

3.1.5 Food sufficiency and nutrition

3.1.6 Water and sanitation

Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis 11

3.1.7.2 Students as house helpers

3.1.7.3 Out-of-school youth

3.1.8.1 Possible influence of rebel forces

Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis 12

Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis 13

3.2.1 History of the Gaddangs

3.2.2 Characteristics of Gaddangs

Indigenous Communities in the Philippines: A Situation Analysis 14

Under the current system, there is a feeling of hopelessness:

3.2.4 Working abroad