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AUGUST 20, 2016 Vol LI No 34

` 80

A SAMEEKSHA TRUST PUBLICATION www.epw.in

EDITORIAL Ashok Mitra Recollects


EPW at 50—the ‘Small Voice’ The former West Bengal finance minister narrates his
memories of the charismatic Sachin Chaudhuri, the birth
LAW & SOCIETY
of the Economic Weekly and later, the EPW. page 12
Goods and Services Tax

50 YEARS OF EPW
‘The Heart Has Its Reasons’ Struggle and Conviction
A reflective account of the people who engaged in the
COMMENTARY
labour of love involved in bringing out the EPW and
Interrogating the Academy what the journal faces on the road ahead. page 7
Digitalisation of TV Distribution

Rajasthan’s Land Titling Legislation

Rejuvenating Tanks in Telangana


Organic Intellectual
Case of Shani Shingnapur
There is need for intellectuals and activists to find
BOOK REVIEWS common ground to ensure that people who often
Globalization Lived Locally remain voiceless are heard. page 18
The Spectral Wound

PERSPECTIVES
Chant of the Masked
Revisiting India’s Growth
Why did the otherwise strongly motivated left–liberal
SPECIAL ARTICLES sections of the intelligentsia prefer silence on Kashmir,
Realising Universal Maternity Entitlements Afzal Guru, and S A R Geelani, after the 9 February
Swadhin/Paradhin demonstration in JNU? page 62

NOTES
Chant of the Masked People Elusive Maternity Entitlements
DISCUSSION The design flaws and implementation limitations
Maoist Movement of the Indira Gandhi Matritva Sahyog Yojana deprive
its potential beneficiaries of help when they most
CURRENT STATISTICS need it. page 49

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AUGUST 20, 2016 | vol LI No 34

Goods and Services Tax: An Exercise in ‘Controlled Federalism’? EDITORIAL


10 A constitutional challenge to the Goods and Services Tax Council’s EPW at 50—the ‘Small Voice’ ...............................7
framework looks inevitable, and it will be up to the courts to uphold the LAW & SOCIETY
federal character of the Constitution. — Alok Kumar Prasanna Goods and Services Tax:
An Exercise in ‘Controlled Federalism’?
‘The Heart Has Its Reasons’: A Story Untold —Alok Kumar Prasanna .................................... 10
12 A former trustee of Sameeksha Trust reminisces about the beginnings of the
EW and the EPW. — Ashok Mitra 50 YEARS OF EPW
‘The Heart Has Its Reasons’: A Story Untold
Interrogating the Academy: Renegotiating the Terms of Discourse —Ashok Mitra .................................................... 12
18 An organic intellectual can, by bringing together action and research, COMMENTARY
catalyse and articulate the experience of the people and voice their Interrogating the Academy: Renegotiating the
knowledge. — Rudolf C Heredia Terms of Discourse
—Rudolf C Heredia ............................................. 18
Digitalisation of TV Distribution: Affordability and Availability Digitalisation of TV Distribution: Affordability
23 In the absence of a genuine effort to understand the kind of regulatory and Availability
interventions required to enhance television-viewing experience for —Vibodh Parthasarathi,
the subscriber, the benefits of transparency remain limited to the other Arshad Amanullah, Susan Koshy ........................23
stakeholders in the sector. — Vibodh Parthasarathi, Arshad Amanullah & Your Title Is Not Ready Yet:
Rajasthan’s Land Titling Legislation
Susan Koshy
—Amlanjyoti Goswami, Deepika Jha ..................26
Your Title Is Not Ready Yet: Rajasthan’s Land Titling Legislation Rejuvenating Tanks in Telangana
—M Dinesh Kumar, Nitin Bassi,
26 Will the Rajasthan Urban Land (Certification of Titles) Act, 2016 deliver,
K Sivarama Kishan, Shourjomoy Chattopadhyay,
or lead to further litigation on land? — Amlanjyoti Goswami, Deepika Jha
Arijit Ganguly.................................................... 30
No Social Change sans Dialogue:
Rejuvenating Tanks in Telangana Case of Shani Shingnapur
30 “Mission Kakatiya” should not repeat history but take into consideration the —Dipti Kulkarni ................................................34
hydrological and ecological aspects of rejuvenating tanks.
— M Dinesh Kumar, Nitin Bassi, K Sivarama Kishan, Shourjomoy BOOK REVIEWS
Chattopadhyay & Arijit Ganguly Globalization Lived Locally: A Labour Geography
Perspective—Geography of Capitalism
No Social Change sans Dialogue: Case of Shani Shingnapur —Byasdeb Dasgupta...........................................36
34 Organisations and activists working towards change need to recognise that The Spectral Wound: Sexual Violence, Public
beliefs are deeply entrenched and force or aggressive activism is the last Memories, and the Bangladesh War of 1971—
Bangla Rape Victims of 1971
thing that will work towards progressive social change. — Dipti Kulkarni
—Nardina Kaur................................................. 40
Revisiting India’s Growth and Development PERSPECTIVES
43 Economist I G Patel called for growth at a rapid pace, but in a manner which Revisiting India’s Growth and Development
would pay adequate attention to the welfare of the poor. — Pulin B Nayak —Pulin B Nayak .................................................43

Realising Universal Maternity Entitlements SPECIAL ARTICLES


Realising Universal Maternity Entitlements:
49 The Indira Gandhi Matritva Sahyog Yojana has failed the most vulnerable
Lessons from Indira Gandhi Matritva Sahyog
women, who are unable to realise their right to maternity entitlements, wage
Yojana—Dipa Sinha, Shikha Nehra,
compensation, health and nutrition. — Dipa Sinha, Shikha Nehra, Sonal Sonal Matharu, Jasmeet Khanuja,
Matharu, Jasmeet Khanuja & Vanita Leah Falcao Vanita Leah Falcao .............................................49
Swadhin/Paradhin (Freedom/‘Unfreedom’):
Swadhin/Paradhin (Freedom/‘Unfreedom’): A Working Class Analysis of the Indian Domestic
A Working Class Analysis of the Indian Domestic Work Industry Work Industry—Udbhav Agarwal ......................56
56 A crucial step in the fight for the rights of the domestic worker is the NOTES
understanding that the system at present is inherently unfair. Chant of the Masked People
— Udbhav Agarwal —Nirmalangshu Mukherji..................................62

Chant of the Masked People DISCUSSION


62 The left–liberals remained silent on Kashmir while supporting the JNU Maoist Movement: Class–Culture Entanglement
and Beyond—Babika Khawas ............................67
students after the 9 February demonstration. — Nirmalangshu Mukherji
CURRENT STATISTICS......................................... 71
Maoist Movement: Class–Culture Entanglement and Beyond
appointments/programmes/
67 A rejoinder to “Class Struggle, the Maoists and the Indigenous Question in
announcements .................................................74
Nepal and India” by Alpa Shah and Feyzi Ismail (EPW, 29 August 2015).
— Babika Khawas Letters ....................................................................4

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LETTERS
Issn 0012-9976
Ever since the first issue in 1966,
EPW has been India’s premier journal for For Amnesty’s Sake self-determination. However, Amnesty
comment on current affairs
International India considers that the right
and research in the social sciences.
It succeeded Economic Weekly (1949-1965),
which was launched and shepherded
by Sachin Chaudhuri,
who was also the founder-editor of EPW.
A ccording to media reports, the Ben-
galuru Police have filed a criminal
case against Amnesty International India
to freedom of expression under interna-
tional human rights law includes the right
to peacefully advocate political solutions,
As editor for thirty-five years (1969-2004)
for organising an event as part of a cam- as long as it does not involve incitement to
Krishna Raj
gave EPW the reputation it now enjoys. paign to seek justice for human rights discrimination, hostility or violence.
editor
violations in Jammu and Kashmir. The The Supreme Court has ruled that
Paranjoy Guha Thakurta event involved discussions with families expression can be restricted on grounds
EXECUTIVE Editor from Kashmir, who were featured in a of public order only when it involves in-
Lina Mathias 2015 report, and who had travelled citement to imminent violence or disor-
Deputy Editor to Bengaluru to narrate their personal der. India’s archaic sedition law has been
Bernard D’Mello stories of grief and loss. used to harass and persecute activists
copy editors News Minute has reported that a first in- and others for their peaceful exercise of
Prabha Pillai formation report (FIR) was filed on the their right to free expression.
jyoti shetty
basis of a complaint by the Akhil Bharatiya Section 124A of the Indian Penal Code
Assistant editorS
P S Leela
Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), a student orga- defines sedition as any act or attempt “to
SANGEETA GHOSH nisation affiliated with the Rashtriya Sway- bring into hatred or contempt, or … ex-
lubna duggal amsevak Sangh (RSS), which is linked to cite disaffection towards the Govern-
ABHISHEK SHAW
the Bharatiya Janata Party. The FIR report- ment.” Mahatma Gandhi had called the
ASSISTANT Editor (DIGITAL)
edly mentions a number of offences inclu- law “the prince among the political sec-
SHIREEN AZAM
ding “sedition,” “unlawful assembly,” “rio- tions of the Indian Penal Code designed
production
u raghunathan ting” and “promoting enmity.” Amnesty to suppress the liberty of the citizen.”
s lesline corera International India has not yet received a Amnesty International India
suneethi nair copy of the FIR. Bengaluru
Circulation MANAGER “Merely organizing an event to defend
B S Sharma
constitutional values is now being bra- Beyond Capital
Advertisement Manager nded ‘anti-India’ and criminalised,” said
Kamal G Fanibanda
General Manager
Gauraang Pradhan
Aakar Patel, Executive Director, Amnes-
ty International India. “The police were
invited and present at the event. The fil-
O n the occasion of the 50th anniver-
sary of the Cultural Revolution in
China, Bernard D’Mello (“1966, 1917,
Publisher
K Vijayakumar ing of a complaint against us now, and and 1818: ‘Let a Hundred Schools of
editorial
the registration of a case of sedition, Thought Contend,’ ” EPW, 13 August
edit@epw.in shows a lack of belief in fundamental 2016) has revisited the emancipatory
Circulation rights and freedoms in India.” possibilities of the Chinese road to
circulation@epw.in
Among those who spoke at the event socialism. This propels me to revisit the
Advertising were the family of Shahzad Ahmad Chinese road to capitalism in the post-
advertisement@epw.in
Khan, one of the men killed in the Mac- Mao years, from the perspective of
Economic and Political Weekly chil extrajudicial execution, where five workers. Zhiming Cheng’s study, “The
320-321, A to Z Industrial Estate
Ganpatrao Kadam Marg, Lower Parel army personnel were convicted and sen- Changing Pattern of State Workers’ La-
Mumbai 400 013 tenced to life imprisonment. bour Resistance in Shaanxi Province,
Phone: (022) 4063 8282
FAX: (022) 2493 4515 The Bengaluru Police were informed China” (Communication, Politics and
EPW Research Foundation about the event well in advance. Amnesty Culture, Vol 45, Part 2, 2012) bears testi-
EPW Research Foundation, established in 1993, conducts International India also invited repre- mony to the reverse journey in China of
research on financial and macro-economic issues in India.
sentation from the Kashmiri Pandit com- the resistance of workers in the Shaanxi
Director
J DENNIS RAJAKUMAR munity in Bengaluru to speak at the province.
C 212, Akurli Industrial Estate event about the human rights violations Nearly 30 million or 60% of workers
Kandivali (East), Mumbai 400 101
Phones: (022) 2887 3038/41
faced by members of the community. To- in state-owned enterprises (SOEs) were
Fax: (022) 2887 3038 wards the end of the event, some of dismissed in China by 2005, and the
epwrf@epwrf.in
those who attended raised slogans, a share of the state sector in urban em-
Printed by K Vijayakumar at Modern Arts and Industries,
151, A-Z Industrial Estate, Ganpatrao Kadam Marg,
few of which referred to calls for azaadi ployment decreased from 82% to 27%
Lower Parel, Mumbai-400 013 and (freedom). between 1978 and 2005. Protests and
published by him on behalf of Sameeksha Trust
from 320-321, A-Z Industrial Estate,
Amnesty International India, as a mat- demonstrations were very often seen in
Ganpatrao Kadam Marg, Lower Parel, Mumbai-400 013. ter of policy, does not take any position the compounds of SOEs and the streets
Editor: Paranjoy Guha Thakurta.
in favour of or against demands for up to the early 2000s.
4 august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly

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LETTERS
The state sector in Shaanxi province
had been the backbone of the provincial The current issue marks the 50th year of the publication of the
economy in the pre-reform and early Economic & Political Weekly. Its first issue was published on 20 August
post-reform years. Significant resistance 1966, six months after the Economic Weekly (1949–1965) wound up.
on the part of workers was witnessed in
the province in 2008–10 against the re-
EPW has reached this day in large measure thanks to the support of
trenchment of workers. In the early the larger EPW community—contributors, readers, well-wishers and
2000s, workers negotiated with the local its staff.
government to solve their problems, in —Editor
spite of their distrust of state officials.
The fragile understanding and reconcil-
iation between the local state and work- Plight of Nagada education in the village. Many families
ers began to erode in the late 2000s. In of Nagada have not yet received a ration
August 2008, the Shaanxi Study Group
of Mao Zedong Thought was formed
among the workers, mostly in their 40s
T he nondescript hilltop village, Nagada,
in Sukinda block of Odisha’s miner-
al-rich Jajpur district, which was un-
card under the National Food Security
Act. Though the government has made
many policies and programmes for the
or older. One of the leading organisers known to everyone, has been in the development of tribals as well as for the
of the study group, Zhao Dongmin, was news recently and the centre of atten- eradication of poverty and malnutrition,
a committed Maoist and labour advo- tion for the death of 19 tribal children in most tribal communities have not been
cate. In October/November 2008, the a span of three months, allegedly due to covered under those safety nets.
group established the Shaanxi Union malnutrition. Though the state govern- After this disheartening incident, the
Rights Defense Representative Con- ment identified about 20 malnourished government is focusing on making
gress (SURDRC), and soon it came into children in the village, it is yet to admit Nagada a model village for development
conflict with the provincial branch of that the 19 children died due to lack of of the Juang community. But, the ques-
the All-China Federation of Trade nutritious food within the last three tion arises in our mind: when will the
Unions (ACFTU), the only legal trade months. The village has 24 families of plan be made to change the fate of other
union under the Communist Party of the Juang community, a Particularly villages that are also stuck with prob-
China, while representing the interest Vulnerable Tribal Group (PVTG), having lems like acute malnutrition? Villages
of workers. 122 children. Each family has eight to nearby, like Tumuni, Guhiapal, Asho-
After initial online activism, the nine children (according to a local kjhar, Naliadaba and other villages are
SURDRC turned its attention to real-life newspaper). There is no road connectiv- also suffering from the same problem.
activism and posed a challenge to the ity, electricity, drinking water or educa- Like Nagada, many villages of Raya-
dominant trade union. It asked for su- tion facilities. According to the treat- gada, Nabarangpur, Malkangiri and
pervisory power over management of ment centre, malnutrition has become Koraput districts also tell the same story
the SOEs and the enterprise branches of the root cause of child mortality, and regarding the failure of government
the Provincial Trade Union. The officials clinical signs of other micronutrient de- programmes.
of the dominant union asked the local ficiency disorders have also been ob- The state’s inability to provide feasible
authorities and the police for suppres- served. healthcare and sanitation facilities that
sion of the new initiative, particularly Not only Nagada, but there are more are accessible and affordable indicates
targeting the rebel leader, Zhao Dong- villages in the area surrounded by dense the failure of the system. The inadequate
min. On 19 August 2009, Zhao was de- forests, inhabited by wild animals, like understanding of the issues by policy-
tained and isolated from his family and tigers and elephants, and far from the makers has not only the tribes but others
the public. His wife died by the time he basic necessities of life. Just after the in- paying the price too. So, now the time
was finally released from jail in 2011. cident came to light, though the govern- has come that the government should
This story of “accumulation by dispos- ment opened a Nutrition Rehabilitation identify villages like Nagada in the state
session” is not an isolated instance. This Centre in the village for providing spe- and try to provide more attention and
is the general story of dispossession of cial care and treatment, it was still un- facilities towards reducing malnutrition.
labour in China and elsewhere. In the reachable to them. Even the tribal fami- A comprehensive child survival pro-
context of resistance of workers in dif- lies of the village, which is located on a gramme with supplementary feeding,
ferent parts of the world against the for- hilltop and is inaccessible due to very growth and development monitoring,
ward march of capital, we should not difficult hilly terrain, are reluctant to immunisation, and prompt medical atte-
hesitate to state our position, as Bernard settle down in the foothills. ntion during ill-health needs to be devi-
D’Mello did, upholding optimism of the It shows that even after 70 years of in- sed and implemented with care and
will against pessimism of the intellect. dependence, the government has not active participation of the community.
Arup Kumar Sen been able to provide basic services like Prakash Kumar Sahoo
Kolkata nutritious food, drinking water, and Bhubaneswar

Economic & Political Weekly EPW august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 5


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6 august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly

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AUGUST 20, 2016

EPW at 50—the ‘Small Voice’


Your capacity to say “no” remains the basis of our hope in you.
Bernard D’Mello writes:

A
s the stuff of folklore goes, you came into the world by Bihar preceding the Emergency, the Emergency itself, the
default. There came a time when your founder-editor Dalli–Rajhara Spring of the contract workers led by Shankar
Sachin Chaudhuri felt that those who owned your pre- Guha Niyogi, all these groundbreaking happenings were pas-
decessor, the Economic Weekly (EW), had failed to fulfil a far-reaching sionately documented and dissected in your columns. Surely
obligation and he snapped his ties with them. Fortunately, by the scholar interested in subjecting India’s “1968” to serious
then, he had many well-wishers and admirers; they mobilised historical scrutiny will find in your digital archives an invalu-
the capital and pooled together their talents to recreate—should able mine of information and analyses.
I say, reincarnate—the EW as the Economic & Political Weekly on Of course, as far as you go, each reader picks and chooses
20 August 1966. But tragically, your founder-editor passed away what she/he wants to read; to each her/his own poison, as the
barely four months after you came into being. saying goes. So here I am looking at you from the perspective
For your readers and writers, friends and enthusiasts, the of those readers who were politically motivated and wanted to
weekly had to go on, for they depended on you for much of their know and understand all that was required for them to be
information and understanding of India, this deeply felt need be- politically effective. You satisfactorily provided this content to
coming all the more evident when the EW suspended publication. them and it is in this sense that you came of age in the 1970s.
Krishna Raj held the editorial fort until R K Hazari, well-known What sort of culture made it possible for you to help politically
for his research on the concentration of economic power in India’s motivated persons to become politically effective? Your edi-
private corporate sector, put you firmly on your feet in the two tors, Krishna Raj and Rajani Desai, close colleagues, tried their
years, September 1967 to November 1969, of his editorship. best to reach you to politically motivated people. They gave
India’s very own “1968,” a decade of rebellion in various increasing attention to the CLDR issues. Power at the EPW then
parts of the world directed against capitalism and also in op- seemed to be in their able hands. Not merely editorial deci-
position to the “old left,” was already in motion when Krishna sions, it was also the general political direction of the weekly
Raj took the editor’s baton from Hazari. What began at Naxal- that they seemed to have then shaped, and they tried to reach
bari in May 1967 and at Srikakulam in late 1968 has turned out more readers through the content that you carried—not only
to be the world’s longest running peasant insurgency in more students and political activists, but also the large pool of politi-
recent times. Indeed, Naxalbari and Srikakulam were, in many cal prisoners then forced to inhabit many an Indian jail.
ways, defining moments in India’s “1968,” and you viewed The size of the editorial team was then—during the 1970s
them as such. The period also witnessed the Chipko movement and 1980s—almost always very small, and there was practi-
which began in April 1973 and set the tone for India’s ecolo- cally, no detailed division of labour. Given the long workday,
gical quest. Inspired by the African–American Black Panther its division between necessary and surplus labour, and with
Party, the Dalit Panthers burst on the scene in Maharashtra pay not far from “subsistence” levels, everyone, including the
around that time. The harsh, yet candid, social realism of the editor, seems to have subjected themselves to intense exploitation.
Panther poets gave expression to the feelings of one of the However, clearly, a few were “management” and the others
most oppressed and downtrodden sections of Indian society. were “labour,” the latter, those who didn’t have anything to do
There was also that very distinctive public outcry from with hiring and firing. On a comparative scale though, lower-level
women, cutting across class, caste and political affiliation, employees didn’t get very much of a lower pay than the “bosses.”
when in 1978 the Supreme Court acquitted two policemen who As a business enterprise, you were then, always at the margin
had committed custodial rape—a defining moment that gave of economic viability, surviving not merely through subscription
birth to the women’s movements. The origin of the second and advertising revenue, and small donations, but importantly,
phase of India’s civil liberties and democratic rights (CLDR) through paying the skeletal staff subsistence wages. The sixth
movement in the early 1970s, the 20-day strike in the Indian floor of Skylark was a “sweatshop” with a difference—the bosses
Railways in May 1974, the popular upheavals in Gujarat and too engaged in “sweated labour”; the workplace was egalitarian
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50 YEARS OF EPW

with a sense of belonging. The last forme going to press usually the gloves off—outright. In neo-liberal capitalism, all personal
called for relaxed beers at Café Universal or the Press Club. relations become reified as relations between things. Indeed,
Bringing you out was really a collective labour of love, though at in neo-liberal ideology, society is no longer viewed as a human
times the personal strains of that relationship brought forth creation subject to human control; instead, it is conceived of as
mixed and conflicting emotions. If it was not for the self-exploi- a blanket entity, pervasive and obscure, with its own inexorable
tation that Krishna Raj and the entire EPW staff had subjected logic and compulsions to which human beings must be driven
themselves to right through the latter half of the 1960s, the 1970s into subservience. Certainly, Krishna Raj didn’t embrace neo-
and 1980s, you would not have been what you are today. liberal ideology in this sense, for K Balagopal and Sumanta Ba-
And here I need to mention, and readers need to know, of nerjee were still highly valued as regular correspondents pas-
Mounus (I don’t think I have spelled his name correctly) and sionately articulating the cause of democratic rights, which
Pandurang Aakade, both contract labourers who carted on a when fought for and gained through protracted struggles, en-
handcart the EPW copies from the Janmabhoomi press to the able human beings to live with dignity and self-respect.
office, and then the packed copies to the General Post Office, The next editor, C Rammanohar Reddy, generous, considerate
week after week, for years on end. Readers already know of and non-hierarchical, didn’t take long to earn the affection and
and have read what the few scholars who gave the best of their respect of his colleagues, and a large section of your readers
research output to the EPW wrote in the magazine, so I don’t need and writers. Donors too opened their purse strings more than
to mention their names, just that I have great regard for these once. He gently calmed, at least for the moment, establishment
academics. And there are those who were/are on the staff, and academics insisting on EPW transforming itself into a “refereed
who gave/have given almost their entire working lives to the journal”; rightly, he subjected a fair proportion of the Special
EPW. A whole lot of names come to mind, but I would not be Articles to peer review and appointed honorary academic con-
doing justice if I were to mention only some of them. Like the sultants for the special issues. Honest-to-the-core, he took the
editors, and the Sameeksha trustees, they too were there for words of the Board of Trustees of the Sameeksha Trust, the
the EPW, especially in those hard times, and the EPW belongs promise it made in your columns way back in February 1967,
to them too. In the good old “Sachin times,” governor-like, the solemnly: “the authority of the Editor of the ‘Economic &
editor came in mostly in the late afternoon, by which time Political Weekly’ will be unfettered in all matters related to the
Krishna Raj, Rajani Desai, Alphonso Fernandes, C M Singh journal.” In his controversial departure, just when you needed
and Karan Singh had already clocked six hours of work. Essen- him most, you have lost one of the most dedicated and hard-
tially, there are two words that really sum up what I am trying working editors you’ve ever had.
to get at, struggle and conviction, which defined the working What then of the road ahead? As a person who has known
lives of Krishna Raj, Rajani Desai and the rest of the EPW team. some of your editors of the 1970s and 1980s—and here I mean
But come “1989,” the period of capitalist triumphalism that editors, deputy editors, assistant editors, and the like—I can
began with the fall of the Berlin Wall and then the collapse of confidently say that I have come across journalists who have
the Soviet Union, and in India, the inexorable rise of the utterly been more politically engaged and knowledgeable than many
callous, malevolent twins, Hindutva and neo-liberalism, your academic economists, sociologists and political scientists
times too were a changing. Institutional funding ushered in working on India. To attract and retain such talent is the great-
modernisation; the egalitarian labour-of-love “guild” began to est challenge you face today. Moreover, you need journalists
give way to the institutionally-funded non-governmental or- who will write “without fear, favour, prejudice or malice.” In
ganisation (NGO). The context, of course, was the metamor- addition, you need an economic journalist with an intimate
phosis of India itself into a grab-what-you-can-for-yourself knowledge of the real business world—should I say—like
capitalist system. More than ever before, one could no longer Marx or Keynes in their own times. Tough standards these, in
survive on progressive ideas alone. As an acute discerner of a world in which the elite has embraced a cynical view that all
the writing on the wall, Krishna Raj had, in the latter half of culture, ideas, and expressions are no more than mere com-
the 1980s, already embarked on “crossing the river by feeling modities in the capitalist marketplace. As a poet once quipped,
the stones.” By the mid-1990s, he had reached the neo-liberal a market that “knows the price of everything but the value of
bank, even to the extent of endorsing “markets for corporate nothing.” So the far-reaching notion of nature as a subject with
control.” However by then, Raj had already made a great con- rights that must be respected is also diminished and devalued
tribution to India’s intellectual life, but his gruelling work to the status of just another commodity in the capitalist mar-
schedule had taken its personal and physical toll. Whenever I ketplace of ideas and expressions. Even Herbert Marcuse’s pro-
visited Mumbai in the 1990s and dropped by, I couldn’t but be found idea and expression, “Nature too awaits the Revolution”
concerned by the sheer exhaustion written large on his face, a will soon be commoditised, if it hasn’t already.
dark, half ellipse shading on to his expressive eyes. Nevertheless Clearly, you need to be able to distinguish between authentic
he persevered until the very end, this in January 2004. Indeed, and spurious, ethical and unscrupulous, aesthetic and ugly,
with S L Shetty’s help, he even fulfilled Hazari’s mission of civilised and barbaric, more so as millions of people are sub-
putting in place an EPW Research Foundation. jected to the barbarity of imperialism, this at the very zenith
I am certain that Krishna Raj, the ’68er that he was, could of “civilisation.” The capacity of your editors to say “no”
never have embraced neo-liberal capitalism—capitalism with remains the basis of our hope and faith in you.
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50 YEARS OF EPW

From the first issue of EPW


20 August 1966

Economic & Political Weekly EPW AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 9


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LAW & SOCIETY

Goods and Services Tax kind of impartial role envisaged in the


Constitution.
In both instances, the judiciary had to
An Exercise in ‘Controlled Federalism’? step in to restore the primacy of the
elected state government and stop the
union government’s interference. The
Alok Kumar Prasanna Uttarakhand High Court struck down
the imposition of President’s rule in

T
While the union government he National Democratic Alliance Uttarakhand (Harish Chandra Singh
repeatedly emphasises its government has repeatedly fore- Rawat v Union of India 2016) for being in
grounded the importance of “co- violation of the rules laid down in the
commitment to “cooperative
operative federalism” as a cornerstone Supreme Court’s judgment in S R Bom-
federalism,” its role in the of its governance and policy initiatives. mai v Union of India (1994). The Supreme
destabilisation of, and It has been called an “article of faith” for Court, in the Arunachal Pradesh case,
interference in, opposition-ruled the government by the Prime Minister went a step further and even restored a
(Chakraborty 2016). While it is a term dismissed government to office after
governments in Arunachal
that has no clearly defined normative finding the governor’s actions in swear-
Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Delhi aspects, “cooperative federalism” is gen- ing in a new government entirely illegal
suggests otherwise. Apart from erally understood as referring to the and unconstitutional (Nabam Rebia v
these specific instances, the joint efforts made by the union and the Deputy Speaker 2016).
states in a federal polity such as India’s, The tussle between the union gover-
structure of the recently approved
to attain common development goals nment and the government of the National
Goods and Services Tax Council, (Jain 1968). If this is the definition that Capital Territory of Delhi, over the scope
far from promoting cooperative the union government also had in mind, of their respective powers, has been tak-
federalism, also seems to create it would mean that it intends to direct its ing place with almost monotonous regu-
energies to work in cooperation with larity ever since the Aam Aadmi Party
the institutional basis for further
state governments and institutions to (AAP) won 67 out of 70 seats in the elec-
control of state governments by meet common goals, while recognising tion to the Delhi legislative assembly in
the union, especially in matters its own constitutional limits and opera- early 2015. These tussles resulted in the
relating to states’ fiscal policies. tional limitations. filing of multiple writ petitions in the
Events in Arunachal Pradesh, Delhi Delhi High Court by persons aggrieved
and Uttarakhand over the last several by the Delhi government’s decisions,
months suggest otherwise. and the Delhi government against the
union government’s interference in its
Interference and Tussles functioning.
In Arunachal Pradesh (Press Trust of The Delhi High Court interpreted Arti-
India 2016a) and Uttarakhand (Press cle 239AA of the Constitution to hold
Trust of India 2016b), a sudden defec- that the Delhi government could not
tion of members of legislative assembly have taken the decisions it did without
(MLA s) from the ruling party in the the approval of the lieutenant governor
states saw the existing state govern- of Delhi, appointed by the union govern-
ments fall apart resulting in President’s ment (Government of NCT of Delhi v
rule being imposed. The exact manner Union of India 2016). It firmly re-estab-
in which this was done differed in lished Delhi’s status as a union territory
either case, but there was no gain- and not a state for the purposes of the
saying that the governors appointed by Constitution. The Delhi High Court has,
the union government played an for the moment, settled matters in favour
entirely partisan role in the process. of the union government, recognising
Whether it was in trying to usurp the unelected lieutenant governor as
the functions of the speaker of the the final authority on all executive and
Arunachal Pradesh legislative assembly administrative matters. Yet, the uncom-
Alok Prasanna Kumar (alok.prasanna@ or in sending a report for imposition of fortable implications of this judgment—
vidhilegalpolicy.in) is Senior Resident Fellow at President’s rule in Uttarakhand before that the Delhi government and the
Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy, New Delhi.
the floor test was held, it was hardly the legislature are merely recommendatory
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LAW & SOCIETY

bodies, while the lieutenant governor able to veto it, and force them to levy the been setbacks too. The Delhi High Court
wields true power in Delhi—begs the GST at lower rates. This effectively gives judgment, for instance, while being
question, is Article 239AA an elaborate the union government veto power over a technically correct, ignores the implica-
constitutional prank on Delhi’s 18 mil- state’s fiscal policies. tions of its own interpretational conclu-
lion residents? With the sole exception of Tamil Nadu, sions. This judgment has been chal-
this aspect of the GST Council’s structure lenged in appeal and one hopes that
Centralising Fiscal Policy seems to have escaped all states; even the Supreme Court addresses the impli-
The absence of any “cooperation” in the those ruled by regional parties, who cations for federalism and democracy
manner in which the union government voted enthusiastically in favour of the of such a narrow interpretation of the
has dealt with the three instances men- GST amendment in Parliament. Indeed, Constitution.
tioned above can perhaps be dismissed there has not been a single response from The federal character of India’s Con-
on the grounds that this is a result of either the union government or the pro- stitution is not an accident of history or
competitive party politics in India. It ponents of the GST Amendment Bill to just an administrative division of func-
could be said that these were excep- the concerns raised in the dissent note tions for utilitarian purposes. It is the
tional situations brought on by the con- by an All India Anna Dravida Munnetra only manner in which an extraordi-
frontational nature of the persons inv- Kazhagam member of the Rajya Sabha narily diverse nation can share a com-
olved and do not really reflect the true about the GST Council (Rajya Sabha mon government and economy. It is per-
approach to cooperative federalism that 2015: 97–105). haps the only framework in which the
the present government brings to the It is likely that the implications of this conflicts over resources, language, iden-
table. Perhaps, we should look at the land- veto will only be realised by the states tity and governance in such a diverse
mark Constitution (101st Amendment) once they actually participate in a GST region can be resolved in a peaceful and
Act, 2016, which puts into place the frame- Council meeting, by which time it will lasting manner. It is time that union gov-
work for the Goods and Services Tax (GST); be too late to make changes. A constitu- ernments, irrespective of the size of
a measure that is essentially impossible tional challenge to the GST Council’s their election victories, take federalism
to undertake without cooperation bet- framework looks inevitable, and, per- seriously.
ween the union and the states. haps, it will be once again up to the
Here, too, we find that the framework courts to uphold the federal character of Note
that has been put in place to operation- the Constitution. 1 See Clause 12 of the Constitution (115th
Amendment) Bill, 2011.
alise the GST is deeply flawed and consti-
tutionally suspect insofar as it relates to ‘Cooperative’ or
the federal character of the Constitution. ‘Controlled’ Federalism? References
The key institution being set-up under Far from being a case of “cooperative Chakraborty, Sumit (2016): “‘Cooperative Federa-
lism an Article of Faith for Government’:
the amendment, necessary for the smooth federalism” or even “competitive feder- P M Narendra Modi on 11th Inter-State Council
functioning of a GST, is the GST Council. alism”—where states and the centre meet,” Financial Express, 16 July, viewed on 13
August 2016, http://www.financialexpress.com/
It has representation from the union and compete to find different solutions to the india-news/cooperative-federalism-article-
all the states (including Delhi and Puduch- same problems—what we have seems to faith-government-pm-narendra-modi-11th-in-
ter-state-council/318902/.
erry) and will have the power to decide be a case of “conflict federalism,” where
Harish Chandra Singh Rawat v Union of India
on a range of issues concerning the GST, states and the centre have different and (2016): SCC, Utt, Online, 502.
the most crucial of which will be the competing visions of what federalism Government of NCT of Delhi v Union of India (2016):
SCC, Del, Online, 4308.
rates of the GST, the goods and services itself means. If one were to find a com- Jain, M P (1968): “Some Aspects of Indian Federal-
which might be exempt, and the turn- mon thread between the union–state ism,” Zeitschrift für ausländisches öffentliches
Recht und Völkerrecht, Vol 28, pp 301–64,
over limit for the applicability of the GST. tussles over Arunachal Pradesh, Delhi, viewed on 13 August 2016, http://www.zaoerv.
Whereas the earlier draft of the and Uttarakhand, and the GST Council’s de/28_1968/28_1968_2_a_301_364.pdf.
Nabam Rebia v Deputy Speaker (2016): SCC, SC,
amendment bill required decisions of structure, it is that the union govern- Online, 694.
the GST Council to be taken on the basis ment believes in a “controlled federal- Press Trust of India (2016a): “Arunachal Pradesh
of consensus,1 the GST Council as it ism,” a system where the states are little Crisis: What Happened & When,” Economic
Times, 13 July, viewed on 13 August 2016,
stands will now take its decisions on the more than mere appendages to the http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/
basis of a majority. This sounds reasona- union’s overarching goals. This is an politics-and-nation/arunachal-pradesh-crisis-
what-happened-when/articleshow/53191112.cms.
ble, but there is a catch. A majority is approach that tries to set the clock back — (2016b): “Uttarakhand Constitutional Crisis: A
defined as three-fourths of those present on the growing involvement and asser- Timeline,” Hindu, 6 May, viewed on 13 August
2016, http://www.thehindu.com/specials/ time-
and voting, with the union having one- tiveness of state governments on mat- lines/uttarakhand-constitutional-crisis-a-
third weightage of all the votes. This ters of national policy. timeline/article8565931. ece.
Rajya Sabha (2015): “Report of the Select Commit-
effectively gives the union a veto over Thanks to India’s still independent tee on the Constitution (One Hundred and
every decision of the GST Council. Even judiciary, there has been pushback on Twenty Second Amendment) Bill, 2014,” pre-
sented to the Rajya Sabha on 22 July, Parlia-
if all the states want a higher GST rate in some encroachments of states’ constitu- ment of India, New Delhi.
their own interests, the union will be tional position and powers. There have S R Bommai v Union of India (1994): SCC, SC, 3, p 1.

Economic & Political Weekly EPW August 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 11


50 YEARS OF EPW

‘The Heart Has Its Reasons’ The third of the Chaudhuri brothers,
Hiten, exuded magnetic charm. He had
left Dacca after completing his Inter-
A Story Untold mediate Arts degree and wound up in
Bombay where he did various jobs,
including running chores for groups of
Ashok Mitra businessmen. He simultaneously worked
as a volunteer for the Congress party and

T
This is the first in a series of he story really begins a century or Sarojini Naidu was a friend of his. Soon
articles that will be published more ago. Narendra Narayan he began mingling with people from the
Chaudhuri who hailed from Pabna then nascent film industry. He was a
over the next 12 months to
in north Bengal (Bangladesh) was a very close friend of Himanshu Rai and
mark the 50th anniversary of practising lawyer at the Dacca District Devika Rani. Hiten helped Rai set up the
the Economic & Political Weekly. Court. He had eight children—four sons Bombay Talkies film studio. At the same
A prolific writer in English and and four daughters. The eldest was time he himself began producing films
Sachindra Narayan, commonly known as and accumulated immense wealth. He
Bengali, 88-year-old Ashok
Sachin. He was a student of economics loved spending as freely as he earned and
Mitra is former finance minister in the newly-started University of Dacca was an extraordinarily generous person.
of West Bengal, and a former during 1922–26. According to A K Das- Sachin’s second brother, Deb Narayan—
trustee of the Sameeksha gupta, an economist who was his class- Debu—too soon arrived in Mumbai.
mate and lifelong friend, Sachin was Debu had studied physics with S N Bose,
Trust, which brings out the
the most outstanding student in the uni- a physicist known for his work with
EPW. His reminiscences about versity. He was known for his sharp in- Albert Einstein, at the University of Dacca
Sachin Chaudhuri, founder of tellect, wit and sparkling conversational and had obtained a first class master’s
the Economic Weekly which exchanges. However, he had little inter- degree. An American firm specialising
est in sitting down and performing well in the business of electrical goods offered
preceded the EPW, include famous
in his examinations. He disappeared for him an appointment in Bombay.
personalities from different three months before his semester exam, Sachin would live with his two broth-
walks of life—politicians, roamed around the Himalayas and ers alternately. He had no interest in
academics, journalists, novelists returned just a few days before the holding on to a regular job. He would
scheduled dates of his exam. He scraped sometimes write a column on films for a
and film personalities.
through the exam and yet again, dis- newspaper or write political or economic
appeared from Dacca. commentaries for some daily or the
He, along with his cousin, Ajit Chakra- other, including the Indian Express. It
varty (brother of Amiya Chakravarty, poet may sound unbelievable but he was even
and one-time secretary to Rabindranath general manager of Bombay Talkies
Tagore), set up a flat in Calcutta (now after Himanshu Rai passed away. Sachin
Kolkata) where they provided private had developed a very wide circle of
tuitions as a means of living. But they friends and acquaintances among politi-
really engaged themselves in meeting cians, journalists and share-market buffs.
eminent people from various spheres of Simultaneously, he would be in close
life. Sachin would charm everybody. It touch with scholars of economics and
was during these days that he grew sociology at the University of Bombay.
close to eminences such as Pramatha For some time, he worked as a research
Chaudhuri, an author who was married scholar in the university. In the 1940s,
to Rabindranath Tagore’s niece Indira, when the research department of the
and D P Mukerji, who was from the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) was estab-
Lucknow University but would come lished, he developed friendships with a
down to Calcutta during vacations. number of young scholars working there.
Things were upset when Ajit committed The two younger brothers held Sachin
suicide. Sachin decided to leave Cal- with tremendous respect and silently
cutta and proceeded to live in Bombay bore with his angularities. Hiten arranged
Ashok Mitra can be contacted at ashokmitra. (now Mumbai) from the mid-1930s to rent a flat in a new apartment build-
am@gmail.com.
onwards. ing that had come up in the early
12 AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
50 YEARS OF EPW

1940s—Churchill Chambers, located on proposed periodical with his business those economists residing in Bombay were
Merewether Road, right behind Taj friends and a family of traders known as K S Krishnaswamy and B V Krishnamurthy.
Mahal Hotel near the Gateway of India. the Sekhsaria Group agreed to provide Others included Vinoo Bhatt (who was
Sachin began to live there in a lord-like the entire equity capital for the new ven- part of the RBI’s research department
fashion. There was a constant stream of ture. With finances no longer the prob- then), Ramdas Honavar, Deena Khatkhate
visitors to his flat: politicians, academics, lem, Sachin had to concentrate on the (who was also working for the RBI and
journalists, cinema and stage artistes— shape and contents of the proposed new later with the International Monetary
the list is indeed very long. Among them weekly. It was his personal decision to Fund), Dharma Venkataraman (who be-
were Yusuf Meherally (the socialist have two distinct halves of the journal— came Dharma Kumar after she married
freedom fighter), Sadiq Ali (a Congress the first half would consist of editorial civil servant Lovraj Kumar). Among the
leader) and his wife Shanti, Sadhana articles, commentaries and discussions sociologists was M N Srinivasan, who
Bose (an actress and renowned dancer), on contemporary events, while the sec- went on to become the chairman of the
Ashoka Mehta (the Congress leader who ond half would have a 100% scholarly Sameeksha Trust in the 1990s. Scholars of
helped establish the party’s socialist flavour with learned papers on economics international repute contributed articles
wing), Sharda Pandit (sister-in-law of and other social sciences. It was typical that the EW published over the years.
Jawaharlal Nehru’s sister Vijaya Lakshmi of him to carry anonymous editorial Others who helped in the editorial work
Pandit, the first woman governor of pieces written by eminent scholars and included Rama Varma, a long-time friend
Gujarat), Ram Manohar Lohia (the so- others from all over the country. of Sachin who was scion of the royal
cialist leader). Anybody visiting Bombay The first issue of the Economic Weekly family of Cochin and had immense faith
from Calcutta would, at Sachin’s insist- (EW) was published on the first day of in the Marxist analysis of the social pro-
ence, drop by—including individuals January 1949. I was then studying with cess. (In the early 1970s, the then left-
such as communist leader Hiren Muker- Dasgupta at the Banaras Hindu Univer- leaning Government of Kerala had
jee. Lohia used to stay with his friend sity and I still remember the thrill and appointed him as chairman of the Coir
C G K Reddy who at that time was work- joy that greeted the appearance of the Board.)
ing with the Hindu and was the father of first edition of the weekly. The very first
C Rammanohar Reddy who went on to editorial, “Light Without Heat,” was Nehru and Mahalanobis
become editor of the EPW. written by D P Mukerji. Advertisements Prasanta Chandra Mahalanobis (the
were few and far between but that did statistician and architect of the Second
Economic Weekly Is Born not deter Sachin. From the very begin- Five Year Plan) was extremely influen-
Something unexpected occurred in ning, the EW led a hand-to-mouth exist- tial in government circles those days be-
1948. Hiten went to the United States ence. A gentleman hovering on the cause of his proximity to Prime Minister
(US) with a group of industrialists and fringe of the business world, Alphonso Nehru. His views were considered ex-
businessmen to explore trade prospects Fernandes, who was a bachelor like traordinarily radical in comparison to
between the US and newly-independent Sachin, joined the weekly as its manager. those who then constituted the Planning
countries. An eminent economist with The weekly subsisted on occasional Commission or successive Finance Min-
the highest degree from the London releases of funds from the Sekhsaria isters, such as T T Krishnamachari (TTK)
School of Economics and who was teach- Group as there were very few advertise- and C D Deshmukh. Nehru encouraged
ing in Madras (now Chennai), was picked ments, that is, whatever that could be Mahalanobis to prepare a draft of the
up by the Birlas to edit an economic arranged by Sachin’s brothers. Sachin Second Five Year Plan. The First Five
weekly published from New Delhi. He took pride in his “cottage industry” and Year Plan was altogether timid and had
was also part of this group of business- Fernandes was a wonderful help. Very set extremely limited targets. The Second
men. Hiten was deeply disappointed soon, the weekly began to receive serious Five Year Plan drafted by Mahalanobis
with this gentleman. In him he could attention not only from scholarly circles came as a thundering shock to the con-
find no spark of brilliance and on return- in the country but in the US and the United servative crowd but they could do noth-
ing to Bombay kept cajoling Sachin to Kingdom as well. The only other journal ing about it.
agree to edit an economic weekly. He of this kind with a combination of dis- Mahalanobis was in complete charge.
insisted that if that rather dull so-called cussions on contemporary themes along- He invited leading economists from
economist could edit an economic side scholarly articles was the Ekono- across the world to visit his baby, the
periodical, he, Sachin, given his depth of miste in the Netherlands. Few in this Indian Statistical Institute (ISI), and to
knowledge and circle of friends and country or in the English-speaking world help him elaborate on the contents of
acquaintances, would surely be able to had heard of this Dutch journal. the Second Five Year Plan. These visitors
produce a far superior periodical. The first half of the EW mostly con- included Oskar Lange and Michal
Sachin succumbed with great reluc- sisted of articles and notes written by the Kalecki (both Polish economists who
tance and his friends in academia from young crowd close to Sachin, not just adopted the Marxist doctrine to critique
all over the country were delighted. Hiten from Bombay but also from Calcutta, capitalism), Shigeto Tsuru (a politician
discussed the problem of financing the Delhi and elsewhere. Foremost among and economist from Japan), Richard
Economic & Political Weekly EPW AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 13
50 YEARS OF EPW

Goodwin (from the US, who was Presi- independence movement in London and relatively loud tone that the then De-
dent John F Kennedy’s speechwriter), set up the India League in 1929. Both of fence Minister of India Krishna Menon
Joan Robinson (eminent British econo- them had been driven out of the US at was the main culprit preventing the de-
mist renowned for her growth model) the time of the McCarthy campaign velopment of friendly relations between
and Nicholas Kaldor (another prominent against communists. They came with India and the US. He added that plans
British economist). Other visitors to the their children and settled down in a flat were afoot to expel Krishna Menon from
ISI included Paul Baran, the American in Bombay’s Warden Road. They became the government. Sachin had insisted
economist who edited the path-breaking a part of the EW family and were on most that I must send a couple of articles for
work on creative destruction by Joseph intimate terms with Sachin. I still re- the EW on whichever subject I thought fit.
Schumpeter, and Abba Lerner, a Rus- member learning about how their teen- I sent a note on what had transpired at
sian-born British economist, who was age daughter once broke out into tan- the Independence Day reception. It
one of the earliest to speculate on what trums and Sachin had to go across to raised a furore in Parliament and Nehru
should constitute welfare economics. where they lived to calm her. He had a himself had to intervene to pacify the
(There was a general expectation that particular charm that pacified the girl. upset MPs. Besides me, among the anon-
Lerner would emerge as a major persona An entire generation of young econo- ymous contributors to the EW were two
in the academic world but that did not mists who later became celebrities, like persons with the same name, Samar
happen; he withered away by the 1940s.) Amartya Sen, Sukhamoy Chakraborty Ranjan Sen, a diplomat who was sta-
Charles Bettelheim, one of the leading and Jagdish Bhagwati, were encouraged tioned in Moscow and Samar Ranjan
French Marxist economists also came to to write for the EW. They complied with Sen, an economist and civil servant.
the ISI. Mahalanobis had the foresight to Sachin’s requests. The resulting experi- By then, the EW had been recognised
accord an invitation to Milton Friedman ences helped them attain maturity. The as the foremost social sciences journal to
as well and politely listened to what this sociologist who used to write frequently be published from Asia. Contributions
extremely conservative Chicago-school for Sachin on gender gaps in India was from scholars from different countries
economist suggested. Rama Mehta, whose husband Jagat was helped EW achieve international recog-
I might have missed a few names. But a member of the Indian Foreign Service nition. These writers not only enjoyed
each of these visiting scholars would be (IFS) who later became Foreign Secre- writing for Sachin’s journal, when they
trapped by Sachin. They fell in love with tary. Unfortunately, Rama died fairly visited Bombay, they equally enjoyed the
the EW and contributed more than once early, even before the EW had completed long hours of intimate conversations they
to it. The EW was tremendously appreci- its first quinquennium. had with him at his Churchill Chambers
ated by historians and American sociolo- flat. Sachin came to be known across the
gists, particularly because of a series of Impact of the Weekly world for his laughter, which would start
“village studies” which Sachin had pub- Let me give you two specific examples of as a gentle cackle and its finale would
lished on different occasions. Many of how seriously the EW was taken by be a full-throated roar—which, rumour
these economists such as Bert Hoselitz, officials those days. The year was 1956. would have, could be heard from the
when visiting India, would spend hours TTK was the Finance Minister and Benegal Gateway of India.
enjoying Sachin’s company and were Rama Rau was the Governor of the RBI.
regular contributors to the journal. On a specific issue, the RBI Governor’s Naipaul at Churchill Chambers
George Rosen was an American scholar decision was nixed by TTK with some Let me mention an episode from the
who arrived in Bombay in the early-1950s caustic comments. Sachin wrote an angry late-1950s concerning Vidiadhar Suraj-
for conducting research on issues related editorial suggesting that if Rama Rau prasad (VS) Naipaul that may seem quite
to public finance. He was passionately had any self-respect, he should not swal- incredible. Naipaul had met Sachin acci-
attracted to both the EW and to the low the offensive remark of the Finance dently and was captivated by his person-
Churchill Chambers flat. He regularly Minister with quiet fortitude. Within ality. He insisted on spending a full week
wrote for the EW and later, for the 24 hours of the publication of the edito- in his flat in Churchill Chambers.
EPW. He retired to Chicago. Frank Har- rial, Rama Rau resigned. TTK had been Sachin’s cook and all-round help, Paresh,
ris, the British teacher of sociology taught the lesson of his life. would take care of Naipaul. Those days
would also write frequently on issues re- The second instance I recall relates to Paresh had time to have romantic in-
lated to the sociology of education for the time I was in Washington DC between volvements with the female helpers who
both the EW and the EPW. I had been in January 1959 and January 1963 as a worked in several other apartments in
touch with both of them for a very long member of the family of the Economic the same building. Naipaul was fascinat-
time until a couple of years ago. Development Institute. I went to a recep- ed by Paresh’s versatility and wrote a
Daniel Thorner, the celebrated agri- tion arranged by the Indian Embassy to story in which the central figure was none
cultural economist, and his wife Alice, a celebrate 15 August 1959. A smart aleck other than Sachin’s valet. After Sachin
sociologist, had an interesting past. They belonging to the IFS, presumably of the passed away, Paresh managed through
were very close to V K Krishna Menon, who rank of First Secretary, was pontificating some stratagem or the other to arrive in
had led the overseas wing of the Indian to a group of American journalists in a Los Angeles where he set up an Indian
14 AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
50 YEARS OF EPW

restaurant, married an American citizen For the next few days, I had to suspend But Sachin’s admirers would not give
of Mexican origin and lived happily all my other activities and cart him up. They persuaded him to return to
ever after. around for visiting friends and close ac- Bombay and start a new weekly by as-
The EW ’s financial situation was always quaintances at their residences or when suring him that he would not have to
precarious. But so what? It was at the he would go around to the different worry about finances and that they
centre of national and international at- ministries to meet ministers or senior would arrange the funds necessary for
tention. I remember one occasion when I civil servants. He would always don a the proposed new journal. Among the
had to visit Bombay for an assignment. spotless white khadi dhoti and kurta. friends and admirers who raised money
As was my standard practice, after I arrived Every time I would accompany him to for the now newly-named Economic and
at the Santa Cruz airport in the morning, the entrance of a ministry, the personnel Political Weekly were: N P “Potla” Sen of
I took a cab to Churchill Chambers. By at the reception table would assume that India Tobacco, B N Datar who was la-
the time I reached there, Sachin had he was a very important politician and bour advisor to the Union Government,
already left for office. After refreshing would salute him with great deference. Dharma Kumar and her husband Lovraj
myself, I went over to the EW office and Sachin would respond with a brief nod and Sachin’s great admirer from the world
made my entry into Sachin’s cabin. of the head. Those were days when strict of commerce, Hasmukhbhai D Parekh,
Sachin got up immediately and started security arrangements were unheard of. founder of Housing Development Fi-
searching the pockets of my trousers I would perform the same chore nance Corporation (HDFC).
and shirt. I was baffled but was soon whenever he would visit Calcutta during Sachin had made up his mind to have
speedily enlightened. Sachin had invited 1963–65. My apartment on Hungerford me as his executive editor and managing
a young researcher, perhaps a student of Street was quite spacious and could eas- trustee of the Sameeksha Trust, a new
Bert Hoseltiz, who had planned to con- ily accommodate him, but given his car- body that would own the EPW. I was told
duct research in an Adivasi village close diac condition, he did not want to climb I would be made a formal offer with a
to Thane. Sachin had invited her to have stairs. A particular routine would, how- total monthly salary of `1,500. I was then
lunch with him. The researcher had al- ever, be observed. The moment he working with the Indian Institute of
ready arrived and was talking to one of would get into my car, he would order Management Calcutta (IIMC) but decided
the young scholars who was writing an me to go to a particular paan shop which to accept the offer to join Sachin in his
editorial for the EW. Fernandes had would sell gundi paan. The rest of the new journal. The problem deterring me
frightening news for him. There was not chores could wait. On the rare occasions was one of housing in Bombay. I could
even a five-rupee note in the office cash when he stayed with me either in Delhi move in with Sachin in Churchill Cham-
box. Sachin appropriated whatever mod- or in Calcutta, we used to play a silent bers but my wife was reluctant to accom-
est sum I had on me and proudly ordered prank on each other. He would quietly pany me. Her concept of privacy was
a cab to take her to lunch at a posh res- pick up a book that he wanted to read something Sachin was unable to com-
taurant serving exotic food. Such narra- from my bookshelf without bothering to prehend but that was that. I applied for
tives were typical of the manner in which let me know. When on the next occasion one year’s leave from the IIMC, which its
the EW survived for nearly 16 years. I would visit Bombay, I would retrieve governing body immediately agreed to.
I met Sachin for the first time in 1954 that book from his bookshelf and bring it I assumed I would soon become the
when I had joined the Ministry of France back with me. This did not deter him executive editor of the EPW.
for a brief stint. He had heard of me from from repeating the ritual. This game Enter Romesh Thapar at this stage. He
both A K Dasgupta and D P Mukerji, and continued indefinitely. too was very close to Sachin and was his
his family used to live very close to our great admirer. Since the early 1960s,
residence in Dacca. He, therefore, knew A New Beginning Sachin would stay with him whenever
all my antecedents. He took an immedi- Something altogether unexpected hap- he visited New Delhi. Earlier he would
ate liking to me and I was among the pened in late 1965. Hiten was abroad for stay with Nandita Kripalani (Tagore’s
foremost of the anonymous writers of some weeks and Fernandes told Sachin
editorial pieces for the EW. In fact, the that no funds were available to pay wages Permission for Reproduction of
entire Chaudhuri family was an integral to part-time employees who used to put Articles Published in EPW
part of my own household. together the weekly. Sachin had to per-
sonally talk to one of the Sekhsarias and No article published in EPW or part thereof
An Unusual Character a person he met made a relatively un- should be reproduced in any form without
In several respects, Sachin was a most kind comment. Sachin was infuriated. prior permission of the author(s).
out-of-the-ordinary character. He had He thought that he had had enough and A soft/hard copy of the author(s)’s approval
foibles and idiosyncrasies which are decided to stop publishing the EW and should be sent to EPW.
now an integral part of my memory moved to Calcutta where he stayed for a In cases where the email address of the
cells. During 1957 and 1958, whenever few months. Meanwhile, Hiten returned author has not been published along with
he visited Delhi, I would go to receive to India. By then the weekly had become the articles, EPW can be contacted for help.
him at Palam airport in my little Fiat car. history.
Economic & Political Weekly EPW AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 15
50 YEARS OF EPW

grand-niece) and her husband Krishna only recourse was to invite the left to for Sachin, took over charge. Silently,
(who was nominated by Indira Gandhi come to her support and that he would he, along with the assistance of the ever-
as a member of the Rajya Sabha) but do the liaison work to achieve this end. loyal Fernandes, continued to keep pub-
they had moved out of Delhi and gone to It happened that C Subramaniam, who lishing the issues of the new journal.
Santiniketan. Romesh, a former commu- was minister for food and agriculture
nist, had many friends in left circles and between 1964 and 1966 and was some- After Sachin Chaudhuri
was on most friendly terms with what detached from the Syndicate, In the third week of December that year,
Indira Gandhi as well. After the death of came along to help Indira Gandhi. I had to be in Bombay for an official
Lal Bahadur Shastri in January 1966, K T Chandy, founder and director of meeting for the APC and was supposed
she was elected by the Congress Parlia- IIMC and my boss, had an interesting to return to Delhi by an evening flight on
mentarian Party as his successor despite past. He had joined IIMC after retiring as a Sunday. Following his cardiac arrest,
the stiff opposition from those belonging director of Hindustan Lever where he Sachin had moved to the 45 Pali Hill,
to the so-called Syndicate, the party’s was the company’s legal brain. When he Bandra, bungalow owned by Hiten. I
conservative wing. The Syndicate com- was a law student in London in the went over to Pali Hill on that Sunday
prised K Kamaraj, Morarji Desai (who 1930s, he was very active in Krishna morning and spent the day with Sachin.
later became Prime Minister of India from Menon’s India League. Chandy was also When the taxi arrived in the early even-
1977 to 1979), Neelam Sanjiva Reddy associated with the young crowd which ing to take me to Santa Cruz airport,
(who later became the President of India got recruited into the Communist Party Sachin slowly walked alongside me and
in 1977) and Atulya Ghosh, the tall of Great Britain, individuals such as installed me into the taxi. In his last
political leader from Bengal. While the P N Haksar, Snehangshu Acharya, Bhu- words to me, he told me that I must visit
Syndicate had no alternative but to pesh Gupta, Mohan Kumaramangalam Bombay more frequently as he could not
accept Indira Gandhi as Prime Minister, and Jyoti Basu. cope all by himself. Hiten was away at
it insisted on packing the cabinet of On Romesh’s advice, Subramaniam that time and the only person staying
ministers by its trusted individuals. A invited Chandy to take over as the chair- with Sachin was the daughter of his
Calcutta barrister who happened to man of the Food Corporation of India, youngest sister. Despite the state of his
have a name identical to that of Sachin which would compulsorily procure health, he had invited Surendra Patel
Chaudhuri was Atulya Ghosh’s choice as grains from surplus-raising farmers and and his wife Krishna Ahuja for dinner
finance minister. He was altogether distribute what was produced at subsi- on Monday evening. Sachin’s niece
innocent of economic issues and the dised rates to the country’s poor. How- greeted the Patel couple when they
Ministry of Finance became the hand- ever, it also became necessary to set up arrived; she was arranging dinner when
tool of a group of bureaucrats who were an Agricultural Prices Commission (APC) Sachin suffered another cardiac attack.
on the closest of terms with the top brass to settle the procurement prices of dif- By the time he could be taken to hospi-
of the World Bank and the International ferent foodgrains. A Bombay economist tal, he was already dead. I returned to
Monetary Fund in Washington DC. who was a socialist by conviction was Bombay on Tuesday evening. By then
appointed as chairman of the commission the members of his family, including
Indira Gandhi Invites Left but left within a few months as he could Sachin’s brothers, had arrived. The next
There were major crop failures in 1965 not adjust to the ways of bureaucracy in day a small group of us took Sachin to
and 1966. Food prices kept rising sky- New Delhi. Romesh argued long and the crematorium.
high and the general price index moved hard with Sachin Chaudhuri to allow me As the fleet of cars was ready to leave
up rapidly. Bureaucrats, including one to join as the chairman of the APC. He for the crematorium, Hennadi, Debu-da’s
who was closest to the Prime Minister, said my services would be required wife, who was a great one observing
persuaded her to devalue the rupee, as only for a few months and I could join grammar, noticed that I was wearing a
had been advised by Washington. Once the EPW thereafter. At heart, Sachin pair of trousers. She hurried inside the
devaluation occurred, both the Bank was a firm Nehruvian and he agreed to house and emerged with a dhoti, which
and the Fund would accord generous as- let me join the APC tentatively for a year she asked me to don before joining the
sistance and liberal imports of food- on the understanding that I would try funeral. I meekishly obeyed her. Certain
grains would straightaway bring down to make my stay in New Delhi as brief rituals were gone through at the crema-
prices, she was told. Precisely the re- as possible. torium. I do not remember the details.
verse happened. The devaluation was of The new weekly made its appearance Once the body was gently shoved into
a stiff order and domestic prices rose on 20 August 1966. Maybe because of the burner and the shutters came down,
even further. There were no supplies of the excitement which accompanied its all of a sudden I felt something happen-
foodgrains from the US either. Indira publication, Sachin had a serious cardiac ing inside me. I rushed to a corner and a
Gandhi was distraught and Romesh attack which incapacitated him. Krishna flood of tears came out of my eyes. It was
Thapar was at that moment her closest Raj, who had joined the EW in 1960, was again Hennadi who watched the scene
advisor outside the government and the completely devoted to the cause of the from a distance. She slowly approached
Congress party. He suggested that her journal and had the highest admiration the spot where I was standing, drew me
16 AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
50 YEARS OF EPW

close to her and patted my back. It was Bombay High Court and brother-in-law and that I would not join the EPW in
all over. of B N Datar. The other members of the Bombay.
The brothers, particularly Hiten and trust were my teacher A K Dasgupta, The proper course of action would have
Sankho, the sculptor, were insistent B N Ganguly of Delhi and my friend the been to appoint Krishna Raj since he was
that since Sachin wanted me to be his economist K N Raj. There were only two already de facto in that position. But again,
successor, I should immediately inform decisions that the trustees had to make at Dasgupta’s insistence, he suggested
C Subramaniam that Sachin’s death has —the replacement of Sachin as manag- the name of a person who had apparently
transformed the situation and that I ing trustee by Hiten and my appoint- agreed to join EPW at the proffered
would have to give up my assignment ment as the editor of the journal. A most salary of `1,500 per month. I know who
with the APC in Delhi. Hiten assured me astounding thing happened at the meet- Dasgupta’s advisor was but would never
that he had already solved my residential ing of the Sameeksha Trust. My teacher, disclose the person’s identity.
problem in Mumbai. His friend Yusuf A K Dasgupta, expressed virulent oppo- What surprised me was that I knew
Khan—better known as Dilip Kumar sition to the proposal to appoint me as the person selected as editor of the EPW
(who he had introduced to the world of editor of the EPW. Dasgupta, after several was someone Sachin disliked. I remem-
cinema)—and his wife Saira Bano would months, expressed deep regrets to me ber occasions when Sachin kept him
occasionally occupy the ground floor at for what he did. He said he had been standing in his cabin while speaking to
Hiten’s house and potter around in the advised by a person extremely close to him. I asked him why. Sachin cryptically
garden. Hiten had already spoken to Yusuf him that it would be a grave mistake to remarked: “The heart has its reasons.”
who had agreed to discontinue such oc- make me the editor, as, at the very last After the editor moved on to a position
casional visits so that my wife and myself minute, I would refuse to join and stick of great eminence in officialdom, the Sa-
would have the ground floor entirely at to the allurement of holding an impor- meeksha Trust installed Krishna Raj as
our disposal. Yusuf had readily agreed. tant government position. I was dis- editor of the EPW.
Hiten and Sankho were arranging a appointed and, much more than that, Here ends my story.
formal meeting of the Sameeksha Trust embarrassed that I had to go back and [As told to Paranjoy Guha Thakurta, editor,
whose first chairman was P B Gajendra- tell the Food and Agriculture Minister EPW. Writing assistance was provided by Varda
gadkar, the then Chief Justice of the that something unexpected had happened Dixit and Bhavya Srivastava.]

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Economic & Political Weekly EPW AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 17


COMMENTARY

groups or to a larger constituency of


Interrogating the Academy people the profession has an impact on,
and whether these people are to have
Renegotiating the Terms of Discourse some active direct or at least an indi-
rect involvement in, or must only be
passive recipients of, professional prac-
Rudolf C Heredia tice. This amounts to the alienation of
the non-professional by the profession-

T
The challenge is to become he action–research divide affects al. Ivan Illich once inveighed against
organic intellectuals. For research endeavours just as much this (Illich et al 1977). If professional
as it does activist ventures. There standards must be set and reviewed by
middle-class academics and
is a need to bridge this distance in a more professional peers, from where does
activists, who are alienated from integrated approach. This is an ongoing the legitimation for these very stand-
the grass-roots people in the field, project, still evolving new orientations ards and criteria come? Are profession-
this is a difficult and delicate and perspectives. This article attempts als accountable only to their peers or do
to bring together action-involvement the people, on and for whom their pro-
task. An organic intellectual is
and research-scholarship in an integrated fession is practised, have some effective
someone who can catalyse and and creative venture. voice as well?
articulate the experience of the The same question can be posed to
Theory and Practice activists. Are they accountable only to
people, voice their knowledge,
Theoretically, the divide is not unbrid- the governing bodies of the non-govern-
echo their wisdom, and make
geable but it must be carefully and criti- mental organisations (NGOs) they work
them present in places where they cally thought through. “The danger for for? Do people have a voice in the organ-
are not heard or acknowledged. the researcher is ungrounded theory, isation? Where are the fora for the
the temptation for the activist is ad hoc professional and the activist, for people
empiricism” (Heredia 1988: 27). Thus, to hold them accountable? There must
the divide can develop into an irresolva- be a larger, more people-friendly, more
ble dilemma rather than a constructive democratic space for this in civil society.
dialectic. Posing the dichotomy as a stark
However, the difficulties of this inte- binary in this manner, as some do,
gration are not just theoretical, they are polarises a more diffused discourse too
practical as well. In fact, this is the first sharply, especially in regard to the
barrier that must be crossed if the next academy and its outreach, and the
constructive step is to be taken. Schol- activist and the need for contextual
ars and intellectuals, when they are not understanding. Here, borders can be
involved in action in the field, generally quite porous. However, this is only a
feel guilty before those who are at risk starting point with a view to the con-
on the front in the line of fire as it were. ceptual clarity needed for more incisive
Correspondingly, activists and workers understanding. For it is from here that
feel browbeaten and cheated when any relevant interrogation must begin,
these others articulate experiences they though it does not end there.
have had only vicariously. There is a The supposed polarity between aca-
real need to find some common ground, demics and activists leaves out a crucial
or it will be a case of “never the twain third party in this discourse, namely the
shall meet.” people, who too often remain voiceless
until they vote with their feet. The activ-
Perspectives ists claim to speak for “their people.”
The perspective here begins with a The focus of their concern is the concrete
distinction between the professionals’ situation and the interventions it dema-
interests and peoples’ concerns. Here the nds. But, to be effective this requires
reference is not to narrow or chauvinistic proper understanding of the conditions
interests, or petty and self-centred con- and factors involved. The academics
Rudolf C Heredia (rudiheredia@gmail.com) is cerns. The question is rather how far claim to speak for “the people” in general;
with the Indian Social Institute, New Delhi.
professionals are oriented to their peer their primary interest is theory and how
18 AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
COMMENTARY

it can be generalised. Action is concrete; what is supposedly premised on expertise, distinguishes a scientific discipline from
science is about universals. Activists competence, performance and merit mere commonsense. There is almost a
seek to impact change, but when under- mostly measured by an in-house metric perverse dichotomy here that seems to
standing is inadequate and confused, becomes an effective way of perpetuating derive from the alienation of the profes-
interventions will be ineffective and privilege, based on connections, network- sionals from ordinary people. Thus, the
ambiguous, and the concerns remain ing patronage, especially that of the hier- talisman for a science is the positivist
unaddressed or compounded. Academics archs! This precipitates a skewed divi- stance and the experimental method.
deal with data and conceptualise and sion of labour between active producing Hard data and quantitative analysis
theorise it. But this does not always add intellectuals and passive consuming ones, must yield accurate predictions. With
up to “wisdom.” with some at the centre and others at the the softer disciplines, like the social sci-
T S Eliot in an insightful lament in his periphery; distinctions the distingui- ences that do not fall strictly within this
Choruses from “The Rock” writes: shed academic Edward Shils once made approach, the attempt is to approximate
Where is the Life we have lost in living?
(Shils 1961). This is a division that even- this ideal as far as possible with the com-
Where is the wisdom we have lost in knowl- tually results in a monopoly (Hall et al parative method and exhaustive obser-
edge? 1982)! Professional groups can well vation, data collection and statistical
Where is the knowledge we have lost in in- claim legitimacy as interest groups, but analysis. Moreover, disciplines must
formation?
when this is supposedly based on the have well-defined boundaries and cross-
There is an obvious hierarchy here. contribution of their expertise to society, ing them is not easily condoned and of-
Information is the data input that must then surely accountability to their own ten dismissed as too fuzzy to be accu-
be sifted, categorised and ordered. Knowl- peers is self-validation, which can well rate, valid and reliable, as ideally an aca-
edge implies understanding and insight be self-serving as well. demic discipline ought to be. The endeav-
that is obtained from reflection and What are the alternatives to prevent our is to be “objective” and “unbiased,”
analysis. Wisdom brings realisation and the academy from becoming such an in a word “rigorous.” But all too often
transformation gained by deeper reflec- inward-looking, self-serving, self-vali- the madness in the method has devel-
tion and assimilation. All this adds up to dating in-group? If peer review lends oped into a whole domain of mores and
the life that is not lost in living! itself to protective cartels that can elimi- conventions that could well bring rigor
In the context of social research in the nate any uncomfortable competition, can mortis rather than any enlightenment!
field, people are readily involved with pro- an academic marketplace play this role? Thus, the sacrosanct rules of scientific
viding the data. The critical reflection, Producers need to take cognisance of objectivity dismiss any involvement,
which the activists and academics claim their consumers, but this by itself is no committed or otherwise, as biased and
to do, is meant to yield understanding guarantee that the passive role these therefore subjective. But M N Srinivas,
and insight. But, there is no certainty play will not be manipulated and explo- whom no one will accuse of lacking
this will bring wisdom and with it reali- ited. A neo-liberal free market has dem- methodological rigour, underscores how
sation and transformation. onstrated this repeatedly and convinc- it is precisely involvement that can bring
Now, when professionals get them- ingly. Moreover, the creation and the new insight:
selves institutionalised into an associa- transmission of knowledge is a fiduciary Involvement above all may be essential for
tion, a new dynamics is encountered, one trust that must not be commoditised for going ahead with the research itself. Par-
less to do with knowledge than with a free market. ticipation may become sources of data and
insight ... Purists in research methodology
power, less concerned with wisdom than These inevitable dysfunctions of aca-
may be outraged at such contaminations of
politics. There are awkward similarities demic professionalism must all the more the field of social action, but the pragmatic
here with the medieval guild, with its be critiqued and reviewed and held fieldworker cannot shy away from involve-
master craftsmen and journeymen. Here accountable in more viable ways. This is ment when it can lead to insights. Methodo-
is a modern version of homologous hier- best done by the constituencies the pro- logical purism can be sterile. (Srinivas 1979: 9)
archy with stars and lesser lights! The fessions impact. Even these, of course, In the positivist view, the “subjective”
next step to a charmed circle of the will have their own complications, but it is essentially arbitrary and must be elim-
in-group is effected by peer review, does seem to be a very necessary and inated by the rigorous experimental
which easily becomes an incestuous viable counterbalance to a notoriously methodology for a genuine science that
game that the whole family can play to partisan professionalism. Accountability must be predictive. But, there is another
the advantage of the patriarchs! These demands a rigorous and continuing way of understanding the subjective as
“stars” move with their entourage of endeavour to be open, honest, critical “relevant,” as meaningful, and indeed
lesser lights of spouses and students in a and transparent. Perhaps a tall order, with a “surplus of meaning” at times.
package deal from one appointment to but a very necessary one. This will require an interpretative disci-
the next, while lesser mortals wait to pline, not an experimental science and is
break into the circle of light! Methods, Madness, Mores validated by a reflective, experiential
What finally obtains is a classic con- The academy prides itself on a rigo- method. It must further be critiqued and
tradiction between form and substance: rous methodology, precisely because it authenticated by an inter-subjective
Economic & Political Weekly EPW AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 19
COMMENTARY

approach to screen out the arbitrary in There are activists, who place them- the constituency concerned at three lev-
the subjective. It is precisely such a selves inside the academy but they are els: investigation, analysis and action. At
hermeneutic “fusion of horizons” that not from the academy. Theirs is not the each of these the participatory approach
will bring a new and deeper insight and need academics have felt for an active sets out to overcome the dichotomies
understanding. involvement, but rather the need activists established by the conventional methods.
From Dilthey’s understanding of an have experienced for a deeper reflec- At the first level, the dichotomy made
interpretative discipline and Weber’s tion. Hence, they are turned towards the between fact and value is transcended by
“Verstehen” to more recent hermeneu- field, to the people and the problems an explicit commitment to moral impera-
tics, this is a far more open-ended there. These must be their point of refer- tives from which the facts are seen to de-
approach than a closed-in positivist ence and their source of legitimation rive their significance. In analysis, the
one. But, an overly rigorous methodology and affirmation, through which their division between the researcher and the
will be innocent of such hermeneutic axis of integration must run. Obviously, researched, the active subject and passive
suspicion, or, for that matter, herme- there will be ambiguities and anomalies objects of the process, is overcome by a
neutic faith! here, but the orientation and intent must dialogic, a non-manipulative exchange
be clear. in which both parties make their specific
Partners, Centres and Satsangs The consonance of action and reflec- contributions enriching each other and
There are researchers who want to stand tion is a difficult and arduous praxis, but the analytical process as well. And finally,
outside the academy. But they come not an impossible one. An insider’s given this commitment and dialogue, the
from the academy, for often enough access to the field is often not available reflection–action divide is resolved
these are academics who have felt the to an outsider, who might actually at through a dialectical praxis in which
need for a more active involvement and times bring a more resourceful and group reflection articulates and orients
stepped outside their ivory towers. It is insightful reflection, though the outsider group action, even as this in turn makes
inevitable that there will be a certain may well not have the rich experience of explicit and refines the collective under-
confluence between the academy and the insider. But, this is not in itself an standing (Heredia 1988: 27).
such partners. But the question then is, unbridgeable divide. But, of course, there are dangerous
in which direction is such a venture By way of illustration, such praxis can pitfalls along the way. For all this is
turned? Where is its reference group? be collaborative at three levels. First, more easily said than done. The com-
Who legitimates and affirms it? There with an action agency in the field that mitment of participatory research
are of course many conversations possi- requests the study and must undertake (PRIA 1982) can readily become ideo-
ble, but which is the dominant one that to act on its findings and implement its logically petrified, forcing the facts to fit
becomes the axis of integration for all recommendations. This provides an one’s dogma and losing one’s sensitivity
the others? What is the commitment insider’s access to the field with which the to more meaningful interpretations. A
that subsumes the others? It is here that agency is directly involved and eschews mutually balanced dialogue is a delicate
the centre of gravity of such endeavours an instrumental use of the data provid- task. Too often it becomes asymmetri-
will be found. er. Second, through this agency the NGO cally skewed into another dominant–de-
For, not all academics are intellectu- reaches out to the people at the grass- pendent relationship. Dialectical praxis
als; many in their ivory towers are just roots, who with the agency participate can conven iently mystify and obfuscate
institutional administrators, or worse, in the study and in its later implementa- where it should clarify and refine.
courtiers to the establishment. The tion. And third, the research agency But, besides these difficulties intrin-
recent events in our universities show reports and publicises its work to other sic to the process of participation itself,
this so dramatically. Nor are all intel- constituencies, professional and non- there are extrinsic limitations, such as
lectuals academics; many are in public professional for a wider response and motivating and organising the involve-
spaces outside academia. This is critique. The first is geared to real needs ment of the concerned constituency.
precisely what a public intellectual is in the field, the second to people’s par- Often enough the direct participation
all about. Noam Chomsky, now, for ticipation in responding to these needs, of all remains the unattainable ideal.
instance, and earlier Antonio Gramsci and the third to credible accountability. It must be realistically compromised
and B R Ambedkar remain relevant Obviously, legitimation and affirmation for a participation mediated through
even today. will be sought at all these three levels, spokespersons and leaders, at the level
There is also a need to critique the but insofar that this is an action-focused that meets them where they are, and
ad hocism of the activist who runs ever involvement and not a theory-centred through a progressive development of
faster to stay in the same place, waiting reflection, the axis of integration for this the constituents’ skills and resources to
for the revolution that never comes. But praxis will be the people, though the broaden and intensify the participatory
more critical is the need to interrogate professionals will not completely be base of the process (Heredia 1988: 27–28).
the academy and set the terms of the excluded. Experience in such ventures has
discourse, and not allow it to be mo- What this adds up to is a participatory underlined the critical need for a com-
nopolised by a guild. praxis, that is, the active participation of munity of support, a satsang, for this
20 AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly

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COMMENTARY

kind of countercultural, intellectual– just end up going with the flow in the could better begin at the other end,
activist endeavour. Indeed, there will be assembly line of the academy, even as namely, with people becoming reflec-
dissonance in such a process, but there we become more and more productive, tive and articulating their experience
we will also find consonance; the first and less and less relevant; or engulfed in and aspirations, their strengths and
more likely from the mainstream academy, the ad hocism of action in the rush and weaknesses, their fears and hopes, their
the second from the interstices at the tumble in the field, more and more dreams and nightmares, without ever
margins. But, paradigm shifts, that involved and less and less reflective! losing their roots, but rather deepening
eventually do find acceptance, usually To put this differently, the challenge them to return to them. In fine, this is
come not from the centre, but from the is to become organic intellectuals. For what the authentic organic intellectual
periphery! middle-class academics and activists, does: not just to interrogate the terms of
It is easy and tempting to dismiss all who are alienated from the grass-roots the discourse that frame people’s lives,
this as banal and presumptuous. Would people in the field this is a difficult and but renegotiate them to empower the
not that be the typical professional’s delicate task. But, it is worth trying. people as well. These organic intellectu-
response? Yet, it is precisely the charis- Without going into the elaborations of als are also “public intellectuals” who
matic and prophetic role of someone the Gramscian discourse on this, we impact policy and its implementation.
who is taking a countercultural stance to can sketch some characteristics of this However, this is not an endeavour that
tell people what they always knew but organic intellectual, as someone who is completed in one big leap. It necessar-
never realised, to turn their information can catalyse and articulate the experi- ily implies many small steps, but the di-
into knowledge and their knowledge ence of the people, voice their knowl- rection must be set at the very begin-
into wisdom! Is this not the living that edge, echo their wisdom, and make ning of this journey.
life is for? This is what Gandhi once did. them present in places where they are Perhaps, we might discover that there
Will some of us make it possible again, not heard or acknowledged. This would is as much sense and sensibility in them
or we will continue living in an unreal mean for them to sift their over-abun- as there is pride and prejudice in us, and
world? dant information for relevant data, to recover some valuable knowledge from
catalyse this into insightful knowledge, our information overload, some real
Organic Intellectual and finally to bring this to a wise reali- wisdom in our skewed knowledge, and
All of us have our own autobiographies, sation in their lives, and so learn from find a life in our living.
hidden or publicised, in which we make their wisdom.
our Apologia pro Vita Sua, as Newman Today, the information overload is but References
famously once did. We need to justify another way of confusing people and Hall, Budd, et al (eds) (1982): Creating Knowledge: A
ourselves, and not just to others. Indeed, obfuscating issues. The sound bite and Monopoly?, Society for Participatory Research
in India, New Delhi.
we all need to examine honestly the the captivating image is an oversimplifi- Heredia, Rudolf C (1988): Voluntary Action and
many-sided legitimations we seek when cation that subverts any meaningful Development: Towards a Praxis for Non-Govern-
we do this. I am doing this implicitly understanding. Knowledgeable comm- ment Agencies, New Delhi: Concept Pub.
Illich, Ivan et al (1977): Disabling Professions,
here in this presentation, so let me expli- entators and analysts are focused on
London: Marion Boyars.
cate this a little. My endeavour through realising goals of profit and pelf rather PRIA (1982): “An Introduction,” Society for Partici-
the Social Science Centre, at St Xavier’s than the authentic aspirations of real patory Research, New Delhi.
College, Mumbai, had been to bring people. The pathological obsession of Shils, Edward (1961): The Intellectual between
Tradition and Modernity: The Indian Situation,
together action and research, that is, the some television channels, their anchors The Hague: Mouton & Company.
reflection and analysis of the intellectual, and their owners with television rating Srinivas, M N et al (eds) (1979): The Fieldworker
and the action and involvement of grass- points (TRPs) has morphed once intelligi- and the Field: Problems and Challenges in
Sociological Investigation, Delhi: Oxford Uni-
roots workers, and also to facilitate the ble conversations into shouting–barking
versity Press.
intellectual’s action-involvement in the performances. Surely, we must come
field. Such an integration does happen back to people’s knowledge and wisdom,
in some special individuals, though given not to naively romanticise these, but to Attention ContributorsI
today’s specialisations it seems more understand from within, critique con-
feasible at the level of a group. The centre structively, and then to celebrate as valu- EPW has been sending reprints of articles
attempted to create the space for such a able and viable the wisdom of our people to authors. We are now discontinuing the
group. for our world. practice. We will consider sending a limited
number of reprints to authors located in
So, when we do narrate our autobiog- For us, this process must begin with
India when they make specific requests
raphy, what is the story we are telling, to activists and intellectuals finding com- to us.
whom and to what purpose? If we want mon ground in their involvements and
to engage in the kind of praxis we are then as activist–intellectuals, or vice We will, of course, continue to send a copy
of the print edition to all our authors
talking about we must address such versa depending on where one starts,
whose contributions appear in that
questions with intellectual honesty and becoming embedded among the people particular edition.
firm commitment. Otherwise, we might as organic intellectuals. Or, the process
Economic & Political Weekly EPW AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 21
COMMENTARY

An online database on Indian economy structured in 16 different modules

22 AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly


COMMENTARY

distribution system from analogue to


Digitalisation of TV Distribution digital mode.
Notably, the government justified the
Affordability and Availability transition as a benefit to the subscriber,
who would pay for the shift, both as a
one-time infrastructural cost and a
Vibodh Parthasarathi, Arshad Amanullah, Susan Koshy recurrent expenditure of monthly sub-
scription rents. During the debate on

I
The second amendment to n December 2011, television (TV) the Cable Television Networks (Regula-
the Cable Television Networks signals were distributed through two tion) Amendment Act in November
technological platforms: the wired, 2011, the then minister of information
(Regulation) Amendment
cable system and the wireless, Direct To and broadcasting assured Parliament
Act passed in Parliament in Home (DTH) system. While cable, exist- that the switchover from analogue to
December 2011 mandated that ing since the early 1990s, had gathered digital distribution would benefit every
the distribution of signals of cable 94 million subscribers by 2011, DTH stakeholder in the C&S TV sector. The
managed to garner over 46 million digitalisation of cable relays would
and satellite television, from the
households since its introduction in bring about transparency by allowing
local cablewala to subscribing 2004.1 From a regulatory and commer- subscribers to select and pay for only
households, be exclusively in the cial perspective, the significant fact is those channels they wish to watch.
digital mode. Four years after that, unlike in DTH, the distribution of Similarly, the distributors would get a
signals on the cable platform functioned clear picture of the number of channels
the act was passed, and after
in the analogue mode. to which a cable TV household is sub-
completion of three phases of The cable distribution sector in this scribing. Both these developments ena-
the digital migration, the aim mode has been fraught with problems bled broadcasters to get a far more ac-
is to find out if the emergent due to lack of transparency. The monthly curate sense of the number of subscrib-
rent paid by the subscriber was unrelated ers, and thereby, the amount of revenue
regulatory framework did
to the number or popularity of the chan- being generated. On their part, the gov-
anything at all to enhance the nels provided, and depended on the ca- ernment would get a clear sense of the
television-viewing experience for ble operator’s perception of what a sub- service tax and entertainment tax being
cable and satellite TV subscribers. scriber could afford. This has made dual generated from cable TV households.
pricing a key trait of the cable business The minister also promised that the
since its inception. compulsory switchover would benefit
cable subscribers with an enhanced
Promises of Digitalisation viewing experience: namely, far better
The inability to differentiate the num- picture and sound quality, increased
ber of channels in the analogue mode number of channels on offer, ability to
provided by cable operators and sub- select and pay only for those channels
scribed by households created a milieu required, and value-added services like
of opacity throughout the value chain of movies on demand.
cable and satellite (C&S) TV: between
households and the local cablewala Evaluating Digitalisation
(now called last-mile operator, or LMO), In December 2013, three years after stat-
between the LMOs and large cable dis- utory digitalisation and the completion
This article has emerged from the ongoing
tributors (known as multiple-system of its first two phases, a study sought to
project “Tracking Access under Digitalization” operator [MSO]), and between broad- evaluate the consequences of one of the
at the Centre for Culture, Media and casters and MSOs. Broadcasters and the most crucial regulatory interventions in
Governance, Jamia Millia Islamia. The authors government alike were clueless about Indian broadcasting. The study areas
are grateful to respondents in Delhi and Patna
the number of channels being watched selected—south-east Delhi and territory
for sharing their experiences about cable
television; to Biswajit Das, Pradosh Nath and
and the actual number of cable TV of Patna Municipal Corporation—had
Manoj Diwakar for their invaluable insights; households in the country. Such systemic switched to digital transmission in the
and, to Ford Foundation for constant support. opacity contributed to the revenues and first and second phases, respectively.
Vibodh Parthasarathi (vibodhp@yahoo.com), taxes from cable services accrued to Sharply contrasting in their economic
Arshad Amanullah (arshad.mcrc@gmail.com) broadcasters and the government being geography, these cities offered a good
and Susan Koshy (sude37@gmail.com) are with grossly under-realised. These problems understanding of the range of subscriber
the Centre for Culture, Media and Governance, were sought to be resolved with a tech- behaviour. What made such behaviour
Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi.
nological fix: a transition of the cable comparable was that both cities were
Economic & Political Weekly EPW AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 23
COMMENTARY

part of the same Hindi market of C&S TV; Availability and Affordability significant drop in subscribers despite
the largest of nine linguistic media mar- Expectedly, the survey revealed that such a considerable increase in monthly
kets in India.2 Thus, the choice of Patna over 60% of respondents/households, in cable rents. This links to findings from
and Delhi provide significant elements both cities, felt their TV-viewing experi- other studies on lower-class households
of distinction and similarity in evaluat- ence considerably improved after the that have shown, inter alia, C&S TV be-
ing the responses of cable subscribers to digital switchover, due to enhanced pic- ing the primary source of entertainment.
the emergent digital regime. ture and sound quality. This improvement In fact, the importance attached to C&S
In each of the two cities, a quantitative in quality was noticed much more in TV by this social stratum is reflected in a
survey was conducted of over 1,000 C&S Patna than in Delhi, reflecting the abys- small, but not an insignificant, percent-
TV households, selected on multistaged mal quality of cable services in Patna age of lower SEC households (5% in Pat-
and purposive sampling. Furthermore, until the switchover. na and 10% in Delhi) subscribing to the
from among these 1,000 households, over However, the promise (policy objective) most expensive package, priced above
50 households were selected in each city of expanding the availability of channels, `300 (Figures 1 and 2, p 25). In fact,
for in-depth interviews, on the basis of and therefore, widening the choice for sub- LMOs in Patna revealed that some house-
stratified purposive sampling. In both in- scribers, presents a rather specked picture. holds with an inelastic budget decided
stances, the aim was to investigate the ex- In terms of sheer numbers, the switchover to reduce their expenditure on other
tent to which the promises of the regulatory has ensured that more than 500 chan- media, like newspapers, in order to af-
intervention of 2011 have been realised. nels get relayed on cable systems with- ford the increase in cable rents follow-
The study revealed that the benefits out any technical distortion in both the ing the digital switchover. This rise in
promised by the minister to the sub- cities. This is a significant shift from the rents, in some cases from `50– `100 to
scribers were incidental to improvement 50 or 60 odd channels provided by the almost `200– `250 meant at least a
in technology. Advanced technology ob- best of analogue cable relays. But, this 100% increase in the monthly spend on
viously improved the quality of picture sudden multiplicity of channels catalysed one media.
and sound. However, the user experi- by digitalisation of cable has not trans- Additionally, the higher percentage of
ences underscored the lack of any study lated into an increase in the time spent lower SEC subscribers of expensive pack-
of subscriber behaviour or preferences watching TV. Nor has the expanded ages in Delhi also indicates the aspira-
based on which the transition was de- availability of channels led to more tional quality typical of bigger cities.
signed to benefit the subscriber. The channels being watched, as households The difference in the price elasticity of
study revealed that the promise of in- typically continue to watch between 10 the subscribers in the two cities is also
creased choice or cheaper cable bills are and 19 channels, just as they did during reflected in the significance given to
ridden with contradictions such that the the analogue years. In fact, viewers con- various factors while choosing to migrate
average subscriber ends up paying much tinue to be unmindful about not only the to the digital system. Thus, while 65%
more for the same content than in the an- number of channels they subscribe to/ of the respondents in Patna stated the
alogue mode. pay for, but also of those that they actu- cost as being an important factor while
Furthermore, the regulatory framework ally receive. This reflects the lack of de- choosing a service provider, only 35% of
of the Cable Television Networks (Regula- mand for more channels by the subscrib- the respondents in Delhi ascribed to
tion) Amendment Act, 2011 did not dwell er, which, time and again was pro- being cost conscious.
much on mechanisms to enhance the pounded by the government as a benefit All these suggest the inertness of state
choice of cable service providers to the of the switchover to the former. intervention, amidst wider ambitions of
subscribers. This created uneven dynam- Much like availability, a host of issues the Digital India Programme, to think
ics in the distribution field. While a house- cropped up on the affordability of chan- through the financial implications of
hold could select a DTH service provider of nels. Most households became aware of transitions in technological regimes.
their choice, cable households post-digi- the mandatory switchover and its finan- While the digital switchover aimed, and
talisation were likely to continue being ef- cial implications only when asked to has realised to a large extent, transpar-
fectively locked in with the LMO in their shell out anything between `1,500 and ency and efficiency in the value chain of
locality. Thus, the benefits were confined `3,000 for a set-top box and to start pay- C&S TV, greater reflection is required on
to quantitative increase of the extant of- ing previously unheard of amounts as who will, and is able to, bear the costs of
ferings, while a switchover based on subscriptions. While this sudden invest- such legislated transitions. At the same
subscribers’ needs would have focused ment and increase in rents did not signifi- time, the challenges to affordability rev-
on various other aspects to improve the cantly dent the pockets of subscribers/ ealed by our study bring out as much the
television-viewing experience. households with higher disposable in- desires of lower-income households to
This article further explains aspects comes, the increased costs of access to TV avail digital services, as the compelling
of the promised increase in choice for affected lower Socio Economic Class coping mechanisms they have developed
the subscriber, specifically in the con- (SEC) households.3 The importance of to do so. The issue of affordability also
text of availability and affordability of TV, particularly in lower-class house- pertains to the bundling of channels into
digital TV. holds, is highlighted by the lack of any a predefined bouquet of offerings.
24 AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
COMMENTARY

Figure 1: Delhi: Dispersion of Households Based on Monthly Cable TV Rents (i n %) decision of households, factoring in the
70
tastes and needs of every member. The
bundling of channels by MSOs, however,
60
is usually in such a way that the lower-
50
priced package does not cater to the
needs of each member of the household.
40
Upper Middle
This is reflected in the figures since the
Lower Middle maximum percentage of subscribers, in
30
Low Upper Class both cities, tends to prefer the package
priced between `210 and `270, because
20
it usually has the highest number and
10
range of channels (Figures 1 and 2).4
There are usually one or two channels
0 that necessitate being additionally sub-
>`150 `150–`209 `210–`269 `270–`299 Above `300
scribed to and/or subscribing to a higher-
Figure 2: Patna: Dispersion of Households Based on Monthly Cable TV Rents (in %) priced package. For example, the sports
80
channels that broadcast the highly popular
70 cricket matches are not a part of the mid-
range package and have to be addition-
60 ally subscribed to, thus mounting the
cable bill. Contradictory to what the
50
minster had promised, the current market
40 does not allow for subscribers to pay
Upper Middle
exclusively for those channels watched;
30
Lower Middle Upper Class thus, continuing the very practice that was
20
Low to be changed, but at a much higher cost.
The migration to a regime of digital
10 distribution has successfully standard-
ised the cable rents in cities that have
0
>`150 `150–`209 `210–`269 `270–`299 Above `300 completed the transition. This is a major
shift from the analogue era, as dual pric-
Figure 3: Dynamics of Choice of Service Providers in the Study Area (in %) ing has been a congenital feature of the
30
cable business. Apart from the minor
25
distinctions, there is not much differ-
ence in the price slabs of the cable service
20 on offer in south-east Delhi and munici-
pal areas of Patna.
15

Availability of Service Provider


10
Patna The scenario of a de facto monopoly at the
5 last mile of wired distribution is a phenom-
Delhi
enon that the regulatory shift chose to ig-
0
Availed with the house Bundled with TV Only local option
nore. For a subscriber, the element of
“choice” in service providers essentially
To safeguard the interests of subscribers and within each was relatively pro- means, and is limited to, choice between
unable to afford the higher-priced pack- nounced for lower SECs, that is, precisely platforms, such as DTH or digital cable.
ages, the Telecom Regulatory Authority among those households in whose inter- This is because all localities continue to be
of India (TRAI) had mandated all MSOs to est price regulation of the basic package neatly divided between various LMOs.
provide an entry-level package, the basic was introduced. The conversion of popu- The behaviour of subscribers in Patna
service tier (BST), of 100 free-to-air chan- lar channels into pay channels is one of and Delhi was significantly different
nels for `100 per month (excluding taxes). the primary reasons for this, though it with respect to the choice of platform
However, the dispersion of households requires further investigations on both after the shift to digital distribution. A
based on monthly rents shows that the demand (subscribing household) significant proportion of the analogue
despite the low price of the BST, this is side and supply (cable operator) side. cable subscribers surveyed in Delhi
not popular amongst households. This In both cities, the selection of chan- chose to shift to a DTH connection than
trend was equally observed in both cities, nels to be subscribed seems a collective to digital cable. In contrast, almost 90%
Economic & Political Weekly EPW AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 25
COMMENTARY

of subscribers surveyed in Patna chose are able to migrate to a more expensive reflect the necessity for statutory proto-
to remain on the cable platform and service. cols that focus on designing the terms of
migrated to the digital cable service digital distribution rather than merely
offered by their incumbent LMOs. This Conclusions increasing the number of channels.
can be attributed to the income elasticity Apart from the quantitative increase in
of subscribers residing in a Phase I city the number of channels, little of what Notes
as compared to those in a Phase II city. digitalisation promised to the subscriber 1 For the purpose of this survey, “media assets”
considered were laptop, desktop, tablet/
Figure 3 (p 25) highlights how the lock- has been achieved. In the absence of a kindle/e-reader, mobile phone below `5,000
ing in with the LMO has been a driving fac- genuine effort to understand the kind of and above `5,000 (separately), radio, TV with
tor for the choice of current service pro- regulatory interventions required to Yagi antenna, cable or DTH (separately), music
system, VCR/ DVD player, video games, Sonus,
viders for subscribers in Patna. The lack enhance the TV-viewing experience for Ninetendo, play station P 2/3/4, Xbox 360/720.
of choice of service providers for a sub- the subscriber, the benefits of trans- 2 Consultation Paper on Issues Related Media
Ownership, Telecom Regulatory Authority of
scriber in Patna becomes particularly parency remain limited to the other India, Government of India, New Delhi, pp 54–
pronounced since a majority of the sub- stakeholders in the sector. Preliminary 55; available at http://trai.gov.in/WriteRead-
Data/ConsultationPaper/Document/CP-Me-
scribers in Patna chose to retain their inferences from cities in the first two dia%20Ownership_final.pdf.
cable connections rather than shift to phases, based on a sample of households 3 For the purpose of this survey, four SECs were
DTH. On the other hand, subscribers in much larger than those deployed by devised, calculated on the basis of the chief
wage earner’s education, occupation, monthly
Delhi who have exercised the choice bet- ratings agencies, like the Bhabha Atomic household income, ownership of media assets
ween platforms and have chosen to Research Centre and the Television and ownership of consumer durables.
4 This is similar to subscriber experiences in other
migrate to DTH are not affected by this Audience Measurement Media Research, countries. A similar study in the United Kingdom
lack of choice at the local level. This has reveal the flattening of choice, particularly showed that households were compelled to sub-
scribe to a higher-priced package, which also
resulted in a market wherein choice is in terms of cost for the subscriber. From meant paying for many channels they never
limited to the affluent subscribers who a regulatory perspective, our findings watched.

Your Title Is Not Ready Yet emulate. This makes the task of analysing
the Rajasthan act pertinent and necessary.
Rajasthan had earlier attempted a
Rajasthan’s Land Titling Legislation titling ordinance in 2008, which lapsed
for want of adequate numbers. The
Government of India too tried a Model
Amlanjyoti Goswami, Deepika Jha Land Titling Bill in 2011, but there was no
traction from the states. It was acknow-

T
Analysing the Rajasthan Urban he Rajasthan Urban Land (Certifi- ledged that such a legislative move was
Land (Certification of Titles) cation of Titles) Act, 2016 was in out of touch with ground realities. Where
the news for being the first state the quality of land records left much to be
Act, 2016, it is argued that even
titling legislation on urban land records. desired, incremental steps under the
as technological intervention in In India, where land records are presump- National Land Records Modernisation
land record keeping is necessary, tive (that is, correct only until proved Programme (NLRMP), now renamed the
coordination between various otherwise), deed-based (dependant on Digital India Land Records Modernisation
lawyer’s title searches), and based on for- Programme, were considered more real-
levels of land record databases
bidding “caveat emptor” (or “let the buyer istic and pragmatic. These ongoing steps
needs to be ensured for clarity beware”) principles, this act ostensibly include computerising existing records
between spatial and textual makes the state guarantee land titles. and procedures, digitising spatial records,
records. Further, it appears the It is assumed that such a measure would and integrating textual and spatial
reduce litigation, improve ease of doing records. The key challenge, after much
new law once again needs courts
business and smoothen the process of land effort, remains one of ensuring real-time
to arbitrate land title disputes, acquisition in urban areas (Ramanathan accuracy, that is, up-to-date land records,
which has been the case so far. 2016; Khanna 2016; PTI 2016). This is beyond mere formalities of computerisa-
being advocated as a benchmark for other tion and digitisation. This is an uphill task
states to follow, since land records fall requiring not just effective programme
under the state list of the Constitution. design, but also political economy inter-
Amlanjyoti Goswami (agoswami@iihs.co.in) News reports claim that Maharashtra ventions, incentive creation, and capacity
and Deepika Jha (djha@iihs.ac.in) are with might follow suit with its own titling law building of government officials.
the Indian Institute for Human Settlements, (Jog 2016). Other states could well look at This article analyses some key provi-
New Delhi.
these as models or best practices to sions of the Rajasthan act, identifies
26 AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
COMMENTARY

critical gaps and explores whether the appear a coherent unified whole. It is best practices from existing land record
act would indeed deliver, or perhaps lead unclear how the title certificate links modernisation efforts in other states (for
to further litigation on land. This is perti- effectively with the survey. There is no both urban and rural areas) have been
nent since the judiciary continues to be explicit requirement of the survey extract considered. For example, Gujarat drafted a
the key arbiter of disputes that trace being a prerequisite for the title certificate detailed set of protocols and manuals for
back to faulty or inadequate records. application or its verification. During the its officers, to address such discrepancies
Estimates of disputes pertaining to land survey process, adequate provisions for and various other operational issues
vary, but reportedly 80% of civil disputes objection and appeal are absent. While the faced during a survey. These were supple-
in Indian courts are related to land (GoI survey records are presumed to be correct, mented with regular training, capacity
2012). A recent survey claims two-thirds unless the contrary is proved, they shall building, and performance incentives.
of civil cases in district courts are related not affect the rights, title or interest of any The act recommends a system where
to land or property (Daksh 2016). There person or preclude him from enforcing different urban bodies would collect and
are currently around 13 lakh civil and such right in a court (Section 20). maintain survey records of properties
criminal cases pending in Rajasthan, This means that, on the one hand, the under their respective jurisdictions. The
with an average of 951 pending cases act provides respective authorities legiti- data maintained by different agencies is
per judge (NJDG 2016). macy to conduct surveys in urban areas, often in different formats, has varying
Within this context, what is this new but, in the same breath, does not sanction levels of detail, and more often than not,
act all about? legal validity or finality to these survey remains in silos. This requires a signifi-
records. It seems that while the act already cant degree of coordination, across per-
General Framework of the Act anticipates conflicts from the survey sonnel as well as record formats.
As per its “Statement of Objects and process, it also does not want the titling
Reasons,” the act purports to ensure process to be affected by these conflicts. Parallel regimes: Rajasthan has a his-
maintenance of “Record of Rights (RoR) But, this cannot be a long-term solution, tory of computerisation of land records
of urban lands in an authentic manner as boundary discrepancies during the and associated processes. RoR are com-
by a single agency, and to certify the survey are inevitable. What is needed is puterised; up-to-date copies (incorpo-
said titles … as a measure of good gov- incorporation of protocols and guidelines rating mutations, if any) are available
ernance and to ensure hassle free trans- that anticipate and address such discrep- to citizens via service centres and the
action of urban lands.” The act has two ancies, within current legal frameworks, ApnaKhata (RoR) website. A number of
aspects: survey and titling. Surveys are for courts to take a considered view. Oth- these RoR are also for areas under urban
to be undertaken in urban areas (where erwise, more litigation is inevitable. jurisdiction. Similarly, the registration
respective urban authorities are made in The integration of textual records process has been computerised via the
charge, with relevant dispute settlement with spatial records is a significant prob- software Sarathi, and is reported to be
processes). Critically, a new Urban Land lem in every state. It is unclear whether linked to ApnaKhata.
Title Certification Authority in the hands
of a single Indian Administrative Service
officer, and with delegated officers, is
Journal Rank of EPW
proposed. Subject to verification and Economic & Political Weekly is indexed on Scopus, “the largest abstract and citation database
exceptions (such as disputed property), of peer-reviewed literature,” which is prepared by Elsevier NV (http://tinyurl.com/o44sh7a).
a Certificate of Title (provisional or per- Scopus has indexed research papers that have been published in EPW from 2008 onwards.
manent) is to be issued by this authority. The Scopus database journal ranks country-wise and journal-wise. It provides three broad sets
The application for title certificate is vol- of rankings: (i) Number of Citations, (ii) H-Index and (iii) SCImago Journal and Country Rank.
untary, to be made by the title holder. Presented below are EPW’s ranks in 2014 in India, Asia and globally, according to the total
Critically, a permanent certificate with cites (3 years) indicator.
● Highest among 36 Indian social science journals and highest among 159 social science
assured government guarantee may be
journals ranked in Asia.
issued, if the provisional certificate
● Highest among 36 journals in the category, “Economics, Econometrics and Finance” in the
remains uncontested for two years. Asia region, and 36th among 835 journals globally.
Based on that guarantee, consequential ● Highest among 23 journals in the category, “Sociology and Political Science” in the Asia
compensation provisions are also en- region, and 15th among 928 journals globally.
shrined for transactions occurring on ● Between 2008 and 2014, EPW’s citations in three categories (“Economics, Econometrics,
what may actually be defective titles. and Finance”; “Political Science and International Relations”; and “Sociology and Political
Is it that easy? What are the problems Science”) were always in the second quartile of all citations recorded globally in the
that could arise? Scopus database.
For a summary of statistics on EPW on Scopus, including of the other journal rank indicators,
please see http://tinyurl.com/qe949dj
Textual and spatial aspects: The act
EPW consults referees from a database of 200+ academicians in different fields of the social
seems to have two distinct parts—survey sciences on papers that are published in the Special Article and Notes sections.
and title certification—but they do not
Economic & Political Weekly EPW AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 27
COMMENTARY

The title certification procedure is in What is the title about? “Title” itself is only of the “title” (or ownership) of a
addition to these existing processes, but not defined by the act. It is unclear whether land parcel, in seeming contrast to the
a more explicit reference linking them is “title” includes ownership only of land or provisions of the earlier central model ti-
absent in the act. In their absence, the also of built-up properties. For example, tling bill, UPOR card, or even to the exi-
problems with updating urban RoR (lack Gujarat seems to have a more pragmatic sting RoR format, which is more compre-
of awareness regarding mutation, poor view of urban records, where the office of hensive. Other details such as posses-
incentives compared to registration, the Settlement Commissioner and Director sion, use of land or encumbrances, etc,
inadequate spatial records) are likely to of Land Records proposes that each apart- would continue to be part of the RoR,
continue for title certificates as well. ment would have a separate property thus potentially leading to parallel re-
There could be situations of variance card, in addition to a joint card stating cord regimes.
among record sets, where the owner the respective indivisible share in land.
under the registered sale deed may not The act also does not make it clear Comprehensiveness of Systems
have the title certificate, and vice versa. whether the “title” being granted would The very approach of titling has been
Ways to use technology for bridging be conclusive or presumptive in nature, critiqued as inadequate and costly, com-
these inter-institutional data sets are as and whether it can be challenged in a pared to broader tenure-based and more
follows: court of law. In this respect, it is similar comprehensive recording systems (Ma-
(i) Sarathi checks the titling database to to the Urban Property Ownership Record hadevia 2011; Payne et al 2009; UN-Hab-
ascertain if the seller is indeed the “title- (UPOR) in Karnataka, which similarly itat 2008; Zasloff 2011) within urban
holder,” and upon successful registra- promised a “clear presumptive title” land management and administration
tion, to trigger an update in the title cer- (GoK 2014). This is not an indemnity. (Williamson et al 2010; Patel et al 2009).
tificate. These linkages could prevent Since the act neither states that the title Rajasthan’s law is a return to using
fraud and ensure title updating. is conclusive, nor bars title suits in civil titling and land acquisition as the critical
(ii) Creating electronic processes for veri- courts, courts are likely to end up as the levers for urban land administration,
fication, legitimising electronic records, determining authorities. Verification of instead of sorting its record keeping first.
creating links to existing electronic data- documents undertaken prior to certifica- The titling approach may not capture
bases (Sarathi, ApnaKhata, municipal data- tion might turn out to be critical; this urban complexities and could be per-
base, development authority database), brings back the salience of the spatial ceived as exclusionary if it does not ade-
and providing public access online. If veri- and textual integration issue, where quately incorporate complexities inher-
fication is done manually through paper attention has been inadequate. ent in urban tenure regimes. To be truly
records, the transaction costs might po- equitable, urban records need to be com-
tentially derail effective implementation. Disputes: Rajasthan’s aim is to get prehensive in their coverage of tenure
Mandating inter-institutional coordi- undisputed properties sorted for future systems, transaction types, as well as
nation was an imperative left out by the land acquisition or land pooling. But, that property rights. In addition to covering
act. The title certificate stands on its is not where the problems lie. Keeping a ownership, urban property records could
own, but without coordinated linkages record of existing disputes is critical to have details of possession, spatial demar-
with registration and mutation, this the verification and certification process. cation, current use of the property, and
could add yet another layer to the multi- As per the act, the provisional certificate associated encumbrances such as liens,
plicity of procedures. is not to be issued if the title is disputed mortgages, and court cases. Plot-level
(Section 25(2b)), or it can be recalled or information on whether it is part of an
Provisional and permanent: While the cancelled if a bona fide counterclaim or urban jurisdiction, relevant development
state provides indemnity only upon issu- objection is filed before the authority, or restrictions, owner’s development rights,
ance of the permanent certificate, it may a sub judice dispute is brought to notice etc, would help in locating these records
not even be compulsory for the titling (Section 25(3)). in the larger urban development con-
authority to do so, even after a provi- In practice, most court records do not text. Land acquisition is only one facet of
sional certificate is uncontested for its maintain a searchable database of title using land for urban development. Ques-
two-year validity. The operative word is disputes, or related parcel identification tions of affordable and inclusive hous-
“may,” not “shall” (Section 25(5)). This is details. The title authority will have to ing, infrastructural provision of ameni-
a crucial distinction, enough to make the depend on a third party for litigation in- ties, mobility, livelihoods, etc, and using
permanent certificates discretionary. This formation, at least for the existing dis- land as a strategy for such ends requires
might restrict the number of permanent putes. This raises questions of fraudu- a larger imagination.
titles issued, and also limit coverage of lence and verification of such claims as What comes first—law or technology—
the indemnity clause (Section 29). This bona fide. In the absence of this litiga- in land record modernisation? Legisla-
could in turn create a situation of a market tion data set, it will be difficult to en- tion is one method, if it is comprehensive
in provisional certificates, without in- force state guarantees of titles at scale. and systemic with larger development
demnity, parallel to the already existing The title certificate is not an urban RoR. goals, connected to existing institutional
registration regime. It seems that it would reflect information as well as technological efforts. Without
28 AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
COMMENTARY

these, it can become counterproductive; law, and the very approach and ration- Khanna, Pretika (2016): “Rajasthan First to Pass
‘Titling’ Law,” Livemint, 15 April, http://www.
one more failed law. This is all the more ale behind the elucidation of such law. livemint.com/Politics/XkfkZgD2jwfXpNFjek-
significant since legislation is difficult to It is necessary to acknowledge the dhnO/Vasundhra-Raje-steps-on-reforms-ac-
celerator-gets-approval-f.html.
enact and conveys a degree of legitimacy need to reflect the accurate real-time Mahadevia, Darshini (2011): “Tenure Security and
higher than other administrative measures, spatial situation on the ground, and Urban Social Protection in India,” Centre for
Social Protection Research Report 5, Institute
such as executive orders. Haryana has, work out mechanisms that improve coor- of Development Studies, United Kingdom.
for example, tried executive orders to dination among people, institutions, and NJDG (2016): “Summary Report of India,” National
provide legal sanctity to technology databases. This goes beyond titling. Elec- Judicial Data Grid, viewed on 25 April 2016,
http://164.100.78.168/njdg_public/main.php.
efforts. Legislative amendments in Guja- tronic linking of registration and titling Patel, Bimal, S Ballaney, C K Koshy and M Nohn
rat and Karnataka were almost simultane- databases is necessary to avoid duplica- (2009): “Reforming Urban Land Management
in Gujarat,” India Infrastructure Report 2009,
ous with technological efforts, while tion. The role of courts remains perti- Infrastructure Development Finance Corpora-
Bihar has new laws for mutation and nent. Incremental measures to ensure an tion (ed), New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
pp 176–89.
surveys that institutionalise the use of updated, more comprehensive real-time
Payne, G, A Durand-Lasserve and C Rakodi (2009):
electronic processes and resources. How- land record system, are arduous, need “The Limits of Land Titling and Home Owner-
ever, there is little in this act that legiti- effective coordination, make fewer head- ship,” Environment and Urbanization, Vol 21,
No 2, pp 443–62.
mises electronic records and informa- lines, but are eventually inevitable. PTI (2016): “Land Acquisition Process to Ease in Ur-
tion technology procedures, except a ban Areas of Rajasthan,” Business Standard, 20
REFERENCES April, http://www.business-standard.com/ar-
mention of the proposed Computerised ticle/pti-stories/land-acquisition-process-to-
Daksh (2016): “Access to Justice Survey 2015–16,
Land Evaluation and Administration of Daksh India,” http://dakshindia.org/access-to-
ease-in-urban-areas-of-rajasthan-116042001107_
1.html.
Records (CLEAR). justice-survey-results/index.html.
Ramanathan, Swati (2016): “Vasundhara Raje Wins
As India moves towards more rapid GoI (2012): “Success Stories on National Land Re-
the ‘Title’ on Reforms,” LiveMint, 8 April,
cords Modernization Programme,” Depart-
urbanisation, it is necessary to ask how ment of Land Resources, Ministry of Rural De- http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/
velopment, Government of India, New Delhi. TwiEEDzCvx64kBCsdl2QcN/Vasundhara-Ra-
best to improve urban land record systems. je-wins-the-title-on-reforms.html.
GoK (2014): “City Survey,” Urban Property Owner-
Should the focus be on titling through a ship Records, Revenue Department, Govern- UN-Habitat (2008): Secure Land Rights for All,
ment of Karnataka, http://www.upor.karnata- Nairobi: United Nations Human Settlements
new law? More significantly, is a titling ka.gov.in/Newfolder/CitySurvey.aspx. Programme (UN-Habitat).
law the correct first step for interven- GoR (2016): The Rajasthan Urban Land (Certifica- Williamson, I P, S Enemark, J Wallace and A Ra-
tion of Titles) Bill 2016, Bill No 9 of 2016. jabifard (2010): Land Administration for Sus-
tion, given urban complexities and the tainable Development, California: ESRI Press
Jog, Sanjay (2016): “Maharashtra Plans Bill on Land
inadequate breadth of such law? The Titling,” Business Standard, 10 April, http:// Academic.
question, therefore, is not just about im- www.business-standard.com/article/econo- Zasloff, Jonathon (2011): “India’s Land Title Crisis:
my-policy/maharashtra-plans-law-for-conclu- The Unanswered Questions,” Jindal Global Law
plementation, but the very design of the sive-land-titling-system-116041000398_1.html. Review, Vol 3, pp 117–50.

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Economic & Political Weekly EPW AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 29


COMMENTARY

strengthening community-based irriga-


Rejuvenating Tanks tion management, and adopting a com-
prehensive programme for restoration of
in Telangana tanks (GoT 2015). The government has
prioritised the restoration of minor irri-
gation tanks (Table 1) to restore and en-
M Dinesh Kumar, Nitin Bassi, K Sivarama Kishan, Shourjomoy Chattopadhyay, hance their effective storage capacity to
Arijit Ganguly 255 TMC (7,225 MCM), so as to fully uti-
lise Telangana’s allocation of 255 TMC of

A
“Mission Kakatiya” is an griculture is the primary source water from the Godavari and Krishna
ambitious project launched by of income for 78% of the popula- rivers. The restoration works sanctioned
tion of the newly carved state of involve de-silting of tank beds, repair of
the Government of Telangana
Telangana, but currently it produces sluices, feeder channels, etc, and are to
to rejuvenate 47,000 tanks in only 30% of the total income of the state be completed in five years.
the state by 2020. This article (Pingle 2011). Eighty-five percent of the Table 1: Distribution of Tanks in Telangana
argues that it would be the cultivated area is rain-fed; tank irriga- Districts and No of Tanks Considered for Phase I
of Mission Kakatiya
tion still remains one of the major sup-
repetition of the old historical S No District Total Tanks Tanks in Phase I
port for agriculture (Deccan Chronicle
1 Karimnagar 5,939 1,188
mistake to approach the issue 2015). Marginal- and small-holdings con- 2 Adilabad 3,951 790
without taking into consideration stitute 86% of total agriculture holdings 3 Warangal 5,839 1,168
the hydrological and ecological in the state, making agriculture a sub- 4 Khammam 4,517 903
sistence source of livelihood for majority 5 Nizamabad 3,251 650
aspects. Picking up only those
of the population (Directorate of Eco- 6 Medak 7,941 1,588
tanks which have water generated nomics and Statistics 2015). 7 Rangareddy 2,851 570
in their catchments would save a Telangana has 47,907 tanks with an 8 Mehaboobnagar 7,480 1,496
irrigation potential of 2,263,498 acres 9 Nalgonda 4,762 952
lot of precious money. Total 46,531 9,306
spread over 10 districts. Between 1956
Source: Government of Telangana.
and 2001, there has been a reduction in
the tank-irrigated area in the range of The initiatives to rejuvenate the tanks
4.5 lakh acres (Nag 2011). Currently, the in the region are not new. There were
state statistics claim that only 37% of the many attempts in the past to rejuvenate
potential tank-irrigated area is served by the tanks in the erstwhile undivided
the tanks in the state. Andhra Pradesh (AP). However, this is
the first attempt by any state govern-
Mission Kakatiya ment to rejuvenate such a large number
At the end of 2014, the Government of of waterbodies in one go, using funds
Telangana launched an ambitious pro- from its own budget. Many earlier at-
ject, titled Mission Kakatiya that aims at tempts at rejuvenation were all done
rejuvenating the 47,000 tanks and lakes with the support of funding from the
spread over nine districts of the state World Bank, the ADB or the European
by 2020; to bring them back to the past Union. These largely involved civil
glory, the glory they had enjoyed during works such as strengthening the em-
the rule of the Kakatiya dynasty. A bankments, construction/repair of waste
notable achievement during this dynastic weir/sluice, lining of canals, cleaning
period was the construction of reservoirs supply channels and clearing jungle.
for irrigation (now known as “tanks”) in Then, this was garnished with new
the uplands, and around 5,000 of them water users’ associations (WUA)! The un-
were built by warrior families subordi- derlying assumption was that the tanks
nate to the Kakatiya rulers. This dra- were degraded because the tank man-
matically altered the possibilities of agement institutions that existed in the
development in the sparsely populated past collapsed (with the demolition of
M Dinesh Kumar (dinesh@irapindia.org) is
executive director, Nitin Bassi is senior dry areas. the zamindari system and introduction
researcher, and K Sivarama Kishan, The mission envisaged enhancing the of the ryotwari system, and due to a few
Shourjomoy Chattopadhyay and Arijit Ganguly agriculture-based income for small and other factors), and that once WUA s
are research officers at the Institute for marginal farmers by accelerating the deve- (of ayacut farmers) are created things
Resource Analysis and Policy, Hyderabad.
lopment of minor irrigation infrastructure, would fall in place. It was also assumed
30 AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
COMMENTARY

that the WUAs would de-silt the tanks Karnataka and AP (Batchelor et al 2002). make after huge public expenditure. Al-
periodically (to restore their capacity), Their study showed how intensive wa- ready, there are reports on large-scale
clear the supply channels and maintain tershed work and increased groundwa- corruption involving contractors and
the water distribution channels, and eq- ter draught in the catchments reduced some officials from the irrigation depart-
uitably distribute the water, and that the the tank inflows. Ignoring all these fac- ment, and poor implementation of the
performance of the tanks would hence- tors, the blame eventually went to the scheme. In some cases, contractors are
forth be better, with larger inflows from lackadaisical attitude of the agency to- charged with not having adequate re-
catchments and larger impoundment of wards building WUA s (though there is no sources to undertake de-silting, and, in
water. This almost became an axiom in denial of the fact that this was also done many other cases, deepening works.
the development and policy circles. mechanistically)! Earlier research by Institute for Resource
It is intriguing that no scholar really Coming back to Mission Kakatiya, a Analysis and Policy (IRAP) in undivided AP,
bothered to find out why in the past no budget allocation of `2,016 crore and with detailed field surveys in Kurnool,
village community came forward to per- `2,083 crore was made for 2014–15 and Nizamabad and Vizianagaram, had shown
suade the government to “rehabilitate” a 2015–16, respectively. It appears, even after that there has been an excessively high
system which, it was claimed, was offer- several years of experience with tank degree of degradation of tanks in the
ing such great benefits to the poor, but rehabilitation, we seem to be repeating past four decades or so. Further, two im-
was brought to disuse by external fac- those historical mistakes of following a portant processes are altering the hydro-
tors, through some of the civil works pure civil engineering approach with no logy of these tanks. First is intensive
mentioned above. The real issue is that attention being paid to hydrology and use of groundwater in the catchment
the tanks and tank management institu- ecology. The focus is on earthwork, (through bore wells), which reduces the
tions of South India were so glorified waste weir construction, canal lining, base flows (or groundwater outflow into
that few questioned the validity of two etc, and more of these structural inter- the streams) that contribute to the tank
underlying theories in tank manage- ventions essentially mean more funds inflows. Second, the increased cultiva-
ment programmes: first, what civil works for such projects. Though it is a noble tion facilitated by access to wells for irri-
can do to alter the tank hydrology, and idea to make water available to dis- gation in the catchment, led to run-off
second, what the impact of institutions tressed populations in the state, who from the catchment getting captured by
on tank hydrology and their physical had invested in unsuccessful bore wells the farm bunds and used in situ. In many
performance is, in the current scheme of in this hard rock region, the approach areas, like in northern Karnataka, there
things. All these approaches inherently seems to miss out on the fact that mere is a lot of plantation of water guzzling
consider village communities as hapless de-silting or deepening of tanks may not Figure 1: Gross Irrigated Area by Sources
spectators to the assault on their tanks lead to overall increase in water availa- (2012–13), Telangana
85.00
% Gross irrigated area

by external agents, who encroach tank bility. As a matter of fact, none of these 100.00

supply channels, tank beds and catch- interventions can alter the hydrology of
ments, and not as party to this. the tank catchments. Unfortunately, such 10.00 5.39
7.26

But, this is far from the reality. As not- projects pass through the scrutiny of 2.35
ed by Esha Shah (2008), the tanks in economists and planners, with myriads 1.00
Lift irrigation Canals Tanks Goundwater
South India stood testimony to the in- of exaggerated benefits such as direct and other
sources
creasingly extractive statecraft involv- irrigation, groundwater recharge, nutri- Source: Authors’ own analysis using Season and Crop
ing coerced labour, highly oppressive caste ent rich silt as fertilisers, fish production, Report, Andhra Pradesh 2012–13.

systems, the expropriation of surplus by etc. One only wonders how the estimates Figure 2: Number of Tanks and Irrigated Area by
Tanks in Telangana (2012–13)
elites, and were symbols of enormous of irrigation potential are arrived at
12,00,000
money and muscle power enjoyed by when one does not really know how
No of tanks/irrigated

1,00,000 Irrigated
feudal landlords and warlords. much inflows these tanks would receive. 80,000 area (ha)
area (ha)

Nevertheless, the outcome of these in- In reality, almost 85% of Telangana is 60,000
Number
40,000
terventions was that these tanks hardly irrigated from wells and only about 7%
20,000
performed any better than they did in from tanks (Figure 1). Further, 90% of the 0
the past few decades. The major prob- tanks in Telangana are small tanks with Large Tanks Small Tanks
Source: Authors’ own analysis using Season and Crop
lem was the inadequate inflow from a command area of less than 100 acres and Report, Andhra Pradesh 2012–13.
their catchments. But, there was hardly together they make only one-third of the trees, such as Eucalyptus, in the catch-
any systematic and scholarly attempt to total tank-irrigated area. A total of 3,864 ment, which leave no water downstream
understand “where the water was disap- large tanks account for 67% of the tank- (these trees act like pumps, suck the water
pearing” or in other words, what was irrigated area (Figure 2). If it is so, one needs from the deep strata and grow very fast).
causing reduction in inflows into the tanks to understand the economic rationale This is indicated by the negative correla-
from their catchments, with the excep- behind picking up all the tanks for reha- tion between: (i) density of wells in the
tion of the one sponsored by the Depart- bilitation. Thus, it needs to be seen what catchment and rate of reduction in tank
ment for International Development in difference these renovated tanks can performance, and (ii) cropping intensity
Economic & Political Weekly EPW AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 31
COMMENTARY

and rate of reduction in tank perfor- these projections of future benefits are agricultural fields led to a dramatic in-
mance. The tanks whose catchments did based on unrealistic assumptions. For crease in crop production of up to 500%.
not experience cropping intensification instance, how does one expect waterlog- The study also noted a high variation in
and increase in irrigation wells over time ging in a region where groundwater production of cotton from two quintals
continue to perform well (Kumar and resources are mined? How does one ex- for fields where silt was not applied to
Vedantam 2016). pect that farmers would grow high value 15 quintals for the ones where it was
crops, with improved water availability, applied (Hindu 2016a). A study by ICRISAT
Impacts of Tank Restoration when it is clearly shown that paddy is concluded that the silt recovered from
The Government of Telangana ideates the most preferred crop in the gravity the tanks helped in improving the
the following gains due to the expansion irrigation systems in Telangana? With moisture-retention capacity of farms.
of irrigated area to cover the gap ayacut: dewatered aquifers, it is quite likely that Due to an increase in yield of 1,000 kg per
(i) impact of technology through adop- as a result of de-silting of tank beds, the hectare for cotton, savings on fertilisers
tion of resource conservation-cum-pro- percolation of water would increase. But, and pesticides in the range of `2,500
duction technologies when the project is this would be at the expense of direct to `3,750 per hectare were observed1
fully implemented; (ii) diversification to irrigation from tanks. One can obviously (Hindu 2016b).
cover irrigated area under high-value see some gaps in the way the project is As one can clearly see, these are sure-
and low water-intensive crops such as conceptualised. ly not the major intended impacts of the
chillies, maize and vegetables; (iii) deve- With just 15 months into the pro- project, and there are no studies so far
lopment of fisheries; (iv) improvement of gramme, it is too early to measure the looking at the hydrological impacts, es-
livestock; (v) reduction in waterlogged impacts. Nevertheless, a few academic pecially on groundwater regime, and
area; (vi) increase in groundwater levels studies are available which show the im- impacts on irrigated area, etc.
and water quality, thereby getting lands pacts of this much publicised scheme on
beyond the command area under bore certain aspects. A study by the Universi- Tank Rehabilitation
well irrigation; and (vii) power-savings ty of Michigan on the impacts of Mission The findings of the IRAP study on the im-
due to the reduced need for well irriga- Kakatiya in two villages of Adilabad and pact of intensive groundwater use on tank
tion that is currently used to supplement Karimnagar districts found that the use hydrology have serious implications for
the insufficient tank water. Some of of silt removed from the tank bed in the the way tank rehabilitation programmes

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32 AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly


COMMENTARY

should be conceptualised. Given the fact river, which either drains into a tribu- adopting micro-irrigation systems, espe-
that only about 5% of the tanks are reha- tary of Krishna or Godavari, depending cially drips, would depend a lot on the
bilitated so far, what is needed at pre- on which basins they are located. cropping system in the command area.
sent is a systematic assessment of the The question then comes as to what to
catchment hydrology of remaining cas- do with the tanks which are heavily de- The Way Forward
cades, rather than doing rehabilitation graded. De-silting would help, as it It is reported that the total budget for
“lock, stock and barrel,” in an effort to would produce good nutrient-rich soils Mission Kakatiya is around `12,500
make it a “mass movement.” There is a for farmers. But, this is just a one-time crore for five years. There is no doubt
need to pick up only those tanks which activity, and it takes many years for that even if 0.5% of this money is spent
have enough water generated in their good quality silt to get deposited in the on doing a scientific assessment of the
catchments. Unfortunately, there are no tank bed. The initial enthusiasm of the hydrology of the catchments, a lot of the
quick ways to assess the run-off genera- farmers (who take their tractors to col- precious money can be saved. By doing
tion potential of these tank catchments. lect the silt from the tank bed) would this, it would be possible to know which
The streams draining into these tanks fade very quickly after the first monsoon local catchments have surplus water
are not gauged. But, going by the previ- when they do not see much water in (and with what probability) that can be
ous discussion, it is quite obvious that their tanks. For such tanks, there is no stored by increasing the capacity of the
tanks which are characterised by inten- point in doing heavy earthwork for ca- cascade tanks, and which of the tanks
sive cultivation in their catchment with pacity enhancement, bund stabilisation, would require imported water. But, con-
a high density of irrigation wells (both waste weir construction, etc, all of which ducting good hydrological assessments
in the catchment and command), should involve huge capital investments. for good planning would take time. In-
be entirely excluded. Contrary to this grave reality, the false ternationally accepted scientific meth-
For the rest, run-off has to be estimat- argument, which is being paraded by ods and tools should be used for proper
ed using some standard methodologies some vested interests, is that the monsoon hydrological assessments to quantify the
for each tank cascade system. The run- water just runs off un-captured and that amount of water available from the
off coefficient would depend on the we need to store it in the tanks, and for catchments, before embarking on such
catchment land cover, the soil condi- that their capacity needs to be enhanced. ambitious projects. Benefits would be
tions and the antecedent soil moisture. Yes, in some years water flows down. But, accrued from well-conceived and well-
The usual practice in the minor irriga- we need to recognise the fact that it is not implemented projects. When the local
tion departments is to use the “rational going directly into the ocean. It enters the people find real benefits from such pro-
formula,” which uses the catchment area, rivers downstream, and there are many jects—better irrigation, fish production,
a “run-off coefficient” and the average large reservoirs built in Telangana and AP water for livestock—they will partici-
rainfall of the catchment, or the strange to capture the water in those rivers. pate. But, before taking up various inter-
formula, which assumes a run-off coef- Unless, the de-silted tanks in the region ventions for tank restoration, there
ficient based on whether a catchment is get water from exogenous sources, there should be proper conceptualisation to
good or degraded. Such methods pro- is no way the region as a whole will wit- have greater clarity on what benefits are
duce highly erroneous results. There- ness increase in the tank-irrigated area. to be derived from them and how.
fore, internationally accepted scientific The simple reason is that the total water
methods need to be used to estimate withdrawal in the region today exceeds Note
catchment run-off, which take into ac- the renewable water generated within 1 The study of tanks where works were complet-
ed showed that the addition of tank silt by 50 to
count the three factors mentioned above. the region, except for the water in the 375 tractor loads per hectare improved availa-
Again, given the high year-to-year varia- Godavari basin. The groundwater deple- ble water content by 0.002 to 0.032 g in the soil.
An increase in clay from 20% to 40% was no-
tion in the rainfall in these regions, we tion and rampant well failures in many ticed in the root zone. A decrease in coarse and
need to estimate the run-off for typical parts of Telangana is a manifestation of fine sand was also noticed, while there was no
change in pH, EC and organic carbon.
rainfall years (very wet year, normal the precarious water balance of the region.
year, and a very dry year), during which By performing de-silting and deepening
References
the pattern as well as the magnitude of in some cases, the government may end
Batchelor, Charles, Ashok Singh, M S Rama Mohan
rainfall changes significantly. Once the up redistributing the water in the basins Rao and Johan Butterworth (2002): “Mitigat-
assessment is done, tank capacity en- of the state with a resultant adverse im- ing the Potential Unintended Impacts of Water
Harvesting,” paper presented at the IWRA
hancement should not be undertaken to pact in the downstream areas. Hence, International Regional Symposium “Water for
capture the run-off that occurs in a very instead of taking a popular approach, Human Survival,” Hotel Taj Palace, New Delhi,
26–29 November.
wet year, as is usually done. This is be- effort should be towards improving the Deccan Chronicle (2015): “Telangana State to Restore
cause in such a scenario, there would be overall water balance of the region. 46,000 Water Tanks,” 22 January, www.deccan-
chronicle.com/150122/nation-current-affairs/ar-
no outflows from the tank even in the Further, this should be complemented ticle/telangana-state-restore-46000-water-tanks.
wettest year. The project planners need with increasing the area under micro- Directorate of Economics and Statistics (2015):
“Statistical Yearbook 2015,” Government of
to recognise the fact that the outflows irrigation systems, to manage irrigation Telangana, Hyderabad.
from these tanks ultimately end up in a water demand. But, the potential for EDU (2016): “IIT Hyderabad, BITS Pilani and

Economic & Political Weekly EPW AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 33


COMMENTARY
NABARD Sign Agreement with Telangana Irri- — (2016b): “Mission Kakatiya Starting to Bear Nag, K (2011): Battleground Telangana: Chronicle of
gation Dept,” EDU, 5 February. Fruit,” 18 April, www.thehindu.com/news/cit- an Agitation, New Delhi: Harper Collins Pub-
Government of Telangana (2015): “Mission Kakatiya,” ies/hyderabad/mission-kakatiya-starting-to- lishers India.
viewed on 3 Jun 2016, https://missionkakatiya. bear-fruit/article8488172.ece. Pingle, G (2011): “Irrigation in Telangana: The Rise
cgg.gov.in/homemission#. Kumar, M Dinesh and N Vedantam (2016): and Fall of Tanks,” Economic & Political Weekly,
Hindu (2016a): “Mission Kakatiya Already Show- “Groundwater Use in Decline in Tank Irri- Vol 4, Nos 26–27, pp 123–30.
ing Positive Results,” 5 January, http://www. gation? Analysis from Erstwhile Andhra Shah, Esha (2008): “Telling Otherwise: A Histori-
thehindu.com/news/national/telangana/ Pradesh,” Rural Water Systems for Multiple Uses cal Anthropology of Tank Irrigation Techno-
mission-kakatiya-already-showing-positive- and Livelihood Security, M D Kumar, A J James logy in South India,” Technology and Culture,
results/article8066433.ece. and Y Kabir (eds), Singapore: Elsevier. Vol 49, No 3, pp 652–74.

a platform. What was once a humble


No Social Change sans Dialogue affair, however, has grown manifold
both in terms of its expanse and popu-
Case of Shani Shingnapur larity. The concerted efforts of the trus-
tees and the branding of this devasthan
(place of worship) as the most authentic
Dipti Kulkarni and powerful of Shani temples, has
yielded fruit. Shani Shingnapur now

S
The lack of dialogue between hani Shingnapur, a small village occupies a prominent place in the
temple trustees, villagers, in Ahmednagar district of Maha- religious-tourism circuit.
rashtra, was the epicentre of a To cater to this huge inflow of devotee-
activists and other stakeholders
heated protest that lasted for five months tourists, the trust is continuously develop-
over protests around the entry of from December 2015 to April 2016. ing amenities and infrastructure around
women into the inner sanctum of Women’s organisations headquartered the area. Locals reminisce about times
the Shani temple in Shingnapur, in Pune demanded entry into the inner when the village had no tall construc-
sanctum of the Shani shrine, while local tion and the morning and evening aarti
Maharashtra has prevented any
villagers strongly opposed this demand. (prayer) could be heard from afar. How-
meaningful engagement with Based on my fieldwork and interviews ever, no one complains about these
the myths, beliefs, and notions with various stakeholders, including changes for obvious reasons. The annual
of purity. For progressive social the trustees of the temple, villagers, turnover of the temple now runs into
protesting activists, local politicians, several crores, and the local economy
change, dialogue, which was
advocates and writers, I realised the around it has thrived.
missing in this case, is the only gaping lack of dialogue between them.
way forward. Opinions on the matter seem to be formed Shrine of Controversy
largely by interests other than those The shrine became a site of controversy
being stated. when in November 2015 a woman
climbed the platform and prayed in the
Politics of Worship inner sanctum. Following this, local
Anthropological literature on the notions villagers and politicians performed rituals
of purity and pollution around the rituals to purify the god that was “defiled.” In-
of worship rarely deal with the petty furiated by this, women’s organisations
politics surrounding such practices. The demanded the right to worship in the
literature on communication for social inner sanctum.
change (talking extensively about parti- While rules regarding access have
cipatory approaches to change) does not undergone changes, largely it is only the
seriously engage with questions of non- male priests who are allowed inside the
participatory, anti-dialogic (in the Freirean sanctum. On certain occasions like the
sense) change-makers and their self- Hindu new year, Shani Jayanti, etc, men
interests. In this brief article, I write are permitted inside for jalabhishek
about what I heard and observed behind (water-offering ritual). Also, male devo-
the scenes. More than anything else, it is tees wanting to perform aarti can do so
these stances that played a crucial role by paying `21,000 on Saturdays and
in determining the way things unfolded `11,000 on other days. Women until
for this village. recently were prohibited from entering
Dipti Kulkarni (dipti@micamail.in) is with This shrine has no temple. The Shani the sanctum.
the Mudra Institute of Communications, idol, five and a half feet tall, pitch black The protesters’ agitation was based on
Ahmedabad.
stone, is mounted under open skies on a single point: end gender discrimination;
34 AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
COMMENTARY

and their singular means of agitation for the villagers and govern their beliefs the situation could have been different
was force. Between December 2015 and and actions. today.
April 2016, the protesters made multiple The activists, with an avowedly ra- The temple management and the
attempts to storm into the shrine. On tional and liberal mindset, did not at- village folk are not completely without
some occasions, their buses were stop- tempt any meaningful exchange with blame either. If they want to suggest that
ped outside village limits, and on others, these stakeholders. With their use of the there is no gender discrimination at this
when they did reach the shrine, the local media to focus attention on the issue, place of worship, why do they allow men,
women formed a human chain to prevent one wonders whether their nature of with the ability to donate money, inside
their entry. protest aims to address social change or the sanctum? There was no opposition
if such overzealous activism becomes an to this practice simply because it brought
Entry in Principle end in itself. money. The villagers never opposed
Today, in principle, women can worship the massive construction happening all
from inside the sanctum. What made No Change in Mindset around for the same reason.
this possible? Aggressive agitation led Nonetheless, entry into the shrine was That the villagers conveniently choose
by Trupti Desai received two major ex- immediately hailed by many as a to remain silent when it suits them can
ternal boosts that allowed women devo- momentous victory for womankind. The be seen from another instance. One of
tees to force their way into the shrine on important question is: where do things the unique selling propositions of this
8 April, the Kerala new year day. First, a really stand today? Has the mindset place is that the Shani deity here is so
public interest litigation (PIL) was filed changed? Unfortunately not. If we close- powerful that no one needs to have
by advocate Nilima Vartak and writer– ly observe the provisions made for the doors and locks for their offices and
activist Vidya Bal. The PIL brought the devotees approaching the shrine, for homes. Villagers who wish to protect
1956 temple entry act to the high court’s instance, one sees nothing more than a their houses with doors and locks are
attention, and was heard favourably. half-hearted implementation of the high pressured into compliance. The narra-
The court ordered the enforcement of court’s order. tive of the strong, caretaker god rests on
anti-discrimination principles laid down There is a queue to climb onto the maximum compliance and this in turn
in the act. To ensure that no such direc- platform. Once on top, there is a guard brings more worshippers. Quite ironi-
tive in the interim affected the practices blocking the idol and continuously cally, the office of the trustees that man-
of the shrine, the management made instructing devotees to keep moving ages crores of rupees earned every year,
new rules that debarred even men from with his words “aage chalo, aage chalo is located right under the nose of this
entering the inner sanctum. However, [move forward].” I had noted these caretaker god. Are the villagers so naive
with the new year just around the cor- words on my first visit to the temple but as to not see this theft? They will com-
ner, the male residents of the village it is only much later that I realised that plain about money laundering in hushed
refused to comply and climbed into the these instructions by the guard are far voices in the backyards of their homes,
inner sanctum to offer jalabhishek. from being innocuous exhortations made but will rarely do so publicly. They are
Trupti Desai and her team demanded for logistic purposes. Rather they contain aware that the myth of the caretaker
entry into the inner sanctum, and within them the whole truth about the god is important for everyone’s survival.
achieved the entry through sheer force. episode and the taste it has left behind.
The activists and their leaders made ab- These guards have been deputed Need for Dialogue
solutely no attempt to explain their there to stand for hours on the burning Shani Shingnapur is just one of the cases
point of view, let alone pursue a dia- hot floor, in the scorching heat, to under the spotlight now; the Sabarimala
logue with the villagers. protect the idol from being touched by temple in Kerala, the Haji Ali Dargah in
The villagers on their part did not per- the devotees. This signals that no beliefs Mumbai, Ambabai’s temple in Kolhapur
ceive the restriction on women entering have changed. Humans are still consid- are amongst many places of faith facing
the inner sanctum as an issue of gender ered impure because of their bodily pro- the heat. Organisations and activists
discrimination. For them, many myths cesses. Women more than men, because working towards change need to recog-
explain why women should not worship of the myths mentioned above and other nise that beliefs are deeply entrenched,
Shani from a close distance. These in- myths, including menstruation. As be- and force or aggressive activism is the
clude: Shani, the god, being a brah- liefs have remained unchanged, people last thing that will work in such circum-
machari (bachelor), does not like wom- will keep finding ways and means to cir- stances. On the contrary, it is bound to
en worshiping him from close quarters. cumvent the high court order. None of create deeper rifts and misunderstanding
The energy emanating from the idol is the stakeholders have moved an inch to- amongst people. I have seen first-hand
detrimental to the woman’s womb, that wards mutual understanding. How the hatred people in Shani Shingnapur
the deity does not like the shadow of many temples will activists oversee, and feel towards the feminist, rational, con-
women, which is why it is beneficial for for how long? If only the activists held stitutional discourse that was imposed
women to worship this angry god from a dialogues with the real stakeholders upon them. Dialogue seems to be the
distance. These myths are true and real rather than giving bytes to the media, only way forward.
Economic & Political Weekly EPW AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 35
Geography of Capitalism labour and also, linking the empirical
findings of these four case studies with
the geography of capitalism analyti-
cally—the main theoretical underpin-
Byasdeb Dasgupta nings being drawn from Herod (1997).

G
lobalization Lived Locally provides book reviewS Study Set in Kerala
a labour geography perspective The study is set in the context of Kerala.
of different forms of labour in Globalization Lived Locally: A Labour Compared to the industrially developed
Kerala and their active participation in Geography Perspective by Neethi P, New Delhi: states of Maharashtra and Gujarat,
Oxford University Press, 2016; pp xvii+231, `795.
the production processes and in the Kerala is not a story of high levels of
creation of social relations of produ- industrial growth in independent India.
ctions to draw the geography of capita- those labourers linked with the process More than industrial development, Ker-
lism. The entire study by Neethi P is who are not performing surplus value. ala has a history of its own labour
inspired by the pioneering work of The essential fact is that both capital struggles accompanied by their succe-
Herod (1997). It is a genuine attempt to and labour overdetermine the geogra- sses and failures—the representative
understand the process of globalisation phy of capitalism. Moreover, as the voice of labour is higher relative to the
in local spaces through the lens of spaces of labour are heterogeneous, so all-India standard.
labour. That the space of labour is not are labour control and conflict under This has mostly to do with the left
homogeneous as it is generally shown in globalisation. legacy in the state. But during the Con-
both neoclassical mainstream economic The metanarratives of globalisation gress regime as well, the state initiated
theory and also in the orthodox Marxist presuppose unfettered mobility of capi- some social security measures. How-
discourse, is quite obvious in Neethi’s tal in the mainstream literature and ever, with the coming of the neo-liberal
work. depict a capital-centric view of globali- regime in India since 1991, Kerala like
sation and geography of capitalism. the other Indian states faced steep com-
Labour as an Active Agent Neethi’s work in this context is an petition to attract global capital in the
Labour is the risk-bearing factor as an extremely significant attempt to contest state. Different (foreign) investment
active agent and not a passive one in this capital-centric view of globalisation policies including tax holidays were
the present frame of globalisation and and how globalisation is resisted locally offered to invite global as well as do-
global capitalism (Sen and Dasgupta by labour—especially by surplus value mestic investment in the state by the
2009). It is not just another factor of pro- performing labour. foreign and domestic multinational
duction. Rather labour has different spa- The author has claimed in the begin- companies.
tial fixes as the different geography of ning of her work that her present The present study has been carried
capitalism indicates. Labour—both sur- research has been inspired by a critical out in the late 2000s. It focuses on four
plus value producing direct producers in reading of the above-mentioned meta- different production activities in the
Marxian terms and no surplus produc- narratives of globalisation which led her state in the post-liberalisation period
ing indirect labour—is heterogeneous in to “another stream of studies on the and corroborates four different pictures
geographical space; they have different struggles of ordinary people under capi- of globalisation lived locally by the
social contexts pertaining to their spa- talist development in making the places surplus value performing direct producers
tial fix. This is true for their agencies and spatial relations of life and work.” in these production processes. As far as
(including trade unions) as well as The threefold aims of the research are informal space of labour in India and
their resistance to capital. They are not (i) “the need to identify the myriad accompanying labour controls are con-
mere passive agents in their spatial fix. forms of globalization, as against cast- cerned, Kerala is not different from other
Rather they are active agents in drawing ing in a single mould”; (ii) “the necessity Indian states where labour as active
the cartography of capitalism which is to address workers as active social agents produce heterogeneous geogra-
ever changing. agents rather than as passive subjects in phy of capitalism. That capitalism at the
Four case studies presented in this the face of supposedly hyper-mobile cap- micro level has different faces is obvious
book are testimonies to this fact. The ital”; and (iii) “to also reflect on local from these case studies set in the context
geography of capitalism is not produced discourses of globalization and related of post-liberal and globalised economy
only by capital or the capital accumula- issues, what is termed as ‘globalization of Kerala.
tion process along with the necessary lived locally.” Kerala has a long history of agencies
circulation of capital locally as well as The author has succeeded in achiev- of labour, trade unions and labour move-
globally; it is also produced by surplus ing the aims of her study providing vary- ments in modern times starting from the
value performing labourers as well as by ing pictures of global capital and local colonial period which the author has
36 AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
BOOK REVIEW

described in Chapter 2 of the book. At Spatial Role of Labour in terms of the work spaces but also in
the end of the last century, Kerala The author applies the labour geography terms of the living spaces of labour,
turned out to be an investment-friendly method in the case studies to decipher which perhaps would not have been
state from a labour-friendly one. But the the spatial role of labour in Kerala’s possible through the structured ques-
case studies denote the active participa- globalised economy. The study is unique tionnaire based interview method.
tion of various surplus value performing not only in the context of Kerala but also Chapter 3 of the book is all about the
direct producers in procreating the in the context of global capitalism as is working lives of women workers and the
geography of capitalism in Kerala in experienced in India recently. The main management in the apparel sector in
neo-liberal times which, as far as my body of the present research consists of two firms in an export promotion indus-
own knowledge goes, is unique in the four case studies addressing “broad trial park in southern Kerala. The case
Indian context. aspects of labour control, conflict, and study probes, following a labour geogra-
Given the history of organised bar- response in instances within four major phy perspective, “how these workers
gaining strength of labour, it is expected sectors of Kerala’s economy—textiles, organized around a local set of concerns
that the same applies to all sorts of electronics, food processing, and the and formed their own association.” This
labour in Kerala in the post-liberalisa- port sector.” association is not a typical trade union
tion phase. But this is not the case. Kera- The first three case studies involve the affiliated to some political party as is
la is no exception in witnessing the women workers, while the last case generally the case in India.
dwindling bargaining and voice repre- study involves male spaces of labour and Both the firms characterise local
sentation strength of organised and un- deals with the issue of privatisation of capital and production to export the
organised labour as is the case else- the port as is the general trend in India manufactured items abroad. The major-
where in India. Yet, Kerala’s case, even since 1991 as part of the liberalisation, ity of the workers have been recruited
in the present time, is unique as differ- privatisation and globalisation regime. from proximate semi-urban and rural
ent types of labour strived for bargain- In the first three case studies concerning areas. The families of these women
ing with (global) capital which is not the the women workers in textile, electron- workers are mainly engaged in fishing
case in general in other parts of India ics and food processing, the author uses and coir-yarn making. The firms under
except the Maruti workers’ and Hero extensive research methodology to study target a specific type of workers
Honda workers’ case in Haryana of late. understand the labour process not only who are young, less educated, less

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Economic & Political Weekly EPW AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 37
BOOK REVIEW

mobile and who at the same time, want labour control strategies by the firm, manager acts as the chief consolation to
to reduce the financial dependence on from recruitment of the labour to even the families of the girls to send them to
their families. the threat of terminating services.” work in the first place.”
Following the general flexible labour The four tier structure of production
market rules these workers work almost Social Relations of Production in these local manufacturing units as
seven days a week, from morning to the Apart from these two sides there is designed by the parent firm, a listed
dusk. To facilitate unabated production, another dimension of social relation of company now, involves the church. The
there is minimum break time; a delay of production pertaining to the recruitment parent firm does not directly respond to
five minutes results in 15-minute wage of these women workers of young age. any grievance of the workers. This is
reduction. Although the production is These young women are joining the firms generally met by the local church. The
piecework, wages are not. Wages do not outside their families or households for church here, as the active agent for
depend on workers’ efficiency or skill. the first time. But this is not their sole de- labour control, is both the recruiter and
Wages are fixed at the entry point cision. The decision has been taken by controller. The QCP is the link between
quite arbitrarily as the firms know there the community—the fact which became the parent firm and the workers in the
is a huge pool of unemployed reserve imminent while the author interviewed local units. This particular production
workers in the vicinity. This refutes the workers and their family members system is possible as a spatial fix, given
the theory of efficiency wage as pro- “in their family environment.” the long history of Kerala with the local
pounded by the mainstream neocla- The uniqueness of this particular church remaining an alternative source
ssical economics. study in the Indian context lies in the of welfare and social governance. The
The most interesting part of this case fact that it negates the general hypothe- QCP is a woman too; the environment of
study is the section of labour response or sis that in this age of globalisation “the the production space is a school with the
resistance which has “its foundations in mobility of capital has been freed from QCP acting like a teacher.
long-standing grievances among the the constraints of locations and locali- Sometimes the QCP is removed on the
working staff” regarding the issue of ties.” Rather it contends “that the expan- demand of the workers but this is recom-
salary hike. The events ultimately cul- sion of capital through space remains in mended by the church to the parent firm.
minated into a strike which was suppor- a tension-ridden and in an unstable rela- This helps maintain stability in the produc-
ted by the workers in other firms in the tionship with locality or place.” tion process through the two-way involve-
same area. What is noticeable is the Chapter 4 of the book deals with a ment of the local church. The wages paid
spontaneity of the strike. The workers’ case of an electronics firm and the inv- are piece-rate wages which indicate high
resistance got strengthened day-by-day olvement of the church. “The appro degree of exploitation as per Marx. Only
despite harsh threats from the firms. ach … highlights labour control, which women workers are recruited in these lo-
The strike was supported by various involves the interrelated processes of cal units to avoid the risk of unionisation.
political and non-political organisations, securing an appropriate labour supply, The involvement of church helps in labour
local leaders of various political parties maintaining control within the labour control as the church is in direct touch
and gram panchayat members including process, and effectively reproducing this with the women workers’ families when
Kudumbashree. set of social relations.” any worker does anything wrong!
As the author has aptly opined, the The case study deals with an electronics Once again the entire story thus
form of workers’ organisation “barely firm and its connected manufacturing presented in this chapter refutes the
resembles the mainstream and com- units located in interior villages in central general hypothesised world of labour by
monly understood trade unionism based Kerala. The labour process in the connec- the mainstream neoclassical economics
on ‘class struggle’ and having the ‘capi- ted manufacturing units is unique in the in terms of its efficiency wage model.
talist system’ as its target.” In fact the sense that it involves a quality control per- The church plays the most vital role of
author demonstrates the basic tenet of sonnel (QCP) at each unit sent by the par- managing the (women) workers and
labour geography—labour (especially ent firm and also the local church. also, sustaining/reproducing the social
the surplus value performing direct pro- There is a long history of the Catholic relations of production locally where the
ducers in Marxian sense) are active church as an alternative source of workers actively deal with the church
agents—who along with capital, shape welfare and social governance in the and not with the parent firm and there is
the geography of capitalism. Kerala society apart from the state. In certain limit beyond which the QCP can-
There is a certain spatial fix which is this case, the church garnered the “flex- not pressurise the workers. This is obvi-
characterised by the different workers in ibility in the labour force by means of ously a different geography of capitalism
different places and often, the scale of targeting and recruiting female work- which is overdetermined by the parent
functioning matters in such spatial fix. force.” The women workers here belong firm, local church and the women work-
This is just one side of the story. The other to lower income earning Christian fami- ers recruited by the church in the local
side of the story corroborates to the new lies. It is to be noted that the “proximity manufacturing units.
face of labour control measures. There to home as well as the overarching Here too, the workers are not passive
is “interesting transformations in the presence of the church as recruiter and agents as is generally held by mainstream
38 AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
BOOK REVIEW

neoclassical and orthodox Marxist litera- labour pools and engaged in lashing and struggle. This case study has brought to
ture. One significant point to note, which unlashing work (known as General the fore “the ability of workers to devel-
is cultural in nature, is that the working Purpose Mazdoors or GPMs). op actions at multiple scales and to build
in these local manufacturing units ren- This section of workers were system- connections across these scales, thus
ders some help to the girls for their mar- atically laid off following the beginning bringing out the territorial scope of pow-
riage which is a social institution. of operations at a new, privately operat- er relations.”
ed terminal run by Dubai Ports World Summing up, the book under review
Home-based Production (DPW). The author has analysed the vari- with its four rich case studies is a major
Chapter 5 of the book dwells on the case ous ways in which GPMs were affected contribution to the empirical literature
of a food-processing firm in Kerala adversely together with their response on labour geography where the workers
where home-based women workers are strategies. The latter involved the politi- performing surplus value and socially
engaged in the production vis-à-vis cal party affiliated major trade unions, reproducing their existence vis-à-vis
labour process. These home-based work- and at some point of time during the agi- capital along with the latter through het-
ers work for a prominent food-processing tation, a broader solidarity with global erogeneous spatial fixes chart different
firm which serves both the domestic and labour agency was formed. geographies of capitalism. That globali-
foreign markets. Women workers hail This case study is different from the sation implies unfettered and tension-
from families that are mostly engaged in previous case studies as it involved the less mobility of capital is challenged in
agriculture and animal husbandry (eco- male workers, the formal trade unions Neethi’s book. As Castree (2007) has
nomic) activities. as the prominent labour agency and the claimed, labour geography is all about
Here Kudumbashree plays an impor- tension-ridden spatial fix of capital. This the making of economic geography of
tant role in labour management for the is another instance of geography of capi- capitalism through the eyes of labour.
firm. In fact, the firm decided to keep talism which is actively formed by the Neethi’s work goes a long way to signify
Kudumbashree membership as a neces- workers and another case of over-deter- this in the context of post-liberalised
sary criterion to be part of the home-based mination of space by capital and labour and globalised economy of Kerala.
production. This production policy is together in their dynamism of conflicts
adopted by the firms not just to employ and contradictions. Byasdeb Dasgupta (byasdeb@gmail.com) is
with the Department of Economics, University
cheap labour but also to control labour As the author has opined “Cochin Port,
of Kalyani, West Bengal.
effectively without much transaction being a recent addition into the list of pri-
cost. Furthermore, since most of these vatized ports in India, has contributed a
women workers cannot go out of their prominent episode into the continuing References
households for work due to social rendezvous of Kerala’s labour with glo- Castree, Noel (2007): “Labour Geography: A Work
in Progress,” International Journal of Urban
restriction the firm found it profitable to balization.” The labour’s resistance led and Regional Research, Vol 31, No 4.
engage them inside their homes through to the major institutional changes in the Herod, A (1997): “From a Geography of Labour to
Labour Geography: Laborer’s Spatial Fix and
Kudumbashree, with the condition that port’s administration. The author has the Geography of Capitalism,” Antipode, Vol 29,
each female-head of a unit must be a aptly demonstrated that the workers’ No 1, pp 1–31.
Sen, Sunanda and Byasdeb Dasgupta (2009):
member of Kudumbashree. actions should be viewed beyond the suc- Unfreedom and Waged Work–Labour in India’s
The labour response in this produc- cess–failure binaries of capital–labour Manufacturing Industry, New Delhi: Sage.
tion process is quite different from the NE
earlier two case studies. Here, the EPWRF India Time Series W
Kudumbashree membership criterion Expansion of Banking Statistics Module
seems to be the best way to make full (State-wise Data)
use of the social capital “that emerged as The Economic and Political Weekly Research Foundation (EPWRF) has added state-wise
a by-product of this women’s group.” data to the existing Banking Statistics module of its online India Time Series (ITS)
The home space here like elsewhere is database.
constrained with gendered identities State-wise and region-wise (north, north-east, east, central, west and south) time series
data are provided for deposits, credit (sanction and utilisation), credit-deposit (CD) ratio,
and set the “stage for subtle responses
and number of bank offices and employees.
towards capital.” Data on bank credit are given for a wide range of sectors and sub-sectors (occupation)
such as agriculture, industry, transport operators, professional services, personal loans
General Purpose Mazdoors (housing, vehicle, education, etc), trade and finance. These state-wise data are also
Chapter 6 of the book is about a case presented by bank group and by population group (rural, semi-urban, urban and
metropolitan).
study of Cochin Port in the context of
The data series are available from December 1972; half-yearly basis till June 1989 and
recent attempts at privatisation and annual basis thereafter. These data have been sourced from the Reserve Bank of India’s
pertains to the workers’ spatial fix in this publication, Basic Statistical Returns of Scheduled Commercial Banks in India.
regard. The case study is mainly con- Including the Banking Statistics module, the EPWRF ITS has 16 modules covering a
cerned with the actions and reactions of range of macroeconomic and financial data on the Indian economy. For more details,
visit www.epwrfits.in or e-mail to: its@epwrf.in
a section of workers affiliated to private
Economic & Political Weekly EPW AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 39
BOOK REVIEW

outside Bangladesh. Progressive intellec-


Bangla Rape Victims of 1971 tuals and the “masses” have often been
awkward bedfellows in the left-wing
revolutions and political movements of
NARDINA KAUR the modern era, both in the West and
elsewhere. Arguably, this is particularly

N
ayanika Mookherjee’s The Spec- The Spectral Wound: Sexual Violence, Public true in many places in the world at the
tral Wound is a very sustained Memories, and the Bangladesh War of 1971 by moment. The gap described in The Spec-
and multidimensional study of Nayanika Mookherjee, Durham/London: Duke University tral Wound by no means invalidates left-
Press, 2015; pp xxiv + 325, $26.95.
how Bangladeshi society has remembered wing politics, but it must be addressed if
and dealt with the extensive incidents of they are to be renewed.
rape that took place during the 1971 War What is at stake is who inherits from
of Liberation. There is a specific tone to the War of Liberation and what kind of Gifted Ethnographic Description
this remembrance because there is a country Bangladesh is to be. A major point At the core of Mookherjee’s book is gif-
quality of feminised victimhood in the of contestation are the men who collabo- ted ethnographic description, worthy of
Bangladeshi national consciousness, not rated during the war, known as raza- a great 19th century novelist such as
totally different to that of France after kars, rehabilitated under the rule of the Sarat Chandra Chattopadhyay, Balzac
World War II, although this has been more Islamic groups, but whose trial and or George Eliot. Her awareness of body
supplemented by a strong desire for jus- condemnation eventually took place un- language, gesture and sudden emotional
tice, especially on the part of intellectu- der the Awami League. It was very much moments is at times astonishing. She is
als, activists and feminists, which are the left–liberal élite who led the move- able to see the humiliation in the poses
part of what Mookherjee characterises ment that resulted in the trials, and evi- of the birangonas in the photographs of
as a left–liberal urban élite. Much of her dence from oral histories of the war the public events where they were dis-
book involves a very subtle critique of rapes and the exhibiting of the birangonas played, and she can also allow herself to
how this élite represents and conceptu- themselves at national events and rallies be surprised by an official helping her in
alises the rape victims or the birango- were key to that movement. The élite— her work on the rehabilitation centres
nas—a name that has been given to or at least an earlier generation of turning out to be a product of them or a
them in Bangladesh—in particular, the them—suffered greatly in the 1971 war, prostitute having a daughter as well-
poorer ones. This critique never ques- so to a real extent the rape victims were educated as she is.
tions their sincerity or the value of their being co-opted by them as part of their Traditional British ethnography, which
work, but it does see a real gap between campaign for redress. To say that the bi- was of course a key influence on early
how the birangona is perceived by them rangonas were simply being exploited Indian ethnographers, emerged under
and the presence of the experience of would be totally unfair, but there was the Empire and tended at best to be con-
rape as it is folded into the ongoing lives more than a touch of adjusting their ex- ditioned by assumptions of the superior-
of the victims themselves. There are a periences to the élite’s sensibilities or be- ity of Western Enlightenment values, or
number of reasons for this gap. liefs, for example, the assumption that at worst a desire to understand and con-
Poor village peasants may not express “backward” rural village societies would trol the “natives”. The latter is parti-
trauma or the intense emotions connected always unequivocally ostracise the raped cularly true in India after the Revolt of
with it in the way that urban middle- women. This modelling is enhanced by 1857. This does not mean there could not
class people do, which means the latter the presentation of the birangonas as be excellent work, but there was usually
may not be able to “read” the former or evidence, either in the context of national a kind of glass window between the
may indeed dismiss them as inauthentic. politics or at an international level after researcher and her subjects. There is
They may conceive of the “authentic” the United Nations had declared war rape plenty of theory which has dealt with
birangona as expressing herself in the to be a war crime in 1995. When indi- this, but it is rare to find the kind of
way that they do or that this “authentic” vidual cases become part of the evidence exceptionally sensitive interaction with-
expression has been silenced by a repres- for a larger legal action, they tend to out loss of objectivity that one finds in
sive society. The left–liberal élite is also become standardised, one among many Mookherjee, who has consciously used
deeply involved in post-independence repeated instances of the same type of the insider–outsider quality of being an
Bangladeshi politics, where power has occurrence that supports the overall legal Indian, middle class, Hindu Bengali very
swung between the secularising, “Ben- action. The nuance, subtle differences well. This incidentally makes her very
gali” Awami League—this is the side and uncategorisability of the singular aware of the “ethnic narrative” of the
they are on—and the more Islamic Bang- are lost. 1971 war—an opposition between a ma-
ladesh Nationalist Party, often associated Mookherjee’s discussion of the gap in cho, truly Islamic West Pakistani soldier
with military rule and allied with the the relationship between the left–liberal and effeminate, Hinduised East Paki-
more extreme, downright Islamicist élite and the birangonas is sufficiently stani Bengali men or women that has its
Jamaat-e-Islami. complex that it has resonances well roots in earlier history.
40 AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
BOOK REVIEW

The bulk of Mookherjee’s “pure” an exploration of how khota or scorn one in a boat across the ocean of the
ethnographic fieldwork took place in and ijjot or honour function within world. What is worth noting in these
Enayetpur, and the material from this village society and how the rape victims metaphors is the nature of the self. A
makes up four out of the five chapters in process trauma in fragments which are boat is fragile and open to wind and cur-
the first part of The Spectral Wound, but recalled over time within the context of rents around it, but capable of agency. It
there are two later chapters which deal everyday life. The latter reflects a new has a connectivity with the flux of the
with related themes, one on the post- phase within anthropological thinking, cosmos which endures and can absorb
war rehabilitation centres, the other in particular that of Veena Das, which suffering into it as it carries on. This de-
containing interviews with four atypi- has reacted against the “oral history” individualises the suffering and tends to
cal rape victims, as much about their approach to trauma: that social and per- diffuse or sublimate it within a plane of
experience since the war as what hap- sonal catharsis can be achieved by a sin- immanence. The late medieval religious
pened during it. These two chapters gle, complete, linear retelling of a previ- movements of India, both Sant and Sufi,
epitomise the difference between the ously repressed traumatic event. could be seen as part of an Indian Re-
homogenising left–liberal treatment of naissance or Enlightenment, but with-
the birangona and the ambiguous com- Affinity with Deleuze’s Philosophy out the Cartesian self of the Western
plexity of the actual birangona. Both Mookherjee’s birangonas “remember” ones. They were also egalitarian, not es-
the paternalistic desire of Sheikh Mu- in relation to minor everyday triggers capist and could be subtly political.
jibur Rahman to reintegrate the dam- or ongoing physical problems such as Deleuze was part of a philosophic tradi-
aged mothers, sisters and daughters of recurrent menstrual cramps. Bits of tion that opposed the Cartesian self, so it
the nation’s men and a feminist project memory are continuously provoked by is not surprising that there are resonanc-
to train women for jobs, albeit ones suit- and folded back into the progressive es between his ideas and this particular
able to their class background, were re- continuation of life. What is interesting strand of Indian spirituality.
flected in the activity of the rehabilita- is the close affinity with the philosophy The work on how khota and ijjot oper-
tion centres, but the processing of the of Deleuze: in his Logic of Sense, Joë ate in the village is based on acute
women was highly impersonal. Bousquet is a significant figure. The observation and is very nuanced. The
The life journeys of the four inter- latter was an avant-garde writer who birangonas are not rejected by their hus-
viewees are by contrast very individual, was seriously wounded in World War I bands or ostracised, but scorn can be
even trangressive: one woman eventu- and remained a paraplegic for the rest deployed against them in more oblique
ally finds it easier to make a living as a of his life. His very poetic novel Le Me- ways as part of various types of competi-
prostitute, while another is perceived as neur de lune employs the same ongoing tion: within the village, between wives,
having been a collaborator when she reassemblage of temporally disjointed with in-laws and so forth. Mookherjee
feels she was protecting her family. fragments that result in the variegated actually gives a very interesting account
Elsewhere, Mookherjee discusses how texture of a sombre continuance rather of how stigma or prejudice works in any
photographic and filmic images of the than a “one-stop” moment of catharsis. society. The discussion of honour is in-
birangona can simplify their ambiguous It is worth adding that this kind of pro- formed by Marilyn Strathern’s remark
subjectivity—passive rape victim or war cessing of fragments within everyday that idealised masculinity is not just
heroine, but also possibly prostitute or life was very much something the about men or sex. The complexity of the
collaborator—or have an ambivalent at- reviewer noticed over the year and relationships between the birangonas
titude to it. These women have real a half she tutored the son of a family and their husbands is brought out, and
agency as they cross the boundary be- that had experienced the genocide in the insights into how de-masculinised
tween these possibilities. They remind Ruwanda. men can still assert a sort of masculinity
one of the powerful ending of Amrita What is important about this kind of are perceptive.
Pritam’s Pinjar when Puro decides not anthropological research is that it shows In general, The Spectral Wound is very
to return to India, but stays with her that a Deleuzian process is a broader fair in its treatment of both men and
Muslim husband, the man who abduct- human one, not just something for avant- women. This is reflected in the two chap-
ed her, and their son. It is worth noting garde writers such as Bousquet or Pritam. ters in the book that deal with mainly
that this ending was very controversial Near the end of her book, Mookherjee photographic and filmic images. One of
at the time: it transgresses category in cites a description of an intensely emo- these chapters discusses the problem of
an almost muscular way that goes be- tional performance by a birangona of a male rape in the war, which is usually ig-
yond the sentimental. bhatiyali (a type of traditional Bengali nored, and explores a famous image by
The focus in Enayetpur is on three boat song) at a rehabilitation centre. Kishor Parekh, which was used in vari-
birangonas with a national profile, with Metaphors involving boats are very com- ous ways, one of which was to depict a
a few references to a fourth less well- mon in the spiritual discourse of the West Pakistani soldier checking if an
known one that Mookherjee came subcontinent. There are, for example, East Pakistani man has a foreskin. The
across during her fieldwork. There are the constant references in the Guru other chapter also looks at a famous im-
broadly two lines of investigation here: Granth Sahib to the satguru who guides age, the “hair photograph” by Naibuddin
Economic & Political Weekly EPW AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 41
BOOK REVIEW

Ahmed as a part of an extremely thor- throughout her book, are somewhat One should not end on this critical
ough exploration of representations of limited and clumsy. She mixes together note. The Spectral Wound is an exceptional
the birangona across many different me- absence, presence and trace in the sign book. It has thoroughly explored its sub-
dia, carefully linked to successive histor- in early Derrida and the hauntology or ject from every conceivable angle in
ical moments since the war. As the mate- specterology of his later work. She tends such a way as to give it a real intellectual
rial is mostly produced by the left–liberal not to have a feel for the problems be- richness. Mookherjee gives a complex
élite, much the same points are made hind the terms in Derrida. Deconstruc- portrait of Bangladesh over roughly 40
about it as are made about the left–liber- tion of a given representation is based years since its independence, but she al-
al élite elsewhere in the book. That said, on the fact that the “thing out there” ways makes one think of the problems in
Mookherjee is very good on how a con- does not have an essence which can be a more abstract way or in another con-
ceptual notion of the birangona can fully seized by any sign, and that signs text. She is remarkably non-partisan,
emerge from a circulation of representa- are not in themselves “pure” because which is partly why her book is such a
tions that interact with each other. She they bear traces of the signs that are not multidimensional study. Her powers of
does cover an enormous amount of ma- within them. Opposition to a metaphys- observation are excellent, and her sensi-
terial and is often perceptive in her treat- ics based on presence—or more precise- tivity to the birangonas is obvious. What
ment of individual representations, but ly the present time—is closely related to is perhaps most significant about her
one can criticise her use of Deleuze and this. Derrida’s original hantologie is a work is the affinity between the process-
Derrida. pun on ontologie, and there is a fascinat- ing by the rape victims and modern alter-
ing and very fruitful relationship be- native philosophy. It might open the way
Engagement with Derrida tween the two. A deeper engagement for a much more subtle, understanding
She does have a real grasp of Deleuze, with both early and later Derrida could and effective relationship between left-
but she only uses him as a theorist of have greatly enriched the broader dis- wing intellectuals and activists and “les
cinema when his cinema books are re- cussion in The Spectral Wound of the damnés de la terre.”
ally philosophic works, and the rele- left–liberal élite’s simplifying or ambiv-
vance of his ideas to other parts of her alent notions of the birangona and the Nardina Kaur (madeleinenardina@hotmail.
work have already been shown. Her ref- ambiguous, even transgressive, nature co.uk) is a London-based scholar who works on
erences to Derrida, which are scattered of the actual birangona. modern French philosophy and Sikh thought.

Water: Growing Understanding, Emerging Perspectives


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42 AUGUST 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
PERSPECTIVES

Revisiting India’s Growth key events of his life in the highest eche-
lons of the Indian bureaucracy. IG had

and Development worked quite closely with finance minis-


ters C D Deshmukh, T T Krishnamachari
and Morarji Desai, and also with Sachin
Chaudhuri, Y B Chavan, H M Patel,
Pulin B NayaK Charan Singh, H N Bahuguna, R Venkat-
araman and Pranab Mukherjee, all of
I G Patel’s lifelong concern was 1 Introduction whom, he gratefully acknowledges, gave

I
to think about framing and ndraprasad Gordhanbhai Patel (1924– him his due and a great deal of affection
2005) was one of the foremost econo- over the years. IG also had personal ac-
implementing policies to lift India
mists of post-independent India. He quaintance with Jawaharlal Nehru, Lal
from the morass of low per capita had a brilliant academic career, topping Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi.
income and low levels of social in his Bachelor’s examination in the That IG was a consummate civil servant
indicators to that of a country University of Bombay, before going on to and policymaker was well recognised by
King’s College, Cambridge, in 1944, all. But where was he in terms of his ideo-
which was economically strong
where he remained till 1949 to earn his logy? He describes how he was pressed
and one which would be able doctorate, barring a year, 1947–48, by a journalist to answer this when he
to hold its own in the comity of which he spent at Harvard. “IG,” as he was at the LSE. He puts it thus:
nations. This called for growth was known, began his illustrious career I said that if I had to describe myself, I would
as an academic in Baroda College, call myself an old-fashioned socialist. I could
at a rapid pace, but, as he always as well have said that I was an old fashioned
Bombay University (1949–50). He then
emphasised, in a manner which went on to work in the International liberal. What I meant was that I was not a
Marxist socialist opposed to markets and
would necessarily pay adequate Monetary Fund (IMF) (1950–54) and private property. But I was not a card-carry-
attention to the welfare of the then much later for the United Nations ing capitalist either, and was supportive of
Development Programme (UNDP) (1972– certain values like compassion and justice in
poorest sections. It was this which all social and economic arrangements. (Pa-
77), and held some of the highest posi-
was his abiding concern. tions of economic decision-making in tel 2002: 193–94)

the Indian government. He was the chief There is an interesting episode des-
economic adviser (1961–67), secretary, cribed in Patel (2002: 101) where we see
economic affairs in the Ministry of an aspect of IG’s perspective on ethical
Finance (1967–72), and governor of the issues. The event occurred in 1965,
Reserve Bank of India (1977–82). Subse- when India’s economic standing was
quently, he served briefly as the director possibly at its lowest ebb, against the
of the Indian Institute of Management backdrop of the disastrous 1962 war
Ahmedabad (IIM-A) during 1982–84 after with China and a continuing conflict with
which he held the high profile position of Pakistan which led to a war in 1965.
director of the London School of Eco- India’s food and foreign exchange levels
nomics (LSE) during 1984–90. were particularly vulnerable. IG was at a
IG was known for his formidable intel- conference in Washington DC and a Rus-
lectual powers, sharp wit and quick sian delegate asked him why he thought
This is a somewhat abridged version of the
5th Dr I G Patel Memorial Lecture that was
repartee, and in his long career had min- that a country like the Soviet Union had
delivered at Anand, Gujarat on 18 March 2016. gled with some of the finest economic an obligation to assist India. IG’s re-
For agreeing to read through the text I am minds across the world. Austin Robinson sponse was as follows:
deeply grateful to Heman Agrawal, Meghnad of Cambridge thought of IG as his best I was at a loss what to say and replied tongue
Desai, Raghav Gaiha, Raghbendra Jha, in cheek that I was the only Hindu in the
tutee over his (Robinson’s) entire tenure
K L Krishna, J Krishnamurty, Mark Lindley, room and believed in life after death. Since
Binod Nayak, Nalini Nayak, Niranjan Pandya,
as fellow of King’s. IG put down some of
this can neither be proved nor disproved, the
Alaknanda Patel, Mohan Patel, M Govinda his experiences in his Glimpses of Indian probability of life after death can be taken
Rao, K Sundaram and Charan Wadhva. I Economic Policy: An Insider’s View pub- as one in two. Since two-thirds of the world
received many valuable suggestions which I lished in 2002, in the twilight years of was poor, there was one in three chances
have tried to incorporate. All errors are mine. that my Russian friend might be born in
his life. The book was written entirely
his next life in Zambia or India. Does it not
Pulin B Nayak (pulin.nayak@gmail.com) is from memory, without any access to offi- make sense for him to ensure his future by
with the Centre for Development Economics, cial documents. It provides interesting doing something in this life which might
Delhi School of Economics.
and some fascinating vignettes of several make Zambia or India better places to live in

Economic & Political Weekly EPW august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 43


PERSPECTIVES
after, say, thirty or forty years? Everyone he wrote for the Scientific American in the two top names that were in conten-
laughed. But I was told many years later that
1980. The idea presumably was that tion were those of IG and Manmohan
I had in fact anticipated John Rawls’s argu-
ment for altruism. (Patel 2002) despite the vicissitudes of the country’s Singh, in that order. IG had settled down
fortunes during the three decades after in Vadodara to a retired life after his six-
IG’s lifelong concern was to think independence, there was a certain con- year stint as director of LSE, and Man-
about framing and implementing policies stancy and imperturbability about India’s mohan Singh had taken up the position
to lift India from the morass of low per growth rate. It could be interpreted as a of chairman of the University Grants
capita income and low levels of social stable, but slow, rate of growth consist- Commission (UGC). IG declined the offer,
indicators to that of a country which was ent with the Hindu notion of fatalism and the job went to Manmohan Singh.
economically strong and one which would and contentedness, that was also char- The post-Rajiv Gandhi phase of the
be able to hold its own in the comity of acteristic of the so-called chalta hai atti- Indian government under V P Singh and
nations. This called for growth at a rapid tude in most of our collective pursuits. Chandra Shekhar was marked by unpre-
pace, but, as IG always emphasised, in a In the late 1970s, a decade and a half cedented political turmoil owing to the
manner which would necessarily pay after Nehru’s demise, the licence permit twin issues surrounding Mandal and
adequate attention to the welfare of the raj that had been spawned was already Mandir. V P Singh had not been able to
poorest sections. It was this which was under serious questioning by India’s complete a full year in office, and Chandra
his abiding concern. intelligentsia, now impatient with the Shekhar’s government too had barely
tepid pace of development. There was lasted seven months. It is conceivable
2 India’s Growth Experience some sort of a consensus by the beginning that after such a long and illustrious
India is today one of the fastest growing of the 1980s that the economy needed to career in the highest realms of public
major economies of the world. India’s be opened up and the shackles on private policy and academia, IG, at 65, was in no
gross domestic product (GDP) grew at enterprise had to be loosened. Rent seek- mood to be tempted by Lutyens’ Delhi.
7.5% during 2015–16. This tipped the ing—read corruption and bribes—had He well understood how fickle political
growth rate of China which was 7.1%. been widespread, leading to inefficien- power could be. Narasimha Rao had taken
Brazil and Russia, two of the BRICS (Brazil, cies and a constrained atmosphere, not charge of an economy that could not pos-
Russia, India, China and South Africa) conducive to realising the best potential of sibly be in a worse shape. It is fair to say
countries, actually experienced a nega- the system. The new opening up of the that Narasimha Rao has not received the
tive growth of GDP during the past year. economy pushed up the aggregate growth credit that is his due for ushering in the
In terms of the global outlook, real GDP rate to the range of about 5% to 5.5%. economic reforms that were introduced
in the world at large grew at 2.8% dur- The 1980s also marked the beginning in 1991. Rao most likely surmised that if
ing the past year. The rich countries of of competitive regional populism. The after more than four decades of economic
the world grew at a rate of about 2%, early post-independent years of the planning things had come to such a sorry
while the developing countries as a monolithic Congress party were long state, then perhaps the time had come to
whole grew at a rate of about 4.4%. over, and regional concerns as well as check out a completely new track alto-
Thus, India’s growth rate in the past leaders came up in significant numbers gether, that is, to depart from the dis-
year, in comparison to the other major throughout the length and breadth of the credited licence permit raj and allow a
countries of the world, has been particu- country. Political populism became the much greater play of market forces.
larly gratifying. This is more so in compar- order of the day, and there was much fis- There do come moments in the lives of
ison to China’s performance, which has cal profligacy both at the centre as well individuals or institutions when one feels
dominated the growth scene for a period as in the states. The country was up that the time for drastic change has arrived.
of more than three decades from 1980 against possibly its severest fiscal crisis This was such a moment. Narasimha Rao
onwards, and where, lately, the growth by the beginning of the 1990s. The com- was lucky to have the acquiescence of
rate seems to have tapered down to a bined fiscal deficit of the centre and the Manmohan Singh to join as the finance
rate below that of India’s. states was in the range of almost 10% of minister to carry out the “reform” agen-
It may not be out of place to briefly GDP, way too high by the usual norms of da. Without any political base of his
recapitulate India’s growth experience fiscal rectitude, and the level of foreign own, Singh, in turn, was lucky to have
over a somewhat longer period to put exchange was precariously low, just the full and unqualified political support
the matter in perspective. During the half enough to finance barely two weeks’ of the Prime Minister. One of the first
century prior to independence, the growth worth of imports. It is in this setting that tasks that he addressed was to set up a
rate of India’s GDP was under 1%. After P V Narasimha Rao assumed charge as Tax Reforms Committee under the
independence, and the onset of Nehru- Prime Minister in June 1991. Quite clearly, chairmanship of Raja J Chelliah and an-
vian socialism, India grew at an average the topmost imperative for Narasimha Rao other on Banking Sector Reforms under
rate of around 3.5% to 4%. The late Raj was to prevent the economy from falling M Narasimham. Both produced influen-
Krishna (1980), famous for his witticisms precipitously into utter ruination. His tial and useful set of recommendations.
just as IG was, christened it the Hindu first task was to identify an able finance There were other wide-ranging reforms
rate of growth in a widely quoted article minister. As is well known, in Rao’s mind, in the spheres of industry, agriculture
44 august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
PERSPECTIVES

and trade policy as well, with the gener- A key feature in all this has been that the therefore caught in a vicious cycle of
al focus of allowing greater play of mar- share of manufacturing in GDP has re- poverty. Some drastic structural changes
ket forces. The overall growth rate of the mained constant at around 15% to 16% were needed to take these economies
economy moved up to about 6% in the over a long span. It should be noted that onto a path of self-sustaining growth.
decade of the 1990s. manufacturing is recognised to be the The key requirement was the need for
It was in the first decade of the new most dynamic of all sectors, and one capital formation in the important
millennium that the growth rate of the that has the highest potential of generat- formulation of Ragnar Nurkse (1953).
Indian economy moved up to an alto- ing jobs and therefore absorbing labour. The important contribution of William
gether new zone. Manmohan Singh was The share of income originating in man- Arthur Lewis (1954) used a classical
now himself at the helm as the Prime ufacturing as a fraction of GDP in China mode of analysis to suggest that in such
Minister. For three years, during 2005–08, is double, at around 32%. The relative labour surplus economies, rural labour
the growth rate of GDP tipped the 9% constancy in the income originating in from the agriculture could be extracted
mark. The only other major country manufacturing in India has meant that from the farm sector at a subsistence
which had sustained a growth rate of employment has remained stagnant, and wage to work in industry and to contribute
this magnitude and over a much longer possibly declined, in the organised sector, to physical capital formation and infra-
period was China. India and China both giving rise to the phenomenon of “job- structure.
had roughly the same level of per capita less growth.” The process of development was one
income in terms of dollars around the where labour in agriculture was to, in
late 1970s. Mao, the great helmsman, 3 Received Doctrine due course, first shift to industry. The
had passed away in 1976 and the new There is a huge body of development share of industry in GDP would slowly
dispensation, under the pragmatic Deng theory that emerged in the aftermath of increase, pari passu with a decline in the
Xiaoping, believed in the dictum that “it World War II. Some of the major formu- share of income originating in agriculture,
does not matter whether a cat is white or lations were by Joan Robinson, Ragnar and finally there would be a greater gen-
black, as long as it catches mice.” From the Nurkse, William Arthur Lewis, Paul eration of income from the services
early 1980s, for more than three dec- Rosenstein-Rodan, and Albert Hirsch- sector. The Indian experience has been
ades, China maintained an uninterrupted man, among many others. There were different, in that we seem to have moved
growth rate of around 9% to 10% per an- some major contributions too from some straight from agriculture to services, with-
num. The Chinese growth momentum established and some newly emerging out adequate development of industry,
has admittedly weakened in the past Indian economists in the 1950s. In the and in particular, the manufacturing sec-
year or two, but one result of the sus- first group were names like V K R V Rao tor within industry, which, as we have
tained rapid growth rate over a period of and A K Dasgupta. Among the younger noted above, is the most dynamic part of
three and a half decades was that by group were the exceptionally gifted the industrial sector. The greatest possibil-
2015 the per capita income of China, in Amartya Sen, Sukhamoy Chakravarty, ity of employment generation is via a
nominal dollars, was nearly four times Jagdish Bhagwati and a host of talented healthy and robust growth of industry,
that of India’s. This was a simple instance new names. and in particular manufacturing, and
of what John Maynard Keynes had referred One needs to underline here that the we thus seem to have missed out on this
to as the power of compound interest. issue of growth and development was crucial stage in our development path.
A key reason for the high growth rate also the fundamental concern of the The consequences of this kind of
was the high rate of savings and gross classical masters such as Adam Smith, growth path in the Indian context have
fixed capital formation that India had David Ricardo and Robert Malthus. When not been salutary. Lack of robust growth
begun to record by the late 1990s. Around Joseph Schumpeter wrote his Theory of of the manufacturing activities, espe-
2006–07 the savings rate was around Development in 1911, he was concerned cially in the organised sector, has meant
36% and the gross fixed capital forma- with the development process in the that employment generation has been
tion was around 37%. With a capital out- advanced capitalist countries such as weak. The growth of income generation
put ratio of around 4, the crude Harrod- England, Germany and the US. However, in the services sector, particularly in the
Domar formulation would suggest that the post-war development theorists were information technology (IT) sector has
an overall growth rate of around 9% concerned with the development possi- necessarily been confined to a narrow
was perfectly feasible. Behind this high bilities of countries with low levels of per upper end professional segment of the
growth rate was the rapid growth of the capita income. Most of these countries population. This has also meant that the
service sector, driven by a boom in infor- were in Asia, Africa and Latin America. distribution of income has grown greatly
mation technology. The share of agricul- Many of them had had long spells of co- skewed over the past quarter century,
ture in GDP continued to decline, and lonial rule. With low incomes, the sav- coinciding with the introduction of the
from a figure of around 55% in 1950 it ings rates were low, which meant that reform process in 1991. The reliance on
had declined to around 13.7% by 2013. the investment rates were low, and market forces has also meant that a
This was matched by a steady rise in the therefore, the growth rate of the economy higher growth rate has been achieved,
share of income originating in services. was also very low. These countries were but that it has also inevitably been
Economic & Political Weekly EPW august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 45
PERSPECTIVES

accompanied by a higher degree of and few political parties dare to take a Despite Pigou’s prophetic concerns,
inequality of income. contrary position on these aggressive modern mainstream economics allowed
This has also been the experience demands for fear of their own survival. another half a century to pass before one
internationally. A substantial body of It goes without saying that caste arith- was alerted to the possibilities of envi-
seminal work by Piketty (2015), Atkin- metic possibly counts for more, rather ronmental degradation only around the
son (2015) and Stiglitz (2012) has exam- than less, in today’s electoral games, and 1970s. Garrett Hardin’s Tragedy of the
ined with great scholarly acumen and all political parties, despite their ideo- Commons had of course already been in
skill the generalised tendency of accen- logical orientation have no choice but to the public domain after 1968, but as is
tuation of inequalities in income, and play along. often the case it caught the attention of
more tellingly, of wealth, in the entire the community of economists only a
swathe of Western Europe, North America 4 The Task at Hand decade or two later. There is a funda-
and Japan over the past half century. The remedy for the accentuation of mental problem of intergenerational
Piketty and Atkinson, in particular, have inequalities has to be planned at several equity contained here. Rapid exploitation
marshalled and analysed a voluminous levels. The foremost imperative is that of resources in the present period will
amount of data over a very long span agricultural incomes have to be substan- clearly impoverish the future genera-
and arrived at this important conclusion. tially increased. This can only come tions. The issue is one of optimally and
Around the early 1950s the share of about via a process of massive channeli- correctly calibrating the degree of using
agriculture in GDP was about 52% in sation of investment—by way of irrigation present resources to provide adequately
India. Nearly 65% of the population was and soil conservation, among others— for the present generations, particularly
engaged in agriculture. Presently the into the agriculture sector. Simultane- the bottom rungs of it, and simultane-
share of agriculture in the labour force ously there has to be a process of ously leaving enough to maintain a
has declined to around 55%, but the increasing avenues of non-farm employ- sustained rise in living standards and
share of agriculture in GDP has steeply ment in the rural sector. Among other available choices for future generations.
gone down to around 13.7%. This is at urgently required strategies has to be a The status of India in terms of its air
the heart of the problem of accentuation massive programme of skill formation and water quality, and preservation of
of inequality in the Indian economy. and upgradation in the rural areas and its forest resources is particularly alarm-
There are of course additional systemic small townships. ing. Virtually all waterbodies are severely
reasons behind the sharpening inequi- For the growth process to be sustaina- polluted. About 61.3% of rural India def-
ties. They have to do with the highly ble in the long run there has to be a sys- ecates out in the open. With about two-
unequal and stratified social structure temic and determined approach to thirds of our per capita income, the figure
organised with the traditional dictates sharply curb the pace of environmental for Bangladesh is barely 1.8%. In Sri Lan-
of the caste system which afflicts not degradation. This issue had not earned ka open defecation is virtually absent
only the majority Hindu community, but the degree of importance it deserved at now. It is not as if we cannot achieve this
its tentacles spread inexorably to other the beginning of the early formulations goal in India. But a much higher level of
religious minorities as well. It is almost of post-war development thinking. Clearly social and cultural awareness and con-
as if we in India cannot think of our the first two classical economists who ditioning is required. Unfortunately,
identities without our caste labels. The perfectly understood the notion of scar- poor sanitation has serious consequenc-
founding fathers of the Constitution city were none other than Ricardo and es for our health, and our general sense
were optimistic in their belief, drawn Malthus. Ricardo knew that as the out- of well-being. Open defecation is direct-
from a priori common sense that with put of foodgrains are to be increased one ly correlated to stunting in children, as
increase in living standards and spread will need to bring in successively less has been brought out in a number of im-
of education and awareness, the role of fertile pieces of land, with the most fer- portant studies (see, for example, Spears
caste would slowly wither away. Some of tile earning economic rent. Man’s 2012). It bears emphasis that barely one-
the particularly naïve among them were ingenuity and successive rounds of tech- third of the Indian population has access
wont to believe that reservations for the nological breakthroughs have kept the to improved sanitation. The figure for
Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Malthusian spectre at bay, but we cannot China is 64%. The general level of
Tribes (STs) would be needed for a be sure of postponing apocalypse forever hygiene is extremely poor, possibly
period of 15 years after which they could if the raw profit motive persists in among the worst in the world today.
be dispensed with. The reality has been destroying land, water and air the way it Moving on, and coming now to the
decidedly otherwise. As we approach has done for nearly three centuries after crux of the matter, India has a huge
the 70th year mark of our independence, the onset of the industrial revolution. deficit in its achievements in the social
let alone withdrawal of reservations for Pigou was the first major figure of the sector. In a listing of 188 countries com-
SCs and STs, there are significant groups 20th century who foresaw the possible plied by the UNDP, India occupies the
of Jats, Patels and Kappus in different divergence of private and social cost in position of 130. About 48% of children in
parts of the country who seem to have the 1920s, nearly two and a half centuries the age group 0–5 are undernourished.
intensified their demands for reservation, after Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations. We have some of the worst statistics in
46 august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
PERSPECTIVES

the world in terms of maternal health. particularly important one is the nature proficient civil servant who might be
Despite substantial gains in literacy, the of the political system. A democratic genuinely keen to do the greatest good
quality of education in the state-run system is the one that would give the to the country and its people, without
schools is very poor. Public expenditure best results in the long run. Another hurting any section of the population?
on health is a meagre 1.3% of GDP. It major ingredient is a free press. India is Incidentally, in a political democracy,
needs hardly belabouring that free fortunate to have both these features in such a civil servant should also have his
availability of public health facilities for ample measure. ear to the ground to be sensitive to the
the bottom rungs of the population is a There is every reason to hope that political winds that might be blowing.
prerequisite for any modern state com- India would be able to post reasonably This is a tall order, and different people
mitted to genuine welfare of its citizenry. impressive growth rates in the medium may think of the required quality differ-
The average figure for the major Euro- to long term. But this can well come ently, but Sen’s observation of the need
pean countries is about 8% of GDP, and about in a way where the growth does for a certain “enthusiastic scepticism”
the figure for China, at 2.9%, is more not trickle down and get dispersed, would seem to be rather compelling.
than double that of India. especially to the bottom half of the From everything one has read about IG’s
It also needs to be stressed that eco- population, as has been the case with life and career he certainly seems to
nomic forces are not the only determi- our growth experience in the last quar- have had an ample measure of it.
nants of the development process. Devel- ter century of neo-liberal growth. There But there are some other considera-
opment is necessarily a holistic phen- are two important implications of this. tions too. These cannot be put in a sim-
omenon. The historical, social, cultural First, the persistence of such a develop- ple pithy word or a couple of words, and
and political factors are often at least as mental path ultimately becomes socially would require some elaboration. In his
important and relevant. Among others, and politically unacceptable. While this famous obituary of his tutor and patron
the great Austrian economist Joseph might not give rise to a violent revolu- Alfred Marshall, John Maynard Keynes
Schumpeter had emphasised the impor- tion in the Marxian mould, it certainly (1924) asks the question as to what the
tance of sociological factors in economic gives rise to widespread social unrest, as ideal type of an economist should be,
development. Of the bottom 30% of the has been seen in our polity in the past and proceeds to answer the question
population that is severely poor, a dis- two decades, and more. Second, a skewed thus:
proportionately high fraction belongs to distribution of income would lead to a The study of economics does not seem to re-
the SCs, STs, Dalits in general and some suppressed aggregate demand, and the quire any specialized gifts of an unusually
minority communities. Due to poverty growth momentum will ultimately peter high order. Is it not, intellectually regard-
the young in these communities are out. For growth to be sustainable, the ed, a very easy subject compared with the
higher branches of philosophy or pure sci-
poorly educated. This puts them at a gains have to be dispersed to the bottom
ence? An easy subject at which few excel!
disadvantage in the job market. Good rungs of the population as well. This has The paradox finds its explanation, perhaps,
quality healthcare is beyond their means regrettably not happened in the past in that the master–economist must possess
and poor health status adversely affects quarter century. Thus the key factor for a rare combination of gifts. He must be
their earning potential. sustainable growth is that it ought to mathematician, historian, statesman, phi-
losopher—in some degree. He must under-
Despite the fairly appreciable growth be equitable.
stand symbols and speak in words. He must
rates we seem to have achieved in contemplate the particular in terms of the
recent years, the bane of our development 5 Enthusiastic Scepticism general and touch abstract and concrete in
path has been the neglect of public In his contribution to the I G Patel the same flight of thought. He must study the
provisioning of health and education, as festschrift edited by S Guhan and Manu present in the light of the past for the pur-
poses of the future. No part of man’s nature
has been repeatedly emphasised by Shroff, Amartya Sen observes:
or his institutions must lie entirely outside his
Amartya Sen (Dreze and Sen 2013). There regard. He must be purposeful and disinter-
When I first met I G Patel nearly 28 years
are plenty of new initiatives coming ago, I remember being deeply struck by the ested in a simultaneous mood; as aloof and
from the market-driven private sector, enthusiastic scepticism with which he ap-
incorruptible as an artist, yet sometimes as
but regrettably, the quality is extremely near to earth as a politician. (Keynes 1924:
proached economics. In the 28 years since
321–22)
poor and indeed highly questionable. then, I have not noticed any weakening of
An extremely strong regulatory body is either the skepticism or the enthusiasm. I From the roll call of economists of this
needed to monitor the quality of service am, on my part, more persuaded now, than country that this author knows of, this
delivery in both these goods which are I was then, that enthusiastic scepticism is exceptionally exacting set of require-
in the nature of being merit goods. indeed the right approach to economics. ments is met, in my view, regrettably, by
(Sen 1986: 175)
There are good theoretical reasons for a not too large a group. My claim to this
strong involvement of the state in the IG had set his heart to engaging with statement is simply on the basis of my
provisioning of these goods. the economic fortunes of his country by stepping into the field of economics as a
As mentioned before, a number of contributing his own bit to this grand student of BA (Honours) in Economics in
non-economic factors are crucial for the pursuit. What is the best quality that one Delhi University exactly a half century
sustainability of the growth process. A should expect of a highly educated and back, in 1966. I had the great and good
Economic & Political Weekly EPW august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 47
PERSPECTIVES

fortune of having some of the most who pushes the frontiers of understand- References
exceptional and dedicated group of ing of economic phenomena, as a civil Atkinson, Anthony B (2015): Inequality: What Can
scholars as my undergraduate teachers, servant or bureaucrat who formulates Be Done?, Cambridge, Mass: Harvard Univer-
sity Press.
which included Arun Bose. When I went economic policies and implements them, Dreze, Jean and Amartya Sen (2013): An Uncertain
on to do my Master’s at the Delhi School and as one who is associated with the Glory: India and Its Contradictions, New Delhi:
of Economics (DSE) in 1969, the place enterprise of propagating and dissemi- Allen Lane.
Hardin, Garrett (1968): “The Tragedy of the Com-
was brimming with dazzling minds and nating the received doctrines to students mons,” Science, 162, 1243–48.
some extraordinary individuals who and the civil society at large. In my view Keynes, John Maynard (1924): “Alfred Marshall
went on to lead the fortunes of our great there need be no presumption that any 1842–1924,” The Economic Journal 34 (135),
one of these activities is necessarily of pp 311–72.
nation. There was not only Amartya Sen
Krishna, Raj (1980): “The Economic Development
who taught the optional paper “Advanced greater value than any other. Each one of India,” Scientific American, 1 September.
Economic Theory,” along with Mrinal of these has its own significance. It Lewis, William Arthur (1954): “Economic Develop-
Datta Chaudhuri and Partha Dasgupta in would seem to me that after his years at ment with Unlimited Supplies of Labour,”
Manchester School of Economic and Social
my final year of 1970–71, and Manmohan Cambridge and Harvard IG saw himself Studies, 22, pp 139–91.
Singh who taught the optional paper as a civil servant and policymaker both Nurkse, Ragnar (1953): Problems of Capital Forma-
“International Trade” along with Arjun in his own country as well as interna- tion in Underdeveloped Countries, Oxford: Basil
Blackwell.
Sengupta in the same year. There were tionally, and played this role to perfec-
Patel, Alaknanda (ed) (2009): The Collected Works
several other luminaries: K N Raj, tion. Other than his very early stint in of A K Dasgupta, Vols I–III, New Delhi: Oxford
Sukhamoy Chakravarty, Khaliq Naqvi, Baroda College and then briefly at the University Press.
Tapan Raychaudhuri, A M Khusro, DSE in the early 1960s, IG was always Patel, I G (1986): Essays in Economic Policy and Eco-
nomic Growth, London: Macmillan.
A L Nagar, K L Krishna, Meghnad Desai, fully immersed in his role of being a civil — (2002): Glimpses of Indian Economic Policy: An
Dharma Kumar, Suraj Bhan Gupta, Ajit servant and policy planner. Insider’s View, New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Biswas and many others. After finishing As was mentioned at the beginning, IG Pigou, A C (1920): The Economics of Welfare, London:
Macmillan.
my Master’s in 1971, I went away to do published his Glimpses of Indian Econom-
Piketty, Thomas (2015): The Economics of Inequality,
my PhD and briefly worked elsewhere ic Policy: An Insider’s View in 2002, when Cambridge, Mass: Bellknap Press.
before I was lucky enough to land myself he was 78 years of age. It is of course an Rawls, John (1951): “Outline of a Decision Proce-
a job as a faculty member in my beloved invaluable document for anyone interest- dure for Ethics,” Philosophical Review, 60.
— (1958): “Justice as Fairness,” Philosophical
DSE in 1978 where I remained, barring a ed in the saga of economic policymaking
Review, 67.
few sojourns here and there, till my at the highest levels in the heady days of — (1971): A Theory of Justice, Cambridge, MA:
retirement in 2015. a newly independent country, seen from Harvard University Press.
The list of regular faculty members of the eyes of an insider. It is a racy read. I Schumpeter, Joseph (1911): The Theory of Economic
Development, Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univer-
DSE and those who passed through its will close by quoting IG’s perceptive un- sity Press.
portals must read like a who’s who of derstanding of Indian economic policy. Sen, Amartya (1986): “The Concept of Well Being,”
Indian economists in the second half of The story of Indian economic policy from In- Essays on Economic Progress and Welfare: In
Honour of I G Patel, Guhan and Shroff (eds)
the 20th century. I cannot say I knew dependence to the present day is one of evo-
(1986), New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
them all, but I can claim to have had the lution and continuity—not of revolutionary
Spears, Dean (2012): “Policy Lessons from the
or sharp turns in direction. It reflects Indian
good fortune of simply watching quite a Implementation of India’s Total Sanitation
realities. Its size, diversity and democratic Campaign,” India Policy Forum.
few of them in their various roles as aspirations and indeed compulsions, all make Stiglitz, Joseph (2012): The Price of Inequality: How
teachers, researchers, movers of ideas, for compromise, eclecticism and even incom- Today’s Divided Society Endangers Our Future,
friends, colleagues, and, to move to a patible cohabitation. (Patel 2002: 193) New York: W W Norton & Company.
different plane, sometimes in their best
light and sometimes in their worst. IG did
have a brief stint as a faculty member at
Oral History Archives
the DSE before I joined as a student. He On behalf of EPW, the Centre for Public History, Srishti School of Design, Bengaluru,
came as a visiting professor in 1963–64 has put together extended interviews of 30 individuals associated with Economic
when K N Raj was away. I have heard Weekly and EPW.
glowing accounts of his “tutorials” from These are interviews with present and former staff, readers, writers and trustees, all
someone who was in his group and who closely associated with the journal.
later was my tutor and then my col- The interviews cover both the EW and EPW years, some are of the 1950s, others the
league at the DSE. 1960s and some even later. Each interview lasts for at least an hour and a few are
Returning to the formulation of Keynes multi-session interviews.
about economists I would say that IG fits The interviews maintained in audio files (with transcripts) are available at the EPW
the description to a surprisingly close offices in Mumbai for consultation by researchers.
degree, in my estimation. There are Individuals interested in researching those times and the history of EW/EPW may write
different ways in which one may engage to edit@epw.in to explore how the files may be heard and used.
with the subject of economics; as a thinker
48 august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
SPECIAL ARTICLE

Realising Universal Maternity Entitlements


Lessons from Indira Gandhi Matritva Sahyog Yojana

Dipa Sinha, Shikha Nehra, Sonal Matharu, Jasmeet Khanuja, Vanita Leah Falcao

U
In India, most of the work women do is invisible and niversal maternity entitlements are a means of providing
unrecognised because it is done outside the boundaries special protection to women during the vulnerable
period of pregnancy and maternity. Such entitlements
of the formal economy. As a result, the laws pertaining
have a positive impact on maternal and child health outcomes
to maternity entitlements reach a very limited number such as maternal mortality and infant mortality rates (Baker
of women. The National Food Security Act, 2013 was the and Milligan 2008; Lancet 2013).
first national-level legislation to recognise the right of all Maternity entitlements aim to protect women against
income loss and job discrimination, while ensuring that they
women to maternity entitlements and wage
have adequate time “to give birth, to recover and to nurse their
compensation. Since the passage of the act, India has children” (ILO nd). The Constitution takes cognisance of this
been using an existing conditional cash transfer scheme, in the Directive Principles of State Policy wherein it calls upon
the Indira Gandhi Matritva Sahyog Yojana, to implement the state to “make provision for securing just and humane con-
ditions of work and for maternity relief” (Article 42). Unfortu-
this entitlement. An examination of the implementation
nately, in practice very little has been done to provide adequate
of defined maternity entitlements under the act via a maternity relief to all women.
conditional cash transfer, highlights the failure of such a Maternity entitlements1 in India till recently were governed
programme to uphold the spirit of the act. Amendments mainly by the Maternity Benefits Act, 1961 (MBA) and a few
other sectoral/labour laws.2 These legislations are inadequate
to the act are necessary to ensure that the most
because they fail to provide sufficient leave, nursing breaks
vulnerable women are able to realise their right to during work hours, protection against discrimination and
maternity entitlements, wage compensation, health grievance redressal mechanisms. Furthermore, assessments of
and nutrition. the MBA and the other labour laws find that these legislations
rarely reach women working outside of government or public
sector establishments (Abraham et al 2014; Lingam and Kanchi
2013). Despite the fact that more than 95% of the total female
workforce is employed in the unorganised sector (NCEUS 2007:
240), the only law that recognises the right to social security of
female workers in the unorganised sector is the Unorganised
Workers Social Security Act, 2008. However, women have not
yet benefited from this act because the government has failed
to formulate the schemes to implement its provisions.
The above-mentioned laws also fail to provide for women
who perform unpaid work for the household and the market,3
but are outside the “workforce.” The cash for maternity protec-
tion available to unrecognised women workers through
programmes such as the Janani Suraksha Yojana, National
This article is based on a study conducted by the Centre for Equity
Maternity Benefit Scheme and others, have limited coverage
Studies. Supported by Oxfam India, CES is involved in monitoring the
implementation of the NFSA across the country. All the authors were because they target women on the basis of income status, age
part of this study team. We thank Harsh Mander, Biraj Patnaik and Sejal and number of children. Further, these schemes are linked to
Dand for their guidance and helpful comments. conditions such as institutional delivery and provide meagre
Dipa Sinha (dipasinha@gmail.com), Shikha Nehra (shikhanehra92@ amounts as benefit.
gmail.com), Sonal Matharu (sonalmatharu@gmail.com), Jasmeet In this context, the National Food Security Act, 2013 (NFSA)
Khanuja (jasmeetkhanuja11@gmail.com), and Vanita Leah Falcao is a landmark legislation because it recognises that all women
(vanitafalcao@gmail.com) were researchers with the Centre for Equity work and deserve to be supported during pregnancy and child
Studies during this study.
birth.4 The NFSA provides a universal maternity cash entitlement
Economic & Political Weekly EPW august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 49
SPECIAL ARTICLE

of `6,000 to all pregnant women.5 This cash entitlement is Rapid Survey on Children 2013–14 (RSOC; MOWCD 2015) to
intended to enable women to fulfil the WHO (World Health analyse target achievement, fund utilisation and exclusion
Organization) recommendation of exclusive breastfeeding for from the scheme.
six months. Along with this cash provision, the NFSA also man-
dates breastfeeding counselling. Women’s Work Burdens
Weight gain during pregnancy affects the birth weight of Din bhar kaam karengi, sham ko bachcha bana lengi. (They work
throughout the day, in the evening they deliver a baby.)
the child significantly. Low birth weight has lifelong effects on
— AWW, Kaream Raated village, Madhya Pradesh
the health status of the child (Coffey and Hathi 2015). To ac-
count for this, the NFSA entitles all pregnant and lactating Most of the women interviewed in this study are involved in
women to a free meal through the anganwadis.6 These meals multiple forms of work. In Kaream Raated village, Chhindwara
must have a nutritive value of 600 calories and contain 18–20 district, a women’s day begins with a two to three kilometre
grams of protein. Though supplementary nutrition is an walk to a stream to fetch water as there is no handpump in the
important entitlement of the NFSA, this paper focuses on the village. Besides daily tasks such as fetching water, collecting
maternity cash entitlement under the NFSA. firewood, making dung cakes, cooking, cleaning, washing,
The Ministry of Women and Child Development (MoWCD) and taking care of the children and the elderly, women are
has proposed implementing the NFSA defined maternal cash also involved in agricultural work. In addition, some women
entitlement provision through the Indira Gandhi Matritva also earn a livelihood by performing daily wage labour under
Sahyog Yojana (IGMSY). The IGMSY is a conditional maternity the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee
benefit scheme that was implemented in 2010 on a pilot basis Act (MGNREGA). Home-based livelihood activities are also
in 53 districts across the country. According to MoWCD admin- done, such as beedi rolling in Sagar, minor forest produce
istrative data for 2014–15, the IGMSY reached only 22.9% of its (MFP) collection in Bastar, Dhamtari, Chhindwara, East Sing-
target coverage (GoI 2015). hbhum, Simdega and parts of Sagar, and basket making in
Studies in the past have critiqued the IGMSY for its high rate Simdega and Sagar.
of exclusion due to its eligibility conditions related to age of
the mother and number of children (Lingam and Yelaman- Unchanging work burden: In the four states visited, it was
chili 2011). Sahyog (2012) highlights its poor implementation found that the onset of pregnancy signals little change in the
that exacerbates women’s vulnerabilities during pregnancy. kind of work women do. In most cases women reported work-
The effects of the IGMSY on maternal health and labour ing till the day of delivery and often resuming work within a
outcomes in Jharkhand are explored in P Kumar et al (2015). week post-delivery. Sahyog (2012) and L Lingam and A Kanchi
In addition, a MoWCD commissioned evaluation of the IGMSY (2013) have also documented this. The drudgery of women’s
assesses the strengths and weaknesses of the programme in work is neither specific to one location nor one form of work.
the context of its impact on health and nutrition of women Various micro- and macro-level studies in the past have also
and children (ASCI 2013). highlighted the multiple work burdens that women face
In this paper, we assess the IGMSY’s potential to realise the (Chowdhry 1993; Hirway 2002; Sharma 1989).
NFSA’s universal maternity entitlement for all women. The Women reported various reasons for working during
IGMSY is a conditional cash transfer (CCT) scheme. The authors pregnancy and after delivery. In some cases women were
argue that the conditionality of the scheme is the primary being forced to work by their husband and family. Bhago, a 27-
reason for its failure. As a CCT scheme, it contradicts the right year-old beneficiary from Dhamtari district in Chhattisgarh,
to wage compensation, and shifts attention away from wom- resentfully said that her mother-in-law did not let her rest. Ek
en’s rest and well-being during pregnancy and childbirth, to bhi din aaram nahi karne diya (I was not allowed to rest for a
meeting of conditions. The authors also examine issues related single day), she said.
to fund flow processes. In most cases, however, women did not rest enough because
Our analysis is primarily based on a study7 of the IGMSY there was nobody to share the work burden, be it within the
conducted by the authors in 16 villages in eight districts in household or outside. Women, including pregnant women,
Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Madhya Pradesh (MP). continue to perform strenuous work both in the fields and at
Selection of the sample was based on remoteness and presence the home, which adversely affects the health of the mother
of marginalised communities (that is, Scheduled Castes [SCs], and child. They remain invisible and unprotected by the
Scheduled Tribes [STs] and Particularly Vulnerable Tribal labour laws.
Groups [PVTGs]). Within villages, women from difficult-to-reach
parts and marginalised communities were given preference. A Unequal work burden: Women also face an unequal burden
total of 127 in-depth interviews were conducted with women of unpaid work. According to NCEUS (2009), the proportion of
(both beneficiaries and non-beneficiaries), front-line workers unpaid family workers is the highest among rural female
(anganwadi workers [AWWs], accredited social health activists workers. The category of female unpaid family workers in
[ASHAs] and auxiliary nurse midwives [ANMs], and govern- rural areas saw an increase of 10 percentage points, from 38%
ment officials. In addition, this study uses national-level data in 1983 to 48% in 2004–05 (NCEUS 2009). Further, J Ghosh
such as MoWCD administrative data, Census 2011 and the (2014) found that if women involved in domestic duties8 are
50 august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly

www.ebook3000.com
SPECIAL ARTICLE

also accounted for, then in 2011–12 the total female work parti- Development, have been arguing for maternity cash benefits
cipation rate was as high as 86.2%, compared with 79.8% equivalent to wage compensation for 63 weeks/nine months.
for men. This amount would enable three months of rest during the
Feminist economists in India and elsewhere have repeatedly third trimester (when it is crucial to avoid heavy work), as well
highlighted the need to account for women’s invisible, unrec- as six months’ rest post-delivery to enable exclusive breast-
ognised and unpaid work, but the accounting systems contin- feeding as recommended by the WHO (ARECD 2014; Dand and
ue to elude the range of “women’s work” (Elson 2002; Ghosh Agrawal 2014).
2014; Hirway 2002). The failure to recognise the coexistence
of women’s paid and unpaid work, and placing a higher value Implementation Issues
on “economic” or “productive” work results in women’s domes- Despite being limited to only 53 districts, a range of issues
tic and care work being marginalised and unrecognised. This plague the effective implementation of the IGMSY. At the time
further constrains women’s access to the “paid” work economy of this study, the revised amount (GoI 2013) of `6,000 was not
(Lingam and Yelamanchili 2011). being received anywhere. There were long delays in payment,
zero-balance accounts were rare, and supply-side gaps in
IGMSY: Design-related Issues health and nutrition services made it impossible to meet the
conditions attached to the scheme.
Inadequate wage compensation: The IGMSY is the first
central government scheme9 providing maternity benefits as Underachieved targets and unspent budget allocation: Earlier
wage compensation. It aims “to provide partial compensation studies of the IGMSY have pointed out the slow take-off of the
for the wage loss so that the woman is not under compulsion scheme, with some states not even operationalising the
to work till the last stage of pregnancy and can take adequate scheme in its first year, 2011–12 (Sahyog 2012). The large-scale
rest before and after delivery” (GoI 2011: 5). The amount of evaluation of the IGMSY conducted in 12 states by the
`4,000 was a “part wage loss compensation of approximately Administrative Staff College of India (ASCI 2013) reiterated
40 days `100 per day, given as maternity benefit, for ensuring this based on data up to 2012–13, but pointed out gradual
mother takes the much required rest before delivery and soon improvement and interstate variations in coverage.
after delivery for taking better care of herself and her young The latest available data from the MoWCD on coverage and
infant” (GoI 2011: 7). In addition, as a CCT scheme it aimed to budget utilisation, that is, till February 2013–14, shows that
promote appropriate practices of care and service utilisation only 28% of the targeted women have been covered from 2010
during pregnancy, safe delivery and exclusive breastfeeding till the first quarter of 2013–14. The coverage for the first quar-
for six months after childbirth. However, the design and ter of 2013–14 showed improvement, but remained limited to
provisions of the IGMSY are insufficient to achieve many of its 51%. The reasons for this low coverage and in-turn underutili-
objectives. sation of funds at the national level are consequences of vari-
ous implementation issues. Our study findings highlight these
Arbitrary duration: The decision to provide wage compen- issues and are discussed below.
sation for 5.7 weeks/40 days under the IGMSY is arbitrary in
the light of the paid maternity leave norm of 14 weeks/98 Conditions and supply-side issues: After the NFSA was
days set by the International Labour Organization (ILO) and passed in 2013, the conditions under the IGMSY were revised,
the MBA-defined statutory maternity leave period of 12 weeks and the condition related to weighing and growth monitoring
or 84 days. was dropped. The present conditions include registration of
The IGMSY cash benefit of `4,000 (revised to `6,000 in 2013) pregnancy, receiving antenatal check-ups (ANCs), consump-
falls far short of the `8,400 that should have been provided for tion of iron-folic acid (IFA) tablets, immunisation of mother
12 weeks at the rate of `100 per day (by standards set by the and child, attending infant and young child feeding (IYCF)
MBA). This shortfall is even greater if the minimum wages for counselling sessions, exclusive breastfeeding for six months and
unskilled agricultural workers,10 that is, `204 per day, is used. initiating complementary food after six months.
Using this rate, `6,000 is wage compensation for only 29 days. The purpose of the conditionalities in the IGMSY is to
In fact, wage compensation for 40 days amounts to `8,160 and increase uptake of basic health services and bring about
`19,992 for the ILO minimum of 14 weeks (84 days) (Table 1). “behaviour change” among beneficiaries. However, the
Civil society groups in India, such as the Right to Food Cam- availability of these health services at the village level is
paign, National Alliance for Maternal Health and Human inadequate. The recent findings of the RSOC on the avail-
Rights (NAMHHR) and Alliance for the Right to Early Childhood ability of these services reflect worrying shortages in supply
Table 1: Comparison of Estimated Wage Compensation under Different of services.
Policies The RSOC data shows that only 19.7% women receive a
Scheme/Policy Norm IGMSY Rate (@ `100/day) Minimum Wage (@ `204/day) full ANC (3+ ANCs, 100 IFA tablets’ consumption and at least
IGMSY (5.7 weeks/40 days) 4,000 8,160 one dose of tetanus toxoid (TT). In other words, many women
MBA (12 weeks/84 days) 8,400 17,136 will not qualify to receive the first instalment under the
ILO (14 weeks/98 days) 9,800 19,992
IGMSY.
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The data also shows that in the areas that have anganwadi Given the existing status of health and nutrition services,
centres (AWCs), approximately 35% do not provide nutrition the conditionalities under IGMSY further constrain access to
and health education (NHE) (MoWCD 2015). Similarly, 39% of maternity entitlements for women. Further, due to the emphasis
the AWCs do not provide ANCs. Furthermore, only 17% of preg- on conditionalities related to the scheme, the IGMSY is only
nant women are aware of such NHE being conducted at the seen as a support to access health and nutrition services. None
AWC and less than 33% knew that ANCs are supposed to be pro- of the women interviewed knew that this money was supposed
vided at the AWCs (MoWCD 2015). to enable them to rest and take off from work, or that it was
Table 2 shows the extent of inadequate service provisioning. wage compensation.
These shortages in supply of immunisation, counselling and Even women who were IGMSY beneficiaries did agricultural
antenatal care services, are beyond the control of women. work until the time of delivery. After delivery many women
However, they still prevent women from fulfilling the IGMSY beneficiaries returned to agricultural work within a month.
conditions and receiving the cash entitlement. Some stayed home but began doing household work, includ-
There are also shortages in infrastructure and staffing. Only ing strenuous work such as fetching water and firewood,
61.8% of AWCs are run from own or rented buildings; the rest are within 7–30 days. The conditionalties contradict the right of
run in schools, the AWW’s homes or the panchayat building. Data all women to maternity relief, as envisaged in the Constitu-
published by the MoWCD shows that as of March 2014, there was a tion and the NFSA.
shortage of nearly one-third of block-level staff, such as supervi-
sors (30%) and child development project officers (31%). Such a Delayed cash transfer and fund flow: Delay in fund transfer
shortage is likely to result in existing staff being overworked, and inaccessible banks also impeded receipt of IGMSY benefits.
and poor implementation and monitoring of the programme. To receive IGMSY cash, women need to have a bank or postal
Findings from our study show that immunisation of the account. However, the rural banking system in India is still
mother and child, a condition to receive IGMSY benefits, often largely inaccessible to the poor.
does not get fulfilled due to limited access to AWCs and health Sangeeta from Bastar district had to climb a hill and walk
centres. In Bastanar block, Bastar district in Chhattisgarh, for about 25 km in the third trimester of her pregnancy, to
women travelled up to 25 km, while crossing hills and thick open her account at the post office in Bastanar. She required
forest to reach the nearest government sub-centre. In MP’s the help of her village’s AWW since she is illiterate, does not
Sagar district, the health sub-centres were 9 km away, but know her age, and speaks only Gondi and Halbi.
crossing the forest and personal safety was a big concern for Similar stories were heard in all four states. The overall
women. Simultaneously, the cost of travelling to health centres range of the bank’s distance from the villages visited for the
also deterred women from accessing the services. study was approximately 25–30 km in MP, Chhattisgarh and
Table 2: Status of Supply of Nutrition and Health Services Jharkhand. In Bihar the distance ranged
IGMSY Conditionalties RSOC Indicator* India Bihar Chhattisgarh Jharkhand MP between 4 and 10 km, but poor roads and lack of
(%)* (%)* (%)* (%)* (%)*
transport made the journey difficult for women
Registration of pregnancy Women who
at AWC/health centre registered
during pregnancy. The post offices were relative-
within four months pregnancy 84.1 66.4 91.2 73.0 90.2 ly closer in some places, but in other areas they
Two ANCs Received three or were as far as the banks. In MP the distance of
more ANC 63.4 32.8 79.5 47.3 41.7 post offices from the villages visited ranged from
Received 100 IFA tablets Received/purchased 3 to 17 km, 8 to 30 km in Chhattisgarh, 4 to 25 km
100 or more
IFA tablets/syrup in Jharkhand, and at least 3 km in Bihar.
during pregnancy 31.2 16.7 36.0 15.2 30.3 A Adhikari and K Bhatia (2010) explore access
Receive 2 Tetanus Received two to banking services of MGNREGA workers. They
Toxoid (TT) injections or more TT 89.8 88.6 92.2 90.6 88.9
found that 41% travelled over 5 km from their
Registration of childbirth Children aged below
five years whose birth place of residence to visit the bank. In such a sce-
is registered 72.0 39.5 60.8 34.9 84.9 nario, often workers must forgo their day’s wages
Immunisation of child Received full to visit the bank. Therefore, accessing banks in
(BCG, DPT I, II & III, 3 OPV immunisation rural areas involves high opportunity costs for
doses 65.3 60.4 67.2 64.9 53.5
Attend 3 IYCF counselling AWCs providing
women (and family members who accompany
sessions within three months nutrition and them), in terms of both money and time. Such
of birth health services 64.7 57.2 46.9 68.3 56.2 forgone costs can act as a disincentive for the
Exclusive breastfeeding Children aged recipient and are not factored into the design of
for six months 0–5 months who
were exclusively the IGMSY.
breastfed 64.9 70.8 82.3 64.3 74.8 The issue was not limited to merely accessing
Introduction of Children introduced the bank. The IGMSY guidelines mandate opening
complementary food complementary of zero-balance accounts, however, in most places
after six months feeding between
6 and 8 months 50.5 45.7 59.9 53.7 46.3 this was not taking place. In MP’s Kaream Raated
* Source: Rapid Survey of Children (MoWCD 2015). village, the post office did not open Aarti Bharti’s
52 august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
SPECIAL ARTICLE

account because she refused to pay a deposit. Aarti was eligi- High out-of-pocket expenditure: While the current IGMSY
ble for the IGMSY cash benefit, but did not receive it as a result amount falls short of reasonable norms for wage compensation,
of not having an account. women also spend huge amounts on out-of-pocket expenditure
Except for a few women, all beneficiaries interviewed had to in relation to childbirth.
pay a minimum deposit to open their account. In a number of Shyamwati from Dhabara village in MP, for instance, had to
cases women reported that their account was not opened until spend `3,000 to hire a jeep for travelling to Sagar district hos-
they paid a deposit. The front-line workers, block and district pital for her delivery. In addition, she had to spend about
officials also acknowledged that banks were not opening zero- `1,500 on medicines and pay a bribe of `300 to the nurse. She
balance accounts. The deposit demanded ranged from `50 to could not recall exactly how much she spent for returning
`200 in post offices and `500 to `1,000 in banks. home or any other healthcare expenditure made pre- and post-
Once an account is opened, there is no guarantee that delivery which were additional costs.
women will receive their entitlements on time. The IGMSY A study of Tamil Nadu’s maternity entitlement scheme also
guidelines require that the first instalment be paid in the third found that women spend nearly 39% of the amount received
trimester. In the four states, no woman received her first IGMSY on medical expenses (Public Health Resource Network 2010).
instalment before delivery. Women in the sample reported a The recent NSSo (2015) report on health expenditure also
delay of five months to three years in receiving the IGMSY cash. found that on average the out-of-pocket expenditure when
Such delays have existed since the scheme was launched. availing public health services for childbirth is approxi-
The evaluation of the IGMSY conducted by the ASCI in 2012 mately `1,587 in rural and `2,117 in urban areas. The average
found a delay of up to one to two years in receipt of IGMSY expenditure on private health services for the same is `14,778
cash by beneficiaries (ASCI 2013). Kumar et al (2015) found and `20,328 in rural and urban areas, respectively. Given
that a majority of women do paid work till the last stages of such high medical expenditure, even if the IGMSY is received in
their pregnancy and return to work as early as possible due to a timely manner, it will have limited impact on nutrition
the increased expenditure, as a result of the newborn, com- and rest.
bined with the low and delayed IGMSY cash benefit. An issue It was found that although the bank accounts are in the
of concern, which links to the poor monitoring of the IGMSY, name of the women, they did not have complete control over
is that the data provided to the authors by the concerned how the amount gets spent. Sometimes they decided to spend
government departments of the four states did not reflect the money with their husbands or keep it for themselves,
these delays. however, some women gave it or were forced to give it to their
Issues with transfer of funds are not limited to only payment husband or family.
of beneficiaries. Fund flow from the state to subsequent The money was mostly spent on essentials such as food and
administrative levels is also a lengthy and bureaucratic health services. Some beneficiaries reported using it to meet
process. The process begins with women registering at the additional expenditures related to rituals celebrating childbirth
AWC. The AWW then compiles the data for the entire month (IIPS 2016a, 2016b).
and gives it to the supervisor. The supervisor in turn collates
the data of her sector and submits it at the block office, where Exclusions due to eligibility criteria: A woman is entitled to
it is entered into a computerised database. The block-level data the IGMSY cash benefit only for the first two live births and if
is then sent to the district level where yet again the data is she is above 19 years of age. Several issues exist regarding
compiled and sent to the state level. Funds are released only these eligibility criteria. In the sites we visited, widespread in-
after state approval is obtained. This process takes approxi- consistency existed regarding who qualifies for the IGMSY.
mately 45 days. The state releases funds to the districts or Several front-line workers stated that along with the above-
blocks on a quarterly or half-yearly basis. mentioned criteria, a woman is entitled to the IGMSY cash if
State officials reported that fund release from the central she maintained a three-year gap between children and if she is
government to the states is often delayed. Since the IGMSY is from a below poverty line (BPL) household. Some front-line
entirely centrally sponsored, such a delay causes a complete workers also stated that the JSY requirement of institutional
breakdown of the fund flow cycle and leads to extended delays delivery is mandatory for receiving the final IGMSY instalment.
in fund allotment to districts and thereon. Furthermore, women in some villages were informed by the
In Bihar, we were informed that the first instalment of the front-line workers that sterilisation after two children was also
annual IGMSY budget is released by the Government of India a prerequisite for receiving IGMSY benefits. In Chhindwara,
(GoI) only in September, that is, the middle of the second MP, women were informed that those who give birth to a boy
quarter of the financial year. In Jharkhand, funds for 2014–15 are eligible for IGMSY and those who give birth to a girl are eli-
had not been received till September 2014. An AWW informed gible for the Ladli Laxmi Yojana. Besides the additional eligi-
us that for this reason she had stopped enrolling women for bility criteria as a result of misinformation, the official eligibil-
the IGMSY. Similar delays were found in Chhattisgarh and MP. ity criteria themselves result in some of the most vulnerable
The most significant cost of such delays are borne by the women being excluded.
women and children, when their entitlements are delayed or In all four states visited, the fertility rate is higher than the
denied to them. national average of 2.3. As a result, in these states more women
Economic & Political Weekly EPW august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 53
SPECIAL ARTICLE

are excluded as compared with other states. L Lingam and through the field study and national-level data, the eligibility
V Yelamanchili’s (2011) analysis of exclusion as a result of the criteria such as limiting benefits to women above 19 years of
IGMSY eligibility criteria and conditions indicates that the age or only up to two live births result in the exclusion of the
socio-economically vulnerable are the most excluded. An most marginalised. Conditionalities related to utilising health
analysis of Census 2011 data indicates that 37% women are ex- and nutrition services are also meaningless in the absence of
cluded due to these eligibility criteria. Furthermore, the esti- service guarantee and the absence of effective counselling on
mated exclusion is higher amongst STs and SCs. Exclusion is exclusive breastfeeding.
approximately 47% amongst STs and 41% amongst SCs. In fact, such conditions act as a disservice to women by dis-
The authors also observed this trend of exclusion of the most qualifying them from the IGMSY. Administrative rigidities such
vulnerable during the field study. For instance, in the villages as insisting on registration at the AWCS (even if the woman was
visited in Jharkhand, no woman from the Sabar (PVTG) and Ho registered with the health department) and not including
(ST) tribes had received IGMSY benefits. The Sabar and Ho are women residing at their natal homes add to the barriers in
some of the most deprived tribes in the region. The authors access to the scheme. Finally, the hurdles faced by women in
were informed by AWWs that child marriage is widely practised opening zero-balance bank accounts and accessing banks in
amongst these communities. As a result, women often bear general further serve to defeat the objectives of the IGMSY.
children before the age of 19 and for this reason are ineligible In most cases, the money was spent on health, food or other
for IGMSY benefits. In addition, an AWW in Jharkhand said, “It is household expenses, because the payment was often so delayed
not uncommon for women in this village to have more than two that it was not available to women when they most needed nutri-
children ... because of the two child norm, many women get left tion and rest. Secondly, the amount is too little to have any
out. Since 2010, about 25 to 30 women were left out.” impact on women’s decisions to engage (or not) in paid work.
As discussed, the IGMSY eligibility conditions increase the Moreover, norms related to gender division of labour are so
vulnerability of women who already lack access to proper entrenched that the burden of work on women remains almost
healthcare, and are socially and economically marginalised. the same even during late pregnancy or very soon after delivery.
Disincentivising having more than two children is often pro- In the absence of any public debate on division of labour or sup-
vided as the justification for the eligibility criteria. Besides the port structures to reduce women’s work either from within the
fact that discriminating against children who are born of a higher household or the state, the IGMSY entitlement has failed to
birth order or to young mothers is indefensible, there are a num- make any dent on time spent by women on other work.
ber of reasons why such eligibility criteria are not desirable. In this context, it is important to pose the question: does the
For example, it is children of higher birth order or born to IGMSY, in its current form, address the rights of all women as
low-age mothers who are at greater risk of mortality, morbidi- workers? Given the absence of a link to minimum wages,
ty and malnutrition (Raj et al 2010). Similarly there is a high MBA-defined statutory maternity leave and the vision of the
unmet need for contraception, and such systems of incentives IGMSY as a cct scheme aimed at “changing unhealthy beha-
and disincentives are not the appropriate way of achieving viour,” it appears the rights of women as workers are not on
population stabilisation (Sama 2009). Moreover, there has its agenda.
been a secular decline in fertility rates in all states in India and If the true spirit of the NFSA is to guarantee maternal and
it is estimated that all states will soon reach replacement-level child nutrition and health, ignoring the needs and rights of
fertility rates (Rukmini 2014). women entirely defeats its purpose. To ensure that the spirit of
In spite of this, interviews with state officials showed that the NFSA is upheld, a complete overhaul of the IGMSY’s design
they were not aware of the unfair exclusions as a result of is necessary. This would include making the scheme universal
these criteria and in fact believed that such criteria were and unconditional; linking the benefit to prevailing minimum
justified. For example an official of the Integrated Child wages and ensuring that bottlenecks related to fund transfer,
Development Services (ICDS) department in Bihar said, “Eligi- access to banking services, delays in payment and staff short-
bility criteria do not lead to exclusion. We have not received ages are taken care of.11
this issue in any meeting or report. No group or community Universal maternity entitlements have the potential to
has reported issue of exclusion.” The same official stated that meet multiple objectives, including recognising women’s
the age criterion should remain because “if we allow women rights as workers, providing social security for all women
below the age of 19 to be included then we will be contradict- during maternity, and promoting exclusive breastfeeding
ing other government policies (on population). We would be which is best practice for the child. The Government of India
promoting early marriage also.” As with the case of IGMSY must urgently implement the NFSA maternity entitlement
conditionality, retaining the IGMSY eligibility criteria while through a universal scheme, given that it has been over two
implementing the NFSA will undermine the maternity entitle- years since its passage. This study highlights the necessary
ment it defines for all women. changes in the design and implementation of the IGMSY, if
the government intends to utilise it to implement the said
Conclusions maternal entitlement.
Despite the limited framework of the IGMSY, the scheme has There are a number of other issues related to ensuring
design and implementation limitations. As demonstrated universal maternity entitlements in India that go beyond the
54 august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
SPECIAL ARTICLE

scope of this paper. In the current context where the govern- sectors within the vast unorganised sector while planning the
ment has announced the amendment of the MBA, these issues delivery mechanism.12
are significant. In particular, it is crucial to define coverage This paper, while focusing on the NFSA maternity cash entitle-
while accounting for the continuum of womens’ paid and un- ment, has raised critical issues that need to be taken into account
paid work; link the wage compensation to minimum wages; both for the proposed amendment of the MBA, as well as while
define wage protection as a principle for those in paid employ- drafting future (conditional and unconditional) cash transfer
ment; and account for the formal sector and the different policies aimed at reaching the poorest and the most vulnerable.

notes National Resource Centre for Women, Govern- — (2016b): “National Family Health Survey-4
ment of India. Factsheet Bihar 2015–16,” Indian Institute of
1 In the existing literature the terms maternity Population Studies, Mumbai.
Adhikari, A and K Bhatia (2010): “NREGA Wage
entitlements, maternity benefits and maternity
Payments: Can We Bank on the Banks?” Eco- ILO (nd): “International Labour Standards on
protections are often used interchangeably to
nomic & Political Weekly, Vol 45, No 1, pp 30–37. Maternity Protection,” viewed on 19 October
refer to the range of supportive measures for
women during pregnancy, childbirth and ARECD (2014): “ICDS: Model Rules for NFSA and 2014, http://www.ilo.org/global/standards/
childcare. This includes access to healthcare, Lessons from State Programmes and Experi- subjects-covered-by-international-labour-
nutrition, childcare services, breastfeeding ences,” New Delhi: Alliance for the Right to standards/maternity-protection/lang--en/in-
support and wage compensation/paid leave. In Early Childhood and Development. dex.htm.
this paper, we mainly discuss the wage com- ASCI (2013): Evaluation of the Indira Gandhi Ma- Kumar, P, A Mitra, A Singh, Aparna M B and
pensation component delivered in the form of tritva Sahayog Yojana, Report Submitted to the M Nilayamgode (2015): Implementing the Indira
cash transfers. Ministry of Women and Child Development, Gandhi Matritva Sahyog Yojana: Evidence from
2 Examples of such laws are the Plantations Act, Government of India, New Delhi. Jharkhand.
1949; the Mines Act, 1951; Beedi and Cigar Baker, M and K Milligan (2008): “Maternal Em- Lancet (2013): “Giving Children a Chance,” Lancet,
Workers Act, 1966; Building and Construction ployment, Breastfeeding, and Health: Evidence Vol 381, No 507, http://doi.org/10.1016/S0140
Workers Act, 1966; Contract Labour (Regula- from Maternity Leave Mandates,” Journal of 6736(13)60261–5.
tion and Abolition) Act, 1970 and Inter-state Health Economics, Vol 27, No 4, pp 871–87, Lingam, L and A Kanchi (2013): “Women’s Work,
Migrant Workers Act, 1970. http://doi.org/10.1016/j.jhealeco.2008.02.006. Maternity and Public Policy in India,” Ministry
3 See for example Chandrasekhar and Ghosh Coffey, D and P Hathi (2015): “Underweight & Preg- of Labour and Empowerment, Government of
(2014), NCEUS (2009). nant: Maternity Entitlements and Weight Gain India and International Labour Organization,
4 Maternal entitlements were included in the During Pregnancy,” draft to be published. New Delhi, Hyderabad.
NFSA because framers of the act adopted a life- Chandrasekhar, C P and J Ghosh (2014): “Are Lingam, L and V Yelamanchili (2011): “Reproduc-
cycle approach to food security, which meant Women Really Working Less in India?” Busi- tive Rights and Exclusionary Wrongs: Maternity
accounting for the health and nutrition needs ness Line, 18 August, http://www.thehindu- Benefits,” Economic & Political Weekly, Vol 46,
of mothers and children. These needs are cru- businessline.com/opinion colum ns/c-p -chan- No 43, pp 94–103.
cial for intrauterine growth, mortality rates of drasekhar/are-women-really-working-less-in-
MoWCD (2015): “Rapid Survey on Children 2013–
mothers and children, and future physical and india/article6329215.ece.
14,” Ministry of Women and Child Development,
cognitive development. Chowdhry, P (1993): “High Participation, Low Evalu- Government of India, New Delhi.
5 The act recognises that all pregnant and ation,” Economic & Political Weekly, Vol 28,
No 52, pp A135–A148. NCEUS (2007): “Report on Conditions of Work and
lactating women are entitled to maternity Promotion of Livelihoods in the Unorganised
benefits of `6,000 and one free meal a day, ex- Dand, S and N Agrawal (2014): “Towards a Univer-
Sector,” National Commission for Enterprises
cluding central and state government sal Conception of Adequate Maternity Entitle-
in the Unorganised Sector, New Delhi.
employees and women receiving such benefits ments in NFSA 2013,” National Seminar on
Food Security Act: Challenges in Securing — (2009): “The Challenge of Employment in
under other laws.
Right to Food for the People, 15–16 July. India: An Informal Employment Perspective,”
6 Although this entitlement currently exists National Commission for Enterprises in the
through the Integrated Child Development Elson, D (2002): “Macroeconomics and Macroeco-
Unorganised Sector, Vol I, New Delhi.
Services (ICDS) and Supreme Court orders in nomic Policy from a Gender Perspective,” Pub-
PUCL v Union of India and Others Writ Petition lic Hearing of Study Commission “Globalisa- National Sample Survey Office (2015): “Key Indica-
(civil) 196 of 2001, there are a number of prob- tion of the World Economy—Challenges and tors of Social Consumption in India: Health,”
lems in its implementation. In the present arti- Responses.” New Delhi.
cle, however, we focus on the cash maternity Falcao, V L, J Khanuja, S Matharu, S Nehra and Public Health Resource Network (2010): Towards
benefit while acknowledging that supplementa- D Sinha (2015): Report on the Study of the Indira Universalisation of Maternity Entitlements: An
ry nutrition is an important component of ma- Gandhi Matritva Sahyog Yojana, New Delhi: Exploratory Case Study of the Dr Muthulakshmi
ternity entitlements to enable adequate nutri- Centre for Equity Studies. Maternity Assistance Scheme, Tamil Nadu.
tion and proper weight gain during pregnancy. Ghosh, J (2014): “A Definition That Works,” Frontline, Raj, A, N Saggurti, M Winter, A Labonte, M R Deck-
7 For the study report see Falcao et al (2015). October, http://www.frontline.in/columns/Jay- er, D Balaiah and J G Silverman (2010): “The
8 As defined by National Sample Surveys Office ati_Ghosh/a-definition-that-works/article Effect of Maternal Child Marriage On Morbidi-
code 92 and 93. 6499718.ece. ty and Mortality of Children Under 5 in India: A
9 States such as Tamil Nadu and Odisha provide GoI (2011): “IGMSY Implementation Guidelines for Cross Sectional Study of A Nationally Repre-
maternity benefits to women subject to eligibil- State Governments/UT Administrations,” Min- sentative Sample,” BMJ, Vol 340 (b4258),
ity based on age and number of children. istry of Women and Child Development, Gov- http://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.b4258.
10 For minimum wage for unskilled agricultural ernment of India, New Delhi. Rukmini, S (2014): “India to Reach Replacement
workers in C category areas (where wages are — (2013): Revision of Maternity Benefit and Con- Levels of Fertility by 2020,” Hindu, 23 Decem-
the lowest) see Order from the Office of Chief ditionalities Under IGMSY Scheme in Accord- ber, http://www.thehindu.com/data/india-to-
Labour Commissioner, Ministry of Labour and Em- ance with National Food Security Act, 2013 reach-replacement-levels-of-fertility-by-2020/
ployment, Government of India, No 1/3 (1)/- Effective from 10th September 2013, Ministry article6717297.ece.
2015-LS-II dated 30 March 2015. of Women and Child Development, Govern- Sahyog (2012): Monitoring the IGMSY from Equity
11 For detailed recommendations of this study on ment of India, New Delhi. and Accountability Perspective: A Block-level
the IGMSY scheme see Falcao et al (2015). — (2015): Parliamentary Standing Committee Study in West Bengal, Odisha, Jharkhand and
12 Many more issues are also raised in the context Report 268: Demand for Grants 2015–16 of the Uttar Pradesh, The Crisis of Maternity: Health-
of the amendment of the MBA, such as rights of Ministry of Women and Child Development, care and Maternity Protection for Women Wage
adoptive parents, moving to a focus on parental Rajya Sabha, Government of India, New Delhi. Workers in the Informal Sector in India, A Com-
leave from maternal leave, etc. Hirway, I (2002): “Employment and Unemployment pilation of Two National Studies.
Situation in 1990s: How Good Are NSS Data?” Sama (2009): Beyond Numbers: Implications of the
Economic & Political Weekly, Vol 27, No 21, Two-child Norm, Sama—Research Group for
References pp 2027–36. Women and Health, New Delhi.
Abraham, A, D Singh and P Pal (2014): “Critical IIPS (2016a): “National Family Health Survey-4 Sharma, M (1989): “Women’s Work Is Never Done,”
Assessment of Labour Laws, Policies and Practices Factsheet Madhya Pradesh 2015–16,” Indian Economic & Political Weekly, Vol 24, No 17,
through a Gender Lens,” Dissussion Paper for Institute of Population Studies, Mumbai. pp WS38–WS44.

Economic & Political Weekly EPW august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 55


SPECIAL ARTICLE

Swadhin/Paradhin (Freedom/‘Unfreedom’)
A Working Class Analysis of the Indian Domestic Work Industry

Udbhav Agarwal

A staple of household life in India, domestic workers Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes
when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but
form the ever-increasing class of people struggling for very substantially. At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world
an official labour identity, and consequent labour sleeps, India will awake to light and freedom […] when the soul of a
nation, long suppressed, finds utterance.
standards considered commonplace and irreplaceable —Jawaharlal Nehru, on 14 August 1947, approaching the first dawn of
an independent India. (Collins and Lapierre 1975)
elsewhere. Three interrelated aspects of the industry—

L
the identity of the Indian domestic worker, power idioms iberalised for private investment in 1991, the modern-
day Indian economy functions on a strict adherence to
of worker oppression, and legal, even ideological,
neo-liberal ideals—a melting pot for private accumula-
structures—need to be looked at in order to alleviate tion and class inequalities (Roy 2014: 7–47). Agriculture in
their oppression. India, an industry that once made up the majority of India’s
workforce now contributes 13.7% to India’s gross domestic
product (GDP) (Economic Times 2013), while farmers continue
to commit suicide at an all-time high rate of 11.2% (National
Crime Records Bureau 2012: 182). The memories of small
towns that once decorated their body and borders have be-
come reduced to mere vestiges, as rural populations make way
for industry and “big” cities; and the “big” cities become idio-
syncratic of each other. Indeed, India today is more developed
than it has ever been, if development was measured by con-
crete and hegemony. Perhaps, at the stroke of the midnight
hour, only a few souls of this nation, long suppressed, have
found utterance.
Class inequalities come face-to-face in almost every junc-
ture of ordinary life in India. As chartered planes touch down
on the granite runways of Chhatrapati Shivaji airport at India’s
financial capital, Mumbai, passengers overlook the cluttered
nooks of Dharavi, the world’s biggest slum. Not far off, surmo-
unted like a mammoth effigy of a feudal lord, stands Antilla—
the 27-storey skyscraper residence of Mukesh Ambani and his
family of four costing nearly $2 billion (Woolsey 2008). In a
nation of 1.25 billion, the richest 100 own assets worth one-
fourth of its GDP (Roy 2014: 7). The middle and upper classes,
making up only 23.3% of India’s population, take over the top
15% of the income bracket, while the working and poor classes
make up the rest of it: 76.7% (National Commission for Enter-
prises in the Unorganized Sector—NCEUS 2007: 6). Tanta-
mount to that figure, around 75% of Indians in the unorgan-
ised sector make less than `20 a day (NCEUS 2007: 1), while the
National Minimum Wage (NMW) is set at `66 per day depend-
ing on occupation and residence (NCEUS 2007: 46). Additional
data shows that regulations for a government-mandated work
week (not more than 9 hours a day with 48 hours a week) are
Udbhav Agarwal (udagarwal@vassar.edu) is with Vassar College, rarely followed. Thus, the average week becomes 10 hours a
Poughkeepsie, New York.
day and 60 hours a week (maybe even more, depending on
56 august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
SPECIAL ARTICLE

which industry you find yourself in) (NCEUS 2007: 35–38). Ess- on domestic workers to do all kinds of household chores,
entially, in the world’s biggest democracy, the majority of citi- whether it be cooking, cleaning toilets or taking care of their
zens belong to the working class, earn an average income that children. However, within this everyday medley of orders and
is 50% below the mandated minimum wage and work 20% tasks are behaviours that give birth to a “structure of feeling”
more hours than permitted by the government. that represses the identity of the naukar, resuscitating his
Within this context, thrives the Indian domestic work indus- working-class inferiority and articulating the hegemony of the
try—an institution entrenched in politics of class, caste and ruling class. These behaviours do not end with their physical
gender. Around 2.7%1 of working Indians (Economist 2012), in- dealings, but generate an experience that is “actively lived and
cluding the 600 naukars and naukranis2 that work at Ambani’s felt,” characterised by its sustained and constant implications
Antilla (Woolsey 2008) and 57% migrants that move from on the domestic help.
small towns to the “big” cities looking for employment (NCEUS Consider the narrative of Ram Lakhan, a 76-year-old cook
2007: 95), find themselves as a part of this undocumented, who has been working at my house for the past 35 years. Ram
unregulated and often, intrusive work culture (Hondagneu- Lakhan is older than my grandfather, yet he has never been
Sotelo 2007; Ray and Qayum 2009; Dickey 2000). By focusing treated with the same respect. Every now and then, one can
on the predicaments and tribulations of the domestic worker find my grandmother derailing him for mistakes that only do-
in specific, this research paper will attempt to create a gen- mestic workers can be derailed for: putting too much salt in
eric analysis of the working class in India. Given both the mul- the food or the tea not being hot enough. During meals, as
tiple intersectional oppressions that govern the domestic everyone sits and eats, Ram Lakhan is supposed to walk to and
worker and the immense number of employers that are implic- fro from the kitchen to the dining room, cooking and simulta-
itly involved in their oppression, the analysis becomes an neously delivering rotis—an evidently tremendous task given
exemplar case study of what it means to be Indian and work- his age. Yet, there are times when he is severely reprimanded
ing class, in a nation that woke up to “light and freedom” for being too slow. On other days, when Ram Lakhan is not
70 years ago. there, and my mother cooks the food, an excess of salt is add-
This article would consider three interrelated aspects of the ressed in a single amusing comment at the dining table, and
domestic work industry. Section 1 would focus on the identity rotis are patiently waited for. Ram Lakhan’s old age, decades
of the Indian naukar. By focusing on daily narratives of domes- of work experience, and delicate health would command great
tic workers, the section would observe how domestic work respect and gratitude in other professions; but his identity as a
encroaches upon the identity of the naukar, burdening them naukar makes those traits irrelevant. Ram Lakhan’s narrative
under a constant state of oppression and creating a “structure summarises a recurring theme in domestic worker narratives
of feeling” (Williams 1973: 1-16) that dictates their class posi- from across India where an individual’s social position as a
tion. Section 2 would begin to unearth the unnerving ways domestic worker organises contradictions with other salient
in which seemingly ordinary people become “bystanders” aspects of his identity. Domestic workers are considered out-
(Cohen 2000: 143) if not perpetrators of this oppression. By side the realm of social norms, where the master–slave rela-
focusing on the paradoxical defence mechanisms utilised by tionship subsumes any and all social definitions that may
employers to maintain their power, the section would reveal make them human—allowing the employers to create a distin-
the structural impediments that stagnate the naukar in his ction between themselves and the ones serving them. As
class position, forming a larger critique of neo-liberal (Harvey Mila puts it: “a ser vant is not really a human; a servant is
2007), socio-economic policies of an economically liberal a servant.” 4
India. Section 3 and the conclusion briefly addresses the ques- The exclusion of domestic workers is further complicated by
tion of what considerations may guide an attempt to restruc- the psychological and emotional demands of domestic work.
ture the Indian domestic work industry, highlighting crucial The relationship that grows between the domestic worker and
changes needed in both government mandates and employer– their employer is governed by partisan authority and subservi-
employee relationships.3 ence, even though the work demanded of them requires acute
emotional vulnerability: a “labour of love”5 (Sotelo 2007: 68).
1 The Identity of the Naukar Consider the narrative of Sadna, an old Bengali woman with
They think of us as slaves. Just as slaves. three children, who has been working at our house for the past
—Mutthammal, a domestic worker in Madurai. (Dickey 2000: 40)
16 years. She began her work back in 1999, when my youngest
A servant is not really a human; a servant is a servant.
—Mila, an employer in Kolkata. (Ray and Qayum 2009: 136)
cousin was born, her main task being taking care of her. Each
year, for the last 16 years, Sadna spends eight months at my
A “structure of feeling,” as Marxist sociologist Raymond hometown in Allahabad, away from her own children—trying
Williams puts it, attempts to describe “the meanings and val- to earn a livelihood. The work has required her to transform
ues as they are actively lived and felt […] a distinction from her own meanings of motherhood to accommodate the “tem-
more formal concepts of ‘word-view’ or ‘ideology’” (Williams poral and spatial separations” (Sotelo and Ernestine 1997:
1973: 1–16). The Indian domestic work industry has become the 548) employment has created between herself and her family.6
bedrock of middle and upper class existence in modern-day Even though Sadna’s work in the household requires complete
India. Almost every middle and upper class household depends emotional involvement, constantly being reminded that she
Economic & Political Weekly EPW august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 57
SPECIAL ARTICLE

works not for the money, she is not given the same respect or bought specifically for them and cooked in different pots and
privilege that such a role would otherwise command. Sadna pans (Dickey 2000: 41). The cumulative effect of all of these
has to struggle with the dichotomy that no matter how invest- subtleties, reduces the act of consumption of food to a basic act of
ed she becomes in her relationship with my cousin, her mother- survival—where workers’ attempts to use cultural and personal
hood is the other end of a “business transaction” (Sotelo 2007: definitions get undermined because of their worker status.
172) and she shall never get the same respect or privilege that At the heart of the issue of distancing and exclusion9 is the
such a role deserves. Again, as was seen in the case of Ram notion of public and private space. For the workers, who spend
Lakhan, Sadna’s employment abuses her emotional vulnera- most of their days in the houses of their employers, their access
bility, organising contradictions with other salient aspects of to a space that they could call their own is specifically limited.
her identity. At the home of the employer they are considered to be within
In many ways, these organised contradictions are exactly someone else’s boundaries, hence the employer assumes every
what keep the domestic work industry afloat. If Sadna or Ram right to create rules and regulations that limit the worker’s
Lakhan were defined using the same social labels as their em- movement. Workers may do one thing, but not another; they
ployers, the hypocrisy of the system would be constantly may cook food for themselves but not use expensive vegeta-
revealed. Acts such as asking a 70-year-old man to run and bles, they may watch television but not increase the volume,
deliver food or exploiting a parent’s vulnerability to take care they may take a break but not for too long—depending on the
of one’s own child would seem instantly unconscionable. To subjectivity of the employer. In essence, social identities
ensure subservience, workers need to be constantly reminded deflate in the case of domestic help only to be replaced by a
that they are unequal, that it is okay to treat them with dis- complex awareness of limitations, depending on the whims
respect. The hegemony of the ruling class needs to be main- and behaviours of their employers. It is this complex aware-
tained by forcefully and collectively asserting their superiority ness of limitations, where every action and movement is open
over groups to be exploited. As Bhagat Singh, an upper-middle to scrutiny albeit the quality or quantity of work performed,
class employer casually remarks, “if the servants coalesce into that leads to a state of absolute powerlessness and persistent
a real class, it is a real threat […] there is definitely a feeling in oppression—creating a “structure of feeling” that represses
employers of us against them” (emphasis added) (Ray and the identity of the naukar. As Kamal, a domestic worker for a
Qayum 2009: 147); he reveals the implicit oftentimes acciden- nuclear family in Kolkata, simplistically states “negotiation is
tal agenda that is fulfilled by politics by exclusion. not a choice” (Ray and Qayum 2009: 87), he encapsulates the
The behaviours that demarcate this exclusion encroach unfairness of the domestic work industry.
upon ordinary experiences of domestic workers, where simple
everyday actions resuscitate working-class inferiority. Consid- 2 Defence Mechanisms and Power Idioms
er, for example, the “politics of sitting” (Ray and Qayum 2009: Once you reach the upper class, you do have a position in society, you
won’t stoop down.
148–52). In each household, workers are not allowed to sit on
—Usha, a middle class employer of domestic work. (Dickey 2000: 40)
furniture used by the employers. If an employer talks to them, They think we are vulgar. Those people, because they give us wages,
they are supposed to stand straight and listen, no matter how they think we are disgusting.
the employer is positioned, reclining on a bed or sitting com- —Rupa, a domestic worker and friend of fellow
domestic worker Mutthammal. (qtd in Dickey 2000: 41)
fortably on a couch. In 16 years of work, Sadna, for instance,
has never been allowed to sit on any of the house chairs. In Stanley Cohen, in his book States of Denial, uses the term
winters, when the marble floors become too cold, she carries “internal bystanders” to describe the position of “knowing
around a mattress and sits on that, even when chairs around about atrocities and suffering within your own society” (2000:
the house remain unused. The politics extends to sanitary ar- 140). The Indian domestic work industry finds itself in a simi-
rangements, stairwells and elevators, and use of appliances lar predicament. With 2.7% of India’s working population em-
(Ray and Qayum 2009: 146–48), where different, more basic ployed in the profession, the number of employers complicit in
arrangements are provided for the workers than their employ- exploiting domestic workers is tremendous, as if the totality of
ers. By excluding the worker from provisions of personal com- middle and upper classes have successfully sustained the im-
fort, employers establish that the workers are unfit to enjoy the pression that their mistreatment of domestic workers is accept-
same lifestyle as themselves—that they are ontologically infe- able. But how can such an impression be sustained? How can
rior,7 so much so that anything that comes in physical contact 23.3% of India’s total population become incapable of conceiv-
with them gets tainted.8 ing the obvious cruelties that they inflict on the domestic worker?
Consider, also, the act of cooking and consumption of food. Many employers of domestic work in India feel that domes-
Domestic workers are prohibited from eating food at the same tic workers exploit them; that their “kindness [as employers] is
time, or at the same place as their employees. They have dif- taken as weakness or worse” (Dickey 2000: 47–52). In their
ferent plates and spoons (Prem, our house-sweeper, has used a eyes, they feel obligated to employ the domestic worker who
metal can of frozen beans as a substitute for a glass for the past has no other place to go, and the act of granting employment
14 years), ones which they are not allowed to wash with the makes them kind. The simple fact that they dispense wages,
dishware used by their employers. They even have different an action that is generic to any and all professions, is used to
rations, like an inferior quality of rice or lentils which are construct the subservience of the domestic worker (Dickey
58 august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
SPECIAL ARTICLE

2000: 42). Workers are considered “material-minded” (Pad- `1,221 for school fees at the local government schools (NCEUS
ma, qtd in Dickey 2000: 47) or “vulgar” (Mutthammal, qtd in 2007: 86). The NMW for domestic workers, set at `53 per day
Dickey 2000: 41) when they ask for food to take back home, or (or `1,600 per month), fails to account for the former, let alone
a little extra money on the side. Raman, an upper-middle class the latter. To make things worse, around 84% of workers em-
employer, highlights this vulgarity as an ordinary case of class ployed in urban areas report that they get wages below the
difference: “upper-class people are supposed to be soft, toler- minimum wage; while the ratio only increases for rural areas—
ant, intelligent in approaching problems […] they [people be- 92%10 (NCEUS 2007: 85). A surface analysis of these statistics
longing to lower classes] are rough, they are more impulsive, shows that the chances for domestic workers to successfully
they don’t reason out things […] they cannot suddenly change influence their socio-economic positions are non-existent.
overnight” (qtd in Dickey 2000: 36). His statement summaris- Consider, then, the implications of blaming a worker for their
es the general sentiment of employers towards the biographies impoverished faiths; the frustration and exhaustion of being
of the workers. According to them, workers are performing do- oppressed and overworked every day only to realise that the
mestic work because they belong to a class not “evolved” sweat and toil is up to no foreseeable end. Guru, a domestic
enough to do anything else. Raman, like many other employ- worker at a residential building since 1978, conveys this lack of
ers, assumes that behavioural differences among classes are opportunity in exact terms: “I would certainly do something
economically based and within that assumption makes a nar- else if I could get it. But I never did get any other kind of work
rative where he is able to blame workers for their working class [repeated]. Now where will I get other work? ... I’m older; my
position. What he misses is the other cyclical end of the family has increased. If I don’t work, I can’t feed them” (Ray
statement: workers perform domestic work because they be- and Qayum 2009). Guru has devoted his life to domestic work,
long to a class not “evolved” enough to do anything else, and yet every other day is a struggle to put food on the table. Thirty-
because they perform domestic work they will never be able to seven years of work has let him nowhere. Vasanthi takes this
“belong to a class” where they could do anything else. In analysis even further, when she marks the grave inequalities
other words, the employers use the same structural impedi- produced by unequal starting points between a typical worker
ments that hinder domestic workers from rising up … to put and an employer that haunt domestic workers for rest of their
them down. lives:
You don’t know, and you don’t know what you don’t know […] one They’d [employers] have gotten their children educated. They’d have
‘must never look’ precisely because to see was [is] to raise unwanted gotten their children to be lawyers or doctors. They’d have poured
questions of choice and action. Cohen (2000: 145) money. They’d have a lot of property. Their parents would have a lot
Implicit within the defence mechanisms used by the em- of property. They could advance using those properties. They will be
like, ‘Our family has this much property. Our parents give so much to
ployers to justify their position is a purposeful obliviousness
us. They educated us to this degree. So, we should get into this job.’
towards workers’ biographies. For them, a worker’s demands But for poor people like us, we could not pay money for schools like
for more wages or better working hours suggest lumpiness or ‘city’ schools [private schools] and get our children educated there.
lethargy; that the workers are trying to substitute hard work We will search for government schools and we will get our children
with an easy way out. Consider the narrative of Vasanthi, a educated there […] In the future, the lives of our children would be
only like ours. (qtd in Dickey 2000: 45)
Tamil domestic worker:
Look at me. I have nothing at all. But they are loaded. If I go to them Vasanthi’s comment illustrates the vicious cycle that domes-
and say, ‘Please give me ten rupees. I’ll give it back to you in the even- tic workers find themselves in. For all Vasanthis and Gurus out
ing,’ they will say, ‘Would you give me a rupee as interest?’ If I say ‘give there, the current state of the domestic work industry leaves
me ten rupees, I’ll return it in the evening,’ they will say […] ‘Why do
you pawn? Why do you borrow money?’ How can I do otherwise! […]
their chances of advancement bleak—a fate which only com-
The employer is […] blind: she does not understand the circumstances pounds from one generation to the other. As employers choose
of the poor, so she criticises; she does not see need, so she does not to stay uninformed, they only perpetuate the systemic
give. (qtd in Dickey 2000: 43) inequalities that work against the domestic workers.
Vasanthi’s conversations with her domestic worker suggest In many ways, the employer’s decision to stay uninformed
an underlying distrust between the employer and the worker. can be understood as a consequence of living in a society led
Her requests for more money are seen as encroachments on by neo-liberal ideals of “privatised citizenship”11 (Shapiro
the work that the employers perform, how could they give up 2005: 13) and “free enterprise” (Harvey 2007: 37). As govern-
their hard-earned money for free? Their inability to conceive ment policy in India aims to deregulate its control over the
the structural impediments that stagnate workers in their so- industry, it gives unprecedented agency to capitalists and indi-
cio-economic position translates into a distasteful perception viduals. The employers’ apathy towards the domestic worker
of workers. In reality, however, the domestic workers’ de- precipitates from a growing awareness of this brutal indi-
mands for more money or more food echo a larger critique of vidualism, where each person assumes responsibility for his or
their class immobility. her own success. As the employer becomes responsible for his
The NCEUs’s report titled “On Conditions of Work and Pro- or her own doing, so must be the worker—a logic that directly
motion of Livelihoods in the Unorganized Sector” recognises undermines the importance of the “ovarian roulette game”12
the average per month expenditure of the family of a domestic (Collins et al 2014) in dictating success and failure of the
worker at `5,189; of which `1,959 is allocated to food and average Indian.
Economic & Political Weekly EPW august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 59
SPECIAL ARTICLE

3 Reworking the System: Subtleties and Solutions retribution, which may only result in temporary ease but no
And we do not yet know whether cultural life can survive the disap- long-term gain.
pearance of domestic workers.
—Alain Besancon. (qtd in Ray and Qayum 2009: 145) Conclusions
The more you have, the more you can have.
The ways in which the Indian upper and middle classes choose
—Arundhati Roy (9).
to treat domestic workers speaks volumes about the society we
One thing is certain: the profits of collectively oppressing a are all part of. As domestic workers are subjected to increasing
group of people into performing menial yet necessary jobs at oppression, they are forced to lose their sense of agency and
low wages and uneven work schedules are immense. For one, purpose. Each and every time, when an employer questions a
the work needs to be done13 and the middle and upper classes worker’s integrity, they ignore the various structural impedi-
will not be the ones to do it. Further, to acclimatise the middle and ments that feed her (the worker’s) perseverance and ambition.
upper classes to a neo-liberal work ethic of nine-to-five jobs the The social forces that stagnate the domestic worker in her
system needs to ensure that they feel their homes are taken care socio-economic position are the same as those that adversely
of, in the cheapest way possible. As Besancon points out, it is tough affect the Indian working class in general. Working-class peo-
to imagine the neo-liberal work order survive without oppress- ple go to unkempt government schools and do low-paying un-
ing the domestic workers, and the working class in general. skilled jobs because they belong to the working class; and be-
Central to reworking the system of domination that governs cause they go to unkempt government schools and do low-pay-
the life of the domestic worker is the notion of acknowledging ing unskilled jobs they will remain working class. Granted, not
domestic work as an organised form of labour. As of 2016, do- every employer and domestic worker is the same; and narra-
mestic workers are not recognised as workers by the Indian tives of unsuspecting employer generosity and exploitative do-
Government (WIEGO 2015). As a consequence, they do not gain mestic worker accounts do exist (Ray and Qayum 2009: 113–
the benefits of the most fundamental of bills, such as the Child 16). However, given the decades of suppression and social
Labour Law (1986), Maternity Benefits Act (1961) and Weekly backlog that burden the domestic worker, these narratives can
Holidays Act (1942) (NCEUS 2008: 162). The bills that do apply be seen as mere rarities. The draft legislation that ultimately
to them: such as the Minimum Wages Act or Shops and Estab- hopes to restitute agency to the domestic worker, has been
lishments Act are either too unfair or are never successfully stalled three times in the Parliament in the past 25 years14
implemented (NCEUS 2008: 85–88). Granting domestic work- (NCEUS 2007: 86). There is something ironically uncanny
ers an official worker status would bring them one step closer about the fact that the very people who use and abuse domes-
to being considered within the framework of social norms; a tic workers will fill the final ballot on how these workers
necessary triumph given the various methods by which work- should lead their lives. It is crucial to observe that the rights of
ers are distanced from the lifestyle of their employers. the domestic worker are rights that affect each and every
A crucial step in the fight for the rights of the domestic work- one of us. If a society could collectively “take themselves in”
er is the understanding that the system at present is inherently (Cohen 2000: 141) into systematically abusing its most vulner-
unfair. Many employers, even after recognising the cruelties of able group of people, it is only a matter of time before the most
domestic work, shy away from serious reforms when they real- vulnerable group includes oneself. In many ways, the domestic
ise its adverse effects on their socio-economic position. The worker–employer relationship provides a disturbing parallel
implication that domestic workers and their employers can be to the zamindar–tenant relationship or even the master–slave
considered equals, individuals merely working in different relationship observed under the British Raj: social orders that
lines of work, not only presents an increased economic cost to have taken centuries to revolt against. In conclusion, the words
the employers but also blurs their ability to feel superior by of Anna Julia Cooper provide a much needed sense of human-
positioning themselves over an “inferior” class of people. ity: “lessening the interest in one’s self […] being polite […]
Indeed, the employers must realise that the benefits they de- induces one to take an interest in others” (1892).
rive from the present system come at the cost of other lives; Domestic helpers in India are not identified as individuals. It
that they are advantaged because of someone else’s disadvan- is a disconcerting realisation, that in the country which gained
tage. In order to correct the system, they would need to give up freedom 70 years ago, the increasing distance from that very
those benefits, and be ready to face the costs of the same. freedom has become the domestic worker’s “tryst with destiny.”
However, distributing money or occasional monetary perks
is not a feasible solution to the problems of the domestic work Notes
industry. The fact that domestic workers are not paid enough 1 The accuracy of the figure mentioned is questioned in the source article.
The authors believe that the percentage can be severely undercounted
is not the central issue, and judging it as so would be grossly given that employers and workers both may withhold information from
missing the point. Domestic work as a profession has seen dec- official census officers.
ades of intersectional oppressions. The system, as being so, 2 North Indian dialectic for manservant and maidservant. The word naukar
is often used a pejorative to describe people whose livelihoods are depend-
needs to be reworked in order to accommodate and dismem- ent on their masters. The word, as mentioned above, has come into com-
ber those intersectional oppressions; and an intermittent pro- mon use to refer to the domestic help.
3 A note on research: given the proximate nature of the subject (and the lack
vision of luxury would not do so. On the other hand, it would of research available on it) a major component of the essay would focus on
be a failed attempt at solving a social issue through personal my practical sociology, my experiences and conversations with domestic

60 august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly


SPECIAL ARTICLE
help throughout my life. Additional ascending “in which communities, families, and individu- Economist (2012): “Can’t Get the Help,” accessed on
resources would include Raka Ray and Seemin als try to capture or purchase resources and 25 May 2016, http://www.economist.com/
Qayum’s study Cultures of Servitude: Moderni- services for their own benefit rather than in in- news/asia/21568772-cheap-household-labour-
ty, Domesticity and Class in India, which pres- vestments that would help everyone”. The no-longer-abundant-supply-cant-get-help.
ents an exacting dissection of servant culture mindset resonates deeply with that of the em- Gans, Herbert J (1971): “The Use of Poverty: The
in the metropolitan city of Kolkata; and Sara ployer of the domestic worker, where he pre-
Poor Pay All,” Social Policy, July/August,
Dickey’s paper “Mutual Exclusions: Domestic fers to accumulate wealth rather than use it to
solve social problems that may or may not re- pp 20–24.
Workers and Employers on Labour, Class and Gould, Jay, Stephen (1981): The Mismeasure of Man,
Character in South India”; a short yet essential late to him (Shapiro 2005: 13).
12 Sociologist Chuck Collins uses the term “ovari- Boston: W W Norton & Company.
collection of worker–employer narratives in
the Southern city of Madurai. Most of the sta- an roulette game” to describe the omnipotent Harvey, David (2007): A Brief History of Neoliberal-
tistics used in the paper are taken from varia- role that one’s birth (in a rich or a poor family, ism, New York City: Oxford University Press.
in a racially superior or a racially inferior family, Lapierre, Dominique and Larry Collins (1975):
tions of the Indian Census of 2011 and a 370-
etc) plays in deciding one’s biography. The Freedom at Midnight, New York: Simon and
page report issued by NCEUS titled “Report on term gains special significance when it comes
Conditions of Work and Promotion of Liveli- Schuster.
to the domestic work industry, given that the
hoods in the Unorganised Sector” in 2007. The only difference between the employers and the National Crime Records Bureau (2012): Accidental
report, almost a decade-old next year, is the workers are the places of their births and eve- Deaths and Suicides in India 2012, New Delhi:
last authoritative government document is- rything that comes thereafter. Government Press.
sued by the commission on the unorganised 13 Herbert J Gans, in his paper “The Uses of Pov- NCEUS (2008): “Report on Conditions of Work and
sector, with pages specifically dedicated to the erty: The Poor Pay All” lists 13 uses that the Promotion of Livelihoods in the Unorganized
Indian domestic work industry. Other facts poor serve in society, including “provision of Sector,” National Commission for Enterprises
such as average national wage estimates or em- low-wage labour that is willing- or rather, una- in the Unorganized Sector, New Delhi: Govern-
ployment rates are taken from around that ble to be unwilling to perform dirty work”, ment Press.
time, to maintain temporal consistency in anal- their use as a “reliable and relatively perma- Ray, Raka and Seemin Qayum (2009): Cultures
ysis. Finally, transnational connections would nent measuring rod for status comparison”: of Servitude: Modernity, Domesticity and
be drawn with the maid industry in Los Angeles both of which apply widely to the Indian do-
Class in India, Stanford: Stanford University
using Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo’s ascending mestic work industry (Gans 1971).
Press.
book Domestica and Mary Romero’s collection of 14 The bill was unsuccessfully tabled in the Lok
Los Angeles maid testimonials Maid in the USA. Sabha in 1990, 1996 and 2011 (NCEUS 86). Romero, Mary (1992): Maid in the USA, New York:
Routledge.
4 Mary Romero talks about a similar phenome-
non in her piece Maid in the USA, while refer- Roy, Arundhati (2014): Capitalism: A Ghost Story,
ring to the experiences of her friend’s maid Chicago: Haymarket Books.
References Shapiro, M, Thomas (2005): The Hidden Cost of Be-
Juanita. Though Juanita is of the same age as
her colleague’s oldest daughter and just a few Abrams, M, Kathleen and Sara Dickey (eds) (2000): ing African American, New York: Oxford Uni-
years older than his two sons, ‘she was [is] Home and Hegemony: Domestic Service and versity Press.
treated differently from the other teenagers in Identity Politics in South and Southeast Asia. Sotelo-Hondagneu, Pierrette (2007): Domestica:
the house. She is assumed to have different Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press. Immigrant Workers Cleaning and Caring in the
wants and needs. Juanita’s status as a domestic Bobo, Kim (2011): Wage Theft in America, New Shadows of Influence, Berkeley: University of
worker has changed the way her employers York: The New Press. California Press.
perceive her daily needs (Romero 1992: 2). Cohen, Stanley (2000): States of Denial: Knowing Sotelo-Hondagneu, Pierrette and Ernestine Avila
5 Hondagneau-Sotelo uses the term “labor of About Atrocities and Suffering, Great Britain: Polity. (1997): “I’m, Here, but I’m There”: Meanings of
love” to define the emotional vulnerability that Collins, Chuck, Jennifer Ladd, Maynard Seider and the Latina Transnational Motherhood,” Gender
employers expect from nannies and maids who Felice Yesekel (eds) (2014): Class Lives: Stories and Society 11, No 5, pp 548–71.
are hired to take care of their children. Sotelo’s from Across our Economic Divide, Ithaca: Cor- Williams, Raymond (1973): “Base and Superstruc-
analysis of this phenomenon observed in maid nell University Press. ture in Marxist Cultural Theory,” New Left Re-
culture in LA is specially fitting to our analysis Dickey, Sara (2000): “Mutual Exclusions: Domestic view 82, pp 3–16.
of Indian domestic workers. Workers and Employers on Labor, Class and
Character in South India,” Home and Hegemony: WIEGO (2015): “Domestic Workers in India,” 28
6 Hondagneu-Sotelo and Ernestine use the no- November, Woman in Informal Employment:
tion of “transnational motherhood” to describe Domestic Service and Identity Politics in South
and Souteast Asia, M Abrams and Dickey (eds), Globalizing and Organizing, http://wiego.org/
the ways in which Latina immigrant domestic informal_economy_law/domestic-workers-
pp 31–62.
workers are transforming their own meanings india>.
of motherhood to accommodate the spatial and Economic Times (2013): “Agriculture’s Share in GDP
Declines to 13.7% in 2012–13,” accessed on 28 Woolsey, Matt (2008): “Inside the World’s First
temporal separations their employment cre- Billion-Dollar Home,” Forbes, 4 April, http://
Nov 2015, http://articles.economictimes.india-
ates between themselves and their families. www.forbes.com/2008/04/30/home-india-bil-
times.com/2013-08-30/news/41618996_1_gdp-
Again, Sotelo and Ernestine’s analysis is espe- foodgrains-allied-sectors. lion-forbeslife-cx_mw_0430real estate.html.
cially fitting to our analysis of immigrant
female domestic workers who are hired as
nannies in India.
7 The question of workers being ontologically in- EPW E-books
ferior, provide uncanny parallels with early
uses of social Darwinism and scientific racism Select EPW books are now available as e-books in Kindle and iBook (Apple) formats.
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ing one of the restrooms in the house. Mala de- https://itunes.apple.com/us/book/village-society/id640486715?mt=11)
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Away…but Stay Close Enough.” 3. Windows of Opportunity: Memoirs of an Economic Adviser (BY K S KRISHNASWAMY)
10 The statistics on wage theft apply specifically
to women domestic workers (see Bobo 2011 for (http://www.amazon.com/dp/B00CS622GY ;
parallels with wage theft in America). https://itunes.apple.com/us/book/windows-of-opportunity/id640490173?mt=11)
11 Thomas M Shapiro in his book The Hidden
Cost of Being African American, defines the Please visit the respective sites for prices of the e-books. More titles will be added gradually.
phenomenon of “privatized citizenship” as one

Economic & Political Weekly EPW august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 61


NOTES

Chant of the Masked People police was informed. After a prelimi-


nary investigation, three JNU students—
Kanhaiya Kumar, Umar Khalid and
Anirban Bhattacharya—were arrested
Nirmalangshu Mukherji by the police. The JNU authorities also
initiated disciplinary action against 21

S
A close and analytical look at ome significant events took place students, including the ones named.
the events of 9 February 2016 at at the Jawaharlal Nehru University Since the matter is being examined
(JNU) in New Delhi at the beginning by the courts, I am not concerned with
the Jawaharlal Nehru University
of this year. As the dust settles, reflective the veracity of the reported facts in what
campus, and the next day at the evaluations have begun appearing. Ac- follows. I will also not comment on the
Press Club of India, alongside the cording to historian Janaki Nair (2016), disciplinary measures enforced by the
motivations of those in power, these were “tumultuous events that JNU authorities as this is a matter inter-
have convulsed the subcontinent.” Ac- nal to the university’s administration. I
throws light on machinations to
cording to another historian, Ananya am concerned with the larger political
manage the news and emotional Vajpeyi (2016), they signalled a “coming significance of 9 February 2016.
reactions to it. Left–Ambedkarite revolution” as “soar- Note that the police action was located
ing chants … rang out on the streets.” in a politico –historical context that had
From a less charitable perspective, we nothing to do with the JNU per se, or the
will see that there indeed were chants by community of students as a whole, the
both masked and unmasked protestors; university system, the caste system,
as the official unmasked chants “soared,” the tragic suicide of Rohith Vemula in
they drowned the masked ones, as if by Hyderabad, the teachings of Babasaheb
design. In the process, the ruling regime Ambedkar, etc.
got what it wanted. The police action was specifically
directed at the public display of support
The Arrests for Kashmir and Afzal. The site of JNU
So what happened? According to reports, was merely incidental. For example, on
on 9 February 2016, a small demonstra- the same day, a small demonstration to
tion took place in the JNU campus to protest Afzal’s hanging was organised in
commemorate the third death anniver- Jadavpur University in Kolkata. The
sary of Afzal Guru, a Kashmiri Muslim, police wanted to take action, but the
who was hanged and buried in Tihar Jail, vice chancellor of the university did not
New Delhi for his alleged involvement in allow it to enter the campus and a crisis
a terrorist attack on India’s Parliament was averted. As protests against Afzal’s
on 13 December 2001. As the evening hanging continued, it is conceivable that
shadows lengthened, some young people many such meetings took place across
reportedly spoke and shouted slogans the country, especially in Kashmir, often
against Afzal’s hanging and demanding in small public forums outside the
Kashmir’s freedom. university system.
It was alleged that some young persons More significantly, a similar event
wore cloth masks on their faces. It was took place in Delhi on the next day, 10
also alleged that some people shouted February 2016, at the Press Club of India.
slogans that wished the dismemberment Here, there were songs, recitations,
and also pledged the continuation of the speeches, and much chanting and slo-
struggle for freedom until the destruc- ganeering for nearly three hours. The
tion of India. It is important to note here, speakers on the dais were associated
that is all that had happened. No arms with Delhi University.
were displayed and no plans for turning This meeting was formally reported
these slogans into action were mooted. to the Delhi police. The speakers were
Nirmalangshu Mukherji (somanshu@bol.net.in) Apparently, a rival student group pro- interrogated at length for days, and
is former Professor of Philosophy, Delhi tested about what it perceived to be S A R Geelani, a teacher in Delhi University,
University, and National Visiting Professor, “anti-national” slogans and speeches. As was arrested for conducting the meeting.
Indian Council of Philosophical Research.
a clash seemed imminent, the Delhi The entire focus of the interrogations
62 august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
NOTES

was to find out about the connections of a distinct impression that the JNU stu- with radical chanting and clarion calls
people in Delhi, such as Geelani, with dents were arrested for their involvement from freedom square to change the
the resistance in Kashmir. Since I hap- in the widespread protests surrounding world. But, the dark Kashmir issue was
pened to be one of the speakers, the police Vemula’s suicide. mentioned only once, and the spirited
showed some initial interest in my work Many writers and speakers have so speaker was hounded for her “aberra-
on both the Parliament attack case and the depicted these events. For example, tion” for weeks. Afzal’s case was not
Maoists in our country. Here was a juicy Kanhaiya Kumar, the president of the mentioned at all to my knowledge.
prospect of unearthing a shadowy “mass JNU Students’ Union (JNUSU), repeatedly It is pertinent to note that the Delhi
front,” of a terror network linking Maoists asserted after his release that JNU stu- University Teacher’s Association (DUTA),
and militants in Kashmir, with intellectual dents were “targeted” by the govern- which is currently dominated by Congress–
coordination from the universities in ment for protesting against Vemula’s sui- left forces, issued a strong letter of protest
Delhi, which were under the very nose cide and for their sustained agitation—the after Kanhaiya Kumar’s arrest. Geelani,
of the union home ministry. Fortunately, Occupy UGC movement—against the a DUTA member, was arrested four days
the fervent prayers of the police went withdrawal of non-NET (National Eligibil- later. The DUTA maintained a studied si-
unanswered. ity Test) fellowships by the University lence on the arrest of its own member
Unlike the JNU arrests, Geelani’s ar- Grants Commission (UGC). In his fiery for nearly a month before it issued a note
rest was not interpreted as an attack on speeches in Parliament, Sitaram Yechury, of protest after persistent petitions from
what the University of Delhi stood for on more than one occasion, directly groups of the university’s teachers. Sig-
and the kind of teachers it nurtured. As linked the students’ arrest with Vemula’s nificantly, the JNU Teacher’s Association
we will see, the arrest of a university suicide to illustrate how repressive the (JNUTA), and the JNUSU issued state-
teacher on sedition charges—for organ- government’s policies were towards the ment after statement on the arrest of the
ising an open public meeting in a promi- student community. JNU students, but they never mentioned
nent place with due permission—barely Neither the Hindu piece under discus- Geelani’s arrest.
found mention anywhere in the months sion (Vajpeyi 2016), nor Kanhaiya Kumar, Barring a small group of students in JNU,
that followed. nor Sitaram Yechury in Parliament ever a handful of democratic rights activists,
mentioned Geelani’s name while com- and some teachers of Delhi University,
Public Protest menting on the arrest of JNU students. It Geelani’s arrest was essentially ignored. It
The sketched perspective on the arrests was interesting to observe the leader of a is difficult to miss the elaborate plan-
of the JNU students—with Kashmir at Communist Party, wedded to the ideas of ning that went into carefully managing
the centre—was largely missing from justice and equality, maintaining a deafen- the protests to keep Geelani’s arrest sep-
the public protests that followed. Con- ing silence on the arrest of a university arate from those of the JNU students. One
sider, for example, an otherwise fluent teacher while loudly protesting the arrest of report suggested that despite demands
and representative article by Vajpeyi JNU students for exactly the same “crime.” from a small group of students, the JNUSU’s
(2016) on the apparent rise of Ambedka- Geelani’s case was also systematically executive body deliberately decided not
rite politics in some campuses. Vajpeyi ignored in the dozens of “teach-in” lec- to shout slogans for Geelani. A handful
(2016) who appears to be a witness to tures on the JNU campus that continued of students went on to carry a few post-
the protests, describes the student for many weeks, apparently as a form of ers and shout occasional slogans for
movement in this one rousing sentence. protest against the arrests of students. Geelani, especially during the third rally.
Anyone who participated in the multiple These were organised in the evenings in The “soaring” chants, however, were
marches, teach-ins and demonstrations that the open area in front of the administra- silent on Kashmir, Afzal, and Geelani.
took place in Hyderabad, Delhi, Calcutta,
Bombay and elsewhere throughout January,
tion block. The area was temporarily Interestingly, much of the mainstream
February and March, following Rohith Vem- designated as “freedom square.” The media also obeyed the restrictions.
ula’s suicide and the arrest and subsequent topics discussed included concepts of Why did the otherwise strongly moti-
release of JNU students Kanhaiya Kumar, nationalism, theory of Aryan invasion, vated left–liberal sections of the intelli-
Umar Khalid and Anirban Bhattacharya, will
recall immediately the visually arresting M K Gandhi on Swaraj, Rabindranath gentsia in Delhi prefer silence on Kashmir,
sight of red and blue flags raised, waved and Tagore on humanism, B R Ambedkar’s Afzal, and Geelani? We earlier asked
carried by thousands of citizens, and the vision of an inclusive India, lessons from why the regime cracked down on events
soaring chants of a coming Left–Ambedkarite
revolution that rang out on the streets, in the
Jawaharlal Nehru’s Discovery of India, commemorating Afzal. We will see that
squares and on university campuses for the the contribution of Bhagat Singh and the answer, in effect, is virtually the same.
first three months of 2016. others to the Indian freedom movement, Since the present government as-
Note that Vajpeyi mentions the arrest the history of fascism in Europe, the sumed power nearly two years ago, it
and release of the three JNU students in the linguistic diversity of India, the history has been clear that, armed with a formal
context of a “coming Left–Ambedkarite of the Hindu right, the neo-liberal world majority in Parliament, its aim is an au-
revolution,” which apparently began order, the political economy of commu- thoritarian government embedded in a
with Dalit student Vemula’s suicide in nalism, feminism and the caste system, strong state. This is not the time to elab-
Hyderabad in January. This remark gives and much more. There was much fanfare, orate on this complex, evolving topic.
Economic & Political Weekly EPW august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 63
NOTES

The basic reason for this is that it has approval. But, as this government has The other, dissident side of the story is
been catapulted to power to serve an already seen, overtly divisive communal that from the beginning of the trial, demo-
inherently unpopular economic agenda— and fundamentalist actions can backfire. cratic opposition to the legal process kept
to serve the interests of domestic big growing. By the time Afzal was hanged
business, rich Indians abroad, and imperi- Kashmir and Afzal Guru and buried, a considerable dissident litera-
alist powers, which will further escalate The deeply problematic Kashmir issue, ture was widely available. In a review of
the existing obscene concentration of especially when raised in connection this literature, along with his own careful
wealth and inequality. In a democratic with terrorism, offers a unique opportu- reading of the case, historian and legal
order, this can only be done by dividing nity for the authoritarian project. The expert A G Noorani (2013) wrote:
and effectively disenfranchising vast opportunity is utilised to the maximum The execution was perpetrated for blatantly
sections of people to prevent a popular when the situation in “terrorist-infested” electoral ends. But the ferocity of the reaction
revolt. The need for a strong state under Kashmir can be projected as an attack in Kashmir shocked its perpetrators in the
the supreme command of a chosen indi- on the sovereignty and the constitu- government and others in New Delhi who had
vidual then becomes apparent. tional framework of India. The attack on egged it on, within and outside the Congress.
It revealed the complete disconnect between
Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh Parliament and Afzal’s conviction ac-
the people of Kashmir and their rulers in New
and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) President complished the task for all the right- Delhi as well as the chasm between the brave
Amit Shah gave rather definitive indica- wing sections of the population, espe- human rights activists who pleaded for Afzal
tions of the intentions of the regime in cially the Sangh Parivar. Unsurprisingly, Guru’s release and the smug ignorant ones
public remarks on 9 February 2016. In on 15 December (the day Parliament who justified the execution, ironically in the
name of the rule of law ...
a public address, Rajnath Singh said, was attacked) every year, the Rashtriya
The entire case must be read in this context
“Anti-national activities and forces won’t Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the BJP and in the historical context of great miscar-
be tolerated. Anyone raising anti-India raised the pitch of the demand that riages of justice…
slogan or questioning India’s integrity Afzal be executed. Ironically, it was the This explains why Afzal Guru’s death aroused
won’t be spared. Government will take second United Progressive Alliance the wrath it did. Unlike Maqbool Butt, he was
not a symbol. He personified the lot of his peo-
tough measures” (Ghose 2016). It is well (UPA) government that hanged Afzal,
ple. They suffer at the hands of the very forces
known that in a democracy, those with months before the 2014 general election. and the agencies as he did; until he was put to
authoritarian intentions initially intro- Such was the importance of Afzal to death. If acquitted, he would have spoken
duce their project with wide public Indian electoral democracy. freely. He knew too much. The man had to be

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64 august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
NOTES
killed. It was a frame-up like the famous Bir- The 2015 meeting was attacked by a ri- arguments to defend their students in the
mingham Six and the Guildford Four. Only val student group in the JNU. We may public domain. Since the students were
this time, there was no judicial redress.
presume that instructions were con- charged with “anti-national” activities
Afzal’s hanging signalled a disturbing veyed in advance in 2016 to make sure involving Kashmir, it was difficult to
divide in the visible, articulate, non-sub- the parties concerned took appropriate continue to maintain a silence on Kashmir.
altern public domain. On the one hand, action. The threat of tough measures Geelani’s arrest on the same charges
there is the vast “nationalist” crowd for from the highest authorities signalled escalated the problem for the mainstream
whom Afzal was an enemy of the state, the determination of the regime to make left. Geelani could not be defended with-
and his execution was a patriotic act. On full use of the opportunity. out sharing his cause. If Geelani’s case
the other, there is a very small group of If the commemoration of the death of was placed in the same political package
human rights activists and the miserable a “terrorist convict” is an opportunity as the students, the Kashmir issue would
millions in the Kashmir Valley for whom for the right-wing regime, it is a difficult have infected the task of defending the
Afzal’s hanging “personified the lot of problem for the mainstream left–liberal students as well. As a well-known teacher
his people” and signalled the collapse of opposition. The mainstream left did not activist in Delhi told me, “If we now get
real democratic order. The small but de- cover itself with glory during the entire involved with Geelani’s struggles, we will
termined meetings of remembrance that political process leading to conviction lose all our other battles.”
have been taking place every year since and execution of Afzal and the sub- The solution to this was, first, delinking
9 February 2013—mostly in Kashmir but sequent “ferocity of the reaction in Geelani from the students by sidelining
elsewhere as well—symbolise this divide. Kashmir.” To my knowledge, with notable his case from an otherwise charged public
It is reasonable to assume that the right- individual exceptions, the mainstream discourse. Second, launching a campaign,
wing party now in power is very aware of left as a whole never gave any definite not to highlight injustice in Kashmir and
this divide. It knows that commemorating support either to the Kashmiri freedom the people’s democratic right to protest,
Afzal’s hanging is very unpopular with struggle or the protest on the “great mis- but to convert what were incidental fac-
many sections who constitute the audi- carriage of justice” regarding Afzal. This tors—students and university education—
ence of the mainstream media. By taking is because, within a statist framework, as the central issues. The simmering pro-
“tough measures” on these ceremonies, the each of these causes tests the idea of tests over Vemula’s suicide at the Univer-
ruling party can safely enforce its authority democratic dissent at the extremities of sity of Hyderabad were linked with the
with popular approval, while breaking the the framework. These causes challenge arrest of the JNU students to give the issue
back of the dissident movement around the otherwise progressive left to face a wider perspective. Third, once the “left–
the Kashmir issue. This project is central two sharp issues: Ambedkarite” package was formulated as
to the communal agenda of the Sangh (i) Do the people of Kashmir have a right the real issue behind the arrest of the
Parivar, since an attack on the independ- to self-determination even after India’s students, the party line was restored by
ent identity of Kashmir is, by that very Parliament unanimously resolved to in- separating the JNU students from direct
fact, an attack on Islam in the jaundiced clude Kashmir in the union of India? “anti-national” engagement with Kashmir.
eyes of the Parivar. The great opportuni- (ii) Is it legitimate to protest against the judg- Opinion about the anti-national char-
ty is that this communal task can be pur- ment of the Supreme Court after all legal acter of the events of 9 February varied.
sued with popular patriotic approval. avenues have been duly exhausted and For hardliners, the very meeting to com-
There was a precedent to this plan last the President has given his seal of approval? memorate Afzal was anti-national and
year, again in the JNU. Apparently, a The dilemma is difficult. While affirma- deserving of judicial punishment. Others,
small group of students invited Geelani tive answers to these questions appear mostly from the mainstream left–liberal
to address a commemorative meeting on to challenge the supremacy of Parliament camp, agreed that the meeting was wrong
Afzal on 9 February 2015. Recall that and the apex court, negative answers and distasteful, but it did not violate any
Geelani and two others were charged with appear to curtail the fundamental right law of the land. However, everybody with-
participation in the attack on Parliament of democratic dissent. Dilemmas often out exception agreed that the two specific
along with Afzal. The notorious Preven- induce silence. The strategic statist silence slogans about dismemberment and
tion of Terrorism Act (POTA) court sen- worked well as long as Kashmir remained destruction of India were definitely “anti-
tenced Geelani, Afzal, and one more to a distant problem in the Himalayas. national” and some form of punishment
death. After a year on death row, Geelani was in order. With this universal agreement
was released after the Delhi High Court Masked Outsiders on the “nationalist” limits of dissent, the
acquitted him of all charges. Needless to The silence was seriously breached with core authoritarian project of the regime
say, he was brutally tortured during the the arrest of the JNU students, especially found full endorsement. In effect, the re-
interrogation. the student union president, who also was gime made sure that, outside the Kashmir
Thus, after Afzal’s death, Geelani has affiliated with the mainstream left. The Valley, people would find it difficult to hold
emerged as the emissary of a “dark” leftist teachers of JNU were faced with meetings to remember Afzal in public.
legacy comprising Kashmir, azaadi, Islam, the difficult task of adhering to the party Even the leaders of the otherwise vigorous
terrorism, and the attack on Parliament. line on Kashmir while finding convincing student movement agreed with the basic
Economic & Political Weekly EPW august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 65
NOTES

diktat of the regime. Kanhaiya Kumar them as outsiders, the JNU community instinctive alertness of a prey, they put on
said: extricated itself from the problem of masks as they always do in Kashmir, before
We are appalled at the way the entire incident identifying with their cause. In effect, the they scream again, cursing the state that
is being used to malign JNU students. At the community turned its back on their judi- has ruined their land. On this occasion,
outset, we want to condemn the undemocrat-
cial destiny. All the weight of an increas- though, they had friends from this side of
ic slogans that were raised by some people on
that day. It is important to note that the slo- ingly authoritarian regime is to be borne the Himalayas, a tiny group of students
gans were not raised by members of Left or- by a dozen or so young Kashmiris wear- who rallied in solidarity. Hand in hand,
ganisations or JNU students. (Kausar 2016) ing masks and chanting furious slogans, they chanted a song of hope and freedom.
Elsewhere, he stated that what hap- hoping someone will listen. Do we know The hope was short-lived as the preda-
pened on 9 February was most objection- who they are? Why do they need to put on tory state struck. After the confusion par-
able, warranting judicial action. masks in free, democratic India? What tially cleared, the Kashmiris suddenly
JNUSU vice-president Shehla Rashid said: compels them to shout disturbing slo- realised that no one from democratic India
We condemn the undemocratic slogans that gans, risking their lives in the process? was holding their hands anymore. As if
were raised by some people on that day. In It is reasonable to assume that they that was not enough, they have now been
fact, when the sloganeering had been taking
belong to the current generation of marked, isolated, and abandoned to the
place, it was the Left-progressive organisa-
tions and students, including JNUSU office- Kashmiris who have spent all their lives wolves so that the preparations for a
bearers, who asked the organisers to stop the in the midst of violence, in which the ci- left–Ambedkarite revolution can proceed
slogans, which were regressive. (Ghose 2016) vilian death toll is nearing 95,000 in unhindered in multiple colours.
The JNU community thus cannot be three decades of conflict. They have heard
held responsible for the “undemocratic about, if not actually witnessed, the rape Postscript
slogans” heard on that day. and murder of friends and relatives on a It is another matter that the vicissitudes
Thus the “left–progressive” organisa- regular basis. A constant in their lives has of electoral politics in Kashmir have their
tions found their fall guy. The condemn- been the more than half a million Indian own compulsions that might have saved
able slogans were not raised by anyone soldiers armed with the Armed Forces these masked people shouting “undemo-
from JNU, but by “outsiders.” With timely (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA). They have cratic slogans” from further harm for now,
help from the media, some videos of 9 seen unmarked mass graves where notwithstanding the patriotic demand
February surfaced, showing several peo- “missing persons” have found their place. for punishment by democratic India.
ple with their faces covered while shouting They have seen the more fragile people
slogans. The insinuation is difficult to give up psychologically. They have tak- References
miss—these were the outsiders shouting en part, since childhood, in endless pro- Nair, Janaki (2016): “From Institution to Mecha-
nism,” Hindu, 8 April.
those condemnable undemocratic slogans. tests, strikes, shutdowns, and processions Vajpeyi, Ananya (2016): “Appropriating Ambedkar,”
As noted, the matter is under judicial against one atrocity or the other. Hindu, 21 April.
review. Without judging its veracity, I On 9 February 2016, they assembled Ghose, Debobrat (2016): “Pro-Afzal Guru Slogan-
eering: JNUSU Fight Gets Intense, AISA De-
will proceed with the political argument. again to commemorate the memory of a nies Making Anti-national Slogans,” FirstPost,
12 February.
Suppose, as darkly suggested in a num- fellow Kashmiri who “personified the lot of Noorani, A G (2013): “Why Afzal Guru Matters,”
ber of reports, that these outsiders were his people.” They congregated because Frontline, 17 May.
students from Kashmir affiliated to vari- they suffer at the hands of the very forces Kausar, Meena (2016): “JNU Student Union Criti-
cises ‘Anti-India’ Slogans, Attacks ABVP,” Hin-
ous institutions in Delhi. By designating and agencies at which he did. With the dustan Times, 12 February.

Review of Urban Affairs


April 23, 2016
Greenfield Development as Tabula Rasa:
Rescaling, Speculation and Governance on India’s Urban Frontier —Loraine Kennedy, Ashima Sood
Scaling Up, Scaling Down: State Rescaling along the Delhi–Mumbai Industrial Corridor —Shriya Anand, Neha Sami
Dholera: The Emperor’s New City —Preeti Sampat
Making of Amaravati: A Landscape of Speculation and Intimidation —C Ramachandraiah
Reading into the Politics of Land: Real Estate Markets in the South-west Peri-urban Area of Chennai —Bhuvaneswari Raman
The Politics of Urban Mega-projects in India: Income Employment Linkages in Chennai’s IT Corridor —M Vijayabaskar, M Suresh Babu
Making Sense of Place in Rajarhat New Town: The Village in the Urban and the Urban in the Village —Ratoola Kundu
New Regimes of Private Governance: The Case of Electronics City in Peri-urban Bengaluru —Mathew Idiculla
For copies write to: Circulation Manager,
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email: circulation@epw.in

66 august 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly


DISCUSSION

Maoist Movement Maoist enthusiasm in Nepal has fused


the aspirations of the youth with

Class–Culture Entanglement and Beyond modernity, gender roles, and caste


principles.
The authors are aware that the class
question is inseparable from the cultural
Babika Khawas issues that occur in mundane life. The
crucial question of how class and cultural

I
This is a rejoinder to “Class n “Class Struggle, the Maoists and issues overlapped, and how this paved
Struggle, the Maoists and the the Indigenous Question in Nepal the way for the growth of the Maoist
and India” (EPW, 29 August 2015), movement (as a higher-order, cultural–
Indigenous Question in Nepal and
Alpa Shah and Feyzi Ismail make a serious material integration) among culturally
India” by Alpa Shah and Feyzi theoretical intervention in understanding and linguistically divergent communi-
Ismail (EPW, 29 August 2015). the much-discussed problem of the Mao- ties, of whom some actually were benefi-
ist movement. They raise five “points of ciaries of capital, seems to be missing in
tension” or, let us say, analytical grey areas their interpretation. This is a serious is-
in the progression of the Maoist movement sue that merits analysis, both from the
towards “a different politics of commu- empirical and epistemological points of
nism,” both in India and Nepal, and its view. We get to know much from their
(un)avoidable entanglements with the analysis on how culture or the politics of
politics of indigeneity, identity and cul- identity or indigeneity ultimately dilutes
ture. In their attempt to critically esti- the class question and retards the path
mate the indigenous question, they show of the class struggle. It makes one ques-
how Janajati aspirations fall prey to the tion what makes researchers maintain
cultural politics of protecting the rights that the sanctity of class analysis has to
pampered and propagated by the state be respected even if it means discount-
in the guise of “inclusive politics.” All ing social reality.
these undoubtedly contribute to sidelin- Shah and Ismail’s argument seems to
ing the class question, which they be empirically grounded when they say
locate in the experience of the Maoist that ethnicity can create and reinforce
movement in both India and Nepal. socio-economic differences, and increase
Undoubtedly, there is much strength— the hiatus between the rich and poor,
empirical and analytical—in the way and between the empowered and the
Ismail and Shah problematise the Maoist marginalised. They emphasise how this
movement, pitting it against questions of happened in Nepal and India, in areas
class struggle in relation to the politics where cultural concerns and indigenous
of indigeneity. question seem to have affected the Mao-
They make a significant point by ist movement. Yet, they confidently
showing how the Janajati movement, claim, “unity in a broader class struggle
despite having an older legacy, was has the potential to address both politi-
appropriated by the Maoists, principally cal demands related to the recognition
through invoking a reformulated Lenin- of identity/indigeneity and economic
ist version of the “right to self-determi- demands related to access to resources
nation.” They argue at length on the and rights to redistribution, including
conflation of the class and cultural ques- ultimately, control over production”
tions seen in the Maoist movement. (Shah and Ismail 2015: 120). They seem
They seem to be aware of the problems to have a preference for a class struggle
of considering isolated tribes, or even over cultural/ethnic causes, though
Janajatis as the “natural vessels of they do not rule out the significance of
revolution” because it is populism (read, the latter.
interferences of capital) and not the It is one thing to claim that mobili-
Babika Khawas (babikakhawas@gmail.com) passion of ideology that in most cases sations based on indigeneity, which
is a PhD student at the University of North brings youth to the struggle. Shah and depends on the cultural overtones of a
Bengal, Darjeeling, West Bengal.
Pettigrew (2012) earlier pointed to how rights-based politics, run the risk of
Economic & Political Weekly EPW August 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 67
DISCUSSION
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68 August 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly


DISCUSSION

becoming a partner to the inclusive reality, how is one to be sure of Shah culture/identity/indigeneity than a set
politics and governance dictated by the and Ismail’s conviction, which projects of admonitions whose value is largely
neo-liberal state. It is altogether a different the politics of culture/identity/indigene- determined by their place in a specific
proposition to maintain that cultural ity as a “theft,” as if reminding the polemic.
rights-based movements without a lean- reader of the socialist contention that Shah and Ismail admonish us to be
ing towards class struggle may not lead “property is theft.” The point is that aware of the “danger” of a Maoism (in
to equality or the “politics of emancipa- the Adivasi awakening or Janajati con- Nepal) that has identity as its sole focus,
tion.” It is not clear how class struggle sciousness have autonomous roots in which undermines the more radical
will “automatically” recognise cultural India and in Nepal. They share a far demand of restructuring the state. But
identity/indigeneity, which is to be fol- wider and deeper history of their own they tell us very little about how we
lowed by economic equality and the than the Maoist movement. Therefore, might theoretically structure an account
masses finally securing control over the to consider the Maoist appropriation of Maoist movements in the light of the
means of production. So far, as the of the Adivasi cause in India and Jana- lived experiences of the Adivasis and
Maoist movements in Nepal and India jati aspiration in Nepal and see it as the Janajatis, where oppression based
show, empirically validating the claim the unique direction of the class on ethnicity, caste, and gender cuts
that “class struggle has the potential struggle is both analytically and empir- across class divisions. Cultural oppres-
to address both the political demands ically naïve. sion does not simply affect those from a
of cultural recognition and economic The authors could have contributed particular class, or from a particular
demands of access to resources and to filling the analytical void if they racial/ethnic group, but affects a whole
redistribution” appears to be far away. showed the Maoist movement to be a site group of Adivasis and/or Janajatis.
How is one to read this proposition given where an engagement takes place—be- Again, even if one does not accept that
the situation in contemporary Nepal and tween respect for the autonomy of the culture or ethnicity is more important
India where the Maoist movement banks Adivasi awakening and Janajati con- than class in defining the present-day
on the fusion of both cultural and class sciousness and the enchantments of the Adivasi/Janajati world view and in de-
issues? How does one superimpose the ideological position of a class struggle. termining their interests, the argument
latter over the former, and, most impor- They instead offer us ways to look for- would be that it stands alongside class
tantly, why should one do so? They ward to and expect that the class strug- in these areas.
place inadequate emphasis on this. gle will encourage moulding people’s The argument that present-day society
From theoretically establishing how the subjective conception of class relations is cross-cut by a number of social divi-
class question of the Maoist movement on the one hand and a growing disen- sions has largely been appreciated. In
may get derailed by its cultural dis- chantment with the cause of Adivasi/ this situation, it is not very clear
pensation, their otherwise excellent ef- Janajati awakening on the other. Does how class retains the central impor-
fort moves to an advocacy for class this not ascribe too much agency to the tance that is accorded by the authors.
struggle, which they lament, is not taken Adivasis/Janajatis and depreciate their They implicitly assume the essential
up seriously by the Maoists in Nepal autonomous awakening? correctness of the theory of class strug-
and India. The argument relates to whether gle, the same theory they seem to be
Studies have shown that the Maoist social oppressions of various kinds such critiquing. Their explicit theoretical
leadership, particularly in Nepal, was as ethnicity, caste, or gender are as reflections rest on their polemical oppo-
well aware about the collapse of Soviet important as class exploitation in un- nent and they fail to articulate their
Marxism and Chinese collectivism even derstanding the Adivasi/Janajati world- own transcendence of classical Marx-
without Western persuasion. This is view and the ways in which it might and ism. One should not transgress reality—
related to the intellectual climate in should be transformed. To build up where both material and cultural
Nepal, maybe in India as well, and the an alternative theoretical plane in this concerns are accorded meaning in day-
orientation of educated opinion, even in direction, they offer us five proposi- to-day life—for the sake of theory
the central committees of Maoist organi- tions. Taken together, they mark a building.
sations. They are quite aware of the significant reworking of the problems of
political debacles at the levels of both Maoism in India and Nepal and an anal-
ideology and practice (Adhikari 2014). It ysis of that struggle, contextualising it References
is worth noting that the change in the within a wider analysis of class relations. Adhikari, Aditya (2014): The Bullet and the Ballot
Box: The Story of Nepal’s Maoist Revolution,
stand of the Nepal Maoists—from a The overall value of these propositions New Delhi: Aleph Book Company.
bloodthirsty revolution to being a mem- as a stimulus to research and as a correc- Alpa, Shah and Feyzi Ismail (2015): “Class Struggle,
the Maoists and the Indigenous Question in
ber of a multiparty democracy—is a re- tive to pre-existing approaches can Nepal and India,” Economic & Political Weekly,
sult of these empirical eventualities based hardly be disputed. Yet the propositions 50 (35): 112–23.
on the experiences of the post-Soviet provide a less systematic alternative Shah, Alpa and Judith Pettigrew (eds) (2012):
Windows into a Revolution: Ethnographies of
and post-Chinese tragedies on the politi- theory to approach Maoist movements Maoism in India and Nepal, New Delhi: Social
cal project of class struggle. Given this through the entanglements of class and Science Press/Orient Blackswan.

Economic & Political Weekly EPW August 20, 2016 vol lI no 34 69


DISCUSSION

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CURRENT STATISTICS EPW Research Foundation

Wholesale Price Index Foreign Trade—Merchandise


The year-on-year (y-o-y) inflation rate based on WPI rose to a 23-month high of The merchandise trade deficit narrowed to $7.8 billion (bn) in July 2016
3.6% in July 2016 from (-)4.0%, a year ago. The index for primary articles grew compared to $13.1 bn, a year ago. Exports fell by (-)6.8% to $21.7 bn in July 2016,
substantially by 9.4% in July 2016 against (-)4.0% in July 2015, as the index for compared to $23.3 bn in July 2015, and imports declined by (-)19.0% to $29.5 bn
food articles increased sharply by 11.8% against (-)1.2% in the corresponding from $36.4 bn in the respective month last year. During April–July 2016–17, the
period last year. The index for fuel and power continued to decline for 21st trade deficit narrowed to $27 bn compared to $46 bn, in the corresponding period
month in a row, but, at a decelerated rate of (-)1.0% in July 2016 from (-)11.6%, a last year. Cumulative exports shrunk by (-)3.6% to $87.0 bn and imports by
year ago. The index for manufactured products rose by 1.8% in July 2016 against (-) 16.3% to $114 bn, during April–July 2016–17 from $90.3 bn and $136.3 bn,
(-)1.5% in July 2015. respectively, in the same period last year.

Consumer Price Index Index of Industrial Production


The CPI inflation rate rose to a 23-month high of 6.1% in July 2016 from 3.7%, a The IIP grew by 2.1% in July 2016, compared to 4.2% in July 2015. The index of eight
year ago, as the consumer food price index increased sharply by 8.4% compared core industries rose by 5.2% in June 2016 compared to 3.1% in June 2015, with
to 2.2% in the corresponding period last year. The CPI-rural and urban inflation growth in electricity generation, coal, fertilisers and cement production increasing
rate grew substantially by 6.7% and 5.4%, respectively, in July 2016 compared to sharply to 8.1%, 12.0%, 9.8% and 10.3%, respectively, in June 2016 from 1.2%, 5.4%,
4.4% and 2.8%, respectively, in the same period last year. As per the Labour 5.8%, and 2.9%, respectively, in June 2015. However, crude oil and natural gas
Bureau data, the CPI inflation rate for agricultural labourers increased to 6.0% in production continued to decline by (-)4.3% and (-)4.5% in June 2016 compared to
June 2016 from 4.5% in June 2015, and that for industrial workers remained same -0.7% and -6.0% June last year. Growth in refinery products and steel production
at 6.1% in June 2016. slowed to 3.5% and 2.4%, respectively, in June 2016 from 7.5% and 4.2%, a year ago.

Movement of WPI Sub-indices January–July 2016 Merchandise Trade July 2016


Year-on-Year in % July 2016 Over Month Over Year (April–July)
($ bn) (%) (%) (2016–17 over 2015–16) (%)
12
9.4% Exports 21.7 -3.9 -6.8 -3.6
Primary Articles
Imports 29.5 -4.0 -19.0 -16.3
6
Trade deficit 7.8 -4.4 -40.7 -41.3
1.8% Data is provisional. Source: Ministry of Commerce and Industry.
0
-1.0%
Manufactured Products
Trade Deficits April 2015–July 2016
-6 $ billion
Fuel and Power 0
-12
-3 Non-oil Trade Deficit -$3.4 bn
-18
January February March April May June* July* -$4.3 bn
-6
2016
* Data is provisional. Oil Trade Deficit
-9 -$7.8 bn
Trends in WPI and Its Components July 2016* (%) Total Trade Deficit
-12
Financial Year (Averages)
Weights Over Month Over Year 2013–14 2014–15 2015–16
-15
All commodities 100 1.0 3.6 6.0 2.0 -2.5
Primary articles 20.1 2.6 9.4 9.9 3.0 0.3
-18
Food articles 14.3 2.4 11.8 12.9 6.1 3.4 April M J J A S O N D Jan F M A M J July
2015 2016
Fuel and power 14.9 0.8 -1.0 10.3 -0.9 -11.7 Oil refers to crude petroleum and petroleum products, while non-oil refers to all other commodities.
Manufactured products 65.0 0.3 1.8 3.0 2.4 -1.1
* Data is provisional; Base: 2004–05=100. Source: Ministry of Commerce and Industry.
Movement of Components of IIP Growth April 2015–June 2016
Year-on-Year in %
Movement of CPI Inflation April 2015–July 2016 16
Year-on-Year in % Electricity
10 8.3%
8
4.7%
8
0.9%
6.7% 0
6 6.1% Manufacturing
Rural 5.4% Mining
-8
4 April M J J A S O N D Jan F M A M June*
2015 2016
CPI (Combined) * June 2016 are quick estimates; Base: 2004–05=100.
2
Urban

0
Growth in Eight Core Industries June 2016* (%)
April M J J A S O N D Jan F M A M J July* Financial Year (Avgs)
2015 2016 Weights Over Month Over Year
2014–15 2015–16
* July 2016 is provisional. Source: Central Statistics Office (CSO); Base: 2012=100.
General index 100.0 0.7 2.1 2.8 2.4
Infrastructure industries 37.9 -1.8 5.2 4.5 2.7
Inflation in CPI and Its Components July 2016* (%)
Coal 4.4 -2.6 12.0 8.1 4.6
Latest Month Over Over Financial Year (Avgs)
Weights Index Month Year 2014–15 2015–16 Crude oil 5.2 -0.1 -4.3 -0.9 -1.4
CPI combined 100 131.1 0.8 6.1 5.9 4.9 Natural gas 1.7 -3.6 -4.5 -4.9 -4.2
Consumer food 39.1 138.8 1.3 8.4 6.3 4.9 Petroleum refinery products 5.9 1.1 3.5 0.3 3.8
Miscellaneous 28.3 121.9 0.3 4.0 4.6 3.7 Fertilisers 1.3 4.7 9.8 -0.1 11.3
CPI: Occupation-wise # Steel 6.7 -5.3 2.4 4.7 -1.5
Industrial workers (2001=100) 277 0.7 6.1 6.3 5.6 Cement 2.4 -1.1 10.3 5.6 4.7
Agricultural labourers (1986–87=100) 860 1.4 6.0 6.6 4.4 Electricity 10.3 -2.2 8.1 8.4 5.3
* Provisional; # June 2016 Source: CSO (rural and urban); Labour Bureau (IW and AL). * Data is provisional; Base: 2004–05=100. Source: CSO and Ministry of Commerce and Industry.
Comprehensive current economic statistics with regular weekly updates are available at: http://www.epwrf.in/currentstat.aspx.

Economic & Political Weekly EPW AUGUST 20, 2016 vol LI no 34 71


CURRENT STATISTICS EPW Research Foundation
India’s Quarterly Estimates of Final Expenditures on GDP
2014–15 2015–16
` crore | at 2011–12 Prices Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4
Private final cconsumption expenditure 1406817 (8.2) 1422029 (9.2) 1495823 (1.5) 1539614 (6.6) 1504442 (6.9) 1511464 (6.3) 1618333 (8.2) 1666888 (8.3)
Government final consumption expenditure 294338 (9.0) 322557 (15.4) 261886 (33.2) 223826 (-3.3) 293720 (-0.2) 333116 (3.3) 269808 (3.0) 230308 (2.9)
Gross fixed capital formation 832420 (8.3) 828754 (2.2) 843733 (3.7) 903344 (5.4) 891627 (7.1) 909117 (9.7) 853858 (1.2) 886147 (-1.9)
Change in stocks 48976 (23.0) 48434 (20.6) 45077 (16.0) 52521 (21.6) 50754 (3.6) 51068 (5.4) 48547 (7.7) 55448 (5.6)
Valuables 42871 (16.3) 38194 (0.3) 37174 (10.8) 55036 (32.2) 43138 (0.6) 42932 (12.4) 42192 (13.5) 45549 (-17.2)
Net trade (Export–import) -40831 -55355 -45813 -13988 -60253 -78201 -59076 -15520
Exports 620869 (11.6) 625875 (1.1) 636468 (2.0) 625191 (-6.3) 585324 (-5.7) 599264 (-4.3) 579684 (-8.9) 613471 (-1.9)
Less imports 661700 (-0.6) 681230 (4.6) 682281 (5.7) 639179 (-6.1) 645577 (-2.4) 677465 (-0.6) 638760 (-6.4) 628991 (-1.6)
Discrepancies -49687 -36835 21305 29933 761 -7146 78020 143210
Gross domestic product (GDP) 2534903 (7.5) 2567778 (8.3) 2659185 (6.6) 2790285 (6.7) 2724188 (7.5) 2762350 (7.6) 2851682 (7.2) 3012029 (7.9)

India’s Overall Balance of Payments (Net): Quarterly


2014–15 ($ mn) 2015–16 ($ mn) 2014–15 (` bn) 2015–16 (` bn)
Q3 Q4 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q3 Q4 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4
Current account -7721 -707 -6132 -8559 -7121 -338 -478 [-1.5] -44 [-0.1] -389 [-1.2] -556 [-1.7] -469 [-1.4] -23 [-0.1]
Merchandise -38635 -31560 -34175 -37173 -33975 -24755 -2393 -1964 -2169 -2415 -2240 -1671
Invisibles 30913 30854 28043 28614 26854 24417 1915 1920 1780 1859 1770 1648
Services 19982 20036 17751 17835 18013 16077 1238 1247 1127 1159 1187 1085
of which: Software services 17844 17382 17512 18058 18556 17328 1105 1082 1111 1173 1223 1170
Transfers 16428 16425 16153 16263 15250 14961 1017 1022 1025 1057 1005 1010
of which: Private 16521 16600 16267 16421 15305 15146 1023 1033 1033 1067 1009 1022
Income -5497 -5607 -5861 -5484 -6408 -6621 -340 -349 -372 -356 -422 -447
Capital account 22864 30085 18637 8121 10915 3455 1416 [4.5] 1872 [5.6] 1183 [3.7] 528 [1.6] 720 [2.1] 233 [0.6]
of which: Foreign investment 13194 22993 10226 3150 11256 7259 817 1431 649 205 742 490
Overall balance 13182 30149 11430 -856 4056 3274 816 [2.6] 1876 [5.6] 725 [2.3] -56 [-0.2] 267 [0.8] 221 [0.6]
Figures in square brackets are percentage to GDP.

Foreign Exchange Reserves Variation


5 Aug 7 Aug 31 Mar Over Over Financial Year So Far Financial Year
Excluding gold but including revaluation effects 2016 2015 2016 Month Year 2015–16 2016–17 2011–12 2012–13 2013–14 2014–15 2015–16
` crore 2271820 2126100 2229020 -1530 145720 42800 115700 108086 82800 251570 322660 218620
$ mn 341767 333817 337605 2789 7950 4162 12508 -14361 -485 16769 40486 16297

Monetary Aggregates Variation


Outstanding Over Month Over Year Financial Year So Far Financial Year
` crore 2016 2015–16 2016–17 2013–14 2014–15 2015–16
Money supply (M3) as on 22 July 12043490 106890 (0.9) 1136130 (10.4) 357200 (3.4) 425880 (3.7) 1127560 (13.4) 1032780 (10.9) 1067450 (10.1)
Components
Currency with public 1661140 4390 (0.3) 236440 (16.6) 38520 (2.8) 63890 (4.0) 104760 (9.2) 140360 (11.3) 211070 (15.2)
Demand deposits 982780 -10390 (-1.0) 95520 (10.8) -4370 (-0.5) -7060 (-0.7) 58760 (7.8) 79650 (9.8) 98210 (11.0)
Time deposits 9385980 112560 (1.2) 810650 (9.5) 317570 (3.8) 370900 (4.1) 965330 (14.9) 800140 (10.7) 757320 (9.2)
Other deposits with RBI 13590 340 (2.6) -6480 (-32.3) 5480 (37.6) -1860 (-12.0) -1270 (-39.2) 12620 (640.6) 860 (5.9)
Sources
Net bank credit to government 3693120 96110 (2.7) 408600 (12.4) 277130 (9.2) 454640 (14.0) 335850 (12.4) -37480 (-1.2) 231090 (7.7)
Bank credit to commercial sector 7808130 17290 (0.2) 656190 (9.2) 102220 (1.4) 5070 (0.1) 777430 (13.7) 604430 (9.4) 753340 (10.7)
Net foreign exchange assets 2574950 29050 (1.1) 221220 (9.4) 103080 (4.6) 41220 (1.6) 287280 (17.6) 326710 (17.0) 283080 (12.6)
Banking sector’s net non-monetary liabilities 2055320 36270 (1.8) 152240 (8.0) 126040 (7.1) 75750 (3.8) 275010 (16.8) -137030 (-7.2) 202530 (11.4)
Reserve money as on 5 August 2016 2174510 -7240 (-0.3) 278760 (14.7) -32720 (-1.7) -6230 (-0.3) 217860 (14.4) 195720 (11.3) 252270 (13.1)
Components
Currency in circulation 1733230 -20310 (-1.2) 244810 (16.4) 40120 (2.8) 69770 (4.2) 110090 (9.2) 147230 (11.3) 215160 (14.9)
Bankers’ deposits with RBI 427320 12570 (3.0) 35200 (9.0) -73440 (-15.8) -74510 (-14.8) 109020 (34.0) 35860 (8.3) 36270 (7.8)
Other deposits with RBI 13950 490 (3.6) -1240 (-8.2) 600 (4.1) -1500 (-9.7) -1280 (-39.5) 12630 (644.4) 860 (5.9)
Sources
Net RBI credit to Government 756900 50720 (7.2) 208040 (37.9) 184340 (50.6) 331910 (78.1) 108120 (18.3) -334180 (-47.8) 60470 (16.6)
of which: Centre 755770 52060 (7.4) 208850 (38.2) 185880 (51.5) 331210 (78.0) 107150 (18.1) -336610 (-48.2) 63520 (17.6)
RBI credit to banks & commercial sector -53870 -54850 (-5596.9) -26320 (95.5) -230060 (-113.6) -358410 (-117.7) 14070 (32.4) 145030 (0.0) 102030 (0.0)
Net foreign exchange assets of RBI 2433680 3870 (0.2) 190690 (8.5) 115720 (5.4) 50210 (2.1) 244460 (15.7) 324750 (18.0) 256200 (12.0)
Govt’s currency liabilities to the public 22600 0 (0.0) 2360 (11.7) 810 (4.2) 700 (3.2) 2000 (13.0) 2090 (12.1) 2470 (12.7)
Net non-monetary liabilities of RBI 984820 7000 (0.7) 96020 (10.8) 103530 (13.2) 30640 (3.2) 150810 (21.8) -58050 (-6.9) 168910 (21.5)

Scheduled Commercial Banks’ Indicators ( ` crore) Variation


Outstanding Over Month Over Year Financial Year So Far Financial Year
(As on 22 July 2016) 2016 2015–16 2016–17 2013–14 2014–15 2015–16
Aggregate deposits 9674050 78520 (0.8) 842820 (9.5) 297940 (3.5) 346760 (3.7) 955110 (14.1) 827730 (10.7) 794000 (9.3)
Demand 876520 -17430 (-1.9) 87880 (11.1) -5390 (-0.7) -12480 (-1.4) 51620 (7.8) 80110 (11.2) 94970 (12.0)
Time 8797540 95950 (1.1) 754950 (9.4) 303330 (3.9) 359240 (4.3) 903480 (14.8) 747620 (10.7) 699040 (9.0)
Cash in hand 65960 -2120 (-3.1) 10410 (18.7) 2200 (4.1) 8520 (14.8) 5380 (13.3) 7480 (16.3) 4090 (7.7)
Balance with RBI 386740 -7280 (-1.8) 17470 (4.7) -3800 (-1.0) -700 (-0.2) 34080 (12.1) 56730 (17.9) 14370 (3.9)
Investments 2807070 47640 (1.7) 170020 (6.4) 145230 (5.8) 181570 (6.9) 206720 (10.3) 279000 (12.6) 133680 (5.4)
of which: Government securities 2804490 46710 (1.7) 169600 (6.4) 145140 (5.8) 180560 (6.9) 207540 (10.4) 278560 (12.6) 134180 (5.4)
Bank credit 7267670 11720 (0.2) 639690 (9.7) 91560 (1.4) 18050 (0.2) 733640 (13.9) 542320 (9.0) 713200 (10.9)
of which: Non-food credit 7163160 7590 (0.1) 643750 (9.9) 77410 (1.2) 18800 (0.3) 731610 (14.2) 546350 (9.3) 702360 (10.9)

Capital Markets 12 August Month Year Financial Year So Far 2015–16 End of Financial Year
2016 Ago Ago Trough Peak Trough Peak 2013–14 2014–15 2015–16
S&P BSE SENSEX (Base: 1978–79=100) 28152 (2.3) 27808 27512 (6.3) 24674 28209 22952 29044 22386 (18.8) 27957 (24.9) 25342 (-9.4)
S&P BSE-100 (Base: 1983–84=100) 8874 (4.7) 8691 8479 (8.7) 7656 8934 7051 8980 6707 (18.1) 8607 (28.3) 7835 (-9.0)
S&P BSE-200 (1989–90=100) 3700 (5.0) 3621 3524 (12.1) 3193 3726 2938 3691 2681 (17.2) 3538 (31.9) 3259 (-7.9)
CNX Nifty (Base: 3 Nov 1995=1000) 8672 (3.9) 8521 8349 (8.1) 7546 8711 6971 8834 6704 (18.0) 8491 (26.7) 7738 (-8.9)
Net FII Investment in equities ($ Million)* 170998 (0.8) 168746 169575 (7.2) - - - - 149745 (9.9) 168116 (12.3) 166107 (-1.2)
* = Cumulative total since November 1992 until period end | Figures in brackets are percentage variations over the specified or over the comparable period of the previous year | (-) = not relevant | - = not available | NS = new series | PE = provisional estimates
Comprehensive current economic statistics with regular weekly updates are available at: http://www.epwrf.in/currentstat.aspx.

72 AUGUST 20, 2016 vol LI no 34 EPW Economic & Political Weekly


CURRENT STATISTICS EPW Research Foundation

Secondary Market Transactions in Government Securities and the Forex Market—Weeks Ending 5 and 12 August 2016
1 Settlement Volume of Government Securities (G-Sec) Transactions (Face Value in ` crore)
Week Ended 12 August 2016 5 August 2016 14 August 2015 2016–17* 2015–16**
Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume
of Trades of Trades of Trades of Trades of Trades
Outright 46911 589410 37690 467001 18472 195681 527621 6347866 347574 3786597
Repo 1808 240386 1881 236828 1050 137296 31020 4080628 23664 3079705
CBLO 4936 482872 4438 378630 4510 406418 78957 7154164 84335 7131034
Total 53655 1312668 44009 1082459 24032 739395 637598 17582657 455573 13997336
Daily Avg Outright 9382 117882 7538 93400 3694 39136 5862 70532 3778 41159
Daily Avg Repo 301 40064 314 39471 175 22883 310 40806 215 27997
Daily Avg CBLO 823 80479 740 63105 752 67736 790 71542 767 64828

2 Type-wise Settlement Volume of Government Securities Transactions (Face Value in ` crore) 3 Top 5 Traded Central Govt Dated Securities (12 Aug 2016)
Security Description Trades Value (` Cr) % Value to Total
Outright Repo Outright Repo Outright Repo
7.59% GS 2026 12267 154141 27.92
Central Government 551987 203392 425669 195059 170317 101832
7.59% GS 2029 9681 111062 20.12
State Government 22081 13829 17779 18427 6057 5011 7.88% GS 2030 6298 69013 12.50
Treasury Bills 15342 23165 23553 23342 19307 30453 7.61% GS 2030 5212 63581 11.52
Total 589410 240386 467001 236828 195681 137296 7.68% GS 2023 2995 34971 6.34

4 Category-wise Buying/Selling Activity (Market Share %) (12 August 2016)

Outright Reverse Repo Repo CBLO Lending CBLO Borrowing NDS Call Forex
Category Buy Side Sell Side Buy Side Sell Side Buy Side Sell Side Buy Side Sell Side Buy Side Sell Side
Cooperative Banks 5.39 5.48 2.09 0.10 7.24 0.73 45.78 1.02 0.17 0.17
Financial Institutions 0.21 0.30 0.09 0.00 4.50 5.71 - - 0.00 0.00
Foreign Banks 25.71 25.90 26.58 28.29 3.38 11.25 3.96 14.79 39.12 40.16
Insurance Companies 1.10 0.76 3.34 0.00 7.57 0.05 - - - -
Mutual Funds 7.52 6.70 12.31 0.00 41.06 26.05 - - - -
Others 0.93 0.72 0.00 3.91 7.45 12.27 - - - -
Primary Dealers 16.97 17.54 3.11 36.29 0.08 3.65 0.00 34.10 - -
Private Sector Banks 13.78 12.31 15.55 21.77 7.92 22.81 12.08 36.32 26.04 26.32
Public Sector Banks 28.38 30.30 36.93 9.64 20.81 17.48 38.18 13.77 34.67 33.35

5 Trading Platform Analysis—Trading Value (Face Value in ` Crore), (12 August 2016)
Week Ended OTC NDS-OM Brokered Deals
Number Volume Market Number Volume Market Number Volume Market
of Trades Share (%) of Trades Share (%) of Trades Share (%)
Central Government 1774 38410.74 7.47 40336 475709.31 92.53 182 9388.53 1.83
State Government 535 12443.66 61.04 651 7941.26 38.96 62 1508.93 7.40
Treasury Bills 150 9243.69 54.04 270 7860.46 45.96 15 1355.00 7.92
Total 2459 60098.09 10.90 41257 491511.04 89.10 259 12252.47 2.22

6 Settlement Volume of Forex Segment


Segment 12 August 2016 5 August 2016 14 August 2015 2016–17* 2015–16**
Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume
of Deals ($ mn) of Deals ($ mn) of Deals ($ mn) of Deals ($ mn) of Deals ($ mn)
Cash 1338 22336 1568 28220 1116 15176 27410 454596 23018 350513
Tom 1938 26971 2340 34975 1622 17977 39458 544300 35196 427181
Spot 67152 50686 63302 55371 69506 48935 1282664 1034178 1219950 957615
Forward 392 2701 562 2179 490 2846 61172 327329 75876 376460
Total 70820 102694 67772 120744 72734 84933 1410704 2360403 1354040 2111769
Average 14164 20539 13554 24149 14547 16987 16996 28439 14880 23206

7 Tenor-wise Forward Trades

Tenor 12 August 2016 5 August 2016 14 August 2015


Number Value % to Total Number Value % to Total Number Value % to Total
of Deals ($ mn) Value of Deals ($ mn) Value of Deals ($ mn) Value
< 30 days 49 966 36 45 695 32 71 1132 40
> 30 days & < = 90 days 61 694 26 106 713 33 93 1232 43
> 90 days & < = 180 days 38 450 17 57 238 11 38 297 10
> 180 days & < =365 days 27 456 17 62 453 21 29 165 6
> 1 year 21 136 5 11 81 4 14 19 1
Total 196 2702 100 281 2179 100 245 2846 100
* Data pertain to 1 April 2016–12 August 2016. ** Data pertain to 1 April 2015–14 August 2015.
(i) Tables 1 to 5 relate to Securities Segment, and (ii) Tables 6 and 7 relate to Forex Segment.
Source: Clearing Corporation of India Limited (CCIL).

Economic & Political Weekly EPW AUGUST 20, 2016 vol li no 34 73


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