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Balut: "Fertilized Duck Eggs and Their Role in Filipino Culture"

Author(s): Margaret Magat


Source: Western Folklore, Vol. 61, No. 1 (Spring, 2002), pp. 63-96
Published by: Western States Folklore Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1500289
Accessed: 29-11-2015 11:44 UTC

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Balut
DuckEggsAnd TheirRoleIn Filipino
Fertilized
Culture
MARGARET
MAGAT

"Whoever discovered balutstumbled ontothefactthatfoodhas changing


excellences as itevolvesand develops.
(taste,texture) Thusbetween the
eggand thefull-grown duck, there
are that
stages bear exploring-and
eating.And theFilipinohas explored themand evolvedthecultureof
balut."
Doreen Fernandez in "The Worldof Balut"

This essayillustrateshow consumptionof one particularfood,fertilized


duck eggs, can reveal the interplaybetweenfood, beliefs,cultureand
history.Called balutin thePhilippinesor hotvitlonin Vietnam,fertilized
duck eggs are also familiarin the food customsof Chinese, Laotians,
Cambodians and Thais. Socio-culturalfactors,notjust nutritionalrea-
sons dominateitsconsumption.Using historicaland literarysources,as
well as fieldworkdata culled from25 balut eaters,twobalut distributors
and a duck farmeras well,I willexplorewhatitis about balut thatmakes
eatingit desirable.Whyingestsomethingthatmayalreadyhave bones,
feathersand a beak? For Filipino and otherAsianAmericans,thereare
alternativesources of protein, (which is not the case for manyin the
Philippineswho do not have the luxuryof choice).
"Eatingis usuallya more complicatedfunctionthanjust takingnour-
ishment"wrotefood scholar KurtLewin. The complexitiesinvolvedin
the eating of balut, or any other food for thatmatter,has since been
explored by a numberof folklorists and anthropologists.Food scholar-
ship has ranged from food as a semiotic system(Theophano 1991;
Douglas 1966 & 1972; Weismantel1988), to how consumptionis tied to
psychologicaland economic factors(Lewin 1942; Richards1932), to the
way food defines ethnicity(Brown and Mussell 1984; Georges 1984;
Kal'ik 1984). However,much of the debate between food scholarsis
betweenthematerialists, led byMarvinHarrisand MarshallSahlins,and

Western
Folklore
61:1 (Spring2002):63-00. Copyright? 2003, CaliforniaFolkloreSociety

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64 MARGARETMAGAT

symbolictheoristssuch as MaryDouglas and Claude Levi-Strauss. Harris


agrees thatfood mayhave symbolicmeaning,but beforeanythingelse,
"foodmustnourishthe collectivestomachbeforeit can feed the collec-
tivemind" and whateverfoods are eaten, "are foods thathave a more
favorablebalance of practicalbenefitsover costs than foods that are
avoided (bad to eat)" (Harris 1985:15). For Douglas, however,food
embodies a code, and the messagesin it can be seen in "thepatternof
social relations"(1972:61). Who is being excluded or included can be
gleaned from the food categories and meal patterns;for example,
drinksare reservedforstrangersand acquaintanceswhilemeals are for
intimatefriendsand family(Douglas 66).
In the case of balut,both symbolicand materialexplanationscan illu-
minatethereasonswhypeople wouldeat embryonicduckeggs.Although
it is alwayseaten boiled, and neverraw,eating balut requiresthe con-
sumptionof somethingin thefetalstage,and psychological, cultural,and
socio-economicfactorsmustall be considered.Generallysold lateat night
or earlymorning,balut is consumed by Filipino males for its alleged
aphrodisiacproperties, whilewomeneat itforreasonssuch as energyand
nutrition, but never as a sexualstimulant.
As one informant put itbluntly,
balutas an aphrodisiacis "paralangsa lalakiito"(it isjust formen).
Eaten usuallyas a snack,and not a formalfood, fertilizedduck eggs
have been described to be as "popular in Manila as hotdogs in the
United States"(Maness 1950:10). Althoughat one point,balutmayhave
been prevalentonlyin the Luzon region,and not in otherareas of the
Philippines, it has been hailed the country's"national streetfood"
(Fernandez 1994:11). Balutis so deeplyembedded in Philippineculture
thatit has inspiredeverything froma hitrecordsong about the distinc-
tivehowlingcalls ofbalutvendorsin thelate nightand earlymorningto
dishesin Filipinohaute cuisine.Indeed, the love affairof Filipinoswith
fertilizedduck eggshas been carriedbyimmigrants to theUnitedStates.
Estimatingthe numberof balut businessesin the U.S. todayis diffi-
cult. But whereverthere are Filipinos,one can usuallyfind balut. In
Californiaand Hawaii, businessescater specificallyto balut eaters.It is
also easyto make balutin homes,whereit is thensold to friendsand co-
workers.From Alaska to Rome, whereverFilipinos migratefor work,
balut maybe found.
Numerous articleson exotica have remarkedupon balut, but now
thereseems to be a genuine interestin the eatingof balut in itscultural
context.The lastdecade has seen a flurryof articleson balut,including
balut in Denver,Colorado (Kessler1995); balut in Temecula, California

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Balut 65

(Hennessey 1995); interestin making balut by a Wellington,New


Zealand duck farm (Lane 1995); balut served in Manila's cemeteries
during the Day of the Dead (McIntosh 1994); and how Filipinos in
Hong Kong eat it (Sheridan 1995). TheNewYorkTimesran a shortstory
on the Filipinos' ongoing relationshipwith balut, describingit as a
"nationalpassion" (Mydans1997).
Accordingto the 2000 census,FilipinoAmericansnumberclose to 1
millionin California,the second biggestAsiangroupin theU.S., second
to the Chinese Americans.Not surprisingly, the stateis a leader in balut
production.During the course of myfieldwork formymaster'sthesis,
fromwhichthisarticleis derived,I visitedMetzerFarms,whichsupplies
an estimatedfifty percentof the balut sold in the Bay Area. The farm
also sells balut to other immigrantgroups such as the Vietnamese,
Cambodians, Laotians, and Chinese. In addition, Thais, Malays and
Indonesians are knownto eat it. Based on the closestThai translitera-
tion, balut is called khaj luuk or khayluuk (same in Laotian). For
Cambodians, the closest transliteration in the Khmer language that
refersto embryoniceggs is pomtiakhong or pomtiakong. Anotherspelling
based on the sound of thewordis poomgpiakoong.

WHAT IS BALUT?

Fertilizedduck eggssold as balutin theU.S. rangefrom16 to 20 days


in age. The older the egg, the larger the chick and the more pro-
nounced itsfeathers,bones, and beak. An embryoat 17 dayshas beak
and featherswhichare more developed at 20 days.Normally,afterbeing
fertilized,a chickhatchesafter26 to 28 daysof incubation.
The tasteof the egg also depends on the breed of the layingduck.
Differentbreeds of ducks supposedlyproduce balut varyingin taste,
withMuscovyducks being hailed by some as the "cream of the crop"
(Freeman 1996:53). The kind of balut sold in the U.S. is made from
duck eggs. Chickeneggs maybe made into balut as well,but duck eggs
are preferredbythe majorityof FilipinoAmericanssince theyare larger
and thoughtto be betterin taste.
But whetherthefertilizedegg is chickenor duck,thereare twotypes
of balut. One is called mamatong by Filipinos.Mamatongbalut has the
embryofloatingon top of thewhiteand yolkand the consumercan eas-
ily detect it. Roughlytranslatedto mean "the float,"mamatong occurs
between 14 to 16 days.The second is balutsa putiwhere the embryois
wrappedbya thin,whitishmembraneand one cannottellwhetherthere
is an embryoor not. In balutsa puti,the embryois hidden by the albu-

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66 MARGARET
MAGAT

men's whitefilm.Balutsa putiis 17 to 18 daysold and it is the preferred


favoriteof Filipinosin the U.S. and in the Philippines.A folkbeliefin
the Philippinesletspeople knowifan egg has developed into mamatong
or balutsa puti.One takesa balut egg and drops it in water.If it floats,it
is mamatong, but ifit sinks,it is balutsa puti.
Justhow good and fresha balut is afterit has been boiled can be
determinedby itsbroth,called "soup" bybalut eaters.Aftercrackinga
hole in the wide part of the shell, the consumerusuallysips the broth
beforehe or she eats any part of the tinychick and remainingyolk.If
the balut is good, its soup has a sweet,clean taste.Fresh balut can be
good forten daysto twoweeks.Cooked balut if storedin the refrigera-
tor will last for as long as a month.But the longer the balut is in the
refrigerator, the more likelythatitsliquid willbe dried out.
Nguyenis a balut distributor in Orange County.He has been familiar
withfertilizedduck eggs (which he calls balut instead of hot vit lon),
since he was a youngchild in Vietnamwatchinghis fatherdown three
eggswithcognac duringdinner.Nguyensaysthereare not too manybig
duck farmsin Vietnam.If thereare some, the eggs are usuallyhatched
for the young.The hotvition thatare available are boiled and sold by
vendorswho resemblethe Filipinosellers,crying"hotvitlon" much like
thewayFilipinobalut sellerssound. The eggs are sold in the afternoon,
afterwork.However,Nguyenclaims that hotvit ion is not believed in
Vietnam to be an aphrodisiac. But now in the U.S., he and other
Vietnamesebelieve it afterhearingabout it fromFilipinofriends.

EATING BALUT

In theU.S., balutis usuallysold uncooked in Asianmarketsand some-


times cooked in Filipino restaurants.Once bought, raw balut is pre-
pared by cooking it in boiling waterfor 20 to 30 minutes.It is eaten
warmand never cold, and can be eaten by itselfor accompanied with
condiments.Filipinoseat it withsalt,vinegaror soy sauce, while many
VietnameseAmericanslike Nguyeneat it witha green, mint-likeherb
called rau ramas wellas saltand pepper.Nguyenalso uses a spoon to eat
the egg like manyVietnamesedo, in contrastto Filipinoswho do not.
Nguyenemphasizesthatwhenhe eats balut,ithas to be accompanied
bya drink,eithercognac or beer.This is also trueforFilipinomale con-
sumers."I don't drinktoo much,but when I eat balut,I have to drink
something,"Nguyensaid.
A good duckbaluthas fourparts.Thereis theyolk,thewhitepartcalled
bato(rock) whichis the tough-to-eat albumen,the embryo,and some liq-

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Balut 67

uid whichaficionadossip withgustobeforeopeningthe egg. If the balut


has a crackor ifitis a chickenbalut,ittendsto nothavethesoup or liquid
whichis naturally presentin duckeggsevenaftertheyare cooked.
There are numerouswaysto eat the egg,but a usual methodinvolves
tappingthebroad base of theegg on the tableor witha spoon. Then the
consumerremovesthe smallcrackedshelland breaksthe delicatemem-
brane to sip the liquid of the balut.As one sips the soup, one continues
breakingthe shell to expose the yolk,embryoand albumen. At this
point,one can separatethe pieces on a plate and salt thembeforeeat-
ing. Otherspreferto eat the egg straightfromthe shell,in twoto three
bites in order to not see the duck or chickenembryo.Those who like
the tasteof balut but cannot chew the embryoswallowit whole.
In his 15 years of distributingbalut to stores as well as Filipino
Americansand otherAsian Americansin the Bay area, Butch Coyoca
estimatesthat he has sold hundreds of thousands of eggs. In 1997,
Coyoca statesthat he handled 5,000 to 10,000 fertilizedeggs twicea
week.Not surprisingly, he has come up withhis ownobservationson why
people eat balut.
Accordingto Coyoca, about 60 percentof the people who buybalut
fromhim believe thatthereis some medicinalvalue in eatingit or that
it creates a sex drivein males. When deliveringbalut directlyto con-
sumersduringparties,he observesmostbalut eatersare males. This is
similar to the Philippines. Of his customers,roughly75 percent of
FilipinoAmericanmales and 25 percentof FilipinoAmericanwomen
eat balut. Most of the FilipinoAmericanmales who eat it are over 15
yearsold to seniorsaged 55 and above.
Butwhenitcomes to Coyoca'sVietnameseAmericanand Cambodian
Americanconsumers,eating balut is more evenlydistributed,with55
percentmen and 45 percentwomen consumingbalut.Thai Americans,
however,do not eat as much as othergroups.If theydo eat balut,they
preferit to be made fromchickeneggs.
Preferencesfor the age of the balut differfromgroup to group,
althoughindividualchoices play a role as well. VietnameseAmericans
generallyprefertheireggs to be at least 17 daysold and theyalong with
Cambodians find 19-to-20-day-old balut to be more desirable, unlike
In
Filipinos. general, women preferyoungereggswithsmallerembryos
like 14 or 16 daysold or penoyeggs. Penoy eggs rangefrom8 to 10 days
of the incubationperiod, and theygenerallyhave no embryo.

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68 MAGAT
MARGARET

Traditionally,men are what Coyoca terms the "hard-core balut


eaters."This is the case for men no matterwhat race. Male customers
usuallywant a biggerembryoaged 17 to 20 days.They tend not to be
botheredwiththe appearance of the developed embryo.

A CHEAP, "SUPER" FOOD

The Food Composition Tablefor Use in East Asia (W. Leung et al.
1972:111) provides the followingbreakdown for nutrientsin balut:
embryonatedduck egg--188 calories,13.7 gramsof protein,14.2 grams
offat,116 milligrams ofcalcium,176 milligrams ofphosphorous,2.1 mil-
ligramsofiron,875 micrograms ofretinol,435 micrograms ofB-carotene
.12 of .25
equivalent, milligrams thiamine, milligrams of 0.8
riboflavin,
milligramsof niacin,3 milligramsof ascorbicacid.
Balut is categorizedin Filipinocultureas a "hot"food,and therefore
thosewitha feverare toldnot to eat it.A fewinformants mentionedlim-
iting their balut consumption for fear of cholesterol.But for many,
balut's reputedbenefitsmore than outweighitsproscriptions.
Callingbalut the cheapestnutritionalsubstituteavailableto Filipinos,
Butch Coyoca saysthat one can buy balut instead of buyingvitamins.
"It's like a powerbar,a superfood,"he said. "Ifyou stayup late at night
and it's alreadymorning,like 2 a.m., a lot of people would eat one or
twobeforetheygo to bed because theywould believethat(balut) would
compensateforwhateverlosses theyincurredfornot sleepingenough."
Coyoca also points to the ease in transporting balut,which makes it a
convenientfood to eat duringlong journeyswhen one cannot have a
regularmeal withrice,fishand vegetables.
The starkpovertyin the Philippinesis a definitefactorin the con-
sumptionof balut. "Because mostFilipinoshave low incomes,theyhave
learned to use all edible partsof a plantor animal product... the inter-
nal organsof chicken,hogs,cattle,whichmaylook unappetizing,can be
made into savorydishes" (Claudio 1994:6). A listof the itemsavailable
as streetfoods showsthisto be the case, especiallyillustratedbythe bar-
becued itemssold on skewersand flavoredwithcondimentsto the cus-
tomer'spreference.Manyof thebarbecued partshave givenriseto their
own folknames. Beside barbecued bananas and rice porridge,one can
find chicken feet, nicknamed "Adidas," chicken wings called "PAL"
(PhilippineAirlines),chickenintestinecalled "IUD" foritsappearance,
pig's ears which are knownas "walkman,"and the combs on roosters,
whichare referredto as "helmet"(Fernandez 1994:10).

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Balut 69

Accordingto Fernandez, about fortyyearsago chickenbreastsand


thighsand pork meat were being sold. But as the economic crisiswors-
ened, so did the food. By the 1970s, "almosteverypart of the pig and
chickencame to be used: pigs' ears and intestines;chickenwings,necks,
feet, heads, tails, combs, even intestines,meticulouslycleaned and
looped on thinskewers"(Fernandez 1994:9).
The consumptionof balut, therefore,mayin recent timesbe more
tied to the economic situationin the Philippinessince it is a relatively
inexpensivesource of proteinand calcium.However,thiscannotbe the
reason as to whyFilipinoAmericanscontinueto eat balut.Otherfactors
mustbe present.The factis FilipinoAmericanschoose willingly to eat a
food thatothersconsiderexotic in a countryfullof steakand chicken.
It maybe thatforthem,balut is a luxuryitem,along the lines of oysters
and caviar. But before expanding on the possible cultural factors
involved,I willfirstturnto balut history.

THE HISTORY OF BALUT

whenthe customof eatingbalutfirst


It is impossibleto date accurately
began sincepre-Spanish in syllabic
recordswritten writingbyearlyFilipinos
have not survivedthe burningzeal of the Spanishmissionaries. This has
forcedscholarsto consultancientrecordsofneighboringcountriesto find
references regardingthePhilippines.Whatis knownis thatlongbeforethe
Spaniardssetfooton thePhilippineislandsin 1521,Filipinoswerealready
conductingmaritimetradewithPersia,Arabia,India (directlyand indi-
rectlythroughIndonesiafromthe2nd centuryA.D.) and especiallyChina
beginningin 300 A.D. (Garcia 1979:8-34;Jocano 1975b:135-158).
Theorizingthatmanyof the modernworld'seatinghabitsare a result
of Columbus'sjourney to the New Worldin 1492, and the subsequent
growthof the Spanish empirewhichinvolvedthe exchange of goods as
corn, tomatoes,chilies and livestock,RaymondSokolov points to the
Philippinesas being one of the main "centersforgastronomicchange"
(1991:14-22). Spain controlled the Philippines through Mexico,
enabling the Spaniards also to partake in commercewithChina. The
effectsof Spanish colonizationas well as the historyof exchangeswith
neighboring countries can be seen in Philippine cuisine with its
Spanish, Chinese and Malay-influenced dishes that have been indige-
nized bythe use of local ingredientsand Filipinoseasoningtastes.
Popular dishes like adobobetraytheir Spanish-Mexicanoriginwith
theirnames. "dobois chickenor pork simmeredwithvinegar,soysauce
and bay leaves. There are rich dessertssuch as lecheflan and a bread

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70 MARGARETMAGAT

called pan de sal. The Philippinesowes its noodle dishes,as well as its
lumpia(egg roll) and siopao(charsu bao,a whitebun filledwithmeat),
to the Chinese (Fernandez & Alegre 1988:17). For referencesto the
Philippinesin ancientChinese records,see Wang 1952.
The influenceof the Chinese may perhaps explain the presence of
balut in the country.Many books on Chinese food tend to mention
salted duck eggs,tea eggs and century-oldduck eggs (see Chang 1977;
Barer-Stein1979; E.N. Anderson 1988), but a sprinklingof worksdo
mention fertilizedeggs. In his work Food in China: A Culturaland
Inquiry(1991), geographerFrederickSimoonsprovidesa clue
Historical
regardingfertilizedduck eggs. "Perhapsalso of nutritionalrelevanceis
the Chinese likingforfertilizedeggs in whichthe embryois well-devel-
oped, a preferencetheysharewithcertainpeoples in SoutheastAsia and
the Pacificregion.Embryonatedduck eggs . .. are substantially higher
in calcium than ordinaryones" (Simoons 365). In additionto confirm-
ing thatfertilizedeggswereconsumedbytheChinese,Simoonsalso ver-
ifiesthe widelyheld beliefin the Philippinesthatbalut is an important
source of calcium,whichexplainswhypregnantwomenand sickpeople
are urged to eat it as well.
The earliestcitationI was able to find regardingbalut is an 1830
report on Siam and Cochin, China (Crawfurd1830). It seems that
"hatchedeggs"werebeing eaten duringgreatparties.The eggs "formed
a delicacybeyond the reach of the poor, and onlyadapted forpersons
of distinction";after10 to 12 dayswhen an egg is being hatched,they
are "exactlyin the state most agreeable to the palate of a Cochin
Chinese epicure" (Crawfurd1830:408).
M. Duval also mentionedincubated duck eggs in 1885, and so did
geographerFriedrichRatzelin TheHistory ofMankind(1896-1898). "The
Tagals are said to have learntfromthe Chinese to eat eggsthathavebeen
in
sat upon, withthe chick them,as tit-bits" (Ratzel 1896-1898:432). In
1905,Jenkstooknote of the Igorots'likingfordevelopingeggs and how
theypreferredto wait"untilthereis somethingin the egg to eat" (Jenks
1905:143). There are otherworksmentioningbalut consumption;see
Verrill1946:211;and Schwabe 1979:399.
Before his 1979 work on Chinese food, Simoons included a para-
graph on the eating of fertilizedeggs in Eat Not ThisFlesh(1961). He
speculatesthatthiscustommayhave arisenlong ago "whenpeople gath-
ered the eggsofwildfowl,anyofwhichcontainedhalf-hatched birds,or
itmaybe relatedto some primitive fearofundevelopedeggs.As eggsare
widelyconsideredto be a fertility symbol,primitiveman mayhave been

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Balut 71

afraidto eat them before theyhad developed into some recognizable


formof life,when theirdangerousqualitywas presumablyeliminated"
(Simoons 1961:68).
I do not agree withthistheory,forin mysearch throughhistorical
recordsof the Spanishchroniclersdatingfrom500 yearsago, thereis no
mentionof a fearof "undeveloped"eggsbyearlyFilipinos;insteadthere
was plentyof evidence that theyenjoyed eating all kinds of eggs. For
example,both Pigafettaand Loarca remarkedon the tabon birdwhose
eggs in the sand were prized by Filipinos (Blair & Robertson33:133;
Blair & Robertson5:167).
Describing his fascinatingencounterwith a native chief,Pigafetta
writesin 1521 thatthe chief"waseating turtleeggs whichwere in two
porcelain dishes,and he had fourjars fullof palm wine in frontof him
coveredwithsweet-smelling herbsand arrangedwithfoursmallreedsin
each jar bymeans ofwhichhe drank... thenthekinghad us eat some of
those eggs and drinkthroughthose slenderreeds" (Blair & Robertson
33:149). Diego de Bobadilla also remarkedon how he enjoyed eating
those eggs as well (Blair & Robertson29:303). Eggs werenot onlyeaten
but used in devotionsto deities(Blair& Robertson27:261), to honor the
dead (Blair& Robertson21:209), and hurledin ritualswherethebroken
eggs cementedpromises(Blair & Robertson14:283-284).
As theserecordsshow,theearlyFilipinoswerenotafraidofeatingeggs.
Eggs forFilipinoswere not thingsto fearbut thingsto savor.Although
there is no mentionthat the eggs were fertilized,it maywell be that
Filipinosmay have been eating them long beforethe Spanish arrived.
Filipinoshave the most adventurouspalates and consume manyitems
whichothers,especiallyWesterners, mayfear.In lightof thebriefhistori-
cal mentionsabove, it may be assumed that by the 19th century,the
Chinese trulydid influencethe Filipinosregardingthe eatingofbalut.
Ifthepracticeofeatingbalutwasalreadycommonin the 16thcentury,
I am sureitwould have been noted bythefriarsand explorerswho were
onlytoo eager to mentionall theseemingly grosseatinghabitstheycould
find, such as the Filipinoliking forwhat Spanish chroniclerAntonioDe
Morga called "rotting" fishand shrimps(thismaybe bagoong, fermented
shrimp not unlike fish sauce) (see Blair & Robertson 16:80).
It is mycontentionthatbalut-eating developedbecause itis an easyand
relativelycheap proteinsource forpeople to eat. I also believe thatthe
aphrodisiacbeliefattachedto itwas not originally a reasonforpeople to
eat balut,butI wouldsuggestthatthisbeliefin balutas an aphrodisiacfor

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72 MARGARETMAGAT

men only came about when the Spaniards introducedthe concept of


"machismo,"a notionI willexpand on below.
Chinese consumptionof fertilizedeggs does not appear to be as per-
vasiveas Filipinoconsumption,whichsome ofmyinformants confirmed
as well when answeringthe balut survey.Several of themwere firmin
theiropinion thatthe Chinese did not eat balut. The lack of Chinese
recipes mentioningfertilizedduck eggs maymean thattheyare not as
popular in China as salted eggs, tea eggs, soy sauce eggs or thousand-
year-oldeggs. It is worthnoting,however,the manysimilarities between
the productionof thousand-year-old eggs and fertilized
eggs.
Simoons describes the process of making thousand-year-old eggs,
wherethe duck eggsare coated in lime clayand thenwrappedup in rice
husks (1991:364). In the Philippines,the traditionalwayof incubating
balut involvedthe eggs being surroundedby heated rice husks.Now,
however,mechanicalincubatorslikelywarmthe balut. Some claim that
eggs froman incubatordo not tasteas good as eggs incubatedwithrice
huskswhichtheysaygivesbalut a sweetertaste.
This phenomenon,whereone food itemseems more popular in one
countrythan in another,may be explained by culturaldifferencesin
taste.Anothercase whichillustrates thisis thatof bagoong(shrimppaste)
whichis foundin China as well as in the Philippines(Chang 1977:336).
Althoughtheshrimppastein China is basicallythesame as theone in the
Philippines,"thesepreparationsare byno means as popular as theyare
in SoutheastAsia; theyare peripheralextensionsof the SoutheastAsian
technology"(Chang 1977:336). It maywell be thatbalut originatedin
China and was takenup by the Filipinos,but whateverthe case, balut is
now considerablymore popular in the Philippinesthanin China.
"Balutis sold all the timeand everywhere--on streets,at stalls,outside
moviehouses,outsidenightclubsand discos,in markets;byvendorswalk-
ing,sitting, or squatting;at midnightand earlydawn,at breakfast, lunch,
merienda,and dinnertime"(Fernandez1994:10).The newlycookedbalut
are sold withtwists ofrocksaltin basketscoveredwithclothto keep them
warm, as the vendorswalkthe streetshawkingtheirwaresloudly.Worth
notingis thefactthattea eggsin Chinaweresold byvendorsat nightwho
called out in a "sing-song"manner(Leung 1976:21).This is muchlikethe
waybalutis sold,usuallyat nightand accompaniedwiththevendor'sown
styleof calling"bal-uuuut!" whichcan varyfromperson-to-person.
Balut is also sold at food stallsand in restaurants, where theyhave
transcendedtheirstreetfood statusand have become haute cuisine. It

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Balut 73

can nowbe orderedin restaurants"as an appetizer[rolledin flour,fried,


dip], adobado[cooked in vinegarwithgarlic],or
and witha vinegar-chili
baked in a ramekinwith olive oil or butterand spices ["Sorpresade
balut"]"(Fernandez 1999).
The notion of balut as a streetfood and a food forthe masses takes
on special meaningwhen linked to Fernandez & Alegre'sidea thatthe
Chinese dishes broughtto the Philippineshave flourishedin the food
stalls,smalleateries,and as streetvendors'wares;not in the meals ofthe
rich.They point out that "theChinese,who firstcame as traders,mer-
chants,and then settlers,had theirfood absorbed into lowerand mid-
dle-classcuisine" (Fernandez & Alegre 1988:17-18).
The conquistadorswho dominatedand ruled over the people have,
appropriatelyenough, influencedmostthe meals of the Spanish-enam-
ored Filipinoelite.These dishes such as morcon and embotidotend to be
served at fiestasand otherfestivities,not eaten everyday.In the mean-
time, the Malayan-Filipino dishes which resemble those of other
SoutheastAsiancountriesare dishesfavoredbyeveryoneand considered
appropriateforall events(Fernandez & Alegre 1988:18). This observa-
tion thatthe Chinese food in the Philippinesis the food of the streetsis
takeninto account,thiscertainlylends furthercredence to balut origi-
natingin China,withChinese saltedand centuryduck eggsappearingto
be distantcousinsof balut.

THE BALUT INDUSTRY IN THE PHILIPPINES

To shelterthemselvesfromtyphoons,the earlyChinese settlersin the


Philippinesconstructedtheir settlementsin the Luzon region by the
shoresof Laguna de Bay,whichis a freshwater lake withan area of 350
square milesthatis 25 milesin lengthand 21 milesin width.By the time
the Spaniardsarrived,one villagein particularhad an enormousnumber
of ducks,and so it was christened"Pateros,"meaning"duck-raisers." As
late as the 1950s,Pateroshad an estimated400,000ducksproducingeggs,
withproductionsupplementedby millionsof importedeggs (Maness
1950:10-13). For Pateros,whichis 40 kilometres fromManila,producing
balutbecame the numberone industryand balutfromthisarea was syn-
onymouswiththehighestquality(Cunanan 1968; Zabilka 1963).
But by 1977, gone was the crystal-clearwaterwherefishingwas easy
and ducks were free to roam and eat their favoritediet of snails.
Pollutionfromfactoriesand the dumping of garbage had taken their
toll and blackened the watersof Laguna de Bay,infectingsnails with

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74 MARGARETMAGAT

algae whichin turnhas led to ducks havinginfertileeggs. The Pateros


balutindustrysufferedas a consequence and manybalutproducerspur-
sued otherbusinessventures(Herrera1977:24-25). One informant told
of being forcedto move fromPateroswhen the Laguna de Bay got pol-
luted to other townsin Rizal in order to gatherthe fresheggs needed
forbalut. Balut is now made in otherplaces.
The word"balut"mayhave been derivedfromthe traditional waythat
itwasmade. "Balut"isverysimilarto theTagalogword"balot," whichmeans
"wrapper"when used as a noun, or "to cover"when it is used as a verb
("balutinmo"translatesto "coverit"). Balut made in the traditionalway
involvesthe eggsbeing coveredbybags containingrice husks.The husks
are heatedin copperkettlesuntiltheybecome dryas wellas extremely hot.
No matterwhatmethod is being used to make balut,the firststep is
to choose fertilizedduck eggs thathave thick,unbrokenshells.In the
Philippines,special menwould be hiredwhosejob consistedofselecting
eggs withthe thickestshell.This is no smallfeatas thereare thousands
of eggs that have to be looked at. These selected eggs must then be
exposed to the sun for 3 to 5 hours to get them to "perspire"out the
extramoisturebeforetheyare readyforincubation.
One common method utilizedby balut-makers, called mangbabalut,
involvedthe eggs being keptin wovenbamboo incubatorsin the shape
of barrels3 feethigh and 2 feetin width.The bamboo barrelswerefre-
quently used before the advent of artificialincubators and were
designed to hold 10 bamboo trays,each ofwhichcould hold 100 to 120
eggs. One barrelcould thencontain 1,000 to 1,200eggs (Maness 10). A
variationon the bamboo trayswas thatthe eggswould be placed in bags
made of abaca hemp.
The eggsstayin thebarrelsto incubatefor18 days,and are "candled"
usinga candle or a lightbulbon the seventh,fourteenthand eighteenth
days.A typicalinstrument forcandlingis the silawan,whichis a box-like
device in the shape of a triangleor a square. The Filipinobalut-maker
insertsthe egg into a speciallydesignedhole to hold it and bymeans of
a light bulb inside the box, the contents of the egg can be seen.
Somethingto watchout forwhile candlingis a dark shape in the egg,
whichmeans an embryohas formed.Ifthereare web-likeveins,thenthe
embryois growing.If the lightdoes not showanythingbut a wholeyolk,
then the egg is infertile.Sometimes,thereis a crackon the egg or the
embryohas died early.These are sold as penoyor made intosaltedeggs.
In the U.S., the sale of eggswithdead embryosis prohibited.

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Balut 75

THE IMPORTANCE OF DRINKING: PULUTAN AND INUMAN

Upon theirarrivalin the 16thcentury,the Spaniardswereastonished


at the abundant seafood and other staples such as taro, coconut and
yamswhichwere being eaten (Jocano 1975b:162). Deer, carabao, fowl,
pigs,along withvegetableslikebeans, quilitesand fruitslike guavasand
pineappleswerealso being consumed.However,the Moros,theMoslem
tribesfromthe southernend of the Philippines,did not eat swinebut
goats,chickens,ducksand carabaos (Garcia 1979:272,340).
Accompanyingthiseatingwere a startlingarrayof local winesmade
fromsugar cane, rice, coconuts,bananas and nipa palms whichwere
oftenconsumed in ceremoniesfordeath and illness (Garcia 1979:262,
331). Mostimportantly, earlySpanishchroniclerslikeChirinowrotethat
eventssuch as weddings.The
drinkingwas not limitedto rite-of-passage
nativeswere knownto drinkwithguestsand while honoringdeitiesas
well. Drinkingoccupied such a high statuswithFilipinosthat"theydes-
ignate a feastby the term 'drinking,'and not eating" (qtd. in Garcia
1979:262).
Chirinogoes on to describea typicaldrinkingfeast:

Theyeat, sittingin a low position... withoutcoveringor napkins,the


platescontainingthevictualsbeingplaced on thetableitself.Theyeat in
groupsof sufficient numberto surroundthe table;and it mayhappen
thata house is filledfromone end to anotherwithtables,and guests
drinking.The food is placed all togetherupon variousplates,and they
have no hesitationin puttingthe handsof all intothe same dish,or in
drinkingout of the same vessel.They eat but little,drinkoften,and
spendmuchtimein thefeast(Garcia1979:262).

Compare thisdescriptionwiththe popular customcalled inuman,a


social drinkingeventwhich entailsboth sexes drinking(more women
participatein inumanoutside Luzon) withtheirbarkada(friends).The
Tagalog verb "inom,"means to drink.An inumaneventis usuallyaccom-
panied bypulutan,whichare the fingerfoods servedin variousplatters
along withthe alcoholic beverages.Balut is a favoritepulutan.A typical
inuman takes place at a sari-saristore (small convenience store)
equipped withlow benches and tablesor in someone's house. In a sari-
sari store,the best-sellingitem is the wine or alcohol drinks(Cabotaje
1976:109). A sari-sari storeis frequentedbypeople fromthroughoutthe
area and it is a place to interactwithothersin an inuman.

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76 MAGAT
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"Drinkingis necessaryfora certaintypeofsocial interaction.Theygo


to thestoresto meetfriendsand to relaxafterthe day'swork.To remove
'the feeling of fatigue,'by 'improvingthe blood circulation,'and to
make one's self feel 'active and revitalized,'a man takes a drink"
(Cabotaje 1976:109). These same feelings of being energized from
drinkingweredescribedbysome ofmymale informants, who attributed
theirenergeticfeelingto the balut thattheyate. In general,balut and
other pulutanitems do not make a complete meal, since rice is not
served withpulutan.But it appears that balut can be eaten both as a
pulutanor as partof the meal itself.A majorityof myinformants stated
that theyate balut as a snack and as pulutan,not part of the meal.
However,there were several who said they,also ate it with rice. In
December 1996, one of myinformants hotelin Manila,
visiteda five-star
where she witnessed"adobongbalut."This was balut withoutthe shell,
and then cooked withgarlic,soysauce and vinegarinsteadof usingthe
usual chickenor pork.Reportedly, the resultingtastewas delicious.
Withthe exceptionof thesefewexamplesof balut being a main dish,
the traditionalconsumptionof balut is almostalwaysas a snackor pulu-
tan accompanied with an alcoholic beverage in an inumanor other
event.It may then be theorizedthatthe customof eating it mayhave
begun severalcenturiesago duringa drinkingfeastsimilarto Chirino's
description.

SUPERNATURAL BELIEFS AND BALUT

Manyof myinformants expressedstrongfeelingsof disgustat seeing


the embryoor catchinga glimpse of the developed littlechick.After
studyingthe surveyresponses,I believe that the feelingsof revulsion
experiencedbymanyat the sightof the fetusmaybe due to the idea of
ingestingsomethingthat is clearlyon the verge of being born. The
notion of eggs as symbolsof life can be demonstratedby the factthat
many places, includingparts of Africa,Europe and Australia,impose
prohibitionson the eating of eggs (Newall 1971:113-115). Eggs were
not to be consumed or destroyedbecause theyhad "universalsignifi-
cance ... as an image of lifeforce"(Newall 1971:113). This idea of eat-
ing something and ending its life as a chick seems to be a deep,
disturbingissue for even those who choose to eat balut as well as for
thosewho do not.
Severalof the informantsI interviewedmentionedthateatingbalut
makesa personlike an aswang.Also knownas a manananggal, an aswang
is a supernaturalcreaturewho craveshuman fleshand is afraidof salt

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Balut 77

and spice. Folklorist Maximo D. Ramos was convinced that "the


Filipinos'decided preferenceforsalt,sour,and spicyfoods is likelydue
to their fear of the manananggaland similar preternaturalbeings"
(1990b:148). I am not,however,insinuatingthatbaluteatersare aswang.
Rather,thereseems to be a symbolicrelationshipbetweenthe beliefin
a balut's invigorating powersand the beliefin the aswang.Perhaps the
beliefsregardingbalut mayhave been an effector a resultof the belief
in the aswang.
I had asked my informantsif they had heard of any connection
between balut-eatingand the aswang,and three out of 19 informants
who answeredreplied in the affirmative. All threewho answeredwere
femaleadults.One 38-year-old informantsaid, "IfI eat balut,I feel like
I'm fromthe countryside, likewheretheyalwaystellabout the aswang."
The answersof anotherinformantled me to suspectthatlivingin a
certainplace had somethingto do withnot onlybelievingin the aswang,
but the environmentin such a place was conduciveto perceivinga con-
nection betweenthe aswangand balut. P. P. was a 40-year-old Filipina-
American.Born in the U.S., she livedin Antique (pronounced an-ti-ke)
on the island of.Panay for three years.With an area of 4,446 square
miles, Panay is part of the Visayan region and is located between
Mindoro and Negros Islands. Besides Antique, the other towns are
Iloilo, Aklan and Capiz, all places reputed to be aswangterritory(see
Ramos 1971:108; 1990b:136).
Indeed, among Filipinos,Antique is especially reputed to be an
ancientplace wheremysterious forcesreign.Accordingto P. P.,Antique
was named bythe Spaniardswho recognizedthe "antique"or old nature
of the place. There are manybeliefsregardingsupernaturalbeingssuch
as aswangs (also knownas wak-wak in Visayanifin the formof a bird),
who are believed to exist here (see for example, Gonzalez-Tabujara
1985:97, 103-104; De Jesused. 1986:14,24-25, 30).
From 1992 to 1995,P. P. was in Antiquealong withher threechildren
and husband to overseesome property.She ate duck balut everyother
week whilein Antique.She continuesto eat balut in the United States.
While pregnantwithher firstchild, however,P. P. ate balut daily.She
thinksthatthe insideappearance of an open balutegg is similarin looks
to a human fetuswithitsskinand veins."It'salmostlike cannibalism,"P.
P. said. "Whenyou look at balut,you see the veins,the skin,the fetus
inside. It's like you're eatinga human fetus."P. P. believesthatbalut is
somethingthatwould empoweran aswang,whosefavoritemeals include
eatingfetusesfrompregnantwomen. "I can see whereeatingbalut can

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78 MAGAT
MARGARET

empower an aswang,since aswangslike to eat the fetusesof human


babies,"she said.
The idea that eating balut will transforma person into an aswang
caused a lot of childhood agonyforone Filipinainformant, I. Y., a visit-
ing studentat U.C. Berkeley.Born and raised in Quezon City,Luzon, I.
Y. recalled the intenseteasingshe was subjectedto wheneverotherssaw
her eatingbalut. "Oh,aswangka, aswangka!! Kadirika, kadirika!P' (Oh,
you're an aswang,aswang!!You're gross,you're gross!!) was a common
tauntthatwas directedat her. She would retortback thatsince she was
eatingbalut,it would make her strong.She would tellothersthatifshe
was going to be an aswangforeatingthe balut,she would catchthemas
soon as she could. Accordingto I. Y, thiswas a popular responseto the
common tauntlinkingbalut-eatingto the aswang.She learned thisfrom
otherchildren.
I. Y. believeschildrenwho ate balutwereteasedmore thanadultswho
ate it. "Ifchildrenare seen eatingbalut,the reactionis more strongas
opposed to adultseatingthe balut,because the child is vulnerableand
is preyingon somethingvulnerable,"she said. She thinksthatbecause
the chick inside the balut is seen as vulnerable,this connects eating
balut to the aswang because the aswang eats the vulnerable,unborn
babyin the womb.

ASWANG: CREATURES OF THE NIGHT

As earlyas 1582,Miguelde Loarca describedtheaswangbeliefamong


the Pintadosof Panay,and in 1588 to 1591,Juan de Plasencia followed
withan accountof theTagalogsand theirbeliefin the aswang.However,
it is Maximo Ramos who is creditedfor comprehensively definingnot
onlyseveraltypesof aswangbut the numerouscreaturesof Philippine
lowermythology.
Accordingto Ramos,the aswangcan be understoodbest ifidentified
withsimilarEuropean creatures.There are fivetypes:the aswangwho is
usuallyfemale and likened to the blood-suckingvampire;the viscera-
suckerwho can removeitsupper halffromthelowerhalfofitsbody;the
weredog aswangwho can change its shape; the aswangwho is a witch
capable of the evil eye and spells; the ghoul aswangwho eats corpses.
These fivetypessharesimilartraitswitheach otherand withothersuper-
naturalbeings,leading to some confusion.
VariousFilipino ethnicgroups have different names for the aswang
dependingon itsformand behavior,and thenamesproliferate evenmore
witheach typeof aswang,such as theviscerasucker(see Lieban 1967:68;

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Balut 79

Ramos 1990c:xvi-xvii). Amongthemostwell-known termsforviscera-suck-


ersare: aswang(Bikol,Tagalog,Visayan);abat(Waray);boroka (Iloko,from
Spanish word 'bruja'); manananggal(Tagalog); mangalok(Cuyonon);
aswangna lupad(Bikol); naguneg(Iloko); lamanluob(Tagalog) and kasud-
lan (WestVisayan)(Ramos 1990b:142and 1990c:xviii).
Viscera suckersare not limitedto the Philippinesbut theycan be
found in Indonesia, Malaysia,Cambodia and Melanesia, includingthe
Trobriand Islands. They are known as tanggalin Indonesia (tanggal
means to "remove"or "takeoffsomething"in Tagalog and Indonesian.
It also means "come apart,"in thatthe top of the tanggal'sbody comes
off).In Cambodia, it is knownas sreiap and it feeds on human feces.It
can flyusing its hair or ears or pandanus leaves in Melanesia (Ramos
1990b:144). For clarity'ssake, I willlimitmyselfto the use of the word
aswangas a general termforall fivesupernaturalcreatures.
It is significantthatin Filipinofolkbelief,saltand seasoningsplayan
importantpart wardingoffcreatureslikethe aswangor placatingoth-
in
ers like the dwende (dwarves),who preferfood withoutsalt (see Ramos
1990a:40-41, 58). For example,ghoul aswangs,who are believedto feed
on dead bodies whichtheyoftenstealduringwakes,are terrified of salt,
spices, and vinegar.Vampireaswangs and viscera suckers are also driven
awayby the use of salt and spices like garlic.For more on the aswang's
fearof saltand spices,see (Arens1982:84; Ramos 1990c).
Salt also plays an essentialrole in eating balut. The overwhelming
majorityof balut eatersprefersaltsprinkledon theireggs. Other spices
include pepper and vinegarwithchilies.Perhaps salt is used bypeople
as a sortof neutralizingagentwhen eatingbalut,unconsciouslywarding
offthe aswangeffects.Since saltand spices are reputedto scare offvar-
ious typesof the aswang,presumablythe person eatingbalutwould not
turninto an aswang.
In additionto being a neutralizer, saltmayalso be used unconsciously
as a sortof purifying agent, to cleanse the balut eater fromthe impure
action of eatingand thereforeending the lifeof the babychick.I spec-
ulate thatif thisis the case, the sprinklingof salt maybe forthe balut
eater a wayof atoningforthe "sin"of ending another'slifeforthe sake
of continuinghis/her own. The notion that a life must be ended to
ensure thatothersmaylivecould be applied here,withsaltactingas an
offeringto the sacrificedlife.However,saltshould not be takentoo seri-
ouslyas an extensionof the fearof the aswangor as a purifying agent;
afterall, supernaturalbeings aside, salt does tend to make everything
tastebetter.

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80 MARGARETMAGAT

A morefruitful comparisonbetweenthe aswangand balutbeliefscan


be achieved byfirstnotingthata person could become an aswangfour
ways:bypersonaldesire,byreceivingaswangpowersfroman aswang,by
accidental contamination(eating food touched by an aswang), or by
being born to an aswang.An individualwho deliberatelydesiresto trans-
forminto a viscerasuckermusthold "a fertilizedchicken egg against
his/herbellyand thentie it in place witha clotharound the body.After
an unspecifiedtime,the chickenfromthe egg passes into the stomach
bya sortof osmosis.Then one becomes able to emitthe sound charac-
teristicsof the aswang"(Ramos 1971:121). Stillanotherwayto become
and aswangbyone's own hand involvesbringing"twofertilizedeggs to
the cemeteryafterthe Good Fridayprocession at night. There one
should stand erect,gaze directlyat the fullmoon withoutclosingone's
eyes,place an egg under one's armpit,and mumble certainwords...
when the egg disappearedintotheinitiate'sstomach,he had become an
aswang"(Ramos 1971:122).
Perhapsthe methodbest knownto transmitthe powerof the aswang
is "byvoluntarily swallowinga black,chick-likecreaturewhichpops out
of the mouth of an old viscerasuckerwho cannot otherwisedie and
rest" (Ramos 1973:21). The chick then resides in the new viscera
sucker's stomach and it feeds on the entrailseaten by its host. The
aswang'sdesire for human entrailsis triggered"whenthe chick starts
cheeping" (Ramos 1990b:144.Also see Ramos 1973:21). For the aswang,
the cravingfor human fleshbegins afterthe black chick is swallowed
(Ramos 1990c:xxiv).Although Ramos never addresses why a person
wouldwantvoluntarily to become an aswang,folknarrativessuggestthat
the aswang has mysteriouspowersand is feared by everyone.In addi-
tion, revenge againstfellowvillagersfor perceived injusticesis also a
commonthemein manyaswanglegends,a motivating forceforthe crea-
turesto killothers.
Could thisbeliefthatone becomes an aswangby swallowinga chick
be the reasonwhymostFilipinosdo notwantto see the duck embryoin
the balut? It maybe thatseeing a fullyformedchick arouses in their
mind the uncomfortablecomparisonof eatinga fetus-like food,so that
theireating balut seeminglyresemblesthe actions of an aswang,who
also enjoyseatingan unborn baby.One could also saythatbecause the
balut containsthe underdevelopedembryo,althougheaten boiled, in a
sense it is stillincompleteand "raw,"an item not meant for "civilized"
humans who like more completed, more "cooked" foods. Balut as a

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Balut 81

"raw"food would then be appropriateforanimals or animal-likecrea-


tures,like the aswang.
Ramos is not the onlyone who discussesthe aswangat length.In the
Dictionaryof PhilippineFolk Beliefsand Customs(1971), Francisco
Demetriocommentson the traitsand behaviorof the aswang,who are
believed to utilizeeggs in severalinterestingpractices.For example, if
one swallowsan unhatchedegg of a chickenwithitsshellon, one willbe
able to flyas an aswang(Demetrio1971:241). Anotherfascinating belief
involvingeggs is thata new balbal(the ghoul aswangof the Tagbanua),
can once again become a normalpersonifit is made to vomita yolk-like
substance.If the aswangis alreadyin the advancedstages,thena "chick-
like creature"is vomited(Demetrio 1971:247-248).
However,Demetrionotes thatonce someone has been an aswangfor
a long time,nothingcan be done to make thatindividualnormalagain.
RichardArens identifiesthisstage of no returnas the fourthand last
stage in the developmentof the aswang.If the infectedperson triesto
seek a cure froman expert,death,not a cure,willbe the result(Arens
1982:78).
AlthoughDemetrio does not specifythe chick-likecreature'scolor,
Ramos does. He writesthatthosewho swallowa "blackchick-like" crea-
ture become aswang (Ramos 1973:21). The significanceof the color
black can also be seen in the method of choosing a "good" balut. One
has to avoid eggs which are black inside as thiscolor means thatthey
have gone "bad."
BothDemetrioand Ramosemphasizethatonce thechickis developed
inside,theviscerasuckeraswangis now at themercyof itsanimaldesires
and thisis theworststageforthe afflicted. Arensalso describesthiscon-
dition,pointingout thatonce themonsterin theaswang'sstomachis fully
developed, "the newlybewitchedperson becomes stronglyimaginative
and feelsan urge to suckfreshblood fromwarm-bloodedanimalsinclud-
ing humanbeings.When hungry,she sees thingsnot as a normalperson
sees him. In the egg, forexample,she sees the developed chicken;in a
pregnantwomanshe sees the littlechild.At thismomentshe developsa
strongurge to feaston theselivingthings"(Arens1982:79).
This beliefin developed chicksbeing the harbingerof evilmayhave
influencedFilipino balut eaters in theirpreferencefor balut aged no
more than 17 days,since theydo not wantto see, much less eat, a devel-
oped embryo.
It is interesting
to note thatin transportation
hubs in the Philippines,
such as bus and trainstations,balutvendorspurposelysell 19-day-old or

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82 MARGARETMAGAT

older balut to customerstheyneverwill see again, customerswho are


not their"suki"(regulars).These balut eggs being sold are describedas
"chicksalmostreadyto be hatched" and are sold byvendors "whowill
never see theircustomersagain, will not hear recriminations, or form
friendships with them" (Fernandez 1994:10). This deliberate sale of
itemsconsideredbymanyFilipinosas culturallyunwantedand undesir-
able can be construedas a hostileact since the vendoris foistingupon
a unsuspectingcustomeran egg thatis a "chick-like creature."One can
even ventureto say that the vendors are, in effect,treatingtheircus-
tomerslike an aswangor forcingthemto be an aswangin thatthe cus-
tomersare "swallowing" whatin essence is a chick.
Fernandez adds thateven in the waybalut is sold, one can see "the
dynamicsof Filipino personal relationships"at work (1996b:11). I sug-
gest thatthese same "dynamics"of relationshipare playedout through
beliefsregardingthe aswang,whichin turnare relatedto the dynamics
one experienceswheneatingbalut.In thisway,the dynamicsof "Filipino
personalrelationships"are consistentno matterwhatmediumof belief
takes place. There seem to be recurringpatternsof behavior which
appear in both the naturaland supernaturalworldof the Filipino.
Anothernotable point Ramos makes is thatthe aswang'scravingfor
human entrails startswhen the chick begins to "cheep." What this
implies is thatonce the chick is developed, it has more power over its
human hostvictimand it directlyarouseshungerforflesh.To put it sim-
ply,the fullydeveloped chick "power"intensifiedhunger for human
flesh.This parallels the beliefthat the sexual hunger of a man is sup-
posed to intensify aftereatingbalut.
Defined as "hard-corebaluteaters"bydistributor ButchCoyoca,men
prefer balut thatare aged 17 to 20 days.These mature balut harborbig-
ger embryos with feathers,bones and beaks-in short,embryoswhich
look more like chicks.This preferenceby men for balut almost fully
formed can be interpretedto mean that a more developed chick
"arouses"men's sexual hunger.Support for thisidea can be found in
numerous males intentionallyeating balut as an aphrodisiacto boost
theirvirility-anobjectivewhichsharpensthe hungerforsex. Withthis
in mind,it mayindeed be "appropriate"thatwomen generallylike eat-
ing balut thatare less than 17 days,when the embryois not as formed.
This again can be interpretedto mean ifthereis no embryo,thenthere
is no sexual hunger.Again,Filipinowomendo not eat balut to increase
theirsexual drives;onlythe men do.

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Balut 83

These ideas tie in withDemetrio's and Ramos's report on how an


aswang can become normal by vomitingthe chick inside it. No chick
means no abnormal desiressince the source seems to be the chick.As
mentioned,an aswangcannot be cured byvomitingthe chick if it has
been an aswangfora lengthyperiod of time.Perhaps thisis due to the
chickbeing digested,much like how balut,once eaten, cannotbe taken
out once it is subjectedto timeand one's digestiveprocess.
One last point which should be mentioned shows another parallel
betweenthe aswangand balut.The aswangfeedson human fetusesand
visceraat night.Balut is also commonlyeaten at night.The darknessof
the nightshieldsthe balut eaterfromconfronting the realityofwhathe
is eatingwhilethe aswangneeds the nightin orderto eat its"disgusting"
food. Most of myinformantspreferto swallowthe balut whole. If they
do bite the embryo,theyavoid lookingat it.Some people takeapartthe
egg and eat it piece bypiece. P. P. describedeatingbalut "likeeatingan
Oreo cookie-you eat it in sections."But anotherinformant, A. G., dis-
"If
agreed. you eat it piece bypiece, it'sgross.So I'd rathereat thewhole
egg in two bites, includingthe chick."
There is a directlinkbetweenthefearoftheaswangand thetreatment
of peddlersthatmayprovidea clue to balut'spopularityin certainareas.
Ramos's numerousbooks on legends of supernaturalcreaturesinclude
common narrativescollected around the Philippines in which balut
eatersand balutsellersare suspiciously viewedas local versionsofaswang.

In somepartsofthecountry thereisconsiderable topeddlers,espe-


hostility
ciallythoseknown to come from provincesreputed the home of the
as
aswang, suchas and
Sorsogon Tabaco,Albay, in theBicolregionandAklan
and Capizin theWestern The folkfearthatweredogstaketheguise
Visayas.
ofpeddlersinordertoentercommunities, andtheysaytheylingerinneigh-
borhoodswhereexpectant mothers reside(Ramos1990c:xxiv-xxv).

Wherethe aswangis thoughtto exist,peddlersare not at all welcome.


Perhapsthisis whythe popularityofbalut has not been as widespreadin
theVisayasregionas itis in Luzon, because theformerarea is commonly
thoughtto harbormore aswangs.Peddlersare not the onlyones feared.
Ramos adds thatgovernmentlaborerswho come fromplaces suspected
of harboringaswangsare also treatedwithsuspicionbyvillagers.
It makesperfectsense,then,thatbalut did not take offin popularity
in the Visayasas it did in Luzon, since balut is usuallysold byvendors
who are transientand who sell fromvillageto village.The sale of balut
by vendorsis the traditionalway,and formanyFilipinos,the onlyway

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84 MARGARETMAGAT

balut has been knownto be sold. Therefore,ifa place fostersa suspicion


of peddlers,it followsthata productsuch as balutwhichrelieson male
peddlersmovingfromvillageto villagewillnot be highlysuccessful.
"Food is freelyexchanged among neighbors,but where the aswang
Filipinosseldomacceptgiftsoffoodfromstrangers"
beliefpersists, (Ramos
1990c:xxv). A balut vendor is a
basically stranger who offers food in
exchangeformoney.It maybe a worthwhile investigationto see iftheareas
wherebalutis notpopularcan be correlatedwiththesameareaswherethe
fearof theaswangin theformofpeddlerscontinuesto be strong.
This fearof balut vendorsor peddlers being aswanghas surfacedin
the storiesof the folk.In LegendsoftheLowerGods(Ramos 1990a), one
narrativetellsabout how a balutvendoris threatenedwithdeath unless
she agrees to heal the boywho getssickaftereatingher balut.Another
legend illustratesthecase ofa girlwho is rude to a balutvendor:theven-
dor bewitchesher bypossessingher mind and body.Only a nativedoc-
toror healer familiarwithherbsis able to freeher fromher illness.
The linkbetweena certainplace, in thiscase Ilocos Norte,and thefear
of the aswangis also mentionedbriefly byGilda Cordero-Fernando.She
firstnotesthatgarlic(bawang)is to be foundin everyIlocano home and
businesslike storesand funeralparlors,but it is onlydisplayedto attract
buyers."Such a lot of bawangcould be the reasonwhyaswangshave not
settledin the Ilokos whereastheyare all over the Visayasand Bikol...
anthropologists attributethe absence of the beliefin aswangto the fact
thatIlocanos are used to strongwomen.Theyneed them,are not afraid
of themand therefore, do not convertthemintoaswang"(1992:144).
The idea thatstrongwomenare seen as aswangis analyzedbyFilipina
folkloristHerminia Menez. Menez suggests the influence of the
Spaniardswas of such magnitudethatpreviouslyrespectedfemale bay-
lans (shamans) were invertedinto the aswang. She writesthat the
Spaniards "dealtwithrecalcitrantfemaleshamansnot onlyas theirreli-
gious rivalsbut as femaleswhose sexual powers,in theirview,needed to
be subjugatedunder male authority"(1996:88). As such, the Spanish
missionariesdiscreditedthe baylansby placing themin the same cate-
goryas the "self-segmenting 'cannibal aswang"' (1996:92).
Where the baylanwas formerly held in esteemforher skillsas a mid-
wife and healer, as the aswang she now "drains the fetusout of the
womb" and kills infantsin her desire for flesh (Menez 1996:89).
Accordingto Menez, this"oppositionbetweenlifetakingand lifegiving,
between killingand birthing,is underscored by the self-segmenting
process in which the reproductivehalf is leftbehind while the upper

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Balut 85

halfis engaged in death-dealingactivity,"


a primarytraitof the viscera
sucker(Menez 1996:89).

SEXUAL BELIEFS AND BALUT

Whetherbalutis eaten fornutritionor avoided due to fearof becom-


ing a terrifying aswang,the mostcommon reason whybalut is eaten as
cited by myinformantsis the fertilizedegg's alleged sexual energizing
powers.Venetia Newall demonstratesthat in many cultures,eggs are
believed to restorevirilityto men but theycan also bestowfertility to
women (1971:113-141). It seems,then,thatthe sexual benefitsof balut
should applyto both men and women. But not so in the Philippines.I
suggestthatalthoughthe eatingof fertilizedeggs mayhave begun cen-
turiesago at the same timeas pulutan,thebeliefthatitis an aphrodisiac
strictlyfor men can be traced to the arrivalof the Spanish in 1521.
Christeningthe archipelago"Las Islas Filipinas"in honor of KingPhilip
II of Spain, the Spanish conquistadorsset about convertingthe natives.
In addition to the morals and values of the Catholic religion, the
Spaniards also broughtwiththem their own set of values which they
enforcedon the natives.One of the lingeringeffectsof more than 300
yearsof Spanish colonial rule is the machismoconcept.
Tomas Andres's Dictionaryof Filipino Cultureand Valuesdefines
machismoas the "beliefin male supremacyand the relegationof the
womento a domesticrole and as second-classcitizens"(Andres1994:97).
It mustbe stressedat thispointthatnot all womenin the Philippinesare
treatedin such a manner,and not all men believein thisconcept.
Andresincludesothertermslike "esmi"(wife),sayingthattheFilipino
wife is "treated like a queen by a Filipino husband" (1994:46).
Folkspeechlike "naku"whichis a contractedformof "nanay"(mother)
and "ko"(my) are used in timesof illnessand need, and accordingto
Andres, this use "indicates the value of a mother to a Filipino"
(1994:113). He statesthatclearly,women are held in high esteem.
But one cannot ignore the existenceof a double standardas well. I
believe that the machismo belief is still alive and flourishingin the
Philippinesand is partlyresponsibleforthe beliefthatbalutis an aphro-
disiacgood formen only.Andreshimselfalludes to the double standard
in hisinclusionofwordslike "binyag." Binyagcanmean baptism,butit also
refers"to the ritualan adolescentmale mustundergoin order to prove
himselfa man.A male is notconsidereda man unlesshe has experienced
his firstsexual intercoursewiththe opposite sex. Usuallythispracticeis
initiatedby the barkadaor peer group" (Andres 1994:23). In contrast,

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86 MARGARETMAGAT

however,Filipinowomen are generallyexpectedto be virginswhen they


are married. With the population comprised of about 80 percent
Catholics,the religiousand conservativeFilipino societyplaces a high
premiumon virginity even today.
Andres discussesin detail how the machismobelief has influenced
Filipinosocietyand itstreatment ofwomen.He reportsthatmachismois
extremelyprevalentamong Filipinomales and it requiresFilipinomen
"toengage in a sexualrolewhichcould onlybe verifiedbythepeer group
to whichhe belongsin termsof the numberof affairshe maintainsand
childrenhe sireseitherwithhis lawfulwifeor his mistresses"(Andres
1987:4). This practicecan be observedat all levelsof society,fromthe
richman to poor jeepney driverswho neverthelessmanage to have two
to threekabit(mistresses).
Andresconfirmsthatit is because of machismothatthe double stan-
dard exists."A set of principlesrequireswomen to be faithful, modest
and chastewhileon the otherhand, men are consideredimmunefrom
such principles and restrictions"(Andres 1987:5). Machismo is the
cause of the "querida"system(the keptmistresssupportedbythe male in
secretwhile supportinghis wife),but in no wayis the legitimatewife
expected to have an affair.Instead, she is expected to demonstrate
"strictand perseveringfidelityand chastity... acclaimed as virtuousif
she suffersmartyrdom and keeps her chastity
fortheunfaithful husband
to come home" (Andres1987:5). This double standardis also expected
for single men who are encouraged to be playboys,while the single
women cling to their virginity. All this points to the fact that "high
regardforwomanhood is based on the beliefthatthe woman is a pos-
sessionof the man" (Andres1987:5).
The culturalexpectationsenforcedon the Filipinomale are easy to
followin a countrywhere "sex is the cheapestentertainment under the
sun" (Andres1987:7). AndresarguesthatFilipinomales are encouraged
bythehotweather,bythefrequentcustomof inuman(drinkingalcohol),
and the "abundance of spicyfood and aphrodisiacs"whichmake men
seek to sirefirst-born
childrenfromdifferent women (Andres1987:7).
Other scholars have also perceived this double standard and are
attemptingto drawattentionto it.ArnoldAzurincalls the culturalvalue
on the hymenan "emotionaland sexual booby trap to the femalepsy-
che. Byembeddingin theconsciousnessofwomenfromearlychildhood
the beliefthatthe hymen-or whatit symbolizes, virginity-iscrucialto
the maidenhood and self-esteem, Philippinesocietypredeterminesthe
woman's sense of well-beingand personal fulfillment to one validating

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Balut 87

male supremacyor dominance" (Azurin 1995:157). Azurin calls for a


recognitionof thissyndrometo put an end to the exaggeratedvalue on
the hymenand virginity which is a resultof Filipino machismo.This
same machismomaybe responsibleforwhat he terms"itsdarkerflip-
side,femalemasochism-as manifestedin the perenniallypregnantbut
emaciatedwomen,the periodicallybruisedand the ever-forgiving aban-
donadas"(Azurin1995:163).
In starkcontrastto thisvividimage of today'sabused and abandoned
Filipinaswho relyon the males to definetheirsexuality, the indigenous
nativesencounteredbythe Spaniardsupon theirarrivalin 1521 did not
at all treatwomen thisway.Instead,the conquistadorsreportedthatthe
nativewomenwere reportedto be quite freeof concernsovertheirvir-
ginityand theywere depictedas fullyenjoyingtheirsexuality.
AntonioDe Morgawritesthatthereweremen "whosebusinesswas to
ravishand takeawaythevirginity of girls.These girlswere takento such
men, and the latterwerepaid forravishingthem,forthe nativesconsid-
ered it a hindranceand impedimentifthe girlswerevirginswhen mar-
ried" (as quoted in Garcia 1979:303). He notes earlyFilipino women
werein chargeof theirsexual pleasure,statingthat"thenatives... espe-
ciallythewomen,are veryviciousand sensual" (Garcia 1979:303).
This commentmayhave come about upon De Morga'sobservationof
the custompracticedby the nativemales thatwas designed to prolong
the pleasure of the woman. Both De Morga and Pigafettaremarkedon
the male customof boringa hole near the tipof thepenis and inserting
in it a bolt made of metalor ivorysecuredbypegs. Pigafettaelaborated
on the ends of the bolt whichhave "whatresemblesa spur,withpoints
upon the ends; othersare like the head of a cart nail" (as quoted in
Jocano 1975a:67).
No matterhowpainfulthismightbe, earlyFilipinomalesclaimeditwas
necessaryto wearsucha device."Theysaythattheirwomenwishitso, and
thatiftheydid otherwisetheywouldnothavecommunication withthem"
(Jocano1975a:67). Accordingto bothDe Morgaand Pigafetta, thisdevice
caused themen to be "unableto withdraw untila long timeaftercopula-
tion"since the onlywaya penis can withdraw withthisdeviceis when it
becomes flaccid (Jocano 1975a:67; Garcia 1979:303). Menez pointsout
that in addition to likeningthe powerfulbaylanwomen priestessesto
aswang,theSpaniardsalso triedto controlFilipinasexuality. "In theirzeal
to dampen femalesexuality, theyeven forcedthe men to abandon the
penile ringswhich,despitetheirown discomfort, the latterworebecause
theirwomeninsistedon the use of thisdevice to enhance femalesexual

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88 MARGARETMAGAT

gratification" (Menez 1996, 93). For more on women's sexuality,see


Povedano's descriptionin 1572 (Hester 1954:28). For more on the dou-
ble standardaffecting women,see (Jagor1875:157).
Whetheror not machismois the reason forbalut's male-onlyaphro-
disiac effects,it is certainthatmanypeople feel thatit is onlyformen.
The belief thatbalut is an aphrodisiachas not been scientifically sup-
ported,but formost of myinformants, it does not make a difference.
Severalof themexpressedtheirawarenessthatthe effectiveness ofbalut
as a sexual stimulantmay be tied to the consumer's willingnessto
believe. A 27-year-old FilipinaAmericansaleswomanechoed the belief
expressedbymostofmyinformants. "Sabinilapag kumainka ngbalut,tit-
igasang tuhod mo at makakatagalka raw sa sex"(Theysayifone eats balut,
your knees will get hard and you will last longer at sex). For these
informants, thereis undoubtedlya "psychologicalconnectionbetween
food and sex" and they believe that aphrodisiacs "willwork if one
believestheywillwork"(Frazier1970:6).
Both Frazierand Benedek discusseggs and theiralleged powersas
aphrodisiacs.Eggs are associated withaphrodisiacalqualities because
they are "obviouslyrelated to reproduction" (Benedek 1972:7). For
Frazier,"the egg is the supremesymbolof fertility, birthand regenera-
tion. Eggs are also said to increase sperm . .. an egg yolkcontainsthe
fountainof sexual energy,for it is in the yolk that the spark of life
ignites"(Frazier1970:28).
However,both men's commentson eggs as aphrodisiacsare mere
additionsto the lengthylistof writingsconcerningthistopic. For cen-
turies,eggs have been consideredaphrodisiacs,whethereaten alone or
combined withingredientssuch as honey and asparagus.Such recipes
mayhave been createdto increasethe egg's supposed titillating powers.
Althoughtheycan be eaten raw,aphrodisiacalrecipesfromthe ancient
Greeks,Romans,and the Chinese have consistently mentionedmixing
eggs withotheritems.
In addition,eggs fromcertainspecies were consideredsuperior.For
example, duck eggs were believed to be betterthan chickeneggs, and
pigeon betterthan duck,withthe sparrowbeing thoughtto be the best
(Hendrickson1974:150-151). It maybe thateggs are consideredsexual
stimulantsbecause they symbolize male testiclesin places such as
Ghana, Holland, Germany,and LatinAmerica (see forexample,Newall
1971:113-141). Eggs in Hebrew ("betzim") also referto testicles,as well
as in Italian ("uova"). For theWik-Mungkan aboriginaltribein Australia,
eggs also refer to testicles(McKnight 1973). For the tribe,foodssuch as

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Balut 89

eggs are thoughtto representthe sexual organsand thisaffectstheirdis-


tributionin the community. A man who giveseggs to thoseof the oppo-
site sex mustfollowcertainrules, since the eggs he gives are imbued
withsymbolism.However,no taboos are presentregardingthe givingof
eggs betweenmotherand daughteror sistersto theirmother'syounger
sister.McKnightwas told that in cases where women give each other
eggs, although "eggs are like testicles.. . because only women are
involved,thenthereis 'nothingin it'" (1973:197). He also notesthatthe
nestwaslikenedto pubic hair (1973:197. For an internationallistofeggs
in relation to sexual beliefs,including eggs as phallic symbols,see
Goodland 1931:40,78, 80, 141, 209. For eggs as fertility
symbols,see pp.
515, 582, 643).
However,in countrieslike France,Indonesia,and Morocco,equating
eggs to the female hymenis quite common (Newall 1971:137-140).
Persianbridescrackeggson theirweddingnightsin hopes thattheirmaid-
enhead will"breakas quicklyand completely"(Hendrickson1974:151). It
mustbe statedat thispointthatthemenwho ingestduckor chickenbalut
are actuallyeatingwhatis essentiallya "chick."In the Philippines,as in
othercountrieslike the U.S., the word "chicks"is oftenused by men to
referto women.In her articleabout Manilajeepneys,HerminiaMenez
notesthepopularuse oftheword"CHICKSeater"on vehiclesignsand she
suggeststhatitcan mean "chickseater"withchicksreferring towomen,or
it can referto the drivereatingbalut (Menez 1996,6).
Whatdoes all thisdata about sexualityhave in commonwithbalut?In
mystudyof balut,I have attemptedto showhow sexual and culturalval-
ues of the Filipinosand FilipinoAmericanscan be seen in the beliefs
regardingthe consumptionof fertilizedeggs. I argue thatforFilipino
men in the U.S., balutis eaten primarily foritspowersto increasesexual
potency and It
virility. mustbe repeated thatFilipinoAmericanswho eat
balut purchase their eggs raw,and not cooked since vendors selling
balut are not presentin the U.S. as in the Philippines.This means that
eatingthisfood is not a matterof convenience-the rawbalut has to be
boiled anywherefrom20 to 45 minutes.And one mustfirstobtainsome
eggs froma farmor a market,thatis, if thereare even some fertilized
eggs available to be sold. All of these factorsare obstacleswhich may
altogetherdiscourageFilipinoimmigrantsfromseekingto eat balut in
thiscountry.But thisis not the case as of now.
AlthoughFilipinosof all ages and sexes in the Philippineseat balut,
my informantsstated that in the U.S., male balut eaters outnumber
femaleeaters.The factthatfemaleeaters,althougha minority, continue

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90 MARGARET
MAGAT

to consume the fertilizedduck eggs suggeststhat consumingbalut is


partof theirethnicidentity. Food as a markerof ethnicityhas been illus-
tratedbynumerousfood scholars(see forex., Theophano 1991; Brown
and Mussell 1984; Staub 1989). But in additionto eatingbalut as enact-
ing one's ethnic identity,I would like to suggestanother reason why
Filipinos,specificallyFilipino American males, would want to eat it.
Since nutritional needs for protein are not under consideration
(indeed, manyFilipinoAmericanshave to limittheirintakeoffoodslike
thiswhichare highin cholesterol),it seems thatbalut as an aphrodisiac
formen is the primereason whyFilipinoAmericanscontinuetheircon-
sumptionof balut. In a land where economic hardshipsdo not neces-
sarilydistractFilipinoAmericanmales in theirpursuitof more sensual
considerations,balut is soughtfor the beliefthatit can "revup" one's
sex life.

University
ofPennsylvania
Philadelphia

APPENDIX

SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE

[Questionsmarkedwithan asterisk
wereconsideredespecially
important.]

BalutSurvey:
Please answerthefollowing:

1. Name,age,occupation,ethnicity,(please also mentioniffirst


or sec-
ond generationFilipinoor othernationality)
2. Areyoufamiliarwitheatinga fertilized egg calledbalut?
3. Do youknowanothernameforit?
4. Whenand wheredid youfirsteat balutand howold wereyou?
5. Whenand wherewasthelasttimeyouate balut?Whendid youeat
it,morning,noon,or night?
*6. Whydo youeat balut?
7. Wheredo youtendto eat it?ex. home,work,parties,dinner,snack
duringtheday.
*8. How do youeat it?Please describein detailfromthemomentyou
getit.Do youalso putanyseasoningor condimenton it?
9. Whomdo youeat balutwith,yourself or withothers?

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Balut 91

*10. Is balut good for anything?(ex. health,energy,sex). Please


explainin detailwhatbalutis good foraccordingto youropinionand
please statethisclearlyas
personalexperience.Ifyouare statinghearsay,
hearsay.
*11. Ifbalutis good forsomething, do you thinkbalutworks?
12. How oftendo youeat balut?
13. Do you thinkeverybody, male and female,youngand old, eats
balutor is therea specificage groupthateats balutin thePhilippines?
Whataboutin theU.S.?
14. Whatimmigrant groupsare youawareofeatingbalut?
15. Is thereanyreasonor occasionNOT to eat balut?
*16. How did youfeelafteryouate balut?In otherwords,did youfeel
anyeffects and howsoon did youfeelthoseeffects?
17.Does eatingbaluthaveanyconnectionthatyouknowoftoFilipino
supernaturalbeliefsex. multo (ghosts), dwende (dwarves),aswang
(witches)and othercreaturesof thenight?
18. Whatwastheeffectofbaluton yourfriends whoate itwhenitwas
prescribedto thembyothers(usually, friendsurgeothersto eat balutfor
a reason,ex. tellingnewlyweds to eat it).
19.Whenis balutsold in thePhilippines:morning, noon,or night?In
U.S.? If sold at nightin thePhil.,whydo youthinkthiswasso?
*20.Whowassellingthebalut,male or female?Whydo youthinkitis
sold thewayit is in thePhilippines, wrappedup likea baby?
*21. Can you thinkof anystoriesconnectedto balutfromyourexpe-
rience or hearingfromothersabout balut's supposed powersfor the
male? Please be detailed.(If thisis somethingnew to you,just sayyou
havenothearditbefore).
22. Whatcountryand place do youthinkbalutoriginatedfrom?
23. Ifbalutwaseasilyavailable,howoftenwouldyoueat it?
24. Optional:Ifyouhavefurther information aboutbalut,please add
ithere.It couldbe anything fromwhatyoufeelaboutbalutor booksand
articlesyoucame acrossthathad information on balut.

ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA FOR INFORMANTS


To protecttheiridentities,only the initialsof the informantswill be
used, followedby theirgender,age, occupation and ethnicityif it was
given. Several informantsare identifiedand one informantis also
included for her experience about eating balut although she did not
completethe questionnaire.
E.R., female, 58, governmentemployee, firstgeneration Filipina
American.
firstgenerationFilipinaAmerican.
V.P.,female,42, homemaker,

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92 MARGARET
MAGAT

E.C., male, 30, businessman, Chinese Filipino.


J.M., male, 42, seminarian,firstgeneration Filipino American.
R.T., male, 37, driver,firstgeneration Filipino American.
T.A., female, 50s, firstgeneration Filipina American.
H.P., male, 46, equipment technician, first generation Vietnamese
American.
J.P.,female, 8, student,second generation Vietnamese American.
N.C., female, 28, homemaker,firstgeneration Chinese Filipino.
M.M., male, 38, nurse, firstgeneration Filipino American.
A.G., female, 27, salesperson, firstgeneration Filipina American.
C.R., female, 50, bank teller,firstgeneration Filipina American.
J.J.,female, 58, homemaker,firstgeneration Filipina American.
J.T.,male, 33, trade assistant,firstgeneration Filipino American.
D.A., male, 9, student,thirdgeneration Filipino American.
N.A., male, 6, student,thirdgeneration Filipino American.
N.A., female, 4, thirdgeneration Filipina American.
P.P., female, 40, librarian and outreach worker, second generation
Filipina American.
J.M., male, 67, financial analyst,firstgeneration Filipino American.
J.M., male, 28, softwareengineer,Filipino.
D.V., male, 64, engineer,firstgeneration Filipino American.
Mr. B., male, 35, investmentbanker,Filipino.
I.Y., female, 22, student,Filipina.
Butch Coyoca, male, 50, balut distributorand businessman,firstgenera-
tion Filipino American.
Canh (Kent) Nguyen, male, 64, balut distributorand restaurantowner,
firstgeneration Vietnamese American.
Doreen G. Fernandez, female, 62, professorand writer,Filipina.

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