7

Verbalisation

7.1 Typology and structure

The formation of verbs utilises a limited number of suffixes.1
Whereas noun and adjective suffixation involves an open inventory
of suffixes, subject to expansion and discarding as new elements are
introduced and others relegated, the verb-forming morphemes are
linúted, well defined, and operate in this particular function and not
across categories:
a) líder - liderar b) cotilla - cotillear
batalla - batallar esclavo - esclavizar
peligro -peligrar santo - santificar
c) prisión - aprisionar d) bailar - bailotear
flaco - enflaquecer dormir - dormitear
cabildo - acabildar cantar - canturrear
e) atrás - atrasar
adelante - adelantar
lejos - alejar
These examples contain the complete repertoire of productive
verb-forming suffixes - -ar, -ear, -ecer, -ificar. Since .these
morphemes mark a particular accidence of the verb - the infinitive
- they are conventionally categorised as inflectional rather than
derivational. However, since they are very frequently used, as in the
examples quoted, to generate lexemes of a different syntactic
category from their prinútives, their function may also be viewed as
derivational. Synchronically, productivity is restricted to -ar, -ear,
-ificar, and -izar; -ecer is productive in generating verbs from stan-
dard adjectives, but only in established, lexicalised, forms, while
neither
tion -ir the second
appears in conjugation morpheme -er
synchronic derivational nor the third
morphology . conjuga-

.e

a.
o The bases of verb derivations are usually nouns, frequently adjec-
ü
tives and occasionally, as in e) above, adverbs. d) illustrates the
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possibility of verbs being generated from other verbs, within the

framework of emotive suffixation or infixation procedures , although
this pattern shows limited productivity. c) gives examples of the
frequency in verb derivation of parasynthesis, where suffixation must
simultaneously be accompanied by prefix attachment in either a- or
en-. The phenomenon of parasynthesis, as opposed to simple suffixa-
tion, appears not to be conditioned by morphophonological con-
siderations, and so to be arbitrarily applied, although it is most
commonly predictable in deadjectival verbalisation.

7.2 Taxonomy of suftlxes

-ar
a) tapón -+ taponar b) gordo -+ engordar
almacén -+almacenar largo -+ alargar
asfalto -+ asfaltar claro -+ aclarar
c) óxido -+ oxidar d) música -+ musicar
sulfuro -+ sulfurar explosión -+ explosionar
platina -+ platinar orquesta -+ orquestar
-ar formations are often equivocal as to whether they are instances
of immediate derivation of noun to verb or of back formation of
verb to noun. a) above are clear examples of immediate derivation
on material bases; b) offers examples of parasynthetic formations,
very frequent with -ar derivations, both on adjective bases, as
illustrated, and on noun bases (tilde -+ atildar, caudillo -+
acaudillar); c) shows the current vigour of -ar derivations in the
technical and scientific lexis, while d) shows the ability of this
morpheme to form modero verbs of a neologistic nature. 2 The main
characteristic of -ar formations , as opposed to those using rival
suffixes, is their particular amenability to material noun bases.
However, the examples of f) below are ambivalent:
f) conjura -+ conjurar
tueste -+ tostar
trueno -+ tronar

In trueno -+ tronar either the verb or the noun could be the base,
but tueste -+ tostar, with the modero -e morpheme in the noun
would appear to be a case of deverbal nominalisation. Many vowel-
.e
ending derivations are equivocal in this way (cf. costo/costar or
cuento/contar).
a.
o
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 Verbalisation
-ear
a) agujero
-agujerear
banderilla - banderillear
mariposa - mariposear
b) párpado - parpadear
relámpago - relampaguear
chinchín - chinchinear
c) discurso
hombre
fanfarrón -- discursear
hombrear
faníarronear
d) gilipollas - gilipollear
gandul - gandulear
badulaque - badulaquear
e) amarillo

calvo
negro
-- amarillear

- calvear
negrear
f) gol

whisky
boicot
- golear

- whiskear
- boicotear
g) balbucir/balbucear h) conga - conguear
blandir/blandear Celestina - celestinear
barrar/barrear Barcelona - barcelonear
-ear is the most productive verbal formative in contemporary
Spanish, as the many examples quoted above suggest, mostly on
noun and sometimes on adjective bases. lts connotations are often
iterative as in b) or pejorative as in c) and d), where the bases
themselves are censorious designations of humans. 3 The adjectival
bases of e) generate inchoative verbs, where the function of -ear
overlaps with that of -ecer (cf. amarillear/amarillecer,
negrear/ennegrecer ). lts productivity is apparent in its greater
amenability to foreign bases than its rival suffixes, shown in f) and
in whimsical or proper name formations as in h). In g) examples are
given of its frequent clashes with standard verbs based on alternative
infinitive suffixes.

-ecer
a) lánguido - languidecer b) húmedo - humedecer
pálido - palidecer agrado - agradecer
flor - florecer fuerte - fortalecer
c) rico - enriquecer
loco - enloquecer
viejo - envejecer
The formations of -ecer are strongly lexicalised, as opposed to the
frequently non-lexicalised formations of -ar or -ear. The bases are
many of the most common adjectives, as in c). The non-
.e parasynthetic derivations are usually intransitive, as in a), echoing
their origins in the Latin inchoative verbs in -escere, but they may
a.
o
ü also sometimes be transitive, as in b). The parasynthetic type, very

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common with -ecer and illustrated in c) is basically transitive, but

is often also used intransitively (cf. me han envejecido las penas que
he sufrido/tu vecino envejece con los años).

-ificar
a) santo - santificar b) gas - gasificar
puro - purificar ácido -+ acidificar
simple - simplificar resina -+ resinificar
c) pacificar I apaciguar
verificar / averiguar
rarificar I enrarecer
This suffix is characterised by its strong choativity. Its expansion in
modero Spanish reflects its international status, especially in the
scientific and technical lexis, illustrated in b), where the bases are
material.4 Its productive vigour is also seen in c) where it generates
terms which duplicate or supplant existing derivations based on other
suffixes. Morphologically, -ificar formations are unique in the verb
group in their resistance to parasynthesis.

-izar
a) obstáculo -+ obstaculizar b) impermeable -+ impermeabilizar
vapor - vaporizar occidente - occidentalizar
señal -+ señalizar visible -+ visibilizar

c) Sanford - sanforizar d) protagonista - protagonizar

Macadam - macadamizar simpático -+ simpatizar
Mercer - mercerizar garantía -+ garantizar

e) luna - alunizar
tierra - aterrizar
trono - entronizar
Like -ificar, -izar is strongly choative and very productive in
neologising, including the technical and scientific lexis.5 It attaches
to noun bases as in a), or adjectives as in b) and is very amenable
to proper name bases, illustrated in c). In e) examples are given of
parasynthetic formations in which -izar is morphologically linked to
the prefixes a- or en-. In d) the derivation involves the substitution
of an existing suffix in the base, so requiring a truncation adjust-
.e ment.
a.
o
ü

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 Verbalisation
7.3 Verbs from verbs
a) llorar - lloriquear b) picar - picotear
correr - corretear tirar - tironear
morder - mordisquear parlar - parlotear
c) forzar - forcejear
apretar - apretujar
pintar - pintarrajear
The bases of these formations, invariably in -ear, are standard verbs.
An infixed element, usually corresponding to an emotive derivational
morpheme, appears between the stem and the infinitive morpheme .
In a) the formations have a diminutive, frequentative connotation; in
b) an augmentative frequentative sense is conveyed, while in c) the
implication is pejorative and frequentative. This procedure is
strongly lexicalised , associated with particular bases, and represents
a morphological device of semantic nuancing with relation to sorne
common human actions.
These verb derivation patterns confinn the weakness of the second
and third conjugation, which are unproductive in this particular area.
The morphology is fairly regular, but with sorne instances of the
truncation principie at work. Again, the system is inconsistent in
promoting different suffixes for exactly the same purpose - overlap
between -ificar and -izar is particularly strong, while in the common
procedure of verbalising standard adjectives , there seems to be no
predictability in the derivational morpheme chosen (cf. gordo -
engordar, triste - entristecer, dulce - dulcificar, profundo -
profundizar . . .). The parasynthetic tendencies of verbalisation are
very strong, but no clear principie of application emerges, such as
might be meaningfully incorporated into a set of lexical morpho-
logical rules. This group of suffixes offers a striking example of the
general movement within the system, with the relegation of sorne
traditional morphemes such as -er and -ir and the enthusiastic
promotion of modern ones, namely -ear, -ificar, and -izar. Finally ,
the internationalisation of the Spanish lexis is very strong in this
category through the adoption of the morphemes of the scientific,
technical, and commercial language of the modern developed
societies.

.e

a.
o
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