Exploring Implicit

Cognition:
Learning, Memory, and Social
Cognitive Processes
Zheng Jin
Zhengzhou Normal University, China & University of California, Davis, USA

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Exploring implicit cognition : learning, memory, and social cognitive processes / Zheng Jin, editor.
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Exploring Implicit Cognition Learning, Memory, and Social Cognitive Processes

Zheng Jin (Zhengzhou Normal University, China & University of California, Davis, USA)
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Editorial Advisory Board
Maria Clara, Saarland University, Germany
Barbaranelli Claudio, Sapienza University of Rome, Italy
Hilde Haider, University of Cologne, Germany
Misyak Jennifer, University of Warwick, UK
Yang Lee, Haskins Laboratory, Yale University, USA
Bryan Roche, National University of Ireland – Maynooth, Ireland
Melanie Takarangi, Flinders University, Australia
Martin Voracek, University of Vienna, Austria

List of Reviewers
R. Jun Chen, Zhengzhou Normal University, China
Caroline Crawford, University of Houston – Clear Lake, USA
Jan De Houwer, Ghent University, Belgium
Chad E. Forbes, University of Delaware, USA
G. Gao, Beijing University, China
Robert Gaschler, University of Koblenz – Landau, Germany
Neha John-Henderson, University of California, Berkeley, USA
Junehee Lee, Gyeongsang National University, South Korea
Wesley Moons, University of California, Davis, USA
Dirk Wentura, Saarland University, Germany
Yan Wu, The University of Southern Mississippi, USA
Table of Contents

Preface..................................................................................................................................................xiii

Acknowledgment................................................................................................................................. xix

Introduction.......................................................................................................................................... xx

Chapter 1
Applying the IAT to Assess Big Five Personality Traits: A Brief Review of Measurement and
Validity Issues.......................................................................................................................................... 1
Francesco Dentale, Sapienza University of Rome, Italy
Michele Vecchione, Sapienza University of Rome, Italy
Claudio Barbaranelli, Sapienza University of Rome, Italy

Chapter 2
Priming................................................................................................................................................... 16
Christina Bermeitinger, University of Hildesheim, Germany

Chapter 3
Individual Differences in Implicit Learning: Current Problems and Issues for Research..................... 61
Daisuke Nakamura, Aoyama Gakuin University, Japan

Chapter 4
Rethinking Bloom’s Taxonomy: Implicit Cognitive Vulnerability as an Impetus towards Higher
Order Thinking Skills............................................................................................................................ 86
Caroline M. Crawford, University of Houston – Clear Lake, USA
Marion S. Smith, Texas Southern University, USA

Chapter 5
Implicit Social Cognition and Language Attitudes Research.............................................................. 104
Andrew J. Pantos, Metropolitan State University of Denver, USA

Chapter 6
Implicit Processes and Emotions in Stereotype Threat about Women’s Leadership........................... 118
Gwendolyn A. Kelso, Boston University, USA
Leslie R. Brody, Boston University, USA
Chapter 7
Smoking, Implicit Attitudes, and Context-Sensitivity: An Overview................................................. 138
Sabine Glock, Bergische Universität Wuppertal, Germany
Ineke M. Pit ten-Cate, University of Luxembourg, Luxembourg

Chapter 8
Function over Form: A Behavioral Approach to Implicit Attitudes.................................................... 162
Anthony G. O’Reilly, National University of Ireland – Maynooth, Ireland
Bryan Roche, National University of Ireland – Maynooth, Ireland
Aoife Cartwright, National University of Ireland – Maynooth, Ireland

Chapter 9
The Role of Implicit Mechanisms in Buffering Self-Esteem from Social Threats.............................. 183
Jordan B. Leitner, University of Delaware, USA
Chad E. Forbes, University of Delaware, USA

Chapter 10
How Social Factors Influence Implicit Knowledge Construction on the Internet............................... 205
Albena Antonova, Sofia University, Bulgaria

Chapter 11
Hidden Curriculum Determinants in (Pre)School Institutions: Implicit Cognition in Action............. 216
Lucija Jančec, Society “Our Children” Opatija, Croatia
Sanja Tatalović Vorkapić, University of Rijeka, Croatia
Jurka Lepičnik Vodopivec, University of Primorska, Slovenia

Chapter 12
Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script in Persistent Virtual Worlds: Theoretical Foundations .
and Decision Processes for Constructing a Socio-Cultural Learning Framework............................... 243
Nikolaos Pellas, University of the Aegean, Greece

Afterword............................................................................................................................................ 281

Related References............................................................................................................................. 283

Compilation of References................................................................................................................ 307

About the Contributors..................................................................................................................... 364

Index.................................................................................................................................................... 369
Detailed Table of Contents

Preface..................................................................................................................................................xiii

Acknowledgment................................................................................................................................. xix

Introduction.......................................................................................................................................... xx

Chapter 1
Applying the IAT to Assess Big Five Personality Traits: A Brief Review of Measurement and
Validity Issues.......................................................................................................................................... 1
Francesco Dentale, Sapienza University of Rome, Italy
Michele Vecchione, Sapienza University of Rome, Italy
Claudio Barbaranelli, Sapienza University of Rome, Italy

This chapter reviews the studies that applied the Implicit Association Test (IAT) to assess the Big Five
personality traits, focusing on issues related to measurement and validity. After a brief introduction on the
implicit self-concept of personality, the following five issues are critically reviewed: (1) the experimental
procedure of both classical and questionnaire-based Big Five IATs, (2) the factorial structure and reliability
of the implicit traits and the degree of dissociation between implicit and explicit measures, (3) the state
and trait components of implicit scores, (4) the predictive validity of the Big-Five IATs with respect
to relevant behavioural criteria, and (5) the robustness to faking of the Big Five IATs. Future research
directions for the implicit measures of the Big Five were discussed.

Chapter 2
Priming................................................................................................................................................... 16
Christina Bermeitinger, University of Hildesheim, Germany

This chapter is about the wide variety of priming encountered in cognitive and social psychology. In
cognitive psychology, the priming paradigm is mainly used to study memory phenomena or the pre-
activation of concepts and motor reactions by related stimuli. In social psychology, the term priming is
used for a broader range of phenomena in which an event triggers a subsequent behavior. In this chapter,
some definitions of priming and the origin of the term’s use in psychology are presented. Then, the chapter
examines different types and variants of priming as well as their features and principal elements, using
seven organizing principles. After this methodical and empirical classification, some important theories
of response priming, semantic priming, affective/evaluative priming, negative priming, and macro-level
priming are summarized. Last but not least, some general questions and problems in priming research
are outlined and a brief outlook is given.
Chapter 3
Individual Differences in Implicit Learning: Current Problems and Issues for Research..................... 61
Daisuke Nakamura, Aoyama Gakuin University, Japan

This chapter reviews research on whether individual differences in psychometric intelligence, working
memory, and other less investigated variables, such as emotion and personality, affect implicit learning,
with particular focus on Reber’s evolutionary theory and Kaufman’s dual-process theory for implicit
learning. The review shows that while the null effects of psychometric intelligence on implicit learning
seems robust as both theories claim, those of working memory were unclear due to methodological
insufficiency. For the effects of emotion and personality, further investigation is needed as studies in this
direction have just begun to proliferate. The chapter concludes that the research findings on the effects of
these individual difference variables on implicit learning are still inconclusive, except for psychometric
intelligence, and provides suggestions for future research.

Chapter 4
Rethinking Bloom’s Taxonomy: Implicit Cognitive Vulnerability as an Impetus towards Higher
Order Thinking Skills............................................................................................................................ 86
Caroline M. Crawford, University of Houston – Clear Lake, USA
Marion S. Smith, Texas Southern University, USA

Implicit cognition is an intriguing area of focus when one considers the impact of implicit memory
theories upon each learner’s cognitive vulnerability when framed through Bloom’s Taxonomy of the
Cognitive Domain. Specifically, consider the learner’s cognitive understanding and movement from the
lower order thinking skills, say from the Knowledge realm and Comprehension realm, towards the higher
order thinking skills, Synthesis realm and Evaluation realm, or one of the revised domains to reflect
Digital Age expectations. Although much is available on the different levels of cognitive achievement,
the “in between” leaps in a learner’s ability to work with the information in new and different manners
may suggest that the cognitive vulnerability may impact the learner’s implicit memory and the learner’s
movement between different taxonomic levels of informational understanding.

Chapter 5
Implicit Social Cognition and Language Attitudes Research.............................................................. 104
Andrew J. Pantos, Metropolitan State University of Denver, USA

This chapter argues for incorporation of concepts and methods from the domain of Implicit Social
Cognition (ISC) into the field of language attitudes research. As support, this chapter reports on a
quantitative study that employed both an audio Implicit Association Test and traditional self-report
questionnaires to measure participants’ implicit and explicit attitudes toward foreign and U.S. accented
speech stimuli. The IAT revealed a pro-U.S. accent bias, while the explicit measure found a pro-foreign
accent bias. These results support the argument that the distinction between implicit and explicit attitudes
as separable attitude constructs resulting from distinct mental processes is an important one for language
attitudes research and that both attitude constructs should be evaluated when studying language attitudes.
Chapter 6
Implicit Processes and Emotions in Stereotype Threat about Women’s Leadership........................... 118
Gwendolyn A. Kelso, Boston University, USA
Leslie R. Brody, Boston University, USA

Stereotype threat about leadership ability may trigger emotional and cognitive responses that reduce
women’s leadership aspirations. This chapter reviews literature and presents a study on the effects of
implicit (covert) and explicit (overt) leadership stereotype threat on women’s emotions, power-related
cognitions, and behaviors as moderated by exposure to powerful female or male role models. Emotional
responses were measured using self-report (direct) and narrative writing (indirect) tasks. Undergraduate
women (n = 126) in the Northeastern U.S. were randomly divided into three stereotype threat groups:
none, implicit, and explicit. Implicit stereotype threat resulted in higher indirectly expressed (but not
self-reported) anxiety, behaviors that benefited others more than the self, and when preceded by exposure
to powerful female role models, higher self-reported negative emotion but also higher indirect positive
affect. Explicit stereotype threat resulted in higher indirect optimism, and when preceded by exposure
to powerful female role models, lower self-reported sadness but also lower implicit power cognitions.

Chapter 7
Smoking, Implicit Attitudes, and Context-Sensitivity: An Overview................................................. 138
Sabine Glock, Bergische Universität Wuppertal, Germany
Ineke M. Pit ten-Cate, University of Luxembourg, Luxembourg

This chapter focuses on implicit attitudes toward smoking and provides the first systematic review of
research in this domain. Implicit attitudes are suggested to guide automatic behavior, thereby playing
a pivotal role for automatic processes inherent in addictive behaviors. This chapter further explores
the extent to which implicit attitudes are context-sensitive. More specifically, it reviews studies that
have focused on the differential effects of external cues such as warning labels and internal cues (e.g.,
deprivation). Results of 32 studies show that although smokers generally have more positive implicit
attitudes than non-smokers, the valence of implicit attitudes varies as a result of the applied method or
stimuli. Studies reveal that implicit attitudes toward smoking partly depend on external cues, especially
outcome expectancies. Similarly, internal cues affect implicit attitudes whereby the level of nicotine
deprivation seems vital. Implications for intervention and future research are indicated in the discussion.

Chapter 8
Function over Form: A Behavioral Approach to Implicit Attitudes.................................................... 162
Anthony G. O’Reilly, National University of Ireland – Maynooth, Ireland
Bryan Roche, National University of Ireland – Maynooth, Ireland
Aoife Cartwright, National University of Ireland – Maynooth, Ireland

Research surrounding the construct of “implicit attitudes” and the various methodologies for measuring
that construct is currently founded on the social cognitive paradigm. However, no robust and agreed
upon theoretical framework has emerged from this paradigm, despite the widespread adoption of implicit
testing methodologies and their associated theoretical assumptions. The current chapter outlines a
functional approach to implicit testing, describing research stemming from Relational Frame Theory
that was developed in parallel with the emergence of the IAT, and arguing for the benefits of connecting
these two strands of research to improve the understanding of attitude behaviors and create better
understood implicit testing methodologies. The chapter concludes with descriptions of two examples of
such methodologies: the IRAP and the FAST.
Chapter 9
The Role of Implicit Mechanisms in Buffering Self-Esteem from Social Threats.............................. 183
Jordan B. Leitner, University of Delaware, USA
Chad E. Forbes, University of Delaware, USA

Previous research has demonstrated that people have the goal of self-enhancing, or viewing themselves in
an overly positive light. However, only recent research has examined the degree to which the relationship
between self-enhancement goals and outcomes are a result of explicit deliberative mechanisms or implicit
automatic mechanisms. The current chapter reviews evidence on unconscious goal pursuit, autobiographical
memory, social neuroscience, and implicit self-esteem that suggests that implicit mechanisms play a
powerful role in producing self-enhancement outcomes. Furthermore, this chapter reviews evidence
that these implicit mechanisms are activated by social threats and thus contribute to successful coping.
Finally, the authors discuss the implications of implicit self-enhancement mechanisms for targets of
stigma, individuals who frequently encounter threats to well-being.

Chapter 10
How Social Factors Influence Implicit Knowledge Construction on the Internet............................... 205
Albena Antonova, Sofia University, Bulgaria

The influence of Internet on knowledge acquisition increases as it became the primary source of reference,
especially for young generations. Therefore, it is important to understand how social factors and Internet
influences not only explicit but also implicit knowledge construction. Several theories explain the impact of
the social groups on the knowledge formation as Social Cognitive Theory of Bandura and Lay Epistemic
Theory of Kruglanski. Thus, the authors propose an analysis of the implicit knowledge construction
processes through the theoretical overview of Internet communication. More specifically, they discuss
how the mechanisms of Internet increase the social and group impact on the implicit knowledge processes.

Chapter 11
Hidden Curriculum Determinants in (Pre)School Institutions: Implicit Cognition in Action............. 216
Lucija Jančec, Society “Our Children” Opatija, Croatia
Sanja Tatalović Vorkapić, University of Rijeka, Croatia
Jurka Lepičnik Vodopivec, University of Primorska, Slovenia

The hidden curriculum is described in terms of values, attitudes, norms, rules, and rituals that are taught
in school, but its main characteristic is its unplanned and officially unorganized form. It appears in every
day kindergarten and school routine where children and pupils learn it as the official curriculum. From
the psychological aspect, it comes close to implicit learning. In this chapter, the authors argue that the
influence of the hidden curriculum and the implicit learning deserve far more attention and scientific
research because of their significant contribution to the learning outcomes and for their constant presence
in the education process: in a learning organization that means all the time and for all the participants.
Chapter 12
Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script in Persistent Virtual Worlds: Theoretical Foundations .
and Decision Processes for Constructing a Socio-Cultural Learning Framework............................... 243
Nikolaos Pellas, University of the Aegean, Greece

The radical utilization of collaborative learning processes in Three-Dimensional (3D) multi-user virtual
worlds has been widely investigated. However, a study to delineate a comprehensive pedagogical model
aimed at facilitating the same productive-argumentative knowledge practices is still lacking. This chapter
presents the most reliable principles of contemporary socio-cognitive learning theories and teaching
models. These socio-cognitive constructs can reinforce the majority of collaborative social-cultural students’
pursuits and capabilities in the learning process in order to better handle their cohesion or coordination
with other peers in 3D multi-user virtual worlds. Consequently, with the adaptation of the Progressive
Inquiry (PI) teaching model, this chapter proposes a novel framework for the implementation of this
model in online collaborative processes that can be held in 3D multi-user virtual worlds. Educational
implications for a reputable instructional format with the conjunction of the PI model and further
suggestions are also discussed.

Afterword............................................................................................................................................ 281

Related References............................................................................................................................. 283

Compilation of References................................................................................................................ 307

About the Contributors..................................................................................................................... 364

Index.................................................................................................................................................... 369
 xiii

Preface

Beginning in the 1950s, behaviorism gradually began to lose its dominant position in psychology as
interest in consciousness research was revitalized. Unsatisfied with speculating on the interactions be-
tween environmental stimuli and behavioral responses, psychologists attempted to identify and better
understand the internal mental structures mediating the stimulus-response process and its underlying
mechanisms. Scholars soon realized that several mental structures and mechanisms governing human
behavior are independent of consciousness and therefore cannot be studied through introspection and
self-control. Further research eventually revealed that implicit cognition is, like explicit cognition, a
common cognitive mechanism in humans. Furthermore, it was shown to be a fundamental and primary
regulator whose functions could be performed by explicit cognitive mechanisms.
As a basic form of cognition, implicit cognition has various manifestations, including perception of
subliminal stimuli, repetitive priming effects, unconscious learning, and rule generalization/abstraction.
Implicit cognition is a hierarchical structural system that can both process surface features (e.g., stimuli)
and extract the inherent laws of complex systems.

METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES WITH IMPLICIT MEASURES

Unconscious cognition has long been the subject of philosophical debate. Western psychoanalytic theory
suggests that humans have a conscious and unconscious mind. The unconscious mind predominates;
Freud likened it metaphorically to the part of the iceberg beneath the sea’s surface (Schneider, 1993).
Experimental study of unconscious cognition can be traced back to Ebbinghaus’s memory research. In
1885, Ebbinghaus classified memory into three categories, two associated with consciousness and one
with unconscious memory. Ebbinghaus stated that forgotten experiences hidden from consciousness
cannot be fully consciously recalled but can exert an important influence on the memory. Later, Thorn-
dike and McDougall et al. also described and classified unconscious memory, but for decades, most
human cognition research was limited to conscious cognition. In the 1970s, Warrington et al.’s study of
implicit memory in patients with amnesia and Reber et al.’s study on the implicit learning of artificial
grammar inaugurated the systematic study of unconscious cognitive processes. Currently, it is gener-
ally believed that the unconscious cognitive paradigms include implicit memory, implicit learning, and
automatic processing. Technological innovations have facilitated the development of scientific theories;
as in other areas of psychology, the progress of implicit cognition research depends on the sophistica-
tion of its research methods. In particular, implicit cognition research has benefited from the gradual
improvement of the indirect measurement methods used in implicit memory research. Implicit cognition
xiv

research methods based on the response time paradigm became popular among researchers due to their
innovativeness. These methods were then employed to develop a series of research methods, including
the Implicit Association Test (IAT) (Greenwald, McGhee, & Schwartz, 1998) and its variants and the
priming paradigm and its variants. These response time paradigm-based research methods have been
subjected to scrutiny and debate during their development; for example, the IAT has been challenged
by the Quad Model (Conrey, Sherman, Gawronski, Hugenberg, & Groom, 2005) and the replicability of
the priming paradigm has been brought into question (e.g. Doyen, Klein, Pichon, & Cleeremans, 2012;
LeBel & Lorne, in press; Shanks, et al., 2013). Therefore, the effects of these research methods on the
theoretical and practical applications of implicit cognition should be further explored.
Dentale, Vecchione, and Barbaranelli (Chapter 1) explore the results and validity of the IAT when
used to assess the Big Five personality traits. They show that the five factors of personality are adequately
assessed by the IAT and its variants, such as the questionnaire-based IAT. They also demonstrate that
implicit measures of traits primarily reveal the stable inter-individual differences that predict actual
behavior and should be distinguished conceptually from explicit measures of the Big Five. Moreover,
implicit measures were found to be less prone to error than self-report measures. Christina Bermeitinger
(Chapter 2) examines different types of priming and their features and principal elements using several
organizing principles, including macro-, midi-, and micro-perspectives; type of dependent variable;
and task. She summarizes several important theories of response priming, semantic priming, affective/
evaluative priming, negative priming, and macro-level priming and discusses several general problems
researchers encounter when applying priming methodologies. A brief overview is given.

INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCE, PROCESSING SKILLS, AND IMPLICIT LEARNING

For decades, psychological research, dominated by cognitive psychology, has been expanding the scope
of consciousness research, resulting in the development of new fields such as implicit learning. Prior to
1990, studies on individual differences primarily improved researchers’ understanding of independent
implicit learning systems. The artificial grammar paradigm proposed that, in contrast to the large age
difference observed in explicit learning capability, no differences were observed in the implicit learn-
ing capabilities of adults and children. This finding was confirmed by several later pathological and
neuropsychological studies. These studies found that patients with Alzheimer’s disease and amnesia
have impaired explicit learning abilities. However, their implicit learning abilities are less affected
by their dysfunction or disorder, and they have the same capacity to learn complex rules as a healthy
person (c.f., Machado, et al., 2009). In addition to age and neuropathological factors, intelligence also
does not affect implicit learning (e.g., Kaufman, et al., 2010). These findings interested scholars, and a
number of studies were subsequently conducted on a variety of variables, such as neuro-injury, age, and
intelligence. Since the 1990s, in addition to continued exploration of the impact of factors such as age
and intelligence, researchers have pursued the comprehensive analysis and theoretical construction of
individual difference factors. According to Reber, implicit learning is a basic human learning system and
a primitive knowledge acquisition mechanism, an adaptation mechanism preserved through long-term
evolution and natural selection. Using the laws of evolution, he deduced that implicit learning is age-
independent, highly stable, IQ-independent, and has lower individual variability than explicit learning.
The hypothesis that implicit learning has lower individual variability has been confirmed by a number
of studies, but not all studies have supported this hypothesis. Spurred by the dispute that ensued, Reber
 xv

suggested that the so-called “individual differences” resulted from other variables, “the differences that
did not cause differences,” an assertion that appears to be reasonable (Reber, 1989; Reber & Allen,
2000). Meta-analyses have demonstrated that the discovery of individual differences is closely related
to the methodology used. Multiple factors, such as conceptual approaches, experimental materials, and
experimental paradigms, have a direct impact on the experimental results. Daisuke Nakamura (Chapter
3) reviews studies examining whether individual differences in psychometric intelligence, working
memory, and other less investigated variables, such as emotion and personality, affect implicit learning.
Nakamura particularly focuses on Reber’s evolutionary theory and Kaufman’s dual-process theory of
implicit learning. This chapter concludes that the findings on the effects of these individual difference
variables on implicit learning are, with the exception of psychometric intelligence, which is still incon-
clusive, and provides suggestions for future research.
From a theoretical perspective, research on implicit learning has provided new insights into the nature
of human cognitive processes and has helped identify the psychological mechanisms underlying the pro-
cesses used to acquire abundant and complex knowledge. It is imperative to develop a theoretical frame-
work for understanding the thought processes associated with implicit cognitive vulnerability (Chapter
4). Therefore, the theoretical and modeling efforts in this section focus on theories of implicit memory,
Bloom’s Taxonomy of the Cognitive Domain, and Anderson and Krathwohl’s Revised Taxonomy of
the Cognitive Domain. The objectives of Chapter 4 are to develop an implicit cognitive framework that
facilitates the advances in conception and understanding proposed by Bloom’s work and Anderson and
Krathwohl’s revision. Several aspects of implicit cognitive vulnerability suggest the dissonance, resis-
tance, fear, creativity, inspiration, and innovative effort associated with the increased exertion and shift
in processing experienced by learners as they engage in cognitively focused higher order thinking skills.

SOCIAL COGNITIVE PERSPECTIVES ON ATTITUDES

Cognitive psychologists believe that most of the stimuli discussed in the socio-cognitive literature have
social significance and thus lead to complex psychological reactions in participants. These stimuli can
be either consistent with or in contradiction to the participants’ inherent needs or implicit attitudes. Due
to differences in the social significance of the stimuli, the complexity of information processing varies
among participants, resulting in different response times. In rapid response tasks, participants’ responses
to the stimuli are not controlled consciously, and the observed social cognition can therefore be consid-
ered implicit. As mentioned earlier, IAT remains the most important measurement method. Although its
theories and methodology remain in question, this method has been widely used in studies on various
topics, including implicit attitude, ego, self-esteem, stereotypes, and so on. In addition, because of its
flexibility in adopting different target and attribute concepts, this method can also be adapted to measure
different aspects of implicit cognition. Chapter 5 presents the results of an audio IAT test, which support
the incorporation of concepts and methods from Implicit Social Cognition (ISC) into language attitudes
research. Measuring both implicit and explicit attitudes provides a more complete picture of reactions to
foreign accented speech. Therefore, the integration of concepts and methods from the ISC domain can
contribute significantly to language attitudes research.
Implicit attitudes have long been understood as unconscious traces accumulated from past experi-
ences and attitudes. Such traces and their impact are beyond an individual’s conscious awareness, but
they potentially affect one’s emotional orientation, awareness, and behavior towards a socio-object.
xvi

Therefore, exploration of implicit attitudes is undoubtedly crucial to understanding social behaviors

or tendencies. Chapter 6 presents an empirical study that represents an important attempt into gaining
a fuller understanding of the effects of stereotype threat on the implicit processes that may underlie
performance and motivation in stereotyped domains. Kelso and Brody’s chapter indicates that implicit
emotions often differ from self-reported emotions in meaningful ways that can inform the field’s under-
standing of stereotype threat.
Researchers have suggested that implicit attitudes guide automatic behavior, playing a pivotal role
in the automatic processes involved in addictive behaviors. Chapter 7 analyzes the impact of implicit
attitudes towards smoking, primarily by examining smoking behavior, to identify the factors that should
be considered when investigating implicit attitudes toward smoking. The basic mechanisms underlying
implicit attitudes are not well understood. Chapter 8 describes a new method whose functional approach
toward implicit attitude research has the potential to clarify several outstanding issues. Within a functional
framework, attitudes can be measured as histories of verbal behavior. Functionally oriented research into
implicit attitude mechanisms has produced alternative testing methodologies.

THE ROLE OF IMPLICIT MECHANISMS IN SELF-ENHANCEMENT

Since James’s (1890) proposal of the concept of ego and division of the ego into the “empirical ego” and
“pure ego,” the ego has been vigorously researched by psychologists. Similar to learning and attitude,
self-motive is divided into two types: implicit motive and explicit motive. Explicit self-motive is a cogni-
tive representation of personal values derived from conscious thinking and is relatively well controlled.
Explicit self-motive can be developed through speech-transmission-based socialization experiences and
is determined by conscious choices made after careful consideration. The concept of implicit self-motive
falls under the purview of implicit self-evaluation. Implicit self-motive is a result of self-communication
that occurs during unconscious and relatively uncontrolled excessive learning. In other words, implicit
self-evaluation is developed in the absence of introspection. Self-enhancement is a common motive.
Individuals tend to use more positive words to describe themselves and typically believe that they possess
more positive personality traits than others. Self-enhancement is developed through speech-transmission-
based socialization experiences and can be inferred by observing spontaneous or habitual responses.
Thus, individuals’ unconscious positive attitudes towards themselves or the display of such attitudes
during automatic processing are considered instances of implicit self-enhancement. Chapter 9 reviews
the evidence on unconscious goal pursuit, autobiographical memory, social neuroscience, and implicit
self-esteem that suggests that implicit mechanisms play a significant role in producing self-enhancement
outcomes. This chapter also reviews evidence that implicit mechanisms are activated by social threats
and thus contribute to successful coping. The implications of implicit self-enhancement mechanisms
for targets of stigma, who frequently encounter threats to their well-being, are discussed in this chapter.

TACIT KNOWLEDGE AND EDUCATIONAL TECHNOLOGY

As an important component of implicit cognitive processes, tacit knowledge is, like implicit memory and
implicit learning, implicit (Reber, 1989). From an information-processing perspective, implicit memory
does not require intentional recall, and implicit knowledge tasks can be automatically affected by an
 xvii

individual’s past experience. Implicit learning is associated with unconscious learning processes, while
implicit knowledge is more closely associated with the products or outcomes of learning. As Polanyi
suggests, explicit knowledge can be fully expressed through human symbol systems. In contrast, implicit
knowledge refers to knowledge maintained in the mind but not readily articulated. In this Information
Age, computer network-centered information technology is changing the way people access knowledge.
Implicit knowledge acquisition requires a free and open environment; depending on the scenario, learners
engage in implicit knowledge construction through collaboration and communication during the problem-
solving process. Chapter 10 explores how social factors influence implicit knowledge construction on the
Internet. Albena Antonova analyzes implicit knowledge construction theories in the context of Internet
communication. More specifically, she analyzes how the Internet increases the impact of social factors
on implicit knowledge construction.
From a practical perspective, the theories and methods used to study implicit learning have been
applied in various fields, including advertising, social interaction, economics, and management. The
outcomes of implicit learning are more effective than those of explicit learning, raising the question of
whether implicit learning has positive implications for education. I believe that concepts such as Bloom’s
taxonomy (also mentioned in Chapter 4), for example, have had an extensive and profound effect on class-
room teaching practices in Mainland China. Bloom’s taxonomy divides classroom educational objectives
into six levels. In its implementation of the taxonomy, China’s Ministry of Education has modified the
definitions of the six levels. “Comprehension,” the second-most basic educational objective, is generally
considered accomplished when the learner can understand the meaning of the knowledge or material and
can convert, interpret, and infer from the acquired knowledge in his or her own language. This definition
clearly excludes the possibility of implicit learning. In such a scientism-oriented educational paradigm,
the concept of “comprehension” is absolutely rational, and logical thinking is assumed to prevail in the
mental processes. Therefore, general education institutions struggle to increase students’ true understand-
ing of the world. According to the theory of implicit learning, during the teaching process, especially
when teaching scientific principles, it is unnecessary to force students to intentionally learn the presented
material; instead, it is more important to ensure that they understand the meaning and significance of
natural laws by engaging in appropriate practice. This viewpoint is consistent those discussed in Chap-
ter 11. Jančec, Vorkapić, and Vodopivec argue that the influence of the hidden curriculum and implicit
learning deserve increased attention and scientific research because of their significant contribution to
learning outcomes and their constant presence in the education process: in a learning environment, they
are present all the time and for all the participants.
We believe that the theory of implicit cognition can provide a theoretical foundation for the devel-
opment of educational information technologies. Implicit knowledge acquisition requires an informal
learning environment. Because of its situationality, interactivity, and convenient management tools, an
Internet-based virtual learning environment supports the conversion of implicit knowledge into explicit
knowledge, and an individual’s construction of implicit knowledge. Chapter 12 presents a literature
review of the most reliable contemporary socio-cognitive learning theories and models (e.g., the Innova-
tive Behavioral Model) developed in the early 21st century. These socio-cognitive constructs reinforce
the majority of students’ collaborative social-cultural pursuits and capabilities in the learning process.
A novel framework for implementing collaborative processes through 3D multi-user virtual worlds is
proposed in this chapter.
xviii

CONCLUSION

This book provides a meaningful research tool by describing new ideas and the latest achievements in
the field of implicit cognition. It is a convenient reference for undergraduates, graduate students, and
educational researchers engaging in cognitive and social psychological research and also provides useful
information for those interested in implicit cognition.

Zheng Jin
Zhengzhou Normal University, China & University of California, Davis, USA

REFERENCES

Conrey, F. R., Sherman, J. W., Gawronski, B., Hugenberg, K., & Groom, C. J. (2005). Separating mul-
tiple processes in implicit social cognition: The quad model of implicit task performance. Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 89(4), 469–487.
Doyen, S., Klein, O., Pichon, C. L., & Cleeremans, A. (2012). Behavioral priming: It’s all in the mind,
but whose mind? PLoS ONE, 7, e29081.
Greenwald, A. G., McGhee, D. E., & Schwartz, J. L. (1998). Measuring individual differences in implicit
cognition: The implicit association test. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 74(6), 1464–1480.
James, W. (1890). The principles of psychology. New York: Henry.
Kaufman, S. B., DeYoung, C. G., Gray, J. R., Jiménez, L., Brown, J., & Mackintosh, N. (2010). Implicit
learning as an ability. Cognition, 116(3), 321–340.
LeBel, E. P., & Campbell, L. (2013). Heightened sensitivity to temperature cues in individuals with high
anxious attachment real or elusive phenomenon? Psychological Science.
Machado, S., Cunha, M., Minc, D., Portella, C. E., Velasques, B., & Basile, L. F. et al. (2009). Alzheimer’s
disease and implicit memory. Arquivos de Neuro-Psiquiatria, 67(2A), 334–342.
Reber, A. S. (1989). Implicit learning and tacit knowledge. Journal of Experimental Psychology. Gen-
eral, 118, 219–235.
Reber, A. S., & Allen, R. (2000). Individual differences in implicit learning: Implications for the evolu-
tion of consciousness. In R. G. Kunzendorf & B. Wallace (Eds.), Individual differences in conscious
experience (pp. 227–247). Amsterdam, The Netherlands: John Benjamins Publishing Company.
Schneider, S. (2003). The mystical and the spiritual in the large group. In S. Schneider & H. Weinberg
(Eds.), The large group re-visited. London: Jessica Kingsley.
 xix

Acknowledgment

My sincere gratitude goes to the chapter authors who contributed their time and expertise to this book.
Some of the authors also served as referees; I appreciate their double task.

I wish to acknowledge the valuable contributions of the reviewers regarding the improvement of quality,
coherence, and content presentation of chapters, especially, Prof. Martin Voracek, Prof. Dirk Wentura,
and Prof. Jan De Houwer. In addition, I would like to acknowledge Dr. Keith Payne’s advice regarding
the editing of this book. I also appreciate the support from China Scholarship Council (CSC).

Zheng Jin
Zhengzhou Normal University, China & University of California, Davis, USA
xx

Introduction

Implicit Cognition: A New Window for Understanding Human Behavior

The cognition activities of humans are an integration of conscious and unconscious processes. The
existence, universality and effectiveness of implicit cognition indicate that the cognitive process can be
classified into explicit cognition and implicit cognition systems. They comprise two types of information
processing systems with different natures, which are relatively independent of each other in terms of
structure and function. According to their roles in the cognitive process, explicit cognition is the basic
cognitive approach, while implicit cognition is a necessary and independent source of cognition. These
two cognition systems interact synergistically and can be transformed into each other under certain con-
ditions. They work together to help humans understand the world. Research into implicit cognition has
expanded our exploration of human cognition activities to a much larger scope of the cognition process,
which is beyond consciousness control, cannot be expressed in language, and exists in a hidden process.
This research area has long been neglected by psychology and epistemology. Such neglect is directly
related to the fact that implicit cognition itself is difficult to control consciously or express in language;
it is also partially attributed to the level of knowledge and research means available in the past. This
forgotten corner has recently begun to draw much attention because many difficulties and challenges
encountered in the developmental process of cognitive science are rooted in the implicit cognition do-
main. The collective efforts of philosophy, psychology and other disciplines are thus urgently needed.
Cognitive psychology is closely related to epistemology. Both of these disciplines concern the spiritual
world and the human cognitive realm, differing only in their research methods and levels of expression.
The exploration of the underlying mechanism of implicit cognition was inspired by a series of important
changes in cognitive theories in recent years. These types of changes have deepened our understanding
about the basic characteristics of the internal information of cognitive subjects and greatly expanded
our knowledge regarding the nature and concept of information processing. It offers new explanatory
approaches for many previous theories that resided on the experience description level as well as for
many confusing experimental phenomena.
Discussions about implicit cognition have increased markedly in the past two decades. A large number
of publications have also appeared, from the most famous methodology in the implicit social cognition
field, Implicit Association Test (IAT), to Psychology of Science: Implicit and Explicit Processes, edited
by Proctor and Capaldi, and then to the latter Handbook of Implicit Social Cognition, edited by Gawronski
and Payne. However, arguments about the theories, methods and techniques of implicit cognition have
never ceased. For example, oppugners of the social priming effect even subverted the “scientificity”


 xxi

of psychology (e.g., Kahneman, 2012; Doyen, et al., 2012; Yong, 2012) and questioning the implicit
components has also become a research focus in recent years (e.g., Conrey, et al., 2005; Sherman, 2006).
This is acceptable if one simply considers this book to be a supplement to the research field of implicit
cognition. Our efforts are directed towards understanding those thinking processes that have been ex-
cluded by the conscious mind and by the research field for some time. After all, we have always believed
that at least a part of unconscious information processing is carried on silently in the human thinking
process without interference. More importantly, this book offers a new approach to the research on im-
plicit cognition: as mentioned above, the exploration of implicit cognition urgently needs the collective
efforts of psychology and other disciplines. One such effort is to comprehensively consider the common
problems involved in different disciplines, which is actually the basic method of cognitive science. In
fact, the development of cognitive science metalogic and the long-term accumulation of experimental
materials in the past provide a theoretical and experimental basis for such efforts.

Zheng Jin
Zhengzhou Normal University, China & University of California, Davis, USA

REFERENCES

Conrey, F. R., Sherman, J. W., Gawronski, B., Hugenberg, K., & Groom, C. J. (2005). Separating mul-
tiple processes in implicit social cognition: The quad model of implicit task performance. Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 89(4), 469–487. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.89.4.469
Doyen, S., Klein, O., Pichon, C. L., & Cleeremans, A. (2012). Behavioral priming: It’s all in the mind,
but whose mind? PLoS ONE, 7(1), e29081. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0029081
Kahneman, D. (2012). A proposal to deal with questions about priming effects. Nature.
Sherman, J. W. (2006). On building a better process model: It’s not only how many, but which ones and
by which means. Psychological Inquiry, 17(3), 173–184. doi:10.1207/s15327965pli1703_3
Yong, E. (2012). Replication studies: Bad copy. Nature, 485(7398), 7398. doi:10.1038/485298a
 1

Chapter 1
Applying the IAT to Assess
Big Five Personality Traits:
A Brief Review of Measurement
and Validity Issues

Francesco Dentale
Sapienza University of Rome, Italy

Michele Vecchione
Sapienza University of Rome, Italy

Claudio Barbaranelli
Sapienza University of Rome, Italy

ABSTRACT
This chapter reviews the studies that applied the Implicit Association Test (IAT) to assess the Big Five
personality traits, focusing on issues related to measurement and validity. After a brief introduction on
the implicit self-concept of personality, the following five issues are critically reviewed: (1) the experi-
mental procedure of both classical and questionnaire-based Big Five IATs, (2) the factorial structure
and reliability of the implicit traits and the degree of dissociation between implicit and explicit measures,
(3) the state and trait components of implicit scores, (4) the predictive validity of the Big-Five IATs with
respect to relevant behavioural criteria, and (5) the robustness to faking of the Big Five IATs. Future
research directions for the implicit measures of the Big Five were discussed.

INTRODUCTION Agreeableness, Conscientiousness, Neuroticism

As widely demonstrated by many years of theoreti-
cal and empirical research, human personality can
be adequately described referring to five general
dimensions, namely Extraversion (or Energy),
(or Emotional Stability), and Openness (or Intel-
lect). The five-factor structure has proved to be
stable across time (Costa & McCrae, 1988) and
consistent across different languages and raters
(McCrae & Allik, 2002). Furthermore, empirical

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-4666-6599-6.ch001

Copyright © 2015, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Applying the IAT to Assess Big Five Personality Traits
studies have demonstrated the predictive valid-
ity of the five factors in diverse areas of human
functioning, as mental health (Widiger, Costa,
& McCrae, 2002), job performance (Barrick,
Mount, & Judge, 2001), and academic achieve-
ment (Poropat, 2009).
Classical measures of personality traits are
list of adjectives, markers of the Big Five, and
phrase-based questionnaires aimed at measur-
ing the five dimensions. However, self-report
measures suffer from well-known limitations,
including: a) their vulnerability to faking, namely
individual’s deliberate alteration of responses
aimed to present a favourable impression (Griffith
& Peterson, 2008), and b) the introspective lim-
its of respondents, that may lead to inaccurate
responses. In order to overcome these problems,
several authors have recently developed a series
of experimental paradigms that permit to assess
many psychological constructs without the use of
subjective introspection (see Gawronski & Payne,
2010, for a review).
Among implicit measures, the most popular
experimental paradigm is the Implicit Associa-
tion Test (IAT, Greenwald, McGhee & Schwartz,
1998). Although the IAT has been originally devel-
oped to measure stereotypes and prejudices, it has
been subsequently applied to other psychological
constructs (Greenwald, Nosek & Banaji, 2003;
Greenwald, Poehlman, Uhlmann & Banaji, 2009;
Nosek, Greenwald, & Banaji, 2007), including
personality traits.
Depending on target-categories and attributes
that are employed, the IAT can be applied to assess
the association between the self and a specific
personality trait. According to Asendorpf, Banse
and Mücke (2002), a part of the self-concept
regards some typical personality characteristics
(such as traits), traditionally measured through
psychometric instruments, that are labeled as the
personality self-concept. Big five IATs, as well
as other implicit measures of personality, allow
2

to assess the implicit self-concept of personality
while self-report scales refer to the explicit self-
concept of personality.
In this regard, Back, Schmukle and Egloff
(2008) proposed a Behavioral Process Model of
Personality (BPMP), derived by the Reflective–
Impulsive Model by Strack and Deutsch (2004).
The BPMP assumes an implicit and an explicit way
of social information processing, both converging
on behavioral schemata. According to this model,
when a stimulus or a situation trigger the cognitive
system, associative (implicit) and propositional
(explicit) representations are activated, both of
which are able to regulate behavioral schemata.
Personality self-attributions may be connected to
the characteristics of the situation, to motivational
tendencies of the individual, and the subsequent
impulsive behaviors, developing a pattern of
chronic associations that can be automatically
and implicitly activated. Therefore, implicit
personality self-attributions can be conceived as
a consequence of many precedent activations of
automatic behaviors, that ultimately assume the
form of implicit chronic associations. In contrast,
explicit representations of the personality self-
concept refer to controlled behavior, and assume
the form of a propositional self-judgments. In the
section of this chapter that deals with the predictive
validity of implicit traits we will illustrate that,
as a consequence of their sensitivity to chronic
automatic associations, Big Five IATs are expected
to be better predictors of impulsive behavior
than self-report scales. Implicit Big Five, on the
contrary, should be worse predictors of reflective
behavior as they are not appropriate to evaluate
deliberate self-judgments.
In this chapter, the main issues addressed by
implicit Big Five literature are reported and criti-
cally examined, focusing the attention on: (1) the
experimental procedures developed to assess the
Big Five using the IAT (e.g., Back, Schmukle &
Egloff, 2009; Schnabel, Asendorpf & Greenwald,

Applying the IAT to Assess Big Five Personality Traits
2008, (2) the factor structure and reliability of
the implicit Big Five personality measures and
the degree of dissociation between implicit and
explicit measures (Schmukle, Back & Egloff,
2008), (3) state and trait components of implicit
scores (Schmukle & Egloff, 2005), (4) the predic-
tive validity of the Big-Five IATs with respect to
relevant behavioural criteria (Back et al., 2009;
Perugini, 2005; Perugini, Richetin & Zogmaister,
2010; Steffens & Schulze-König, 2006), and (5)
the robustness to faking of Big Five IATs (e.g.
Steffens, 2004).
1. EXPERIMENTAL PROCEDURES
OF BIG FIVE IATs
A way to assess the Big Five implicitly is to
develop five different IATs (Greenwald et al.,
1998; Schmukle & Egloff, 2005) in which the
target labels (e.g. me vs. not-me) and their relative
stimuli-words are the same for each IAT, whereas
the attribute labels (e.g., extraversion vs. intro-
version; agreeableness vs. disagreeableness;
conscientiousness vs. carelessness; anxiety vs.
calmness; openness vs. narrow-mindedness) and
their relative stimuli-words varied across traits.
In each IAT, respondents are asked to press
a left- or right-hand key to classify a series of
stimuli-words into a target and an attribute cat-
egory (e.g., me, and extraversion) located on the
Table 1. Task sequence and stimuli of an implicit association test to measure the implicit personality
self-concept of extraversion (modified from Schnabel, Asendorpf & Greenwald, 2008)
Block N of Trials Task
1 20 Target discrimination
2 20 Attribute discrimination
3 20 First block of first combined task
4 40 Second block of first combined task
5 40 Reversed target discrimination
6 20 First block of second combined task
7 40 Second block of second combined task
left of the screen or into two opposite target and
attribute categories (e.g. others and introversion),
located on the right of the screen. Subsequently,
they are asked to perform a second task in which
the two targets are switched (e.g., others, and
extraversion, and me and introversion). The two
categorization tasks have to be performed as
quickly and accurately as possible.
Most of earlier studies used 4 or 5 stimuli-
words for each category, with words presented in
random order within each block of trials. Using
the classical procedure (Greenwald et al., 1998),
each Big Five IAT consists of seven blocks of
trials: 1 (me vs. not-me), 2 (e.g. extraversion vs.
introversion) and 5 (not-me vs. me) are single
categorization blocks of 20 trials whereas 3-4 and
6-7 are combined blocks (me or extraversion vs.
not-me or introversion) of 20 (3-6) and 40 (4-7)
trials (see Table 1 for more details).
The IAT scores are based on the difference
between the mean response latencies in each task.
Assuming that reaction times are faster when
the target concept and the attribute are strongly
connected in memory than when they are not
(Greenwald et al., 1998), the size of such differ-
ence can be used to infer the extent to which the
individual’s self-concept is associated to a given
personality characteristic, such as extraversion.
In order to compute the individual’s score in
the implicit trait, referred to as D score, an ap-
propriate algorithm is applied (Greenwald et al.,
Left Key Right Key
Me Others
Introversion Extraversion
Me, Introversion Others, Extraversion
Me, Introversion Others, Extraversion
Others Me
Others, Introversion Me, Extraversion
Others, Introversion Me, Extraversion
3

Applying the IAT to Assess Big Five Personality Traits
2003). In this algorithm the difference between the
mean latencies of the first (e.g., Me, Introversion
vs. Others, Extraversion) and second (e.g. Others,
Introversion vs. Me, Extraversion) combined block
is calculated and divided for the pooled standard
deviation of all trials, using the following formula:
D scores = (M1 – M2) / SD; second categorization task, self-related sentences
where M1 = mean latency of blocks 3-4, M2 =
mean latency of blocks 6-7, SD = pooled standard
deviation of all trials.
As mentioned before, the classic IAT experi-
mental paradigm uses single words or pictures as
stimuli, showing a certain degree of flexibility
for different applications in many psychological
research areas. However, this paradigm does not
permit to develop implicit measures that make use
of sentences as stimuli, reducing in this manner
its applicability to several domains.
A variant of the classic IAT that permits to
identify which of two contrasting autobiographical
events is true for a subject has been recently de-
veloped. This procedure, named Autobiographical
IAT (aIAT, Sartori, Agosta, Zogmaister, Ferrara &
Castiello, 2008), showed adequate psychometric
properties and, across different studies, exhibited
high levels of criterion validity. A similar vari-
ant, the Questionnaire based IAT (qIAT; Yovel &
Friedman, 2013), has been developed to measure
indirectly a number of psychological constructs,
using sentences derived from questionnaire items.
Self-report personality measures are typically
based on the degree to which respondents consider
a series of short statements as accurate descrip-
tions of their personalities. The qIAT has been
designed to reproduce the classical procedure of
self-report scales but using an indirect method of
measurement. Specifically, subjects are instructed
to categorize a number of self-related sentences in
two different target categories, such as extraversion
and introversion. In a first categorization task,
extraversion self-related sentences (e.g. I am the
life of the party) have to be associated with other
4

sentences, concerning self-related events that are
necessarily true for the experimental subjects (e.g.
I’m participating in an experiment in psychology)
while introversion self-related sentences (e.g. I
don’t talk a lot) have to be associated with other
sentences necessarily false for the experimental
subjects (e.g. I’m climbing a steep mountain). In a
concerning extraversion have to be associated with
self-related sentences that are necessarily false
while introversion self-related sentences have to
be associated with other sentences necessarily true.
Therefore, in Yovel and Friedman’s variant, the
qIAT should measure the degree to which a set
of extraversion items (derived from an ordinary
self-report questionnaire) are associated with
necessarily true versus false self-related sentences.
2. PSYCHOMETRIC PROPERTIES
OF BIG FIVE IATs: CONSTRUCT
VALIDITY, INTERNAL
CONSISTENCY, AND IMPLICIT-
EXPLICIT DISSOCIATION
Validity of the five-factor model for the implicit
self-concept of personality was investigated in
two studies (Schmukle et al., 2008) applying
confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) on partial IAT
scores for all dimensions. In the first study, partial
scores were based on latency differences of single
couples of opposite adjectives (e.g., sociable – shy)
on compatible (e.g. Me/Extraversion vs. Other/
Introversion) and no compatible (Me/Introversion
vs. Other/Extraversion) blocks. Log transformed
scores of these latency differences (Greenwald et
al., 1998) were allowed to load only on the factor
to which they belong, according to five-factor
model. In the second study, partial scores were
based on halves of the IAT that directly derive
from Greenwald’s improved scoring algorithm
(Greenwald et al., 2003). In both studies, a CFA
showed that the five-factor model fitted the data
well, supporting the validity of the FFM model

Applying the IAT to Assess Big Five Personality Traits
at the implicit level. This model fitted consider-
ably better than an alternative model positing a
single factor representing a generalized tendency
to associate the self with positive rather than with
negative attributes, irrespective of the semantic
content of the attribute stimuli. This suggests that
implicit traits cannot be reduced to individual dif-
ferences in affective valence. Moreover, a second-
order CFA model, positing five first-order factors
and one second-order factor, fitted the data worse
than a model with five correlated factors. This
result suggests that factors intercorrelations can-
not be reduced to affective valence. This has been
confirmed in a study by Grumm and von Collani
(2007) showing that a self-esteem IAT (consid-
ered as an implicit measure of affective valence)
is only moderately correlated with Extraversion
IAT (r = .22) and Neuroticism IAT (r = -.38), and
that the Extraversion-Neuroticism correlation (r
= -.51) remained substantially unchanged after
controlling for it (r = -.47).
In order to disentangle meaning associative
effects from valence confound, Schnabel, Asen-
dorpf and Greenwald (2008) developed two Big
Five IATs and two self-report trait rating scales
opposing personality categories (i.e., Conscien-
tiousness vs. Extraversion; Conscientiousness vs.
Agreeableness) that, differently from the classic
Big Five IATs (e.g., Extraversion vs. Introversion),
were substantially equal in valence. Two versions
for each IAT and self-report scale were developed:
in the first version, only positive personality
attributes were included (e.g. conscientious vs.
sociable), while the second version includes only
stimuli with a negative valence (e.g. chaotic vs.
reserved). Results showed that both implicit/
positive-implicit/negative and explicit/positive-
explicit/negative correlations were moderate to
high, suggesting that Big Five IATs and self-report
scales are able to measure not only valence but
also semantic associations related to personality
self-concept.
Regarding the reliability of the implicit mea-
sures of the Big Five, studies conducted with
the classic IAT documented acceptable levels of
internal consistency for all traits. In the study by
Schmukle et al. (2008), for example, Cronbach’s
alpha reliability coefficients ranged from .74 to
.88. In the study by Grumm and Von Collani
(2007), split-half reliability coefficients ranged
from .64 to .82. Appropriate levels of internal
consistency (split-half = .87) were found also
for the questionnaire-based IAT, although data
on the psychometric properties of this procedure
are still scarce.
A further issue has to do with the extent to which
implicit and explicit measures of traits refer to the
same constructs. Results of different studies on big
five IATs (Grumm & von Collani, 2007; Schnabel
et al., 2008; Schmukle et al., 2008) showed: (1)
low to moderate implicit-explicit correlations with
small to medium variations among the studies
for both classical and questionnaire-based IATs,
and (2) patterns of means and correlations among
implicit measures that were similar to those of
the explicit measures. Moreover a CFA including
two correlated factors (i.e. implicit and explicit
factors) for each trait fitted the data better than a
one-factor model that does not distinguish between
implicit and explicit traits (Schnabel et al., 2008).
Taken together, these findings suggest that Big
Five IATs and self-report scales refer to distinct
but related constructs.
3. STATE AND TRAIT COMPONENTS
OF IMPLICIT AND EXPLICIT
PERSONALITY TRAITS
Similarly to self-report questionnaires, the Big
Five IATs are expected to measure personality
dispositions that are relatively consistent across
situations. However, it cannot be excluded that oc-
casion specific components are involved in either
explicit or implicit personality measures. In this
regard, the latent state-trait (LST) represents a
statistical model that can be used to estimate the
impact of situational factors on specific measures
5

Applying the IAT to Assess Big Five Personality Traits
of traits. Specifically, LST models permits to parse
the variance of a measure into trait and occasion-
specific components (e.g. Steyer, Schmitt & Eid,
1999).
Schmukle and Egloff (2005) have used the
LST models to estimate the occasion specificity,
the consistency, and the reliability of two IATs
assessing anxiety and extraversion, comparing
them with structurally similar self-report scales.
To this aim, two IATs and two self-report scales
were administered to 65 subjects in two occa-
sions separated by a temporal interval of one
week. A model that included measurement error,
occasion-specific and trait components was ap-
plied to the two IATs. A similar model was applied
to the self-report scales. The LST models fitted
the data well for both implicit and explicit tests.
Reliability coefficients were all adequate (.82 for
the anxiety-IAT,.96 for the anxiety scale, .88 for
the extraversion-IAT, and .95 for the extraversion
scale). Both implicit and explicit tests seemed to
capture consistent stable components that were
substantially higher (ranging from .56 to .81) than
occasion specificity components (ranging from
.02 to .26). However, the size of occasion-specific
variance was higher for IATs (.26 for anxiety and
.15 for extraversion) than for self-report scales (.09
for anxiety and .02 for extraversion), suggesting
that situational factors influence more implicit than
explicit measures. Moreover, the implicit-explicit
correlations of occasion-specific factors were not
significant neither for anxiety nor for extraversion,
indicating that IATs and self-report scales were
differently influenced by contextual variables.
4. THE PREDICTIVE VALIDITY
OF BIG FIVE IATs
In order to give a comprehensive overview of
the predictive validity of the implicit measures,
Perugini and colleagues (Perugini, 2005; Perugini,
Richetin & Zogmaister, 2010) have recently pro-
6

posed a framework of seven different patterns of
prediction. In this section of the chapter we will
briefly review these patterns.
1. The simple association pattern refers to a
single implicit measure that predicts a single
behaviour. This pattern has been widely used
in many studies conducted within the social
cognition approach (e.g., Arcuri, Castelli,
Galdi, Zogmaister & Amadori, 2008).
2. The moderation pattern is aimed at identi-
fying the conditions that enhance or reduce
a simple association between an implicit
measure and a criterion, measuring or
manipulating potential moderating factors
in order to test their effect (e.g., Perugini,
O’Gorman & Prestwich, 2007).
3. The addictive pattern is based on the hypoth-
esis that an implicit measure may explain a
unique portion of variance of the criterion
over and above the explicit measure. In other
words, this pattern allows one to assess the
incremental validity of the implicit measure
(e.g. Schnabel, Banse & Asendorpf, 2006).
According to Perugini et al. (2010), using
an implicit measure is likely to have practi-
cal costs related to its implementation that
should be counterbalanced by appropriate
benefits, such as, first of all, the unique
contribution that it provide with respect to
a corresponding explicit measure.
4. The multiplicative pattern assumes that
implicit and explicit measures interact
in the prediction of a behavioral criteria.
Empirically, this pattern is aimed at test-
ing whether the interaction term between
implicit and explicit measures provides a
significant unique contribution over and
above main effects (e.g. Schröder-Abé,
Rudolph, Wiesner, & Schütz, 2007). A
possible interpretation of significant inter-
action terms involves the examination of
the discordance or concordance between

Applying the IAT to Assess Big Five Personality Traits
associative and propositional representa-
tions underlying implicit and explicit test
scores (Strack & Deutsch, 2004). In the case
of discordance, the impact that associative
and propositional representations have on
behavior could hamper each other, induc-
ing a less fluent action in the execution of
the behavior. In contrast, when associative
and reflexive representations are congruent,
their different impact on behavior become
synergistic, making both implicit and explicit
measures more predictive of behavior. In this
regard, a recent meta-analysis by Greenwald
and colleagues (2009) documented an high
predictive power of both IAT and self-report
measures in studies where implicit and
explicit measures were highly correlated.
It is important to note that, according to
Perugini et al. (2010), this pattern does not
necessarily conduct to a significant interac-
tion between implicit and explicit measures.
Indeed, the synergistic effect that is due a
substantial congruence between associative
and propositional representations may also
emerge indirectly, through stronger main
effects on behavioral criteria.
5. The double-dissociation pattern assumes
that implicit measures are able to predict
spontaneous behaviors but not deliberate
ones. On the contrary, as anticipated in this
chapter, explicit measures are able to predict
deliberate behaviors but not spontaneous
ones (e.g., Friese, Hofmann, & Wänke, 2008;
Perugini, 2005). Studies that used this pattern
of prediction are very informative and stimu-
lated researchers to formulate appropriate
interpretations of results within both mono
and dual representation models of social
information processing (see Greenwald &
Nosek, 2008).
6. The partial (or asymmetrical, weak) dis-
sociation pattern assumes that one between
implicit and explicit measures predict
only spontaneous or deliberate behaviors,
whereas the other predicts both of them
(e.g., Richetin, Perugini, Adjali, & Hurling,
2007).
7. The double additive pattern is a logical pos-
sibility, only weakly supported by empirical
studies. It assumes that both implicit and
explicit measures predict spontaneous and
deliberate behaviors. Spontaneous behaviors
and processes, indeed, may contain a minor
but significant proportion of deliberation;
on the contrary, deliberate behaviors and
processes may imply a minor but significant
proportion of spontaneity. As a consequence,
it is possible that implicit and explicit mea-
sures give unique and significant contribu-
tions to both spontaneous and deliberate
actions.
Most of empirical studies on the predictive
validity of the IAT assumed an additive pattern of
prediction. A recent meta-analytic study (Green-
wald et al., 2009) reviewed the predictive power of
many IAT measures on social behavior, judgment,
and decision making, using an additive pattern
model. The meta-analysis summarized findings
of 122 reports included in 184 research studies.
The review included studies in several research
areas such as consumer preferences, Black–White
interracial behavior, personality differences, clini-
cal phenomena, alcohol and drug use, non-racial
intergroup behavior, gender and sexual orientation,
close relationships, and political preferences. As
argued by Greenwald et al. (2009), four important
conclusions can be drawn: 1) IAT measures were
found to be useful predictors of social behavior
and judgment across all research areas; 2) IAT
and self-report measures predict the criterion
variables independently from each other, suggest-
ing that both types of measures may be useful in
surveys and applied research; 3) for consumer and
political preferences, both IAT and self-report
scales effectively predicted behavior, but explicit
measures had greater predictive validity; 4) for
more socially sensitive research areas, such as
7
 
Applying the IAT to Assess Big Five Personality Traits

interracial and other intergroup behaviors, the
IAT had significantly greater predictive validity
than explicit measures.
As regards implicit and explicit Big Five addi-
tive pattern, initial results for predictive validity
were reported by Schmukle et al. (2008). These
authors showed that both the Big Five IATs and
the NEO-FFI scales correlated with self-reported
behaviors, but the explicit personality measures
exhibited higher correlations. Importantly, the Big
Five IATs remained correlated with self-reported
behaviors, even after the explicit traits were con-
trolled for, supporting the incremental validity
of the Big Five IATs. More recently, the BPMP
proposed by Back and colleagues (2009) specified
explicit and implicit aspects of the self-concept of
personality as unique predictors of actual behavior.
An extensive behavioral study (N =130) on many
different relevant social situations was conducted,
permitting to measure more than 50 indicators of
actual behavior, each assigned to the relative Big
Five dimension. Three main findings emerged:
First, the predictive validity of self-reported traits,
as measured by a standard questionnaire, was
largely confirmed. Second, also implicit traits
were able to predict actual behavior, but this was
true only for neuroticism and extraversion (and
in part for agreeableness). Third, the predictive
power of neuroticism and extraversion IATs re-
mained stable even if the corresponding explicit
scales were controlled for. This confirms that the
prediction of actual behavior can be enhanced by
including these measures. Moreover, the predic-
tive power of implicit traits did not depend by the
confounding effect of valence as measured by a
self-esteem IAT (Back et al., 2009).
As regards the predictive validity of the qIAT,
both implicit and explicit measures of extraver-
sion were hypothesized to predict the number of
errors in another IAT task linked to impulsivity
and proneness to error in reaction-time paradigms
(e.g., Dickman, 1990; Eysenck & Eysenck,
1977; Kirkcaldy, 1984). Results confirmed the
hypothesis, showing that both the explicit (r =
.30) and the implicit measures of extraversion
(r = .33) significantly predicted the number of
errors on the additional IAT task. In order to test
the incremental validity of the extraversion qIAT,
a hierarchical regression has been conducted, by
including the explicit measure of extraversion at
the first step and adding the qIAT at the second
step. Results, presented in Table 2 indicated that
the qIAT explained a unique and significant
portion of variance of the number of errors, sup-
porting its incremental validity over the explicit
scale. Therefore, the extraversion qIAT seems to
capture unique information that was not provided
by a self-report scale of extraversion that contains
the same items.

Table 2. Hierarchical regression analysis predicting number of errors in the additional task (modified
from Yovel & Friedman, 2013)

Steps Predictors ΔR2 Β

1 .09**
Explicit .30**
2 .06*
Explicit .21*
Implicit .26*
Note: Explicit and implicit measures were based on the same extraversion items.
qIAT = questionnaire-based implicit association test.
* p < .05; ** p < .01 ; *** p < .001.
1
Importantly to interpret the results, responses to these items had to be given as quickly as possible but the speed was neither enforced
nor measured.

8

Applying the IAT to Assess Big Five Personality Traits
As regards the double dissociation pattern,
Steffens and Schulze König (2006) tested the
hypothesis that the Big Five IATs predict spon-
taneous behaviors better than explicit measures
of the same traits. To this aim, the Big Five IATs
were administered to 89 subjects (69 females and
20 males). A set of indicators of spontaneous
behaviors associated to each trait were measured,
such as: 1) observer ratings of impulsive reactions
(in the case of neuroticism, for example, reactions
to a stressful situation were observed); 2) self-
ratings under time pressure (in the case of open-
ness, for example, participants were asked how
often attend theater and museum exhibitions)1.
Results showed that observer ratings of impulsive
reactions correlated in the expected direction
with the neuroticism, extraversion, agreeable-
ness, and conscientiousness IATs (Pearson’s rs
ranged from .22 to .36). Correlations with explicit
measures, by contrast, were not significant. On
the contrary, self-ratings of behaviors associated
with extraversion and openness correlated with
the corresponding NEO-FFI scales (with r = .22
and r = .29, respectively) but not with the IATs.
As a potential explanation, authors suggested that
participants might have ignored the instruction to
respond as quickly as possible. As a consequence,
their responses may have been guided primarily
by controlled processes. On the whole, according
to the authors, results of this study are in line with
the double dissociation pattern of prediction, as
automatic components of behavior seem to be bet-
ter predicted by IATs than by explicit measures,
while controlled components of behaviors seem
to be better predicted by explicit scales.
5. ROBUSTNESS OF
PERSONALITY IATs TO FAKING
EFFECT IN RESPECT TO SELF-
REPORT MEASURES
Many studies have dealt with the susceptibility to
faking of Big Five self-report scales, investigating
both prevalence and severity of response distortion
(e.g. Donovan, Dwight & Hurtz, 2003). In a meta-
analysis, a series of studies that employed either a
between- or a within-subjects experimental design
were analyzed (Viswesvaran & Ones, 1999). In
the between-subjects studies, the effect size of the
differences (Cohen’s d) across instructional condi-
tions (i.e. fake good vs. respond honestly) ranged
from .48 (Agreeableness) to .65 (Openness). In
the within-subjects studies, Cohen’s d ranged from
.47 (Agreeableness) to .93 (Emotional stability).
On the basis of these results, it seems particu-
larly important to supplement the use of self-report
questionnaires with appropriate implicit measures,
such as the Big Five IATs, that are more diffi-
cult to fake. As expected, indeed, many studies
showed that the IAT is less prone to impression
management confounds than self-report mea-
sures. Moreover, it has been shown that the IAT
predicts behavioural criteria even if they refer to
social sensitive concerns and to situations at risk
of impression management biases (Greenwald et
al., 2009).
The IAT, however, is not completely immune
to faking, especially when respondents are not new
to the technique and when they are instructed on
how to control IAT scores (e.g., Steffens, 2004).
Interestingly, recent studies (Agosta, Ghirardi,
Zogmaister, Castiello & Sartori, 2010; Cvencek,
Greenwald, Brown, Gray & Snowden, 2011) intro-
duced several indexes that have proved to be par-
ticularly useful in detecting fakers and in adjusting
faked IAT scores. Specifically, the Combined Task
Slowing (CTS) indicator developed by Cvencek
et al. (2011) allowed to correctly classify 75% of
fakers, while the indexes developed by Agosta et
al. (2010) were able to distinguish fakers from
non-fakers in the 83% of cases.
Other studies focused more specifically on the
fakability of IAT personality measures. Vianello,
Robusto and Anselmi (2010), for instance, found
that participants’ willingness to manage their
impression increased explicit (but not implicit)
scores on the conscientiousness trait. Egloff and
9

Applying the IAT to Assess Big Five Personality Traits
Schmukle (2002) assigned participants to one
of two conditions: an hypothetical job applicant
scenario (where they were instructed to make a
good impression), and a control condition (where
they were not given any specific instruction). The
mean scores obtained in the two conditions were
significantly different for an explicit measure of
anxiety (d = .63), but not for an IAT devised to
provide an implicit measure of the same construct.
More recently the extent to which response distor-
tion occurs when big five IATs are administered in
real applied settings was investigated (Vecchione,
Dentale, Alessandri and Barbaranelli, 2014). As
expected participants under evaluative testing
conditions showed higher scores than control
subjects on the explicit measures of agreeable-
ness, conscientiousness, and emotional stability
while no significant differences were found on
the implicit measures.
Steffens (2004) demonstrated that subjects with
a precedent experience with a conscientiousness
IAT to whom was asked to appear conscientious
(first condition) or not conscientious (second
condition) were unable to fake the scores. By
contrast, they were perfectly able to fake the NEO-
FFI scale scores. Differently, when the subjects
were informed that the crucial variable on which
to intervene in order to manipulate the scores was
the trial latency, they showed significant faking
effects also for the IAT scores of extraversion,
although the size of the effects was higher for the
explicit measures. In sum, Big Five IATs appeared
to be less prone to faking than self-report scales,
although they were not immune to it, especially if
participants were given relevant information about
the functioning mechanism of the implicit test.
CONCLUSION
The studies reviewed in this chapter have shown
that the five-factors of personality can be assessed
by using the Implicit Association Test and its vari-
ants, such as the Questionnaire based IAT. As it
10

has been demonstrated, implicit measures of traits
mostly capture stable inter-individual differences
that are able to predict actual behaviour, although
they should be distinguished conceptually from
explicit measures of the Big Five. Moreover, they
were found to be less prone to faking than self-
report measures, especially if participants have
not experienced the IAT.
Whereas above results provide compelling
evidence for the utility of the Big Five IATs
(Schmukle, Back & Egloff, 2008), some issues
related to reliability and implicit-explicit dis-
sociation still need to be clarified. For example,
reliability was found to be substantially different
when measured in terms of internal consistency
or temporal stability (e.g., Schnabel et al., 2008).
As discussed earlier in the chapter, Cronbach’s
alpha revealed adequate levels of reliability, rang-
ing from .70 to .90 in earlier studies; test-retest
reliability coefficients, by contrast, were found to
be low, ranging from .25 to .69. As observed by
Teige-Mocigemba, Klauer and Sherman (2010)
the relatively low test-retest reliability may depend
on many sources of influence that can potentially
affect the IAT scores, and that appear to be dif-
ficult to identify and to control.
Regarding the observed dissociation between
implicit and explicit self-concept of personality,
results of a confirmatory factor analysis seems
suggest that the Big Five IATs and self-report
measures refer to distinct constructs (Schnabel et
al., 2008). However, further research are needed to
further investigate this issue, for example by using
multi-trait, multi-method assessment procedures
(MTMM). A similar approach has been adopted
by Nosek and Smyth (2007), who used a MTMM
approach across seven-attitude objects (flower-
insect, creation-evolution, democrat-republican,
humanities-science, straight-gay, thin-fat and
white-black) to investigate the discriminant valid-
ity of implicit measures with respect to self-report
scales. In particular, they searched for the best
fitting solution among three models: (1) a model
with two method factors (implicit vs. explicit),

Applying the IAT to Assess Big Five Personality Traits
(2) a model with two method factors (implicit
vs. explicit) plus a single attitude factor for each
domain, and a (3) model with two method factors
(implicit vs. explicit) plus two correlated attitude
factors for each domain, one for the implicit
measure, and the other for the explicit one. The
last solution obtained the best fit. In this model,
each IAT correlated with the explicit measure
of the attitude towards the same object (and not
with the explicit measures toward other objects).
However, both IATs and the explicit measures
retained unique components that were not reduc-
ible to shared method variance. In similar manner,
it may be useful to apply the same approach to
IAT and self-report of Big Five measures across
all personality traits.
Moreover, even though previous studies
already documented the predictive validity and
the robustness to faking of the Big Five IATs,
further research appear to be necessary in order to
explore their practical utility in real-life contexts.
In this regard, it will be important to demonstrate
the predictive validity of the Big Five IATs with
respect to important outcomes, such as aca-
demic proficiency and job performance, and its
incremental validity over established self-report
measures. At the same time, it may be relevant
to demonstrate that IATs scores are resistant to
response distortion in sensible contexts, such as
personnel selection settings, as well as to accumu-
late empirical findings on methods developed to
detect fakers and to correct their scores (Agosta
et al., 2010; Cvencek et al., 2011). Future studies
should also explore the utility of using alternative
procedures for assessing the Big Five in an implicit
way, such as the qIAT. Although the flexibility
offered by this procedure is particularly appealing
for the assessment of personality, further studies
are needed to investigate in a systematic manner
the psychometric properties of the qIAT, as well
as its advantages and disadvantages with respect
to the IAT.
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Applying the IAT to Assess Big Five Personality Traits
KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS
Behavioral Process Model of Personality
(BPMP): A model assuming that both implicit
and explicit personality associations may influ-
ence behavioral schemata in the course of action.
Big Five Personality Factors: A series of di-
mensions that are assumed to adequately describe
human personality.
Faking: A response distortion deriving from
participant’s intentional attempt to convey a favor-
able impression of oneself.
Implicit Association Test (IAT): A time-
reaction test developed to assess the implicit level
of several psychological constructs.
Questionnaire Based-IAT (qIAT): A phrase-
based time-reaction test developed to increase
the similarity in content between the IAT and the
corresponding self-report measures.
Reflective–Impulsive Model (RIM): A model
assuming that social behavior is controlled by two
interacting systems following different operating
principles: The reflective system and the impul-
sive system.
Self-Concept of Personality: The implicit
and explicit personality characteristics associated
to the self.
15
16

Chapter 2
Priming
Christina Bermeitinger
University of Hildesheim, Germany

ABSTRACT
This chapter is about the wide variety of priming encountered in cognitive and social psychology. In cogni-
tive psychology, the priming paradigm is mainly used to study memory phenomena or the pre-activation
of concepts and motor reactions by related stimuli. In social psychology, the term priming is used for
a broader range of phenomena in which an event triggers a subsequent behavior. In this chapter, some
definitions of priming and the origin of the term’s use in psychology are presented. Then, the chapter
examines different types and variants of priming as well as their features and principal elements, using
seven organizing principles. After this methodical and empirical classification, some important theories
of response priming, semantic priming, affective/evaluative priming, negative priming, and macro-level
priming are summarized. Last but not least, some general questions and problems in priming research
are outlined and a brief outlook is given.

INTRODUCTION the broad spectrum of phenomena and methods

What is a prime? This question was (a substantial)
part of an action letter for a priming paper writ-
ten by me and some co-authors a few years ago
in which we investigated priming at a micro level
using EEG measures. Of course, we thought that
we already had sufficiently explained the core
concepts of priming and what a prime is. The
feedback showed that this was apparently not the
case. In this specific case, some of the confusion
arouse because the action editor was a medical
scientist. However, even in psychology it is not
clear to everybody what priming is and what a
prime is. This is not surprising, however, given
that are subsumed under the header of “priming”.
“Priming sessions” at scientific conferences can
thus often be rather confusing – such sessions
can contain presentations reporting the effects
of a “half-empty” versus a “half-full” tumbler on
participants’ mood or the time they require to solve
a crossword puzzle, as well as presentations report-
ing the effects of subliminal arrows on the speed
(measured on a millisecond scale) of responses to
congruent trials (arrow pointing left/right and word
“left”/”right”) or incongruent trials (arrow point-
ing left/right and word “right”/“left”). The authors
of both studies called their approach “priming” (I
was one of the presenters of the second example).

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-4666-6599-6.ch002

Copyright © 2015, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Priming
In fact, most of my work has been related to the
second example, and so when I listened to talks
of the first variant, I wondered—why are such
experiments in “my” priming session? Likewise,
I can imagine that researchers interested in the
first priming variant were similarly confused by
the second type of priming experiment.
This example demonstrates that there is a broad
range of different interpretations of the term prim-
ing, and the question “Actually, what is a prime?”
seems perfectly justified. The term priming is used
in cognitive psychology, in emotion research, in
social and media psychology, and increasingly
also in developmental, clinical, or motivational
psychology. Thus, I now endeavor to form an
integrative view of these diverse interpretations.
Here, one could firstly ask: What are the com-
mon aspects of these different interpretations of
priming? To anticipate: In all cases of priming,
there is “something” that has an influence on (the
processing of) the “following”. In the “normal”
case, priming is reflected in the fact that the prime
(whatever the prime may be) makes one of at least
two options (word choices, reactions, actions, etc.)
a little bit more likely to occur than the other(s).
Whether this influence lasts a few milliseconds, a
couple of minutes, some hours or even days, weeks
or years, depends on different factors.
The following text is about a wide variety
of priming as used in different domains in psy-
chology. First, I will present some definitions
of priming and the origin of the term’s use in
psychology. Then, I will examine different types
and variants of priming as well as their features
and principal elements using seven organizing
principles. These seven organizing principles are
neither exhaustive nor orthogonal to each other.
However, they help clarify important differences
between different priming types and illustrate
the wide variety of priming research. After this
methodical and empirical classification, I will
summarize some important theories of different
priming types. Last but not least, I will address
some general questions and problems in priming
research, and give a brief outlook.
DEFINITIONS AND ORIGIN
In psychology, the term priming is generally
used for pre-activations or facilitations. Priming
is defined, for example, as “the improvement of
the processing of a stimulus as a function of a
previous presentation.” (Anderson, 2001, p. 471,
translation by CB) Stroebe, Jonas, and Hewstone
(2003, p. 138, translation by CB) defined priming
in a result-oriented fashion as well: Priming is “the
finding that a pattern will be activated with higher
probability if it was presented recently or if it was
used in the past.” In the same vein, Major (2008,
p. ii) wrote: „Priming is the benefit that an event
receives when its processing has been preceded
by the processing of a related or identical event.”
A more extended definition, which differentiates
between the phenomenon of “priming” and the
method or technique of “priming” (i.e., the priming
paradigm) was given by Chartrand und Jefferis
(2004, p. 854):
An individual’s experiences in the environment
temporarily activate concepts that are mentally
represented. The activation of these concepts,
which can include traits, schemata, attitudes, ste-
reotypes, goals, moods, emotions, and behaviors,
heightens their accessibility. These concepts are
said to be primed; that is, they become more likely
to influence one’s subsequent thoughts, feelings,
judgments, and behaviors. Priming also refers to
an experimental technique that is used to simulate
the activation of concepts that usually occurs
through real-world experiences.
The central point, therefore, is that a stimulus
or event A has an effect on what follows, which
17

can either be something internal (an emotion, a
decision etc.) or concern something external (a
further event B and its processing). Departing from
one of the definitions cited above, the effect does
not have to be invariably positive. In fact, there is
also negative or inverse priming (e.g., auch Krüger,
Klapötke, Bode, & Mattler, 2013; sometimes also
called contrast effect, anti-priming or reverse
priming, e.g., Fiedler, 2003; Glaser, 2003), where
the presentation of a stimulus leads to reduced
performance or to opposite effects and evalua-
tions of subsequent identical or similar stimuli
(e.g., Negative Priming: Frings, Bermeitinger,
& Gibbons, 2011; Neill, 1997; Tipper, 2001;
negative semantic priming effects: Bermeitinger,
Frings, & Wentura, 2008; Bermeitinger, Wentura,
Koppermann, Hauser, Grass, & Frings, 2012;
Dagenbach, Carr, & Barnhardt, 1990; Frings,
Bermeitinger, & Wentura, 2008; Frings, Göbel,
Mast, Sutter, Bermeitinger, & Wentura, 2011;
Kahan, 2000; Wentura, & Frings, 2005; negative
affective/evaluative priming effects: Chan, Ybarra,
& Schwarz, 2006; Glaser, & Banaji, 1999; Klauer,
Teige-Mocigemba, & Spruyt, 2009; negative
compatibility effects in response priming: Ber-
meitinger, 2013; Eimer, & Schlaghecken, 1998).
The possibility of negative effects is included in
the definition of Hsu and Schütt (Eds., 2012, book
description): “Priming is the implicit memory
effect in which exposure to a stimulus influences
response to a later stimulus. It can occur following
perceptual, semantic or conceptual stimulus repeti-
tion.” However, this definition focuses too much
on the priming paradigm of cognitive psychology,
and thus neglects some broader interpretations of
priming (see the above definition by Chartrand
& Jefferis, 2004). Additionally, the „perceptual,
semantic, or conceptual“ range of possible fea-
tures that can be pre-activated by a prime seems
incomplete (see below).
The phrase “priming” was first used in psy-
chology in the 1950s during debates on how
fluent language or fluent reading is possible.
Karl Lashley (1951) was of the opinion that just
before the internal or overt utterance of words
18

Priming
or sentences, “expressive word units” have to
be partially pre-activated, because otherwise we
would only be able to produce one word after the
other in an isolated manner (this idea can be dated
back at least to James, 1890, who assumed two
‘awakening’ processes when words are spoken).
Lashley called this pre-activation “ ‘Priming‘ of
expressive units“ (p. 125). Thus, the term “prim-
ing” was introduced and it was used thereafter for
the pre-activation of mental concepts. In these early
days (cf. Lashley), only internal stimuli or thoughts
were considered triggers of such a pre-activations.
However, the term priming was soon used in the
sense it is still predominantly used today, that is,
for pre-activations by external stimuli or events.
In the following, I will discuss different vari-
ants of priming. In general, any event or stimulus
A (which occurs prior to an action, event, or
stimulus B) is able to prime subsequent actions
or the processing of subsequent stimuli or events
B. Thus, we call stimulus/event A the “prime”
(although note that in some cases the prime is
also called “distractor”). Stimulus B – which
follows the prime – is called the “target”. Typi-
cally, participants have to respond to the target
in a well-defined task. In some cases, however,
a target in the actual sense is not present, for
example if a specific behavior is primed (e.g.,
consumer behavior primed by advertising, e.g.,
Bermeitinger, Goelz, Johr, Neumann, Ecker, &
Doerr, 2009, or priming of prosocial behavior, see
below). In this chapter, the focus is on priming in
a broad sense, that is priming will be discussed
as both a phenomenon and a technique or method
(originally from cognitive psychology). That is, I
will try to treat priming with an inclusive attitude.
TYPES AND VARIANTS OF PRIMING
First, I will introduce different priming variants
and classify them according to different aspects.
Different types and variants of priming can be
classified using the following seven organizing
principles (which are surely not exhaustive):

Priming
1. Macro, midi, micro perspective – including
the question of how global the influence of
the prime is?
2. Prime type.
3. Target type (or: Is there a target at all?).
4. Type of dependent variable and task—and
the related question what (behavioral) pa-
rameters the prime affects?
5. Relation between prime and target/action
(also: Variants of the priming paradigm).
6. Implicit/explicit, unconscious/conscious,
automatic/strategic.
7. Influences of the primes: facilitation or
inhibition.
In the following, I will introduce each organiz-
ing principle with several examples.
Figure 1. Priming from a macro, midi, or micro perspective or at a macro, midi, or micro level. The
borders are fluid.
Macro, Midi, Micro Perspective
Essentially, anything can be a prime, that is,
anything can be a stimulus or feature influenc-
ing what follows. To this effect, a person can be
a prime for another person, the person’s behavior
can be a prime, what the person says can be a
prime, the person’s clothing can be a prime etc.
Any event that we perceive, but also our own
movements or thoughts are able to influence us
and the perception, processing, evaluation etc.
of following internal or external events (see also
Bargh, 1997).1 Based on this very broad concep-
tion, one could ask, for instance, how the way a
participant is treated (e.g., friendly vs. unfriendly)
makes a difference in terms of their ability to
solve crossword puzzles, their general mood, their
19

music preference, etc. In this macro sense, each
stimulus, each context, each action could be a
prime that has an effect on subsequent thoughts,
actions, and feelings. Such a macro conception is
often combined with the assumption that the prime
does not only pre-activate semantic concepts, but
rather that it activates longer-lasting motivational
processes (e.g., Sela, & Shiv, 2009).
On a more specific level of conception (at the
midi level) of priming, the interest is no longer in
the general actions and feelings of a person. The
question at the midi level is whether the prime
activates specific other concepts (still relatively
globally). For example, many memory and rec-
ognition experiments can be located at this midi
level: For instance, when participants are given
some words in the first experimental phase and are
asked to produce words in the next experimental
phase. Without any instructions to that effect, par-
ticipants produce words in the second phase (e.g.,
when participants should complete word stems,
e.g. HOU_ _) that are identical or semantically
related to words processed in the first phase, and
they do so with an increased probability relative to
a control condition that does not involve the first
phase (e.g. Warrington, & Weiskrantz, 1970, 1974;
see also e.g. Bassili, Smith, & MacLeod, 1989).
The principle of pre-activation of specific
concepts (or specific actions, etc.) is also relevant
in the even more specific conception of priming
at the micro-process level. At this micro level,
researchers are interested in time scales of fractions
of seconds up to a maximum of approximately two
seconds. This level corresponds to the narrowest
interpretation of priming, which is the dominant
understanding of the term in cognitive psychol-
ogy. In the so-defined priming paradigm, most
often sequential priming is used; that is, a prime
(which is not part of the participant’s task and can
be ignored) and a target stimulus are presented in
rapid succession. The prime is usually shown for
a maximum of a few hundred milliseconds only.
Typically, participants are required to react to the
target, for example by classifying it according to a
20

Priming
given criterion (e.g., as positive/negative, living/
non-living, word/non-word, left/right, etc.). Origi-
nally, it was only used in cognitive psychology,
but is now used for various questions in social
(e.g., Degner, & Wentura, 2010), personality (e.g.,
Frings, & Neubauer, 2005; Wentura, Kulfanek,
& Greve, 2005), developmental, emotional (e.g.,
Bermeitinger, & Kappes, 2013; Kappes, Bermeit-
inger, & Greve, subm.) motivational (e.g., Leipold
et al., subm.), and clinical (e.g., Weisbrod et al.,
1999) psychology. At the micro level, priming
is (also) related to the pre-activation of specific
concepts, reactions, goals, attitudes, or valences.
However, the period of observation and the dura-
tion of a prime’s influence are rather short (often
just a few dozens of milliseconds). Additionally,
priming at the micro level rarely aims to persuade
or influence a person or change a behavior or an
attitude (as would be the case with priming in an
advertising context). Rather, the priming paradigm
(i.e., micro-level priming) is used to investigate
existing relations between different concepts,
between concepts and actions, between concepts
and attitudes, etc. The results of such priming
experiments then inform models of category
representation, the activation of specific attitudes
or reactions, or the recall of memory contents.
Depending on the types of prime and target used
and prime-target relationship, different variants
of the priming paradigm can be distinguished (see
“relation between prime and target/behavior”). In
the following, I will provide some examples of
studies conducted at the macro, midi and/or micro
level of priming.
Macro and Midi Level
In a global sense, a lot of phenomena can be
understood as priming: the effects of subliminal
advertising (Bermeitinger et al., 2009; Bermei-
tinger, & Unger, 2013), effects of aphrodisiacs
(e.g., Bermeitinger, Feldkötter, Hildebrand,
Schmieder, & Sellner, 2012), anchoring effects
(e.g., Bermeitinger, & Unger, 2014; for review

Priming
see e.g., Furnham, & Boo, 2011), framing effects
(e.g., Levin, Schneider, & Gaeth, 1998), contrast
effects (e.g., Major, 2008), mood inductions (e.g.,
Bermeitinger, & Unger, 2014, Exp. 3; Gerrards-
Hesse, Spies, & Hesse, 1994), conditioning (e.g.,
Skinner, 1953), mere exposure effects (e.g., Za-
jonc, 1968), effects in task switching tasks (e.g.,
Waszak, Hommel, & Allport, 2003), embodiment
related variations of bodily positions or states and
there influence on emotions, actions, concept ac-
tivations or thinking patterns (e.g., Bermeitinger,
Koch, & Wilborn, 2011; Bermeitinger et al.,
2013; Niedenthal, 2007; see also Bermeitinger,
& Kiefer, 2012), activations of stereotypes (e.g.,
Bargh, Chen, & Burrows, 1996), or findings in
memory studies varying the context (e.g., the
testing room) between learning and recognition
phase (e.g., Godden, & Baddeley, 1975). A lot
of priming experiments in social psychology are
conducted based on this broad interpretation of
priming in a broad sense (e.g., Bargh, 2006).
Midi and Micro Level
At the micro level, priming is a relatively clearly
defined paradigm with the trial sequence: fixa-
tion – prime – (blank) – target – response (see
also Figure 2). However, priming at the micro
level can also differ from the straightforward
sequential priming paradigm: It can be integrated
into another paradigm (e.g., into divided attention
tasks, Hansen, & Shantz, 1995; into rapid serial
visual presentation streams in an attentional blink
experiment, Frings, Bermeitinger, & Wentura,
2011) or it can emerge as an influence in other
paradigms (e.g., in task switching, Allport, &
Wylie, 1999). Implicit sequence learning experi-
ments can be interpreted as priming experiments,
too. In implicit sequence learning experiments
(e.g., Bermeitinger, Feldkötter et al., 2012), par-
ticipants usually perform a rather simple task,
for example, to classify four different letters by
pressing the corresponding key. Unbeknown to the
participants, stimuli are arranged in a repeating
sequence. For example, there might be a sequence
of 12 stimuli (consisting of four different letters)
which is presented repeatedly. Participants usually
do not become consciously aware of the sequence.
However, reaction times show that participants
learn the sequence – they become perpetually faster
with increasing practice, but increase considerably
when the standard sequence is violated (e.g., in
case of a transposition). In such a setting, a single
stimulus or the reaction to this stimulus can be
described as a prime for the subsequent stimulus.
Prime Type
In macro-level priming, a prime can be any
stimulus, presented by any method, including (1)
explicit instructions or information given by the
investigator or automatic computer presentation,
activating concepts or guiding the participant’s
actions or thinking patterns; (2) verbal or non-
verbal interactions between of the investigator
or a confederate (e.g., contact); (3) presence/
absence of persons, animals, or things; (4) dif-
ferent pictures or actually present objects; (5)
odors or food (ingredients); (6) sounds or music;
(7) video clips, news reports, computer games, or
other media pieces; (8) global variations of the
context (e.g., room); (9) specific tasks given to the
participants (i.e., task-set activation); (10) stimuli
used earlier in the experiment or in a previous
experiment (e.g., words, pictures, symbols etc.);
(11) sometimes even administration of medication,
drugs, or hormones.
Micro-level priming, by contrast, usually in-
volves visual stimuli as primes, although stimuli
of other modalities are increasingly being used
(e.g., auditory stimuli: Bermeitinger, Wentura
et al., 2012; tactile stimuli: Frings, Amendt, &
Spence, 2011). Visual prime stimuli are typically
words but can also be sentences (e.g., Burke, &
Yee, 1984), pictures (Dell’Acqua, & Grainger,
1999), photos of faces, face parts, or other body
parts (e.g., Rohr, Degner, & Wentura, 2012; Ruys,
& Stapel, 2008), phantasy characters (e.g., Frings,
21

Figure 2. Typical trial sequence of a micro-level priming trial. The example is from semantic priming.
Göbel et al., 2011), symbols and/or directional
stimuli (e.g., arrows; Vorberg, Mattler, Heinecke,
Schmidt, & Schwarzbach, 2003), colours (e.g.,
Schmidt & Seydell, 2008), arbitrary words or
non-words (e.g., Abrams, & Greenwald, 2000;
Masson, & Isaak, 1999), letters (e.g., Jacobs, &
Grainger, 1999), digits (e.g., Campbell, & Reyn-
voet, 2009), or movements (e.g., Bermeitinger,
2013). Auditory prime stimuli likewise are often
words (e.g., Bermeitinger, Wentura et al., 2012),
but also include voices, sentences, sounds, music,
chords (e.g., Bharucha, & Stoeckig, 1987), tones,
or rhythms. Rhythms are used in tactile presenta-
tions, too (e.g., Frings, Amendt et al., 2011).
Target Type (Or: Is There
a Target at All?)
For instance, in learning/memory experiments
with cued recall or with old/new decisions, the cues
or recognition probes could be called targets. In
advertising experiments, the products concerned
or advertising slogans/logos can be seen as targets
to be evaluated, classified, or consumed. In gen-
eral, however, macro-level priming experiments
22

Priming
do not feature a target in the actual sense, that is,
there is usually no well-defined target to which
participants should react. By contrast, in macro-
level priming experiments, it is the participant’s
behavior (independent of any specified target)
that is of interest – although behavior can include
responses to specific stimuli, such as responses
to questionnaires items (e.g., to measure anxiety
levels, etc.).
In micro-level priming, generally, all stimuli
used as primes can be used as targets, too. Cross-
modal combinations (primes and targets are pre-
sented in different modalities) are possible (e.g.,
Holcomb & Anderson, 1993).
Type of Dependent Variable and Task
Priming (in its broader sense) uses a variety of
different dependent variables. In the following, just
a few will be discussed to illustrate the range of
possible dependent variables; they include evalu-
ations or classifications (of a situation, object,
person, etc., potentially involving response time
measures), self-evaluations, intentions, normative
knowledge and normative behavior, as well as ac-

Priming
tual behavior and performance. In addition, some
studies measure mental processes (e.g., mental
rotation) or (neuro-) physiological parameters.
Mere exposure experiments look at valence
judgments regarding presented materials (e.g.,
Zajonc, 1968). Experiments using mood manipula-
tions (sometimes induced by body movements or
states) focus on mood changes (Gerrards-Hesse
et al., 1994), which are typically measured by
questionnaires. The anxiousness of participants
has been used as a dependent variable, for example
in priming studies using religious words as primes
(e.g. Toburen, & Meier, 2010). Experiments using
tasks as primes for accommodation vs. assimila-
tion (cf. Brandtstädter, 2009) have looked at the
handling of (fictitious) goal blocking (Leipold et
al., subm.). Topolinski and Sparenberg (2010)
measured participants’ preference for familiar vs.
novel stimuli and their general openness to novelty
after moving something (or watching something
being moved) in a clockwise or counter-clockwise
direction. These examples (e.g., open-mindedness,
accommodation vs. assimilation) demonstrate
that priming experiments can have dependent
variables that are obtained via questionnaire and
that are—at least to a certain extent—regarded
as personality traits. Often, these studies aim
to induce inter-individual differences on these
personality measures, using appropriate primes.
Investigations of the effects of (subliminal)
advertising usually focus on consumption behavior
(e.g., Bermeitinger et al., 2009) but sometimes also
measure consumption intention (e.g., Karremans,
Stroebe, & Claus, 2006). Normative behavior was
the dependent variable in a study by Aarts and Di-
jksterhuis (2003), who presented participants with
pictures of a library or a train station and found that
participants spoke more softly after viewing the
library images. Media psychology has a particular
interest in the link between on-screen violence
and aggressive behavior (e.g., Jo, & Berkowitz,
1994), while learning (viz. performance in free
recall, cued recall, or old/new recognition tasks) is
the focus of memory experiments (e.g., Godden,
& Baddeley, 1975). Even the choice of what task
to do with a given stimulus can be the dependent
variable in a priming study (e.g., Reuss, Kiesel,
Kunde, & Hommel, 2011).
Various studies have looked at task persistence;
Riskind and Gotay (1982), for example, tallied the
number of cards a person drew from a stack in
an impossible task before moving on to the next
task with a different stack. The authors initially
manipulated participants’ posture and found higher
persistence in participants with a straight posture
compared to a slouching posture. Toburen and
Meier (2010) reported that participants persisted
longer with a tiring task after viewing religious
(vs. neutral) words.
Two articles on priming in its broader sense
have attracted particular attention; these studies
used movement parameters as the dependent
variable, and will be discussed in more detail in
the following. Bargh, Chaiken, Raymond, and
Hymes (1996) measured participants’ walking
speed after they had been exposed to either words
that prime an “elderly” stereotype or age-neutral
words, and found that participants in the stereotype
group took longer to walk down the hall after the
experiment. In their article “Smells like clean
spirit,” Holland, Hendricks, and Aarts (2005)
investigated the cleanliness of their participants.
In a series of experiments, half the participants
were tested when a lemon-scent—used in many
all-purpose cleaners—was present in the testing
cubicle. The scent was subtle and was only con-
sciously noticed by one out of 168 participants.2
In a first experiment, Holland and colleagues
used a lexical decision task requiring participants
to decide whether words were correctly spelled.
There were two word categories: neutral control
words (such as table, cycling, computer) and
cleaning-related words (such as cleaning, hygiene,
tidying). Participants in the scented cubicles
responded faster to cleaning-related words than
participants in the non-scented cubicles, but there
was no group difference for the control words.
This seems to imply that words associated with
23

cleaning (and thus lemon-scent) facilitated the
activation of semantically related concepts. In
a second experiment, participants were asked to
write about some activities they had planned for
the day. While only 11% of participants in non-
scented cubicles listed a cleaning-related activity,
36% of participants in the scent condition indicated
an intention to clean something (the dependent
variable in this case thus pertains to a planned
behavior). This suggests that the priming-based
activation of a concept can affect the consideration
and planning of future behavior. Finally, in a third
experiment, the authors demonstrated a priming
effect on actual cleaning behavior. After filling
in an unrelated questionnaire in a cubicle with or
without the scent present, participants moved to
another (unscented) room to participate in an al-
legedly unrelated experiment that involved savor-
ing a (particularly crumbly) biscuit. Participants
were filmed, and the dependent variable was the
number of times participants removed crumbs
from their table to keep it clean. Participants in
the scent condition indeed cleaned their table
more frequently, suggesting that a scent prime
can influence actual behavior, possibly via the
activation of a semantic concept (i.e., in this case,
the concept of cleaning).
Even prosocial behavior has been utilized as a
dependent variable in some recent priming studies.
Over and Carpenter (2009), for example, tested
18-month old infants who each viewed one of four
sets of images. Each image depicted an object (e.g.,
a teapot) in the foreground and, smaller and in the
background, either (1) two manikins facing each
other, (2) two manikins facing away from each
other, (3) a single manikin, or (4) two stacks of
toy-blocks. The experimenter commented on the
foreground object—for example naming its color
or explaining its function; the background object(s)
were not mentioned. The experimenter then asked
the child to play with them and—seemingly by
accident—dropped some sticks during play. It
was then tested whether the child spontaneously
helped pick up the sticks within 10 seconds, and
24

Priming
if not, whether they helped after the experimenter
drew their attention to the sticks and eventually
asked for help explicitly. The results were clear-
cut: Children who were primed with two dolls
facing each other were very likely to help: about
80% of children helped the experimenter pick up
the sticks (about 60% helped spontaneously). In
the other three conditions, only around 40% of
children showed helping behavior (about 20%
helped spontaneously).
The prosocial behavior of adults—or their
generosity—was investigated by Shariff and No-
renzayan (2007). Their participants engaged in a
‘dictator’ game; in this game, the participant plays
the role of an anonymous giver who has a certain
amount of money at their disposal, and needs to
decide how much money to keep, and how much
to give to another anonymous “player.” Before
the dictator game, participants were exposed to
religious words (e.g., God, spirit, divine, sacred,
prophet), secular-moral words (e.g., civic, jury,
court, police, contract), or neutral words (e.g.,
spoon, table, evening) in a task requiring the ‘un-
scrambling’ of scrambled sentences. Participants
of the neutral-prime condition gave the recipient
player significantly less money than participants
of the two other conditions.
Priming on a macro-level can thus involve a
broad range of dependent variables and tasks.
By contrast, priming on the micro-level primar-
ily involves the latencies and error rates of target
responses. Tasks used in these studies are typi-
cally classification tasks requiring, for example,
the classification of target stimuli regarding
affective valence (affective priming; e.g., Ber-
meitinger, Kuhlmann, & Wentura, 2012; Bohn
& Bermeitinger, 2012; Fazio, Sanbonmatsu,
Powell, & Kardes, 1986), threat (threat priming;
e.g., Bermeitinger & Kappes, 2013; Kappes et al.,
subm.), orientation or direction (response priming;
e.g., Bermeitinger, 2013; Vorberg et al., 2003),
lexicality (semantic priming; e.g., Frings et al.,
2008; Bermeitinger, Frings et al., 2008; Neely,
1991), or its identity (e.g., in negative priming

Priming
studies; cf. Frings, Bermeitinger, & Gibbons,
2011). Sometimes, categorization tasks (such as
animacy tasks; e.g., Küper, Groh-Bordin, Zimmer,
& Ecker, 2012) are used. Responses are usually
measured via simple key presses using pre-speci-
fied keys on a keyboard, although other response
types such as pointing movements (e.g., Schmidt,
2002; Schmidt, & Seydell, 2008) are occasionally
used. Instead of classification, some tasks merely
involve naming or reading a target object or word
(e.g., Wentura & Frings, 2005, Exp. 4). Typically,
the dependent variable for statistical analysis
in this case is a difference measure, that is, the
response time difference between an ‘unrelated’
(‘incongruent,’ ‘inconsistent,’ or ‘incompatible’)
condition and a ‘related’ (‘congruent,’ ‘consistent,’
or ‘compatible’) condition. A positive priming ef-
fect thus means that a person responded faster to
related than unrelated targets; a negative priming
effect means exactly the opposite.
In a hierarchical ‘priming-of-priming’ fashion,
micro-level priming effects can be the targets of
macro-level ‘mindset’ priming. Mind-sets or task-
sets are top-down attitudes that influence informa-
tion processing in terms of a global orientation.
This influence is task- or at least situation-specific,
operates over a prolonged period of time, and is
independent of a specific stimulus or its constitu-
ent features (cf. Bermeitinger, & Kappes, 2013;
Bermeitinger & Unger, 2014; Bermeitinger,
Wentura, & Frings, 2008, 2011; Kiefer, 2007;
Kiefer, & Martens, 2010; Spruyt, De Houwer, &
Hermans, 2009). The insight and awareness that
priming effects can depend on such mind-sets
has only developed over the last decade.3 Prior
to that, priming effects (or their absence) were at
least implicitly taken to shed light on the (rigid)
organization of memory or the invariable mecha-
nisms behind the activation of representations and
motor responses. Nowadays, representation is
assumed to be flexible and dynamic (for a similar
claim in a different context, see Huber, 2008):
Depending on the mind-set, incoming informa-
tion is processed in a particular way; in terms
of priming this implies that not all aspects of a
representation that could in principle be activated
by a prime are in fact activated (see Bermeitinger
& Kiefer, 2012, for a summary regarding the
representation of concepts). The question whether
or not a prime automatically pre-activates aspects
of a target may thus be too narrowly formulated.
Arguably, in most cases there will be qualified
pre-activation—depending on the mind- or task-
set, the prime will automatically activate some
but not other aspects of a representation (see
Bargh, 1997, and also below). This notion meshes
well with results of studies using lists of varying
composition—in this case a list can provide and
establish a task-set that in turn produces a top-
down attitude towards the experiment (Klauer,
Roßnagel, & Musch, 1997; Major, 2008). Also,
the kind of task and the specifics of the task can
orient the task-set towards one or the other aspect
of a word (Klauer, & Musch, 2002; Spruyt, De
Houwer, Hermans, & Eelen, 2007; for goals as
task sets, see Bargh et al., 1996).
Further, order effects in priming experiments
(in the sense of carry-over effects from one trial to
the next) can hence be interpreted as “priming of
priming” (with the superordinate goal to optimize
the mind-set and to maximize cognitive control).
For example, in affective/evaluative priming stud-
ies, there is often a smaller priming effect on trial
n if trial n-1 featured an inconsistent rather than
a consistent prime-target pair (e.g., Greenwald,
Draine, & Abrams, 1996; also see the „Gratton
effect“ with non-valent material, e.g., Gratton,
Coles, & Donchin, 1992; Goschke, & Dreisbach,
2008). Such carry-over effects make sense if one
assumes that it is a general aim of cognition to
adjust the current mind-set to optimally map onto
present task requirements and thus maximise
cognitive control in the most efficient way.
25

Relation between Prime
and Target/Action
Macro-level priming is often subdivided into per-
ceptual priming, semantic priming, categorization/
construal priming, behavior priming, and goal/
motivational priming. Semantic priming implies
that a prime leads to quicker responses to semanti-
cally related concepts, or to a higher rate or speed
of these concepts being associatively generated.
Construal priming means that the perception of a
person (or a behavior or a situation, etc.) is shifted
towards the prime—for example, when a person is
perceived as relatively more aggressive or friendly.
In behavior priming it is the participant themselves
that reacts more in line with the prime (e.g., more
aggressively, more friendly); this could also be
taken to include mood induction and emotional
priming. Finally, goal and motivational priming
refers to a prime that increases one’s motivation
to actively pursue a behavior that is associated
with the prime (e.g., Bargh, 2006; Loersch, &
Payne, 2011). Generally, primes in both micro
and macro-level priming can affect almost any
behavior and almost any cognitive process (e.g.,
Fockenberg et al., 2008).
In micro-level priming, one examines the
processing of clearly defined target stimuli and
aims to infer the underlying cognitive processes
and structures. Figure 2 illustrates a typical trial
sequence of a micro-level priming experiment,
with an associative relation between the prime and
target in the ‘related’ condition (e.g., monkey—
banana) and a lack of prime-target association in
the ‘unrelated’ case (e.g., car—banana). ‘Related’
means that prime and target are related in terms
of the dimension under investigation; this relation
can be associative—as in the example given—but
can also be semantic, conceptual, perceptual, or
affective in nature. If the relation involves a mo-
tor aspect (i.e., when a related prime-target pair
both require the same motor response) it is often
referred to as compatibility or consistency; prime
26

Priming
and target are then either compatible/consistent or
incompatible/inconsistent. In affective/evaluative
priming, or when perceptual aspects are more
important, the relation is usually referred to as
congruency (and prime-target pairs as congruent/
incongruent). These terms are not used entirely
consistently, however, and sometimes congruency
is used as an umbrella term.
The different types of priming are defined by
different prime-target relations. On the micro-
level, there are two large classes of priming: re-
sponse priming and semantic priming. In response
priming (e.g., Bermeitinger, 2013; Vorberg et
al., 2003), there is a relation between the target
response and the response called for by the prime
(i.e., the response that would be required if the
prime were a target stimulus). In the ‘related’
(i.e., compatible) case, prime and target responses
would typically be the same—for example, in a
task using two response keys, both prime and
target might call for a ‘key 1’ response. Affec-
tive or evaluative priming (e.g., Bermeitinger,
Kuhlmann et al., 2012; Fazio et al., 1986) is usu-
ally a variant of response priming, where valent
stimuli are used as primes and targets, and where
target classification is based on (positive/nega-
tive) valence. The second large class of priming
paradigm is semantic priming (Bermeitinger,
Frings et al., 2008; Bermeitinger, Wentura et
al., 2012; Frings et al., 2008; McNamara, 2005;
Neely, 1991), where even in the ‘related’ case the
prime does not predict the target response. The
typical task in this paradigm is a lexical decision
task, requiring participants to decide for each
target word whether or not it is spelled correctly
(or for each target letter-string whether or not it
is a word). The orthography of targets can be
an additional factor in the experimental design
of a semantic priming task, although typically
only the correctly-spelled words are of interest
(and the orthography factor is hence irrelevant
for analysis). There are many possible types of
prime-target relation in semantic priming, which

Priming
can be broadly differentiated into actual semantic
and associative relations. Semantic priming in the
narrower sense involves a semantic relation based
on shared attributes, such as the features shared
by members of a given category (e.g., horses and
cows are members of the category ‘animals’ and
have in common that they are alive, have four
legs, a tail, etc.). In associative priming, there is
(usually) no such feature overlap. The relation is
due to the regular co-occurrence of prime and
target and their resulting association (for further
discussion of the semantic vs. associative priming
debate, see Hutchison, 2003, und Lucas, 2000).
A priming variant that takes on a special
position is the negative priming paradigm (e.g.,
Frings, Bermeitinger, & Gibbons, 2011). As in
the classic priming paradigm it involves two
displays presented in close succession. How-
ever, each display in a typical negative priming
trial (i.e., both the prime and the probe display)
comprises (at least) two stimuli, one of which is
to be ignored (i.e., the distractor) and one is to
be attended (i.e., the target). The crucial relation
between the displays is then between the prime
distractor and the probe target. In the so-called
‘ignored-repetition’ (IR) condition, the probe
target corresponds (is identical) to the prime
distractor. In the control (C) condition there is no
repetition of distractor or target stimuli. Usually
there is a third condition—the ‘attended-repetition’
(AR) condition—where the prime target is also
the probe target. The negative priming effect is
then calculated as the difference between the C
and IR conditions. This difference is typically
negative (hence the paradigm’s name), which
at first may seem surprising given that stimulus
repetition usually leads to response facilitation.
In negative priming, however, it is the other way
around: the repetition of an ignored stimulus as
a target stimulus on the subsequent display is as-
sociated with prolonged responses compared to
a no-repetition control condition.
Implicit/Explicit, Automatic/
Strategic, Unconscious (Sub-
Conscious)/Conscious
In general, priming is an implicit method because
participants are not explicitly asked to provide
information regarding the variable of interest—for
example, the relation between prime and target or
their representation in memory (e.g., De Houwer,
2003; also see Bermeitinger & Kappes, 2013).
Implicit methods measure participant characteris-
tics, attitudes, processing mechanisms, or memory
representations in an automatic fashion (e.g., De
Houwer, & Moors, 2007). The core property of
implicit measures is that “the measurement out-
come is causally produced by the to-be-measured
attribute in the absence of certain goals, awareness,
substantial cognitive resources, or substantial
time” (De Houwer, Teige-Mocigemba, Spruyt,
& Moors, 2009, p. 350). Implicit methods and
measures thus bypass various problems associated
with explicit self-report measures (cf. Dovidio,
& Fazio, 1992; Greenwald, & Banaji, 1995): For
example, implicit measures can shed light onto
aspects that participants are unaware of (e.g.,
concerning the structure of memory), and they
are less susceptible to biases, such as the bias
resulting from participants’ attempts to present
themselves differently from who they actually are
(which is an issue in studies regarding stereotypes
and prejudice, for example).
On the other hand, it cannot always be assumed
that strategic effects play no role in priming. For
example, early studies on semantic priming already
showed that strategic influences increase with
longer stimulus onset asynchronies (SOAs; i.e.,
the interval between prime-onset and target-onset),
meaning that priming effects can then no longer
be attributed (only) to automatic pre-activation
(Neely, 1977). Such strategic effects occur, for
instance, when participants start thinking about
what target might follow a particular prime. Even
27

though in many cases (and even without any
special precautionary measures) primes are not
consciously processed (e.g.,. Holland et al., 2005,
where only one out of 168 participants noticed
the lemon-scent prime), some provisions can be
made to avoid strategic influences, considering
various parameters. To avoid strategic effects in
micro-level priming studies, it is recommended to
use short SOAs (i.e., up to about 300 ms) and to
keep the relative number of related trials low (e.g.,
Neely, 1991). Strategic effects can also be reduced
or even eliminated by presenting the primes in a
way that precludes conscious processing (even
if it is attempted). This is usually achieved by
presenting items below the conscious-perception
threshold by reducing presentation times and
presenting a masking stimulus immediately after
(and sometimes even before) the prime stimulus.
Presenting the primes outside of the focus of at-
tention or during an interval with reduced avail-
ability of attentional resources can also lower the
conscious perceivability of the primes (Frings,
Bermeitinger, & Wentura, 2011). Sub-threshold
prime presentation can be implemented both in
micro-level priming studies (Bermeitinger, Frings
et al., 2008; Bermeitinger, Kuhlmann et al., 2012;
Bermeitinger, Wentura et al., 2012; Eimer &
Schlaghecken, 2002, 2004; Frings et al., 2008;
Frings, Göbel et al., 2011) as well as macro-level
priming (although perhaps not in all cases, with
ethical issues requiring particular consideration;
Bermeitinger et al., 2009; Bermeitinger, & Unger,
2013; Karremans et al., 2006). For a discussion
of the criteria for ‘sub-conscious’ perception, see
Schmidt (2007) or Schmidt and Vorberg (2006).
Influence of the Prime:
Facilitation or Inhibition
As discussed above, primes can have either a
facilitating or an inhibitory effect on the process-
ing of a subsequent stimulus or the execution
of a subsequent response. Facilitation is the
norm—primes lead to quicker (and often more
28

Priming
accurate) responses to related targets compared
to unrelated targets, and a behavior occurs more
frequently (or more readily) when activated by a
prime than in a control condition (e.g., responses
to advertisements or priming of prosocial behavior,
see above). However, there are examples where
the opposite is true and a prime leads to inverse,
that is, negative priming effects. Various aspects
come into play, such as temporal parameters
(in particular, the prime-target SOA; e.g., Ber-
meitinger, 2013), task-specific requirements and
design (e.g., co-occurrence of to-be-processed
and to-be-ignored stimuli in negative priming;
e.g., Frings, Bermeitinger, & Gibbons, 2011),
and non-temporal aspects of prime presentation
(in particular, whether the prime is masked and
features of the masking stimulus; Krüger et al.,
2013, or whether the primes move, Bermeitinger,
2013). In the following, I will briefly address a
number of central priming variants (especially of
the priming paradigm) in which negative effects
arise under certain conditions.
Response Priming
In response priming (e.g., Schmidt, Haberkamp,
& Schmidt, 2011; Vorberg, Mattler, Heinecke,
Schmidt, & Schwarzbach, 2003, 2004) with static
stimuli (such as geometric shapes or colors, e.g.,
Schmidt, 2002) there are usually positive priming
effects with quicker target responses in compat-
ible compared to incompatible conditions. A few
exceptions have shown negative priming effects
in response priming paradigms with clearly vis-
ible, unmasked primes (e.g., Versace, & Allain,
2001, with words as primes and targets and SOAs
between 600 and 800 ms). Negative response prim-
ing is more common when participants are unable
to consciously perceive the prime (or at least the
response-related feature of the prime; e.g., Fehrer,
& Raab, 1962; Klotz & Neumann, 1999; Mattler,
2006; Neumann & Klotz, 1994; Schmidt, 2000,
2002; Vorberg et al., 2003, 2004). In that case,
the priming effect depends on the proportion of

Priming
compatible trials (e.g., Klapp, 2007), perceptual
aspects of the masking stimulus, and the temporal
parameters of the prime, the mask, and the target,
as well as the response execution (e.g., Barbot &
Kouider, 2012; Lingnau & Vorberg, 2005; Praam-
stra & Seiss, 2005; Schlaghecken & Eimer, 2002;
for a review, see Sumner, 2007). With masked
primes, for instance, the direction of the priming
effect often depends on the SOA: Responses are
often quicker in compatible than incompatible
trials with short SOAs under 200 ms (sometimes
under 160 ms), while the reverse effect (i.e., quicker
responses in incompatible trials) arises with longer
SOAs (= negative priming effect, inverse prim-
ing effect, or negative compatibility effect (e.g.,
Eimer, & Schlaghecken, 2002). There is ongoing
debate whether this results pattern is due to mo-
tor or perceptual mechanisms (e.g., Jaśkowski &
Verleger, 2007; Klapp & Hinkley, 2002; Krüger,
Klapötke, & Mattler, 2011; Mattler, 2005, 2007;
Schlaghecken, Klapp, & Maylor, 2009; Sumner,
2007; also see detailed discussion in “Theoretical
Classification”); recent investigations suggest that
multiple mechanisms contribute to this negative
response priming to varying degrees (e.g., see
Krüger et al., 2013).
Response Priming with Moving Stimuli
In response priming with moving stimuli, priming
effects are also strongly dependent on temporal
parameters. Mattler und Fendrich (2007) used
a response priming paradigm to investigate the
impact of moving dots on the processing of a
subsequent display that also comprised moving
dots.4 In particular, they were interested in the
effects of movements that are so quick that they
are not consciously perceivable. Primes consisted
of dots moving on a circular trajectory at a speed
that made it impossible for participants to deter-
mine the direction of movement. The subsequent
target display also contained a circular array of
dots, which moved perceivably in a clockwise or
anti-clockwise direction, and the participants’
task was to indicate the direction of movement.
The results depended on the SOA: With short 38
ms SOAs, participants responded faster to targets
that moved in the direction opposite to the prime
(negative priming). With longer 88-238 ms SOAs,
however, there were positive priming effects with
quicker responses in congruent trials (i.e., when
prime and target rotated in the same direction)
compared to incongruent ones (i.e., when prime
and target rotated in opposite directions).
Following on from this work, Bermeitinger
(2013) used directional movements (i.e., to the
left, to the right) as primes for static arrow targets.
Again, the sign of the resulting priming effect de-
pended on temporal parameters; however, in these
studies a clear and stable negative priming effect
resulted with long SOAs, and positive priming with
short SOAs. Specifically, Bermeitinger (2013)
used lines of dots that move to the left or right and
found positive priming effects with SOAs of 100
to 150 ms, and negative priming effects—quicker
responses in incongruent compared to congruent
trials—with SOAs longer than 250 ms (no priming
effect resulted with a 200 ms SOA). This pattern
emerged both with between-subject and within-
subject (150 vs. 350 ms) SOA manipulation,
and both with blocked and trial-wise (random)
variation of SOAs. Using single moving dots as
primes rather than lines of dots (Bermeitinger,
subm.), positive priming was found with SOAs
up to at least 360 ms, and negative priming with
SOAs of at least 800 to 1200 ms.
Semantic Priming
Semantic priming effects can be demonstrated
with a range of specific relations between prime
and target, although it is safe to assume that purely
semantic priming, with no associative relation
between prime and target, will be smaller than
priming in cases where such an associative rela-
tion (additionally) exists (e.g., Lucas, 2000). Some
studies have reported negative semantic priming,
29

in particular with masked prime presentation
(e.g., Carr, & Dagenbach, 1990; Dagenbach, et
al., 1990; Dagenbach, Carr, & Wilhelmsen, 1989;
Kahan, 2000). For negative priming to occur, it
seems crucial that masking prevents (full-blown)
conscious prime perception and that the primes are
relatively strong despite the masking (e.g., high
prime strength can result from longer presentation
times). These conditions can be met, for example,
by repeated masking conditions (Frings et al.,
2008; Bermeitinger, Frings et al., 2008; Frings,
Göbel et al., 2011), by prime presentation dur-
ing the attentional blink in a rapid serial visual
presentation (RSVP) sequence (Frings, Bermeit-
inger, & Wentura, 2011) or auditory presentation
(Bermeitinger, Wentura et al., 2012; but also see
Stone, 2012, who reported negative priming with
no masking). It also seems important that there is
a categorical relation between prime and target
(e.g., with category labels as primes and category
exemplars as targets; Frings et al., 2008; Frings,
Göbel et al., 2011; also see Avons, Russo, Cinel,
Verolini, Glynn, McDonald, & Cameron, 2009).
Affective/Evaluative Priming
The typical finding in affective/evaluative priming
studies is also a positive priming effect, which
is, however, only found reliably with SOAs up to
300 ms. Klauer et al. (2009) reviewed the condi-
tions under which negative priming effects (also
referred to as ‘contrast effects’ in this context) tend
to occur (also see Glaser, 2003; Klauer, & Musch,
2003), namely with long SOAs (1000-1200 ms),
with primes of extreme valence in a naming task
(though in some cases only in high-anxious par-
ticipants), and in a few experiments with masked
primes or primes that frequently re-occur. In their
own series of experiments, the authors were then
able to show that—as predicted by their psycho-
physical evaluation window model—a negative
priming effect becomes more likely to occur when
(1) participants are highly motivated to respond
accurately, and (2) prime-onset is not a good
30

Priming
predictor of target-onset, which holds true with
long SOAs, trial-wise and random SOA variation,
and when participants are not yet prepared for the
target onset (Exp. 4).
Negative Priming
As discussed earlier, in negative priming the (to-
be-ignored stimulus within the) prime exerts an
inhibitory effect on the subsequent target stimu-
lus—typically, participants respond more slowly
to the target in the probe display if it matches
the distractor in the prime display, compared to
a situation where there is no repetition of primes
in the target display. The standard result is thus
a negative effect. A pre-activation hypothesis,
however, would predict the exact opposite pat-
tern: As the probe target was already presented
in the prime display, it should have been partially
pre-activated and should thus be responded to
more quickly, compared to a target stimulus not
featured (as a distractor) in the prime display.
Rather, negative priming is explained by inhibi-
tion mechanisms and memory effects. There is
evidence for a contribution of both inhibition
and memory, although the extent of contribution
of one or the other is assumed to depend on the
particular variant of negative priming. Recently,
a number of authors have argued to integrate ap-
proaches, focusing on commonalities rather than
differences (e.g., Frings, 2004; Frings, Bermeit-
inger, & Gibbons, 2011).
Priming in the Broader Sense
Inverse priming effects are not only found in
conventional priming paradigms—priming in its
broader sense can also show such effects, which
are then often called contrast effects (for a review
of various contrast effects, see Glaser, 2003, or
Klauer et al., 2009). For example, Bermeitinger
et al. (2009) investigated the effects of subliminal
advertising depending on people’s need for the
advertised product. They found that people who

Priming
were tired (and thus had a need to boost their
concentration) consumed more dextrose tablets
of a subliminally presented brand than tablets of
a control brand. By contrast, people who were not
tired showed a tendency for the reverse consump-
tion behavior.
THEORETICAL CLASSIFICATION
After the hitherto rather methodological and
empirical review of various aspects of priming,
the following section will give a brief overview
of theoretical explanations of selected priming
variants.
Essentially, all priming variants can be ex-
plained with reference to strategic/controlled or
automatic processes (for a more differentiated
view, using semantic priming as an example, see
Bermeitinger, 2009; McNamara, 2005). Explana-
tions that focus on strategic processing rest on the
assumption (or observation) that participants build
expectations during the experiment regarding the
prime-target relation. Based on these expectations,
participants can try to use the prime prospectively
to predict the target, or to retrospectively com-
pare (“match”) target and prime to either check
the plausibility of their contingency hypotheses
(e.g., Neely, Keefe, & Ross, 1989) or to more or
less specifically counteract the prime’s influence
(e.g., Degner, 2009; Klauer, & Teige-Mocigemba,
2007; Teige-Mocigemba, & Klauer, 2008, 2013).
Strategic effects can also have an impact with
masked primes, namely when participants attempt
to retrospectively decipher the masked prime using
the target (e.g., Kahan, 2000). These strategic or
controlled processes thus do not rely on automatic
pre-activations triggered by the prime; they can
occur with any priming variant but can be reduced
by adequate provisions (see above; e.g., short
SOAs, a relatively low proportion of related trials,
masking of primes without participants suspecting
masks to contain primes, etc.). In the following,
I will review theoretical approaches that focus
mostly on automatic, non-controlled processes.
The various priming variants will be discussed
successively, first introducing generic theories
that can explain most cases of positive priming,
and then the theories used to address instances of
negative priming.
Response Priming
General Remarks
In response priming, it is generally assumed
that both the prime and the target are classified
according to the given response categories, and
that the appropriate response is thus pre-activated.
The prime thereby exerts its influence on (at
least) one processing level (perceptual, central/
semantic, response-related; cf. Kiesel, Kunde, &
Hoffmann, 2007). The processes on the motor,
response-related level are of particular relevance
for response priming. Most theories of response
priming are based on Neumann’s (1990) direct
parameter specification account, which was
originally formulated for this purpose. The theory
of direct parameter specification assumes that in
the initial experimental trials, participants acquire
mapping rules regarding the stimuli and responses
involved. After a number of trials, these stimulus-
response mappings are learned to a degree that they
can be retrieved automatically. After this learning
phase, responses can be elicited directly by sensory
input—that is, in case of priming, by particular
features of the presented stimuli—obviating the
‘detour’ of semantic processing. The stimulus
features do not have to be processed consciously
for this to occur. A stimulus and its particular
features specify a response parameter that was
left unspecified until stimulus representation
(e.g., the specification “press the left key”), with
all other parameters necessary for the response
already specified before stimulus presentation.
Because of the experimental situation and possibly
31

the fast temporal sequence of prime and target
(source uncertainty etc., cf. Huber, 2008), prime
stimuli also elicit a response based on the direct
parameter specification.
The action trigger account introduced by Kiesel
et al. (2007) can be considered a more elaborate
version of direct parameter specification. This
approach assumes that stimuli do not trigger re-
sponses based on semantic analysis or acquired
stimulus-response mappings, but to the extent that
they fit “existing action release conditions” (which
the authors then call action triggers). This means
that it is not concrete stimuli that are mapped onto
the possible responses, but that various possible
or expectable stimuli are classified regarding
expected or observed task requirements and the
corresponding motor response, and thus specified
as action triggers. When stimuli requiring process-
ing occur in the experiment, they are compared
to existing action triggers. If a stimulus matches
the response-triggering conditions defined by
the action trigger, the corresponding response is
automatically activated. The action trigger ac-
count is expandable to account for the influence of
other processing levels (perceptual and semantic)
but does not address them. The basic idea of the
approach is that cognitive pre-adjustments are
made—in the sense of a task set or mind set—that
allow quick responding in a relatively well-defined
and predictable environment.
The rapid chase theory by Schmidt and col-
leagues (e.g., Schmidt, Niehaus, & Nagel, 2007)
is in essence also based on direct parameter speci-
fication. The basic idea behind rapid chase theory
is that there is a race of activations elicited by
prime and target, from visual to motor areas. Some
findings from studies using pointing-movements
support the notion that the prime indeed elicits a
response that is, however, subsequently influenced
by the target and diverted into the direction called
for by the target if necessary. The activation of
motor responses by the prime and then the target
is therefore described as a sequential and thus
simple feed-forward process, without recurrent or
32

Priming
feedback elements (e.g., Schmidt, 2002; Vath &
Schmidt, 2007). The effects of masked primes are
explained by the assumption that the feed-forward
process triggered by the prime can proceed un-
hindered, and ahead of the slower feedback pro-
cesses, from visual to motor areas, while recurrent
processes necessary for conscious processing of
the prime are suppressed by the mask.
Negative Priming Effects
In a series of papers that attracted much atten-
tion, Eimer and Schlaghecken (1998, 2002;
Schlaghecken & Eimer, 2002) presented negative
response priming findings (negative compat-
ibility effects; NCEs) with masked primes. Both
primes and targets were arrows pointing to the
right or left. They found positive priming effects
with short prime-target SOAs but negative prim-
ing with SOAs exceeding about 150 ms (e.g.,
Schlaghecken & Eimer, 2002). Schlaghecken,
Eimer, and colleagues (Schlaghecken, Bowman,
& Eimer, 2006; Schlaghecken & Eimer, 2002,
2006; Schlaghecken, Rowley, Sembi, Simmons, &
Whitcomb, 2007; also see Klapp, 2005; Sumner,
2007) argued that these negative priming effects
with masked primes reflect (perhaps in addition to
other mechanisms, but still essentially) an inhibi-
tion mechanism that operates on an early stage of
motor control. The masked prime initially induces
a response tendency that corresponds with the
reaction associated with the prime. If the target
response can occur during this phase (e.g., because
of a short SOA), a positive priming effect results.
The mask, however, reduces or eliminates prime
visibility, such that the early motor activation is no
longer supported by sensory evidence. The initial
response tendency is hence inhibited, resulting in
negative priming effects.
Negative priming effects with moving but
clearly visible primes (Bermeitinger, 2013, subm.)
suggest that this kind of self-inhibition can occur
independent of masking. One could argue that
self-inhibition is utilized whenever a (motor) ac-

Priming
tivation is classed as not (or no longer) founded.
This seems to make sense because responses can be
triggered quickly and involuntarily—in particular
by perceived movements (cf. Machado, Wyatt,
Devine, & Knight, 2007)—but can turn out to be
baseless shortly after.
Following Eimer and Schlaghecken’s original
explanations, other authors argued that negative
priming effects only occur if primes and targets (or
other intervening stimuli) share certain (geometric,
spatial, and/or temporal) features (e.g., Jaśkowski,
Białuńska, Tomanek, & Verleger, 2008; Lleras &
Enns, 2004; Verleger, Jaśkowski, Aydemir, van
der Lubbe, & Groen, 2004). For example, masks
used to mask arrow symbols (e.g., such as “>>”
or “<<”) often contain lines, too, or even consist
of the two target arrows superimposed. According
to this line of thought, negative priming effects
result from object updating (e.g., Lleras, & Enns,
2004) in a sense that more weight is given to new
information (viz. elements of the mask that are
not contained in the prime and thus point in the
opposite direction). Another similar explanation
is that the mask may inhibit the ongoing response
and concurrently activate the opposite response
(i.e., mask-triggered inhibition). However, nega-
tive priming effects have also been reported with
masks that do not share features with the prime
(e.g., Klapp, 2005; Schlaghecken & Eimer, 2006;
Schlaghecken et al., 2009), meaning that an expla-
nation of negative priming based (only) on mask
characteristics is untenable. The fact that negative
priming with moving primes occur without any
masking at all (Bermeitinger, 2013) buttresses the
interpretation that negative priming effects cannot
result (entirely) from an overlap of (perceptual)
features between the stimuli involved.
Negative priming without masks or other inter-
vening stimulus between prime/distractor and tar-
get were reported by Klauer and Dittrich (2010) as
well as Machado et al. (2007). Klauer and Dittrich
developed a conceptual framework that assumes
that participants segment prime-target sequences
into episodes, and that task-relevant evaluations are
only made or noted during particular episodes (i.e.,
“evaluation windows”), even when stimuli outside
of the evaluation window also provide evidence for
one or the other response category. Events (prime
presentation, target presentation, etc.) within the
continuous stream of information are used as
markers for the segmentation and the classification
of evaluation windows. This approach proposes
the following sequence of processes: 1) Over
the course of the experiment, participants learn
to segment inflowing information into distinct
episodes, using the regularly occurring stimuli
as markers. 2) Stimuli appearing (immediately)
before the target act as go signals, triggering an
evaluation window to be opened. 3) Decisions
regarding the correspondence of a stimulus with
one of the possible (response) categories are af-
fected by changes in evidence for the respective
category; however, evidence changes supporting
a response become more difficult to detect (ac-
cording to the Weber-Fechner Law), the more
evidence for a response has already accumulated.
4) Negative priming effects emerge when the
prime does not fall within the evaluation window
(the relative increase in evidence for one response
option in the interval from target onset to response
execution in the related case will not exceed the
increase in case of a neutral prime); positive prim-
ing effects emerge when the prime falls within
the evaluation window (in this case, the relative
increase in evidence for one response option in
the interval between prime onset and response is
larger in the related compared to the neutral or
unrelated condition). Klauer and Dittrich (2010)
further assume that a variety of factors determine
whether or not a prime falls into the evaluation
window. For example, these factors might include
the predictability of target onset from the prime.
Target onset may be more difficult to predict from
certain types of prime (e.g., movements), which
is why negative priming might eventuate in these
cases (cf. Bermeitinger, 2013).
In sum, one should still assume that several
mechanisms concur to produce (negative) response
33

priming effects. These mechanisms may also
include more attention-related mechanisms—as
postulated in typical attentional paradigms (e.g.,
cuing and inhibition of return, cf. Bermeitinger,
2013).
Semantic Priming
General Remarks
Traditionally, semantic priming effects have been
explained with reference to automatic spread of
activation from the prime to the target representa-
tion (Anderson, 1976, 1983; Anderson, & Pirolli,
1984; Collins, & Loftus, 1975; Loftus, 1975;
Neely, 1991), or at least spreading activation
was considered one of the candidate mechanisms
(e.g., Neely, & Keefe, 1989). Spreading activation
is assumed to take place within local memory
networks where 1) each concept is represented
by a specific node (e.g., Quillian, 1968), and 2)
related concepts/nodes are either spatially proxi-
mal or linked by strong connections. Spreading
activation models assume that retrieval of a con-
cept from memory equates to the activation of
the internal representation (i.e., activation of the
corresponding node). When prime information
activates the node corresponding to the prime
concept, activation flows on to related nodes. If the
subsequent stimulus (i.e., the target) is related to
the prime, the spreading activation will thus have
pre-activated its representation, and the target can
thus be processed and responded to more quickly
than non-related targets.
Today it is now longer assumed that a singular
(cerebral) node actually represents a concept. The
basic idea of spreading activation models has thus
been transferred to more contemporary (neural)
network models, which presume distributed
representation. Such network or vector models
(e.g., Masson, 1999) assume that each concept is
represented through a range of features (sometimes
referred to as “mini-nodes”, cf. Neely, 1991, or
“micro-features”, cf. Sharkey, & Sharkey, 1992)
34

Priming
and a particular pattern of specifically weighted
feature links. Positive semantic priming effects
arise when target features are pre-activated by
the prime—in the related case, prime and target
features overlap and hence the prime activation
can quickly be converted into the target activa-
tion (in associative priming, it is assumed that
the conversion from prime to target activation is
learned based on its frequency of occurrence and
is thus quicker as with non-associated concepts).
A completely different (and less frequently
drawn upon) view regarding semantic priming is
offered by so-called compound cue models (e.g.,
Dosher, & Rosedale, 1989; Ratcliff, & McKoon,
1988) that draw on episodic memory theories.
Compound cue models assume that semantic
priming does not result from the activation of
individual concepts, but from the combined prime-
target episode. The target and context elements
(including the prime) together form a retrieval
cue. Semantic priming effects are thought to be
due to the familiarity of the retrieval cue, which
is higher in case of a related prime-target pair
compared to an unrelated one. In the unrelated
case, participants thus require additional time and
processing resources, which in turn lead to longer
response times and the priming effect.
Based on this research, one can assume that
semantic priming (and possibly automatic spread-
ing activation) depends on a participant’s transient
task or mind sets, but also habitual mind sets (e.g.,
Bermeitinger, Wentura et al., 2008, 2011). Prim-
ing effects do not occur unconditionally and not
in each case in which the prime-target relation
actually is relevant for memory representations,
and in which the other experimental conditions
are, in principle, conducive to priming effects. For
example, in a neural network model, a particular
mind set may generally inhibit part of the activa-
tion pattern representing a certain concept, while a
different mind-set might activate it. If this part of
the activation pattern—which may, for example,
code an object’s function, which is a particularly
relevant dimension for the discrimination between

Priming
various man-made objects—is crucial for the oc-
currence of priming effects (e.g., with man-mad
objects), then priming effects may or may not
result, depending on the mind-set. Mind-set in
this case can be considered a superordinate layer
with inhibitory or excitatory connections to the
conceptual representation layer (or other layers/
systems that process input and prepare output;
see Wentura & Rothermund, 2003, for a similar
notion with regard to affective priming).
Negative Priming Effects
Negative priming effects in semantic priming
paradigms emerge reliably only if (1) primes are
not consciously perceivable but are presented for
a relatively long time (Bermeitinger, Frings et al.,
2008; Bermeitinger, Wentura et al., 2012; Frings,
Bermeitinger, & Wentura, 2011) and (2) there
is a categorical (and not just purely associative
or repetitive) relation between prime and target
(Avons et al., 2009; Frings et al., 2008) and the
target does not lie in the (possibly idiosyncratic)
center of the category (i.e., is not prototypical;
Frings, Göbel et al., 2011). Comparable results
with visual (Frings et al., 2008; Bermeitinger et
al., 2008; Wentura, & Frings, 2005; with different
types of visual presentation: Frings, Bermeitinger,
& Wentura, 2011) and auditory presentation
(Bermeitinger, Wentura et al., 2012) suggest
that the phenomenon is not a sensory but rather
a central-semantic phenomenon that is unspecific
with regard to modality and presentation.
In essence, there are two competing explana-
tory accounts of negative semantic priming ef-
fects.5 One (Kahan, 2000) assumes a retrospective
(and rather controlled/strategic) process from the
target to the prime and proposes that the target
is used to clarify the identity of the prime. In
cases that allow for a quick ascertainment of the
prime-target relation (e.g., when prime and target
are identical), and in cases that allow for a quick
ascertainment of the absence of such a relation
(i.e., in unrelated trials), prime identification can
be completed rapidly, permitting speedy target
responses. By contrast, in cases where a relation
exists but is not immediately obvious (e.g., with
atypical category exemplars), more time and re-
sources are required to identify the prime, leading
to delayed target responses. However, this theory
of retrospective prime elucidation is plausible only
if the participant actually makes the assumption
that there is information (and roughly what kind
of information) concealed in the mask. Such as-
sumptions arise mainly in experiments that use a
threshold setting procedure prior to the priming
trials, which informs participants of the presence
of stimuli in the masks. In the typical experiments
that have looked into masking techniques with
relatively long prime presentation times, however,
participants will be unaware of the presence of
meaningful masked primes—thus obviating the
motivation to elucidate the primes.
The second popular account of negative seman-
tic priming assumes an inhibition mechanism. The
center-surround inhibition theory of Dagenbach
and colleagues (e.g., Carr & Dagenbach, 1990;
Dagenbach et al., 1990, 2007) proposes that rep-
resentations that are weakly activated by masked
primes are subsequently surrounded by a “ring of
inhibition.” Due to the activation difference be-
tween the weakly activated stimulus representation
and the inhibited surround, access to the prime is
facilitated. This relative activation boost caused by
the inhibition of the surround can also be referred
to as contrast sharpening. It follows that if the
subsequent target falls into the inhibited region,
more time will be required for target activation
and response, compared to a situation where there
is no (positive) pre-activation (i.e., with unrelated
targets). By contrast, if the target falls into the
prime-activated center (Frings et al., 2008; Frings,
Göbel et al., 2011), it is already pre-activated and
target responses will be fast. Compatible with
this, an EEG study by Bermeitinger, Frings et al.
(2008) found a corresponding pattern in the N400
component, which is a correlate of the ease with
which a concept can be accessed. Typically, the
35

N400 is more negative for unrelated than related
targets. In case of a negative semantic priming
effect this is reversed, and there is a more nega-
tive waveform for related compared to unrelated
targets. This finding also corroborates the notion
that the N400 reflects temporary (or temporarily
reduced) access to a concept and not (merely) the
integration of a word into an established semantic
context (e.g., Kutas, Lindamood, & Hillyard,
1984), or the a priori correspondence of prime
and target. The center-surround inhibition theory
thus continues to offer a viable explanation for
negative semantic priming effects (as well as the
absence of negative effects with repetitive or as-
sociative prime-target relations).
Affective/Evaluative Priming
General Remarks
The typical finding in affective/evaluative priming
is also a positive priming effect. This is usually
explained by the congruency of motor responses to
prime and target, by an affective matching process,
and by some of the mechanisms also assumed
to account for semantic priming (in particular,
spreading activation). Based on experiments with
masked primes that produce priming effects (cf.
Bermeitinger, Kuhlmann et al., 2012), it is argued
that affective priming and thus the activation of
prime valence (or, in applied research, the acti-
vation of attitudes and prejudices regarding the
prime concept) proceeds automatically. In the
following, I will discuss some of the prominent
models (e.g., Klauer, & Musch, 2003; Wentura,
& Rothermund, 2003).
Response pre-activation and response conflict.
Affective priming with a valence decision task is
basically the affective variant of response priming.
It is therefore assumed that a large portion of the
priming effect in the valence decision task is due
to the prime pre-activating the correct response
in the congruent case, and the incorrect response
in the incongruent case. In a first step, the prime
36

Priming
stimulus is classified based on its valence (positive/
negative). This leads to an early pre-activation of
the response corresponding to the valence (e.g.,
right or left key press). Given adequate time
constraints, this pre-activation lasts at least until
the target is presented. A target stimulus of equal
valence will then be responded to faster because
the response has already been pre-activated by
the prime. In case of diverging valences, the pre-
activation (of the incorrect response) by the prime
is a disadvantage rather than an advantage because
the incorrect response and its pre-activation re-
quire inhibition before the target response can be
executed (e.g., Klauer et al., 1997; Rothermund,
& Wentura, 1998).
Stroop explanation. Related to the response pre-
activation account, this approach seeks to explain
affective priming with reference to mechanisms
that operate in Stroop and Stroop-like tasks (such
as the Eriksen flanker task; e.g., Eriksen, 1995).
This is because priming effects can be described
as Stroop effects if one equates the irrelevant
to-be-ignored dimension with the prime, and the
relevant to-be-processed dimension with the target
(Musch, Elze, & Klauer, 1998; also see Wentura,
1999). The dimension/information that is assessed
first or more quickly (i.e., verbal meaning in the
Stroop task, the first word in the affective prim-
ing task) will thereby affect the processing of the
dimension that is assessed second or more slowly
(i.e., color in the Stroop task, the second word in
the affective priming task; this can be termed the
distractor). This influence can be facilitative or, in
particular in the incongruent case, disruptive be-
cause of interference (e.g., Musch, 2000). In most
cases it is assumed that the interference occurs at
a relatively late, response-related stage; interfer-
ence at earlier, central-semantic stages is rarely
assumed (cf. Wentura & Rothermund, 2003).
Affective matching. According to this ap-
proach, prime and target stimuli automatically
activate the attitudes/appraisals associated with
them. These are then spontaneously tested for
consistency. On the phenomenal level, consistent

Priming
stimuli evoke a feeling of credibility and familiar-
ity, whereas inconsistent stimuli convey a lack of
credibility. These spontaneous feelings facilitate a
particular response behavior. In less introspective
terms, the facilitative mechanism with consistent
stimuli can be described as “resonance” in the
relevant fields of representation (e.g., Wentura &
Rothermund, 2003). A feeling of credibility leads
to a tendency to respond approvingly, and a lack
of credibility leads to a tendency to respond with
rejection (e.g., Klauer, & Stern, 1992; Wentura,
2000).
Semantic network: Valence. Affective priming
effects in tasks that do not require valence decisions
(e.g., naming or pronunciation tasks; for a review
of the evidence that affective priming effects also
occur in these tasks, see Glaser, 2003; Klauer &
Musch, 2003), however, require an explanation
that goes beyond response pre-activation pro-
cesses. Initial explanatory frameworks reverted to
spreading activation models that were developed
in the semantic priming literature. This approach
assumed that all positive (negative) words/con-
cepts were linked either directly or indirectly via
a “positivity node” (“negativity node”). When a
positive word is activated, for example, activity
spreads through the network to all linked (posi-
tive) concepts, which are thus pre-activated. If
one of the pre-activated stimuli is subsequently
presented, the response is quicker than in case of
a non-activated stimulus (e.g., Fazio et al., 1986).
Network, vector, and distributed models.
Contemporary approaches assume that any con-
cept can be represented by a vector or activation
pattern in a network, and that part of this vector/
pattern codes valence. The conversion of one
vector/pattern into a different but similar vector/
pattern takes less time than the conversion into a
dissimilar one. It follows that the conversion will
be quicker for two concepts of equal valence due
to the vector/pattern overlap.
Semantic network: Association: Other ap-
proaches are based on the assumption that valence
is not the only determining factor for affective
priming effects, but that stimuli of the same va-
lence are typically also more strongly associated
(e.g., vacation, sun, love, warmth, beach, etc., or
murder, death, hatred, terror, anger, etc.). This
would imply that the effect is not an affective but
a semantic/associative one (also see Rothermund,
& Wentura, 1998).
The current and dominant view of affective
priming can thus be described as multi-factorial,
with several mechanisms contributing to affec-
tive priming, most likely with different ratios for
different variants of affective priming (e.g., see
Fazio, 2001; Klauer, & Musch, 2003; Wentura,
& Rothermund, 2003). Recent EEG studies (e.g.,
Eder, Leuthold, Rothermund, & Schweinberger,
2012) corroborated this view, by finding evalu-
ative priming effects both in a response-related
component (lateralized readiness potential, LRP)
and a component related to semantic pre-activation
(N400, see above). In sum, the available evidence
converges on the notion that both motor and ear-
lier, more central processes contribute to affective
priming; the strongest influence is thereby usually
attributed to the motor processes (Klauer, Musch,
& Eder, 2005).
Negative Priming Effects
Recent more systematic findings of negative af-
fective priming effects (e.g., Glaser, & Banaji,
1999; Klauer et al., 2009) are mainly explained
by correctional mechanisms, activation and inhi-
bition phenomena on various processing levels,
and/or temporal influences (although essentially,
variations of the explanations used for negative
response priming effects or contrast effects more
generally can also be applied; e.g., Huber, 2008).
Glaser (2003; also see Glaser, & Banaji,
1999) proposed a correctional mechanism that
leads to negative affective priming because of
over-compensation. Glaser observed negative
priming effects (in naming tasks) mainly with
37

primes of extreme valence and participants with
a strong motivation for accurate responding. He
assumes that, in order to avoid prime-induced
incorrect responding, extreme primes (possibly
after an initial activation of their actual valence)
initiate an evaluation contrary to their meaning
and thus lead to negative (or at least attenuated)
priming effects. Glaser further assumes that these
corrections occur automatically and do not require
a conscious intention.
Wentura and Rothermund (2003) also sug-
gested that the occurrence of negative priming
effects may depend on the participant’s strategy
towards the affective priming task. They proposed
that two strategies need to be differentiated. Strat-
egy 1 entails that the response is made based on
any supporting evidence available, without con-
sidering the source of that evidence. This strategy
seems particularly useful if responding needs to
be very fast (e.g., under speed instructions), or in
experiments where the prime predicts the target
valence and thus the correct response with a high
probability. In these cases there should usually
be positive priming effects because the response
depends partially on the evidence provided by the
prime—the response occurs as soon as sufficient
evidence for one response alternative has accumu-
lated, irrespective of where the evidence originates
from (i.e., from the prime or the target). In strategy
2, by contrast, there is the attempt to distinguish
between the various sources of evidence in order
to base responding only on the “correct” evidence
(i.e., the target). In this case, it is not just the
response-related evaluation stage—the stage at
which in the incongruent case the conflict needs
to be resolved—that is involved, but also early
processing stages (Wentura and Rothermund’s
explanation is based on an expansion of the se-
lective attention model of Houghton and Tipper,
1994, to which they added an affective system).
Incongruent prime-target pairs create not only
response interference but also competition in both
the affective subsystem (positive vs. negative) and
the system responsible for the representation of
38

Priming
specific stimuli (the so-called object field). In the
congruent case, there is competition only in the
latter system but not the affective subsystem. At
first glance, the congruent constellation seems to
be easier to resolve; however, reciprocal feedback
connections between the systems are assumed to
exist. In the congruent case, these can uphold the
interference (in the object field) for a prolonged
period of time because higher-level prime and
target representations constantly feed back into the
object field without providing inhibitory informa-
tion. In this case, competition in the object field
cannot be resolved through supporting (inhibitory)
information, which can lead to longer response
times for congruent compared to incongruent pairs
if strategy 2 (“pay attention to the source of the
evidence”) is used.
Further explanatory alternatives for negative
affective priming assume (1) that activation is
transformed to inhibition when a certain level
of activation is surpassed (activation dependent
inhibition model, Berner & Maier, 2004), (2)
that center-surround inhibition (e.g., Dagenbach
& Carr, 1994, see above) operates in affective
priming, in particular with primes of less extreme
valence (Hermans et al., 2003), (3) that repeated
occurrence of a previously activated valence leads
attentional mechanisms to increase the salience of
the opposite valence (for a review, see Klauer et
al., 2009), or (4) that a contrast develops between
a shared prime-target episode (which resides in a
perceptual snapshot) and information outside the
episode (Fockenberg et al., 2008).
A relatively new approach to negative affective
priming comes from the evaluation window ac-
count of Klauer et al. (2009; originally called the
psychophysical account but renamed in Klauer &
Dittrich, 2010; this account was already discussed
in the section on negative response priming). This
account places the origin of priming effects at
the central processing stage, and integrates and
expands various elements of the above-mentioned
earlier theories and hypotheses regarding (nega-
tive) affective priming effects.

Priming
Negative Priming
In negative priming, the standard result is a
negative priming effect of the to-be-ignored prime
display distractor on the to-be-processed probe
display target (which is related or identical to the
prime distractor). Competing theories assume
either an inhibition mechanism (e.g., Houghton
& Tipper, 1994; Tipper, 1985) or refer to memory
retrieval processes (e.g., Mayr & Buchner, 2006,
2007; Milliken, Joordens, Merikle, & Seiffert,
1998; Neill, 2007; Rothermund, Wentura, & De
Houwer, 2005). Current inhibtion theories propose
that the internal representation of the distractor is
inhibited, while the representation of the target is
strengthened (Houghton & Tipper, 1994). Whether
something is classified as a distractor or target is
determined specifically for each display by the task
and the resulting top-down modulation. Another
important assumption is that inhibition and activa-
tion processes continue after the presentation of a
display, causing the prime distractor activation to
go below baseline. Then, when the probe display
is presented and the participant needs to respond
to the previously inhibited stimulus—which is
now the probe target (= IR condition)—activa-
tion needs to be increased first up to baseline and
then up to the response threshold. By contrast,
the activation increase in control trials starts at
baseline, and thus with a headstart relative to the
IR condition.
Current versions of memory retrieval theories
(the stimulus response theory, Rothermund et al.,
2005; the prime response retrieval theory, Mayr
& Buchner, 2006) propose that negative priming
arises because the perception of a target activates
memory representations that are associated with
the target. If a prime distractor repeats as the probe
target, the most recent memory of the target stems
from the prime episode. This episode representa-
tion will include the probe target (= prime distrac-
tor), the prime target, as well as the prime target
response. This means that in IR trials, a response
is stored with the target that is incompatible with
it. This response interferes with the correct to-be-
executed target response.
As mentioned earlier, contemporary views
assume that multiple mechanisms contribute to
negative priming. In a recent EEG study (Frings,
Bermeitinger, & Gibbons, 2011), we demonstrated
that motor pre-activations play a role in negative
priming even when the response to the prime target
is given after the response to the probe target. This
corroborated the notion that interference processes
on a motor level are relevant for negative prim-
ing, which argues for the involvement of retrieval
proceses (i.e., memory models).
Priming in Its Broader Sense
General Remarks and Remarks
on Subliminal Priming
In macro-level priming (i.e., priming in its broader
sense), pre-activations on various levels (e.g.,
perceptual, semantic, cognitive, affective, moti-
vational, motor, physical; cf. Clore & Colcombe,
2003; Niedenthal, 2007; Yi, 1990; also Bermei-
tinger & Unger, 2014; Bermeitinger et al., 2013;
Bermeitinger, Koch et al., 2011) and the resulting
increase in accessibilty to prime-activated aspects
are also thought to account for the positive effects
of a prime on subsequent tasks and actions etc. The
general assumption is that certain features of the
prime are conferred upon the target; for example,
the prime might move the focus to a certain aspect
of the target (e.g., Mandel & Johnson, 2002); more
generally speaking, selective attention processes
might set in (e.g., Bargh, 2006), or own actions
might be attributed to an internal source rather
than the external prime stimulus e.g., Loersch &
Payne, 2011). Analogous to micro-level priming
theories, it is further assumed that the perception
of a stimulus or event can also cause direct and
automatic activation of behavior (e.g., Holland et
al., 2005). Wheeler and DeMarree (2009) review
39

the various direct and indirect influences of primes
on behavior, including the assumed mediating
processes. This view implies that different com-
binations of mechanisms can, in principle, lead
to the same behavioral outcome.
Recent research on subliminal priming has
been able to show that the (primed/induced, pre-
existing, or even chronic) mind set of a participant
is also, or perhaps particularly, crucial in macro-
level priming (for similar conclusions from other
fields of study, see Loersch & Payne, 2011; also
Bermeitinger, Feldkötter et al., 2012; Bermeitinger
et al., 2013; Sela & Shiv, 2009). Since the alleged
experiments of James Vicary in the 1950’s, sub-
liminal advertising has been a topic of high public
interest (for a review, see Bermeitinger & Unger,
2013). Times in which subliminal advertising was
believed to have a substantial influence on product
reviews and consumer decisions—often based
on less than scientific evidence—alternated with
times in which such an influence was believed to
be disproven—partially based on well-controlled
scientific studies. In a well-received article, Kar-
remans et al. (2006) revived the topic. The authors
subliminally presented the brand name of a drink
(or a control prime) and then measured to what
extent participants preferred the primed drink
over a control drink, as well as their intention to
consume the primed and two control drinks. It
was also recorded (Experiment 1) or manipulated
(Experment 2) how thirsty participants were. In
both experiments, the intention to consume the
primed drink (rather than the control drink) de-
pended on people’s thirst: Thirsty participants had
a higher intention than non-thirsty participants.
In Bermeitinger et al. (2009) we were able to
conceptually replicate this finding and expand it
to an actual consumption situation: Participants
consumed more dextrose pills of a subliminally
primed brand (compared to a control brand) the
higher their fatigue and the associated motivation
to boost their concentration. These experiments
demonstrate that the current mind set—in this
40

Priming
case, a current need—of a participant is pivotal in
determining the effects of subliminal advertising.
Recently, Verwijmeren, Karremans, Stroebe, and
Wigboldus (2011) showed that a chronic mind set
(i.e., a „habit“) of a participant can also play an
important role: Habitual consumers of the studied
drink did not show any additional effect of sub-
liminal advertising for the already preferred brand.
Veltkamp, Custers, and Aarts (2011; also see
Veltkamp, Aarts, & Custers, 2009; Loersch, Durso,
& Petty, 2013) explored another aspect of general
importance for subliminal advertising. The authors
posed the question what it means, essentially, to
have a need, goal, or motivation. They argued
that in the given context, the core aspect is that
things that are related to the need/goal are positive
as long as the need exists or the goal is current
(for a different perspective, see Brandtstädter,
2002, 2009). Subliminal primes thus only work
when they have positive valence—for example,
based on a current motivation that can be due to
deprivation. The authors were able to show that
raising the valence of a behavior (by subliminally
pairing words describing the behavior with posi-
tive words) can prime the behavior, even when
there is no current deficiency (i.e., no need). In
sum, this implies that for subliminal advertising
to indeed increase consumption, the advertised
product must be associated with positive valence
in the participant’s current mind set—either based
on a current need or a temporarily increased va-
lence of the product or an associated behavior (cf.
Milyavsky, Hassin, & Schul, 2012).
Negative Priming Effects
In macro-level priming, negative priming effects
are usually called contrast effects. On the one
hand, such contrast effects are often explained with
reference to comparison standards (the prime sets
an extreme standard against which the target is
then contrasted and assessed); on the other hand,
(automatic) correction mechanisms are assumed to

Priming
counteract the impact of a prime on a task response
(in an advertising context, see Laran, Dalton, &
Andrade, 2011; for a review, see Glaser, 2003).
FINAL REMARKS
Two Problems…
Whichever review on priming (in its broader sense)
one consults—and as illustrated in this chapter—it
is clear that a virtually endless variety of primes,
embedded in a wide range of tasks, can influence
an almost equally vast number of different psycho-
logical variables. This raises the question of how
to predict the impact of a particular prime. In this
context, Bargh (2006) formulated two problems:
the generation problem (also known as the many
effects of one prime problem, or the theoretical
mystery of priming, cf. Loersch, & Payne, 2011)
and the reduction problem. The question in case
of the generation problem is how a specific prime
can have so many qualitatively different effects;
the question in case of the reduction problem is
how a reaction is selected from the many possible
pre-activated reactions. Theories that account
for specific priming effects and the underlying
mechanisms are plentiful (see above or Wheeler,
& De Marree, 2009), but integrative theories that
can explain what priming effect occurs under what
conditions, are rare. Three such theories are briefly
reviewed in the following section.
Taking recourse to embodiment ideas (cf.
Bermeitinger, Koch et al., 2011; Bermeitinger
& Kiefer, 2012), Bargh (2006) assumes that
confrontation with an event, object, or word (in-
cluding primes) not only leads to the activation
of semantic information regarding the associated
concept, but also to the concurrent activation of
other (emotional, behavioral, interactional, moti-
vational, etc.) aspects of the concept. According
to this view, concepts are there to facilitate real-
world actions (i.e., they are for doing, not knowing;
Lakoff & Johnson, 1980; Bermeitinger & Kiefer,
2012). This is why interactional features, role in-
formation and associated behaviors are important
for concepts. Bargh thus assumes that it’s not a
singular (semantic) concept that is primed but
(because of interlinked and ultimately embodied
representation) “conceptual structures, whether
they be called metaphors, roles, perspectives, or
mindsets“ (p. 158). Hence, the generation problem
is theoretically solved because all possible aspects
are activated by the prime. The selection of one of
the possible reactions is then determined by aims,
motivations, and their attention-guiding function.
A motivational behavior (e.g., helping someone in
an emergency situation) should dominate a non-
motivational behavior (e.g., imitating a person
in an emergency situation). A behavior is thus
influenced by a prime only as long as there is no
higher aim conflicting with the behavior. In the
experimental context, a prime can essentially have
an impact on that dependent variable that is of
the experimenter’s interest. This view makes the
absence of micro-level priming effects in some
tasks (e.g., the absence of affective priming effects
in a naming task) plausible.
Sela and Shiv’s (2009) activation-striving
model also explains when a prime influences one
or the other response. In contrast to Bargh (2006),
this model assumes that there is already a differ-
ence at the time that the concept is activated. In
this model, (positive) primes are initially assessed
at the continuum from self-consistent (the prime
represents a part of the active self-concept) to
self-discrepant and desirable (a positive prime
associated with a goal a person wants to achieve).
Whether a prime influences behavior via semantic
activation or goal activation will depend on this
assessment of self-consistency. Self-consistent
primes should lead to a strong initial activation
of associated constructs but no motivational ten-
dencies. For a brief time, these primes generate
a semantic priming effect, which is short-lived.
Self-discrepant primes, however, initially lead to
weaker associative activations (and thus smaller
semantic priming effects) but stimulate goal
41

and motivational processes, which should even
increase in strength over time. This can also
explain temporal differences in priming effects,
although the explanatory power of this approach is
restricted by difficulties to determine the primes’
self-consistency versus self-discrepancy.
Loersch and Payne’s (2011) situated inference
model addresses the generation problem by assum-
ing a single process that produces all the different
types of priming—as such the model certainly
has a broader scope as the approach of Sela and
Shiv (2009). In Loersch and Payne’s model, two
aspects—situational variables on the one hand and
a process of misattribution on the other—come
to the fore. The model is based on a three-stage
process: (1) A prime makes related information
highly accessible. (2) This activation is perceived
as a natural response to situational stimuli, due
to misattribution. (3) The misattributed content
is used in preparing the response to the most
salient question in the given situation (e.g., ‘who
is that?’ vs. ‘what do I want?’). However, the situ-
ation already directs attention to one or the other
‘primeable’ aspect, and can thus lead to an early
selection of prime meaning and relevant prime
aspects. Given the fact that in macro-level priming,
a substantial period of time can lie between the
prime and the dependent variable’s measurement,
this early-selection seems less plausible than a late
selection as assumed by Bargh (2006).
…and an ‘It Depends’
It is clear on all levels of priming that the direction
and strength of priming effects can depend on a
large variety of factors. Different priming effects
result depending on individual pre-adjustments
(task-set, mind-set, current state, chronically
activated goals, personality characteristics, etc.;
e.g., Bargh, 2006; Bermeitinger, Wentura et al.,
2008, 2011; Glaser, 2003; Bermeitinger et al.,
2009; Bermeitinger et al., 2014) and/or situational
conditions (Bargh, 2006). It therefore seems there
42

Priming
is no such thing as fully unconditional activa-
tion—and even if there appears to be one only
needs to take one step back to understand how
the activation depends on more permanent (e.g.,
chronically activated) attitudes (which can also
be change; e.g., Bermeitinger, Wentura et al.,
2008, 2011). The preconscious effects assumed by
Bargh (1997), whereby environmental stimuli can
trigger something in a goal-independent fashion,
thus appear to depend on superordinate ‘chronic’
goals. Most researchers assume that given the pre-
adjustment, the priming processes themselves can
run automatically (e.g., Glaser, 2003).
So what pervades the various priming variants
and levels? An ‘it-depends,’ conditional activation
and processes, situational influences, the steering
influence of selective attention, and a convergence
towards the view that an integrative model or at
least a co-existence of several theories is neces-
sary to explain all effects (e.g., Loersch, & Payne,
2011, p. 248: “it seems likely that both models
[Bargh’s 2006 model and the authors’ model,
viz. an early vs. late selection model; remark of
CB] may describe priming effects under certain
boundary conditions“; Bargh, 2006, p. 164, cites
Cacioppo, Berntson, Sheridan, & McClintock,
2000, p. 829: „a multilevel integrative analysis
may be required“, and writes further (p. 163):
„We must seek to extend the findings […] into
the complex and noisy real world in which they
all combine, somehow, to drive our actions“;
Wentura & Rothermund, 2003, offer a model of
the influence of affective stimuli and processes
that can be applied mutatis mutandis to other
priming phenomena and influences).
Outlook
To some, priming seems like a tantalizing, mys-
terious phenomenon that occasionally produces
amusing effects (some of which remain con-
troversial and difficult to replicate; cf. Abbott,
2013) but that is now past this infancy phase; it

Priming
has come of age, requiring explanations of how
certain influences set the course for certain effects
(Bargh, 2006). This holds particularly (but not
exclusively) for macro-level priming. For oth-
ers, priming (on the micro-level) is “one of the
most important ‘windows to the mind’” (Wentura
& Frings, 2005, p. 108; cf. also Schmidt et al.,
2011). One can thus infer two directions for future
developments in (both macro and micro-level)
priming research. On the one hand, there will be
a search for integrative models that can explain
which priming phenomena will emerge under
which conditions, and when various primes will
have what effects (see above). This theorizing
will continue to borrow models from other areas
of cognitive psychology—for example, attention
and memory models—and it will require a more
integrative examination of cognitive phenomena,
which thus far have been investigated in isola-
tion. Attentional mechanisms in particular seem
predestined to elucidate moderating variables and
influences on various levels, since all priming
variants involve the enhancement or attenuation of
selective accessibility to features associated with
the prime. On the other hand, priming paradigms
will be used increasingly to investigate other psy-
chological questions; for example, using response
priming as a tool to investigate consciousness or
the perception of motion and color (cf. Bermei-
tinger, 2013; Schmidt et al., 2011). However, in
doing so, researchers should always keep in mind
the no-longer-ignorable evidence for situational,
individual, and task-induced influences.
Thus, even more than 60 years after the in-
troduction of the term ‘priming’ into the psycho-
logical literature, priming remains an attractive
field of future study. With the aid of temporally
microscopic influences and effects (on a micro-
second scale), it will help elucidate questions of
fundamental and far-reaching significance.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
My special thanks go to Ulli Ecker who is respon-
sible for the precise English.
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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS
Affective/Evaluative Priming: Variant of
priming; relation between prime and target is
defined by same (i.e., congruent) vs. different
(i.e., incongruent) affect.
Lexical Decision Task: Participants have to
decide as fast and as accurate as possible whether
a string was a real/correctly written word or not.
Often used in semantic priming.
Negative Priming: In the typical case, two
displays with two stimuli each are presented. Par-
ticipants have to identify one stimulus of each dis-
play and to ignore the other stimulus. The crucial
conditions are: 1. The to-be-ignored stimulus of
display one is repeated as to-be-attended stimulus
in display two (i.e., ignored repetition condition);
2. Both stimuli of display two were not presented
in display one (i.e., control condition). Typical
finding: Faster reactions in the control trials than
ignored repetition trials.
Negative Priming Effects: Participants re-
acted faster in unrelated/incongruent/incompatible
trials than in related/congruent/compatible trials.
Positive Priming Effects: Participants reacted
faster in related/congruent/compatible trials than
in unrelated/incongruent/incompatible trials.
Prime: In the priming paradigm, the prime
precedes the target. Most often, participants do
not have to react on the prime.
Priming: Phenomenon that a first stimulus
influences the processing of a second stimulus.
Response Priming: Variant of priming; rela-
tion between prime and target is defined by same
(i.e., congruent, compatible) vs. different (i.e.,
incongruent, incompatible) response tendencies.
Semantic Priming: Variant of priming;
relation between prime and target is defined by
semantically or associatively related vs. unrelated
concepts.
59

Target: In the priming paradigm, the target
follows the prime. The target has to be classified
or categorized regarding a pre-defined category,
named or identified. The target is either related
or unrelated to the prime. The target is most often
presented visually or auditory.
ENDNOTES
1
See also the statement of Fockenberg, Koole,
and Semin (2008, S. 647): “Recent research
indicates that virtually any psychological
5
reaction can be primed.”
2
This is a common finding in priming stud-
ies: Participants are often unaware of the
manipulation or even the prime stimuli, and
in most cases state that their behavior was
unaffected by the primes.
3
Similar considerations were made somewhat
earlier in the literature on affective priming,
to account for task-specific priming effects
(cf. Bargh, Chaiken, Raymond, & Hymens,
1996). However, such findings (also regard-
ing list effects) were primarily interpreted
as evidence against spreading activation
accounts of affective priming, which viewed
spreading activation as unconditional and
context-independent (cf. Klauer & Musch,
2003; Wentura & Rothermund, 2003).
4
Some of the conditions of Mattler and
Fendrich’s (2007) experiment featured
elements of so-called ‘motion priming,’
where the direction of a moving prime or
an own movement influences the percep-
tion of a subsequent ambiguously moving
target (e.g., Ramachandra & Anstis, 1983).
Structurally, motion priming corresponds to
a priming variant known as affective prim-
60

Priming
ing, which was developed by Zajonc (1968).
This paradigm looks at the evaluation or
classification of targets that are ambiguous
or neutral regarding the to-be-evaluated
dimension, dependent on the prior presenta-
tion of a prime from one or the other end of
the dimension. The typical result in affec-
tive priming sensu Zajonc is that (masked)
positive/negative primes lead to a positive/
negative evaluation of neutral stimuli (e.g.,
Chinese characters presented to Western
participants).
A further approach, characterizing nega-
tive semantic priming as a negative priming
phenomenon in its narrower sense, was ruled
out experimentally because an approxima-
tion of a negative priming procedure yielded
positive priming effects (Frings et al., 2008).
Likewise, this finding ruled out the respond-
ing optimally with unknown sources of evi-
dence (ROUSE) model of Huber (2008). The
ROUSE model assumes a process of habitu-
ation that operates on multiple processing
levels. It uses this notion of habituation—
which is common in perceptual processing
models—to deal with the issue of unclear
sources of evidence (source confusion, cf.
Wentura & Rothermund, 2003). Source
confusion can arise in priming when a par-
ticipant fails to determine what information
comes from the prime and what information
comes from the target. The ROUSE model
explicitly predicts a negative priming effect
in a repetition priming paradigm (i.e., when
the prime is repeated as the target) of the kind
implemented by Frings et al. (2008)—who,
however, found a positive priming effect (as
mentioned earlier).
 61

Chapter 3
Individual Differences
in Implicit Learning:
Current Problems and Issues for Research

Daisuke Nakamura
Aoyama Gakuin University, Japan

ABSTRACT
This chapter reviews research on whether individual differences in psychometric intelligence, working
memory, and other less investigated variables, such as emotion and personality, affect implicit learning,
with particular focus on Reber’s evolutionary theory and Kaufman’s dual-process theory for implicit
learning. The review shows that while the null effects of psychometric intelligence on implicit learning
seems robust as both theories claim, those of working memory were unclear due to methodological in-
sufficiency. For the effects of emotion and personality, further investigation is needed as studies in this
direction have just begun to proliferate. The chapter concludes that the research findings on the effects of
these individual difference variables on implicit learning are still inconclusive, except for psychometric
intelligence, and provides suggestions for future research.

INTRODUCTION recent interest in the dual-process theory of cogni-

Individual differences (IDs) in implicit learning
have been a neglected area of research. Empiri-
cal studies were rather sporadic and focus was
on psychometric intelligence during the 1990s.
Findings have been evaluated according to Reber’s
(1993; Reber & Allen, 2000) evolutionary theory
of implicit learning where he argued that IDs in
psychometoric intelligence (and other variables
such as affect) should contribute only to variability
in explicit but not implicit learning. However,
tion (e.g., Kaufman, 2011; Kaufman, DeYoung,
Gray, & Brown (2011);Kaufman, DeYoung,
Reis, & Grey, 2011; Stanovich & Toplak, 2012)
shed new light on IDs in other variables such as
Working Memory (WM), emotion and personal-
ity in the implicit learning literature, and begin
to provide empirical findings on the effects of
these variables on implicit learning. The aim of
this paper, then, is to review the recent findings
of the effects of these ID variables on implicit
learning and to provide state of the art research

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-4666-6599-6.ch003

Copyright © 2015, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

with special references to two prominent theories
of IDs in implicit learning. In so doing, the paper,
after providing brief characteristics of implicit
learning, considers theoretical treatments of IDs
in implicit learning, especially focusing on Reber’s
(1993; Reber & Allen, 2000) evolutionary theory
of implicit learning and Kaufman’s (2011) dual-
process theory of intelligence. Then, reviews of
empirical research on the two most investigated
areas of research with relation to implicit learning,
psychometric intelligence and WM, are provided
in addition to other less investigated areas such
as emotion and personality. Before concluding,
some issues for further research are provided each
for psychometric intelligence, WM, and emotion
and personality.
BACKGROUND
Implicit learning, learning without awareness of
learning processes and/or learning outcomes, has
been extensively studied in cognitive psychol-
ogy (see Perruchet, 2008; Pothos, 2007; Shanks,
2005 for recent reviews). Two learning tasks have
been employed in the implicit learning literature:
artificial grammar (AG) learning and serial reac-
tion time (SRT) tasks (see Nissen & Bullemer,
1987and Reber, 1967 for representative studies).
Since participants typically cannot verbalise the
contents of rules or regularities underlying stimuli
but nevertheless show learning in both tasks, the
nature of their learning is argued to be implicit.
In the typical AG learning task, participants are
presented with a series of digits (e.g., XVXXV)
without information on the existence of rules, or
“grammar”, that underlie such digits. They are just
asked to memorise the digits. After training, they
are told of the existence of the rules and asked to
judge the grammaticality of test digits as well as
to indicate the content of such rules. Participants’
performance on the grammaticality judgment is
above chance (thus showing evidence of learning).
62

Individual Differences in Implicit Learning
In the typical SRT task, the screen is divided
into quadrants and a stimulus appears in one
of the quadrants. Participants are required to
press keys corresponding to each location. A se-
quence of a stimulus follows a fixed pattern and
participants do not know of its existence. After
repeated exposure to this fixed pattern, reaction
time (RT) on the fixed pattern decreases. Later
a random sequence of a stimulus is inserted into
the key-pressing trial. Since participants’ RTs on
this random pattern significantly increases, it is
argued that they have learned the fixed pattern of
the stimulus sequence.
One of the characteristics of implicit learning
is the nature of acquired knowledge: tacit complex
knowledge, largely unavailable to consciousness at
the point of learning itself (not “after” the learn-
ing; see Reber, 1989). Although the amount of
research on the implicit nature of implicit learning
has proliferated in the literature, this issue of the
implicitness of learned knowledge and/or learn-
ing processes has not been settled. This is largely
because of methodological problems on how to
measure participants’ awareness of the learning
processes and/or the learning outcomes at the point
of learning, or more generally, during learning
(Nakamura, 2013a, b; Shanks & St. John, 1994).
Reber (1993; Reber & Allen, 2000), from an
evolutionary point of view (described below),
provided other characteristics of implicit learning:
lesser influences by IDs such as psychometric
intelligence on implicit learning, compared with
explicit learning. Although this issue of IDs has
been less investigated, compared with the vast
amount of research on the first issue, investigation
into the individual variability of implicit learn-
ing is necessary for clarifying the (dissociable)
nature of implicit learning (from the explicit
learning) and thus the paper provides are view
on the individual variability in implicit learning,
particularly focusing on the relation between in-
telligence and implicit learning, and its relations
to other cognitive-conative-affective abilities1

Individual Differences in Implicit Learning
such as WM, motivation, and personality. The
next section provides a summary of theoretical
underpinnings on these IDs in implicit learning.
Reber’s Evolutionary Theory of
Implicit Learning and Kaufman’s
Dual-Process Theory of Intelligence
The two most prominent theories in relation to IDs
in implicit learning are Reber’s evolutionary theory
of implicit learning and Kaufman’s dual-process
theory of intelligence.2 Reber (1993), based on evo-
lutionary biology, provided the following axiom
about consciousness: “Consciousness is a late
arrival on the evolutionary scene. Sophisticated
unconscious perceptual and cognitive functions
preceded its emergence by a considerable margin”
(p. 86). As a consequence of evolutionary precur-
sors of implicit learning abilities, Reber (1993,
p. 88) provided the following five characteristics
of implicit learning: (1) robustness in the face of
psychological disorders such as amnesia; (2) age
independence; (3) low variability; (4) intelligence
quotient (IQ) independence; and (5) commonality
of process.
First, the implicit learning system is robust in
the face of neuropsychological disorders (Abrams
& Reber, 1988; Knowlton & Squire, 1994, 1996).
For instance, Knowlton and Squire (1996) com-
pared amnesiacs whose declarative memory was
severely impaired with normal participants on
AG learning. They found that the amnesiacs as
well as the normal participants performed well
on grammatical judgment. However, amnesiacs’
recognition of the letter strings (bigrams [e.g.,
XV] and trigrams [e.g., XVX]) was significantly
worse (lower than that of the normal participants).
Therefore, this discrepancy in amnesiacs’ implicit
and explicit learning systems is often interpreted
as evidence for the robustness of the former learn-
ing system (see Nakamura, 2013a for a problem
concerning this interpretation).
Second, children sometimes perform the im-
plicit learning tasks at the same level as adults do
(McGeorge, Crawford, & Kelly, 1997; Meulemans,
Van der Linden, &Perruchet, 1998; Weinert,
2009;seeJanacsek, Fiser, & Nemeth, 2012 and
Thomas et al., 2004, for counterexamples). For
example, Meulemans et al. (1998) employed
the SRT task and compared 6- and 10-year-olds
with adults. Two types of stimuli sequences were
created: repeating and random sequences. After
a series of the repeating sequences, the random
sequence appeared, and if participants learned the
pattern for the repeating sequences, RTs on the ran-
dom sequence would increase. Therefore, learning
was measured by differences in RTs between the
repeating and the random sequences, or abrupt
increases in RTs at the point where the repeating
and the random sequences were interchanged.
Both groups of children indeed showed a similar
reduction of RTs on the repeating sequences to that
of adults. In contrast, no groups could distinguish
old sequences from new sequences, suggesting
that acquired knowledge of the stimuli sequences
was implicit.
Finally, implicit learning can be found in other
species and thus shows cross-species commonality.
Direct evidence has recently emerged. Christie and
colleagues (Christie & Dalrymple, 2004; Christie
&Hersch, 2004) constructed the rat version of the
SRT tasks and comparative RT increases on the
random sequence as with those of human subjects
were discovered in rats (Christie & Dalrymple,
2004) and mice (Christie & Hersch, 2004).
Low variability and IQ independence are of
particular importance to the relation between IDs
in cognitive abilities and implicit learning. This is
because the above three predictions are concerned
with “group differences in unconscious cognitive
processing [that is, implicit learning]” but low
variability and IQ independence are concerned
with “the degree of interindividual variation that
is expected when we directly compare implicit
and explicit functions within the same population”
(Reber& Allen, 2000, p. 236). Low variability in
implicit learning is operationalised by differences
between standard deviation of implicit learning
63

and that of explicit learning. Therefore, one way
to investigate consequences of the evolutionary
early emergence of implicit learning abilities
is, they argued, direct comparisons of standard
deviations (SDs) in implicit and explicit learning
tasks given that both tasks require the same level
of (external) factors such as attention, motiva-
tion, and depression. There have only been a few
studies that compared SDs in implicit and explicit
learning because of methodological difficulties
discussed in the next section provided byReber,
Walkenfeld, and Hernstadt (1991). In their stud-
ies, a typical AG learning task was employed as
an implicit learning task while explicit learning
was operationalised as a series solution task where
participants chose one (e.g., D) out of two solutions
(e.g., D or C) given a series (e.g., ABCBCDCDE_).
Reber et al. (1991) found significantly larger SDs
in explicit (15.41) than in implicit learning (7.2)
tasks. Robinson (2005b) found similar results in
a replication of this study.
With regard to IQ independence, Reber et al.
(1991) also provided the first study. They employed
a short form (Picture Arrangement, Vocabulary,
Block Design, and Arithmetic) of the Wechsler
Adult Intelligence Scale-Revised (WAIS-R) as an
IQ test and found that IQ had significant positive
correlations with the explicit series solution task
but not with the implicit AG learning task. This
way of comparing implicit with explicit learning is
“inferential”, Reber and Allen (2000) stated, since
the study implies IDs from differential contribu-
tions by moderator variables (e.g., IQ) to implicit
and explicit learning performance.
Recently, Kaufman (2011), based on the
dual-process theory of human cognition (Evans
& Frankish, 2009), divided cognitive processes
into controlled cognition and spontaneous cogni-
tion. Control cognition deals with “goal-directed”
behaviours and thus the central executive WM,
psychometric intelligence, and other “explicit”
cognitive abilities are responsible. On the other
hand, spontaneous cognition is concerned with
64

Individual Differences in Implicit Learning
“incidental” learning such as implicit learning
of complex stimulus displays and automatic or
spontaneous behaviours and thus, “implicit”
abilities are largely responsible. According to this
theory, all intelligent behaviours depend on these
two types of cognitive processes and the degree
of contributions by these two processes depends
on the nature of the behaviours. Of relevance
to the present paper is that IDs in psychometric
intelligence and WM are largely responsible for
explicit learning while the effects of these explicit
abilities are smaller for implicit learning.
Kaufman’s dual-process theory has important
differences from Reber’s theory. In Kaufman’s
theory, different abilities are responsible for
controlled and spontaneous cognition, while in
Reber’s theory IDs in cognitive abilities are as-
sumed to be “secondary” factors affecting vari-
ability in implicit learning and thus it seems to be
the case that the existence of the effects of IDs on
cognitive-conative-affective variables in implicit
learning are epiphenomenal for Reber (1993).
MAIN FOCUS OF THE CHAPTER
Issues, Controversies, and Problems
As we have seen above, there are two ways to
investigate IDs in implicit learning: the direct
comparison of SDs in implicit learning with those
in explicit learning, and the indirect, inferential ap-
proach to consider correlations of IDs as moderator
variables with implicit learning performance. As
Reber and Allen noted, a direct comparison is not
easily feasible since two comparable implicit and
explicit learning tasks with the same difficulty
and same levels of attention and motivation are
difficult to construct.3 And since it has been sug-
gested and found that there are IDs in attentional
functioning as well as conative-affective factors
such as motivation and anxiety (Robinson, 2005a)
during any task performance, such a direct method

Individual Differences in Implicit Learning
of comparison is almost impossible. Unlike Re-
ber’s evolutionary theory of implicit learning,
Kaufman (2011) does not make the low variability
assumption.
On the other hand, the existence of such IDs as
moderator variables themselves validates another
indirect, inferential way to investigate differential
effects of these moderator variables on implicit
and explicit learning performance. Research
in this direction was sporadic in the 1990s and
exclusively focused on the relation between psy-
chometric intelligence and implicit learning (e.g.,
Reber et al., 1991) and has continued to appear in
the literature (e.g., Danner, Hagemann, Schankin,
Hager, & Funke, 2011; Gebauer & Mackintosh,
2007; Kaufman et al., 2010; Robinson, 2005b).
In addition to research on the relation between
intelligence and implicit learning, recent studies
have shed new light on other dimensions of IDs,
some of which are what Reber and Allen (2000:
240) called “clearly far from complete”. These
include WM (e.g., Bo, Jennet, & Seidler, 2011),
thinking styles (e.g., Xie, Gao, & King, 2013),
cognitive styles (e.g., Pretz, Totz, & Kaufman,
2010), emotion (e.g., Shang, Fu, Dienes, Shao,
& Fu, 2013; Whitmarsh, Udden, Barendregt, &
Petersson, 2013), and personality (e.g., Kaufman
et al., 2010; Woolhouse & Bayne, 2000). The most
investigated areas of IDs, intelligence and WM,
are reviewed first and then other less investigated
areas are reviewed together below with issues for
further research.
Intelligence and Implicit Learning
Intelligence has been a rigorously investigated
area of research and different types of intelligence
such as successful intelligence, emotional intel-
ligence, and multiple intelligences (to name but
a few) have been proposed in the literature (see
Mackintosh, 2011; Sternberg & Kaufman, 2011,
for reviews). Intelligence by definition is required
in many complex “intelligent” behaviours but
defining the exact characteristics of the construct
has provoked controversies over its definition and
many definitions have been provided (see Wasser-
man &Tulsky, 2005 for a historical review). For
example, Spearman (1927) discussed possibili-
ties that the term “intelligence” means memory,
imagination, perception, attention, etc., but none
of these cangive sufficient explanations for all
intelligent behaviours. And this situation remains
the same at the present moment (see a report by the
American Psychological Association Task Force
chaired by Ulric Neisser; Neisser et al., 1996).
Furthermore, various “standardized” intelligence
test batteries such as the Wechsler scales (Zhu
& Weiss, 2005), the Stanford-Binet Intelligence
Scales (Roid & Pomplun, 2005), the Kaufman
Assessment Battery for Children (Kaufman,
Kaufman, Kaufman-Singer, & Kaufman, 2005),
etc. (see Flanagan & Harrison, 2005 for descrip-
tions of other tests) have also been developed,
sometimes in an a theoretical way, and this test
proliferation implies that no single battery of in-
telligence measures the complex characteristics
of intelligence.
Intelligence that has been employed in relation
to implicit learning is psychometric intelligence,
“the human differences measured by mental tests”
(Deary, 2001a, p. 127). Although psychometric
statistics, specifically (exploratory) factor analy-
sis, is often said to describe, but not to explain
individual variability in intellectual patterns (e.g.,
Deary, 2001b; Howe, 1996), the psychometric
intelligence is targeted here since all studies in
implicit learning have focused on it in relation to
IDs in implicit learning.
Research Findings
Similar null effects of intelligence on implicit
learning as in Reber et al. (1991) were found in
Feldman, Kerr, and Streissguth (1995) and Brooks
and Kempe (2012). In Feldman et al.’s (1995)
study, 14-year-olds performed the SRT task and
their performance was measured in two ways:
key-pressing (procedural learning, typical in the
65

SRT task)4 and generation (declarative learning)
with other ID tasks such as forward and backward
digit span. In the generation task, they were asked
to predict the next position by pressing a cor-
responding key given a sequence. Correlational
analyses of the scores with the full form of the
WAIS-R measured at age 7 showed significant
positive correlations with declarative (generation)
but not procedural tasks. Likewise, Brooks and
Kempe (2012)5 found null correlations between
auditory sequence learning and intelligence mea-
sured by the Culture Fair Intelligence test (CFI).
They used, as an implicit learning task, Misyak
and Christiansen’s (2007) language-like, auditory
sequence learning task where a grammatical non-
word (e.g., hep) sequence was created according
to the following “grammar” rules: S (sentence) ->
NP (noun phrase) + VP (verb phrase), NP -> d
(determiner) + N (noun), NP -> D+A (adjective)
+ N, and VP -> V (verb) + (NP). During the test,
participants chose one grammatical sequence that
followed these rules out of two auditory sequences.
The results showed the null effects of CFI of
correct performance on the auditory sequence
learning task. In Kaufman et al.’s (2010) studies,
Raven’s Advanced Progressive Matrices test, the
verbal reasoning section of the Differential Ap-
titude Test (DAT), and the Mental rotations test
were employed as psychometric intelligence test
measures and only the scores on the DAT verbal
reasoning task showed significant correlations
with the implicit SRT task. Moreover, intelligence
had no significant relation with implicit SRT at
the latent analysis level. Finally, Unsworth and
Engle (2005) found the null effects of intelligence
on the SRT task in terms of Raven’s Progressive
Matrix. In their study, they created incidental
and intentional learning groups based on the
awareness questionnaire rather than differences in
instructional orientation. The results showed that
those who developed awareness of the sequence
showed positive correlations with intelligence but
those who were unaware of the regularities did
not show significant correlations.
66

Individual Differences in Implicit Learning
Some studies found significant correlations of
intelligence with implicit learning but the strength
of the correlations was larger in implicit than in
explicit learning as demonstrated by McGeorge et
al. (1997). As in Reber et al. (1991), IQ measured
by the WAIS-R full scale showed significant
correlations with scores on the explicit series
solution task but not with implicit AG learning.
However, when two different types of subtests
were considered separately, verbal IQ showed
significant positive correlations only with explicit
learning while performance IQ showed significant
positive correlations with both kinds of learning,
but the magnitude was larger in explicit than in
implicit learning. Similar tendencies were found
in Gebauer and Mackintosh (2007). With a large
German population, Gebauer and Mackintosh
(2007) employed three different implicit learning
tasks (AG learning, SRT, and problem solving).
Explicit learning was measured by giving explicit
instructions on these three implicit learning tasks
and three different types of the latent general or
G factor (Jensen, 1998; Spearman, 1927) were
created by 18 German intelligence tests: Gf (fluid
intelligence, or inductive and deductive reason-
ing for novelty), Gc (crystallised intelligence,
or accumulated knowledge), and Gy (explicit
memory for storing and retrieving information).
The results showed that a majority of intelligence
factors positively correlated with explicit learn-
ing (Gf with explicit AG learning (r = .25), Gf
with explicit problem-solving task (r = .27), Gf
with explicit SRT task (r = .20), Gc with explicit
problem-solving task (r = .21), Gy with explicit
AG learning (r = .27) while only a few intel-
ligence factors correlated with implicit learning
(Gf with implicit problem-solving task (r = .10),
and Gy with implicit AG learning (r = .10) and
their magnitude was smaller.
Although the findings described above follow
the direction predicted by Reber’s (1993; Reber
& Allen, 2000) evolutionary theory of implicit
learning, the two findings seemingly contradict
this. Danner et al. (2011) found positive correla-

Individual Differences in Implicit Learning
tions between implicit learning and intelligence at
the level of latent variables. They employed two
versions of AG learning as well as the Berlin Intel-
ligence Structure test and found significant positive
correlations between the latent variables “implicit
learning” and “intelligence”. In contrast, Robinson
(2005b) found significant negative correlations
between intelligence and implicit AG learning in a
replication study of Reber et al. (1991). Japanese
learners of English engaged in similar implicit AG
learning and series solution tasks and their intel-
ligence was tested on the Japanese version of the
WAIS-R, short form. Surprisingly, correlations
between explicit series solution and intelligence
were not significant. Table 1 provides a summary
of the findings described above.
Solutions and Future Directions
Overall trends in the literature follow the direc-
tions predicted by Reber’s (Reber, 1993; Reber
& Allen, 2000) evolutionary theory of implicit
learning. Kaufman (2011) stated that intelligence
tests were originally developed to predict benefits
of “explicit” instruction in school. So it is natural
that there are significant and larger correlations
between explicit learning and intelligence than
those between implicit learning and intelligence.
However, if psychometric intelligence measures
explicit learning abilities, then how can we ex-
plain the discrepant findings, particularly those
of Danner et al. (2011) and Robinson (2005b)?
First, in Daneman’s case, the authors argued that
their findings coincided with those of Reber et
al. (1991) and Gebauer and Mackintosh (1997)
in the sense that intelligence could explain only
10.24% of the variance in the implicit learning
tasks and thus a majority of performance on
implicit learning remains unexplained. Second,
Robinson (2005b) argued that learners in his study
were more analytic in implicit AG learning than
those in Reber et al. (1991) and thus those who
were higher on psychometric intelligence tried
to analyse materials in the implicit AG learning
task. As a consequence, they were distracted by
complexities in regularities displayed by the AG
learning materials. Therefore, the findings of the
null effects of intelligence on implicit learning
are robust even though different psychometric
intelligence batteries are employed (see Table 1)
and thus provide evidence for both Reber’s and
Kaufman’s theories.
For future research, we could expand this area
by including different types of intelligence such as
Sternberg’s successful intelligence and Gardner’s
multiple intelligences, or emotional intelligence, to
name but a few (see Sternberg & Kaufman, 2011).
Does implicit learning still hold less variability as
Reber claimed, or are there different intelligences
responsible for implicit and explicit learning as
Kaufman (2011) implied?
Working Memory and
Implicit Learning
WM is assumed to be required to process new
information while accessing and maintaining
old information in long-term memory (LTM),
and therefore differs from short-term memory
(STM) which only transiently maintains informa-
tion. Complex, or higher-order cognition such as
problem solving, language comprehension, and
decision-making demands such concurrent pro-
cessing and storage. Although both intelligence
and WM are required in higher-order cognition
and thus show positive correlations, neither is an
isomorphic construct (Conway, Getz, Macnamara,
& Engle de Abreu, 2011; Conway, Macnamara, &
Engle de Abreu, 2013; Nakamura, 2010).
The most influential model of WM is Baddeley
and Hitch’s multi-componential model (1974;
Baddeley, 1986, 2000a, b; Baddeley & Logie,
1999; Gathercole & Baddeley, 1993; Logie, 2003).
The multi-componential model of WM originally
consisted of a domain-general “central executive”,
and two domain-specific slave systems called “a
phonological loop” and “a visuo-spatial sketch
pad”, the latter two of which deal with process-
67
 
Individual Differences in Implicit Learning

Table 1. A summary of intelligence studies

Study Learning Tasks Intelligence Direct Comparison Significant

of SDs Correlations
Brooks & Kempe Auditory sequence CFI nr. ns.
(2012) learning
Danner et al. (2011) AG learning Berlin Intelligence nr. IQ with implicit learning
Structure test (r = .31 at the latent
variable level)
Feldman et al. (1995) SRT (procedural) WAIS-R full scale nr. IQ with declarative (r
Generation (but measured at = .284)
(declarative) different time course)
Gebauer & Mackintosh (1) AG learning 18 German intelligence nr. Gf with implicit
(2007) (2) SRT tests problem-solving task (r
(3) Problem solving = .10)
(4) Explicit AG learning Gy with implicit AG
(5) Explicit SRT learning (r = .10)
(6) Explicit problem- Gf with explicit AG
solving tasks learning (r = .25)
Gf with explicit
problem-solving task (r
= .27)
Gf with explicit SRT
task (r = .20)
Gc with explicit
problem-solving task (r
= .21)
Gy with explicit AG
learning (r = .27)
Kaufman et al. (2010) (1) SRT DAT verbal reasoning (r
(2) Explicit associative = .22)
learning
McGeorge et al. (1997) (1) AG learning WAIS-R full scale nr. IQ with explicit learning
(implicit) (r = .67)
(2) Series solution Verbal subtests with
(explicit) explicit learning
(r = .53)
Performance subtests
with explicit learning
(r = .65)
Performance subtests
with implicit learning
(r = .19)
Reber et al. (1991) (1) AG learning WAIS-R short form Explicit (SDs=.15.41) IQ with explicit learning
(implicit) > Implicit (7.2) (r = .69)
(2) Series solution
(explicit)
Robinson (2005b) (1) AG learning WAIS-R short form Explicit > Implicit IQ with implicit learning
(implicit) Japanese version (r = -.34)
(2) Series solution
(explicit)
Unsworth & Engle SRT (explicit & implicit) Raven’s Progressive nr. Intelligence with
(2005) Matrix awareness of sequences
(r = .48)
Note: nr. (not reported) included studies that employed ANOVAs but did not run correlational analyses for the correlation cell or t-tests
for the direct comparison cell.

68

Individual Differences in Implicit Learning
ing and storage of verbal, or more precisely,
phonological information and of visuo-spatial
information, respectively. The central executive
deals with various attention control processing
such as coordination of dual tasks, switching
retrieval plans, inhibition of irrelevant stimuli,
and maintenance and updating of stimuli, and is
similar to Norman and Shallice’s (1986) Super-
visory Attentional Control in nature (Baddeley,
1996). The central executive itself does not have
a storage subcomponent. The phonological loop is
related to language learning, especially vocabulary
acquisition (Gathercole & Baddely, 1993) and is
further divided into “a phonological store” sub-
component and “an inner speech” subcomponent,
which “offer, respectively, temporary memory for
the acoustic and phonological properties of words,
letters, and numbers together with serial ordered,
subvocal (mental) rehearsal of those items” (Logie,
2003, p. 41). The visuo-spatial sketch pad also
comprises two subcomponents, “a visual cache”
and “an inner scribe”, which “support respectively
temporary memory for the visual appearance and
layout of a scene together with pathways or move-
ments through the scene” (Logie, ibid.). Baddeley
(2000a) further added a fourth component, “the
episodic buffer”, which is a temporary storage
system dealing with the integration of multimodal
stimuli from other components such as episodic
LTM (Tulving, 1983) as well as the phonological
loop and the visuo-spatial sketch pad, and holds
resultant transient episodes. The central executive
accesses and modifies episodic contents of the
buffer by conscious awareness, allocating attention
to sources of information (phonological or visual
stimuli, or information stored in LTM).
Alternately, other models shed light on inti-
mate relationships between WM and LTM and
assume that WM is the currently activated part
of LTM. These models do not assume multiple
components for different modalities. The most
influential model in this “modality-free” per-
spective is Cowan’s (1999) embedded-processes
model of WM. Cowan (1999) distinguished three
activation states of knowledge held in LTM: (1)
inactivated knowledge, (2) activated parts of
knowledge, which is a subset of (1). Although
activated, it is still out of conscious awareness and
therefore some form of unconscious activation
such as semantic priming is possible in this state,
and (3) knowledge focused on focal attention that
the central executive controls, which is a subset of
(2). Activated parts of LTM are time-constrained
in the sense that their activation is temporary and
they begin to decay without rehearsal. In contrast,
focused parts are capacity-constrained since only
an average of four chunks can be brought into
focus regulated by the central executive (Cowan,
2001). The central executive functions as an at-
tention director in this model.
Research Findings
If WM is concerned with active maintenance of a
learning episode in relevant storage systems (e.g.,
the episodic buffer) while this episode is further
processed by the central executive, which results
in conscious awareness in Baddeley’s model, or
activated parts of LTM in Cowan’s model, then
WM should have an effect on explicit learning
but not necessarily on implicit learning. Based
on Cowan’s model, Frensch and Miner (1994)
assumed that central executive control was re-
sponsible for explicit learning, which resulted
in elaborative memory coding in LTM (see also
Unsworth & Engle, 2005, for similar arguments).
However, results obtained in the literature are
mixed (Janacsek & Nemeth, 2013).
Feldman et al. (1995) found such null effects
of WM on the implicit SRT task. In their study,
backward digit span, one of the typical measures
of WM, showed positive correlations only with
declarative learning (generation of sequences)
and not with differences between RTs on the last
block of repeated sequence trials and those on
the random sequence trials (that is, learning),
though RTs on the first repeated sequence block
showed positive correlations with backward digit
69

span. Likewise, Unsworth and Engle (2005) found
that those who were high on the operation span
where participants had to verify a simple equation
and remember each single word at the same time
(e.g., “Is [9/3] -1 = 17, DOG”, Turner & Engle,
1989) showed a faster learning rate and a greater
amount of learning than those who were low in
the intentional learning condition. However, this
was not the case in the incidental learning condi-
tion. Similar null effects of WM were found on
the Auditory SRT task in Brooks and Kempe’s
(2012) study and the SRT task in Kaufman et
al.’s (2010) study.
However, opposite results were found by
Frensch and Miner (1994). In their first experi-
ment, participants were either provided with in-
tentional or incidental instructions on regularities
underlying sequences in the SRT task. Response-
Stimulus Interval (RSI) was set either at 500ms
or 1500ms, the former of which maximised
the possibility of implicit learning. The results
showed that WM measured by the location span
task showed significant negative correlations only
with the most demanding condition (intentional
condition with 500ms RSI), indicating that those
who were high in WM showed faster RTs than
those who were low in implicit SRT learning. In
their second experiment, a tone-counting dual
task was introduced instead of differences in
instructional orientation and WM measured by
the digit and location spans correlated only with
the most demanding condition (dual task with
500ms RSI) again. Schwartz, Howard, Howard,
Hovaguimian, and Deutsch (2003) employed a
modified version of the SRT task in the normal
and schizophrenic populations. WM was tested by
computation span where participants were asked
to solve a simple arithmetic computation while
memorising the second number digit, and by the
Letter-Number sequencing subtest of the WAIS-
3 where they were asked to remember a list of
letters and numbers and then recall the numbers
in ascending order and the letters in descending
70

Individual Differences in Implicit Learning
order. The results showed that WM measured by
the computation span task had effects on faster
RTs in both populations. Bo et al. (2011) con-
structed two speed tests for WM in addition to
typical backward digit span and reading span. In
the Visuo-spatial WM task, participants were in-
structed to judge whether the test array containing
several coloured circles was the same as an array
presented just 1,000ms before or not. Alphabets
were used instead of the coloured circles in the
Verbal WM test. Although RTs correlated with
neither Visuo-spatial nor Verbal WM, regression
analyses showed that Visuo-spatial WM but not
Verbal WM explained most of the variance (R2 =
.43) in the SRT task, suggesting that relevant WM
components for the SRT task were visuo-spatial
but not verbal in nature. Table 2 provides a sum-
mary of the studies reviewed above.
Solutions and Future Directions
How can we explain these discrepant results de-
scribed above? As Frensch and Miner (1994) and
Unsworth and Engle (2005) hypothesised, there is
some evidence for the positive effects of WM on
“explicit” learning (Bo, Borza, &Seidler, 2009;
Bo &Seidler, 2009). Methodological insufficiency
might explain the mixed results.
First, it was pointed out that span measures
such as the operation span task showed meth-
odological deficits when they were used alone.
For instance, Conway et al. (2005) showed that
there were possibilities of misclassifications of
participants. They reported that when participants
were classified into high vs. low span groups,
the reading span classified four people into the
low span group while the operation span classi-
fied the same people into the high span group. A
majority of the studies showed the null effects of
WM on implicit learning (Feldman et al., 1995;
Kaufman et al., 2010; Unsworth& Engle, 2005)
and did indeed employ only a single span measure
(see Table 2). In relation to this, Bo et al. (2011)

Individual Differences in Implicit Learning

Table 2. A summary of WM studies

Studies Learning Tasks WM Significant Correlations

Brooks & Kempe (2012) Auditory sequence learning Reading span ns.
Bo et al. (2011) SRT Visuo-spatial WM task ns.
Verbal WM task
Backward digit span
Reading span
Feldman et al. (1995) (1) SRT (procedural) Backward digit span WM with declarative learning
Experiment 1 (2) Generation (rs = .207-.236)
(declarative)
Frensch & Miner (1994) SRT (explicit & implicit) Digit span Location span with implicit
Experiment 1 Location span SRT with 500ms RSI (r =
-.057)
Frensch & Miner (1994) SRT (single vs. dual task) Digit span Both spans with SRT under
Experiment 2 Location span the dual-task condition with
500ms RSI
(r = -.61 for location span and
r = -.49 for digit span)
Kaufman et al. (2010) (1) SRT Operation span ns.
(2) Explicit associative learning
Schwartz et al. (2003) SRT Letter-Number sequencing (WAIS- Computation span with RTs in
3) Session 1 (r = -.42)
Computation span
Unsworth & Engle (2005) SRT Operation span nr.
(explicit & implicit)
Note: nr. (not reported) included studies that employed ANOVAs but did not run correlational analyses.

claimed that in order to prevent chunking and
rehearsing strategies of sequences in WM, we
need some time-constrained measurement of WM.
Second, Janacsek and Nemeth (2013) pointed
out that the majority of the studies on the relations
between implicit SRT learning and WM employed
only an online learning session. If some longer
time intervals were inserted (24-hour delay), they
argued, then we might be able to see the relations
between “consolidation” of sequence knowledge
and WM.
Third, Janacsek and Nemeth (2013) again sug-
gested that WM is concerned more with general
skill development than skills specific to learned
sequences. They cited Bo et al.’s findings (2011)
where only RTs on the repeated sequence in the
first block, but not learning calculated by the dif-
ferences in RTs on the repeated and those on the
random sequence, showed significant correlations
with WM.
Finally, WM, or more specifically central
executive, has multiple functions. Miyake and
colleagues (see Miyake & Friedman, 2012, for a
latest review), in a series of factor-analytic studies,
showed this. For example, Miyake et al. (2000)
first extracted three latent factors of executive
functions: (1) shifting between tasks or mental
sets (shifting), (2) updating and monitoring of
working memory representation (updating), and
(3) inhibition of dominant or prepotent response
(inhibition). Subsequently, they investigated which
of these latent variables predicted or explained
performance in additional executive functioning
tasks such as a Wisconsin Card Sorting task. The
results showed that different variables or combi-
nations of them predicted outcomes of these ad-
ditional executive functioning. For instance, the
Wisconsin Card Sorting task was related only to
shifting, while only updating played a significant
role in performance of the operation span task.

71

For these methodological reasons, the relation
between WM and implicit learning is less clear,
let alone the smaller number of empirical stud-
ies. In particular, future studies should specify
which functions of WM they aim to investigate
and employ multiple measures of WM.
Other Cognitive, Conative,
and Affective Variables
and Implicit Learning
Although there have been studies on the effects
of affection on implicit learning with clinical
populations (e.g., Naismith, Hickie, Ward, Scott,
& Little, 2005; Naismith et al., 2010), the overall
number of studies investigating the effects on IDs
in conative-affective variables is quite small and
the area of research in this direction is “clearly far
from complete”, as Reber and Allen (2000, p. 240)
concluded. We begin the review by considering
other cognitive variables such as processing speed,
thinking, and cognitive styles and then conative-
affective variables such as affection, personality,
and motivation. Since the literature in this direction
is just beginning to proliferate, I provide reviews
in detail to promote future research.
Research Findings
The effects of processing speed on implicit SRT
task performance were investigated by Kaufman
et al. (2010). Kaufman et al. (2010) hypothesised,
following Anderson (1992) and Jensen (1998), that
since processing speed might “partially reflect the
overall efficiency and speed of the nervous sys-
tem” (p. 323) it could contribute to IDs in implicit
learning. In this study, three types of processing
speed, verbal, numerical, and figural processing
speed, were considered with other cognitive-
affective variables in a latent variable analysis.
Three speed measures constituted a latent variable
Gs (speed) and Gs in turn positively correlated
with the scores on SRT, confirming Kaufman et
al.’s (2010) hypothesis.
72

Individual Differences in Implicit Learning
Xie et al. (2013) investigated the relations
between thinking styles and implicit learning,
specifically based on Sternberg’s (1997) theory of
thinking styles. Of particular relevance to this study
were Type 1 thinking style (legislative, judicial,
hierarchical, global, and liberal styles of thinking)
and Type 2 thinking style (executive, monarchic,
local, and conservative styles of thinking). Implicit
and explicit AG learning were distinguished in
terms of differences in instructional orientation.
Xie et al. (2013) found that the legislative com-
ponent of Type 1 thinking style showed positive
correlations with explicit AG learning while the
conservative component of Type 2 thinking nega-
tively correlated with explicit AG learning. On the
other hand, implicit learning had no correlation
with either thinking styles. Since the legislative
style refers to “preference for creating rules and
autonomy” (cited in Xie et al., 2013, p. 270, Ap-
pendix), the positive correlations with explicit
learning seem legitimate. In contrast, negative
correlations between the conservative component
and explicit learning are counter-intuitive since
conservation refers to “Liking for adhering to
existing rules and minimizing changes” (ibid.).
Perhaps, participants in the explicit learning
condition formed an initial (wrong) hypothesis
on the underlying rules and did not change the
hypothesis according to subsequent stimuli. Note
that participants in this condition were given only
rule-search instruction not actual instruction on
the rules themselves.
Seemingly similar concepts to thinking styles,
cognitive styles, developed by Pacini and Epstein
(1999), were first investigated by Pretz et al.
(2010) in relation to implicit AG learning and
the SRT task. In Pacini and Epstein’s cognitive
style (1999), two constructs were distinguished:
rational ability and favourability vs. experiential
ability and favourability. Pretz et al. (2010) also
included another dimension: negative-positive
mood (affection). Following previous studies,
the authors assumed that positive mood would
promote intuitive processing, which would lead to

Individual Differences in Implicit Learning
greater implicit learning by those who preferred an
experiential cognitive style. Those who preferred
a rational cognitive style, in contrast, would show
greater implicit learning if they were in a nega-
tive mood since a negative mood would promote
analytic processing. In the experiment, mood was
operationalised in such a way that participants saw
pleasurable photos in the positive mood condition
while participants in the negative mood condition
saw non-pleasurable photos such as war scenes.
The results showed that rational cognitive style
positively correlated with both implicit learning
tasks while experiential cognitive style had no
correlations with either implicit learning tasks.
Moreover, negative mood led to greater implicit
AG learning. Since cognitive style was a sig-
nificant covariate in ANCOVAs where mood had
marginal significant effects, the results indicated
that negative mood promoted analytic processing,
which resulted in greater learning. This contradic-
tory finding was due, Pretz et al. (2010) argued,
to the fact that the implicit processing involved
in implicit learning tasks was holistic in nature,
which was different from heuristic, inferential
implicit processing.
As in Pretz et al. (2010), the effects of affection
were investigated in Shang et al. (2013). Affection
was induced by music in this study and subse-
quently confirmed by the rating scale (called the
self-assessment Manikin). Music was also played
at some points in the SRT learning with coloured
shapes so that target moods were maintained. Un-
like Pretzet al. (2010), negative mood deteriorated
the magnitude of implicit learning measured by
the SRT task. Shang et al. (2013) interpreted this
discrepancy as being partly due toparticipants
in a positive mood payingattention to irrelevant
stimulus colour, which had some predictive value
for sequence regularities in the experiment as
positive mood broadened the scope of attention
(Fredrickson &Branigan, 2005).
Whitmarsh et al. (2013) investigated the effects
of mindfulness, namely resistance to automatic,
habitual responses in the context of the mere
exposure effect (implicit emotional preference
for grammatical stimuli in implicit learning; see
Nakamura, 2013a, for a review of this effect) on
implicit AG learning. Participants’ emotional
states were primed by emotional faces (positive,
neutral, and negative) during the preferential rating
and grammaticality judgment tests and measured
by a questionnaire at the end of the experiment.
The results showed that mindfulness negatively
correlated with both the preferential rating (those
who were high on mindfulness preferred less
grammatical stimuli than those who were low) and
grammaticality judgment (mindful people were
less correct than those who were less mindful).
Therefore, mindful states had negative effects on
implicit learning performance.
Woolhouse and Bayne (2000) considered Intui-
tive vs. Sensing personality distinction measured
by the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) in
the context of an implicit suitability-rating task.
In this task, participants judged the suitability of
each job applicant based on his/her personality
profile during training. Then they were given
the results of the suitability rating by the expert.
At a certain point in the test, the pattern of the
suitability rating of test personality profiles was
changed. If participants learned regularities in the
suitability rating from the expert during training,
then this sudden change would cause a decrease
in performance as in the SRT task. Addition-
ally, their strategy use (e.g., use of intuition, use
of explicit knowledge, etc.) was measured by a
multiple-choice question. The results showed that
those who were classified as intuitive used more
intuition in their learning strategies and showed
a greater amount of implicit learning. In contrast,
those who had a sensing personality argued in
favour ofexplicit knowledge during learning and
thus an intuitive personality had positive effects
on implicit learning. Moreover, Kaufman et al.
(2010) provided findings on three different con-
structs of personality, Intellect, Openness, and
Intuition, as well. Intellect reflects “a combina-
tion of perceived cognitive ability and tendency
73

toward intellectual engagement” (p. 324) while
Openness reflects “artistic and completive quali-
ties and engagement with sensory and perceptual
information” (ibid.). Based on the findings in Mc-
Crae (1994) where Openness and Intuition were
closely related, Kaufman et al. hypothesised that
these two constructs would correlate with implicit
learning. On the other hand, the authors, based on
DeYoung and colleagues (DeYoung, Peterson, &
Higgins, 2005), assumed that intelligence would
show positive correlations with explicit associative
learning, intelligence, and WM. As in Woolhouse
and Bayne (2000), Intuition showed positive cor-
relations with implicit learning at the latent level.
Moreover, there were dissociations in such a way
that Intellect positively correlated with explicit
associative learning such as paired associates
learning as well as psychometric intelligence,
WM and processing speed while Openness did
so with implicit learning.
The effects of motivation were measured by
Eitam, Hassin, and Schul (2008). Participants’
explicit motivation for implicit problem solving
and SRT tasks was measured by a questionnaire
while implicit motivation in the sense of implicit
goal pursuit was measured by word search. In the
word search task, participants in the goal pursuit
condition searched for achievement words such as
win while those in the control condition searched
for neutral words such as carpet. The results
showed that those who were in the goal pursuit
condition outperformed those who were in the
control condition on both implicit learning tasks.
On the other hand, the implicit goal pursuit had
no effects on explicit motivation. While this study
suggested that explicit and implicit motivation may
have no relation, the effects of explicit motivation
on implicit learning were not investigated. Future
studies should analyse this.
Finally, Schultheiss, Pang, Torges, Wirth, and
Treynor (2005) investigated the differential effects
of implicit power and affiliation motivation on dif-
ferential implicit learning. Participants’ motivation
was measured by imaginary story writing, scored
74

Individual Differences in Implicit Learning
based on characteristics of a character (e.g., force-
ful action for power motivation, and being close to
others for affiliation motivation) and was induced
by emotional face priming (surprise, joy, and
anger). In the differential implicit learning task,
participants were presented acoloured sequence
either with an emotional face, a neutral face, or
no face under a dual-task condition (simultaneous
tone counting). Although neither motivation had
correlations with any of the emotional sequences
in terms of both RTs and error rates, the results of
regression analyses showed that power motivation
deteriorated SRT learning of sequences with joy
faces but promoted learning of sequences with
surprise faces of the same gender but impeded se-
quences with surprise faces of the opposite gender
on both RTs and error rates. The authors argued
that joy expressed others’ low dominance status,
which in turn functioned as a positive incentive for
those who had implicit power motivation. On the
other hand, joy could indicate a high dominance
and thus be aversive for those who had power
motivation. Table 3 provides a summary of the
studies reviewed above.
Solutions and Future
Research Directions
There are no competing results in the effects of
IDs in conative-affective dimensions on implicit
learning and thus the paper provides some issues
for future research in these areas. Focus is on the
interactive effects of cognitive-conative-affective
abilities, partially inspired by Snow (1994) and
Robinson (2007).
Some of the studies reviewed in this section
include several ability measures. However, many
of these studies investigated independent contri-
butions of each variable to IDs in implicit (and
sometimes explicit) learning. Although these
provide useful information on whether implicit
and explicit learning are dissociable in terms of
IDs and thus confirm/disconfirm two prominent
theories of IDs in implicit learning (Kaufman’s

Individual Differences in Implicit Learning

Table 3. A summary of emotion and personality studies

Studies Learning Tasks ID Variables ID Tasks Results

Eitam et al. (2008) (1) Problem solving Motivation Word search Implicit goal pursuit promoted
(2) SRT (implicit goal both implicit learning tasks
pursuit)
Kaufman et al. (1) SRT Personality (1)Myers-Briggs Type (1) Intellect positively
(2010) (2) Explicit associative (Intuition, Indicator (MBTI) correlated
learning Openness, (2)NEO-PI-R with explicit learning.
Intellect) (3)Rational-Experiential (2) Openness and Intellect
Inventory (REI) positively
(4)UPPS Impulsivity Scale correlated with implicit
learning.
Processing Speed (1) English version of Processing speed had positive
(Verbal, Numerical, the Berlin Intelligence correlations with implicit
and Figural speed) Structure Test learning.
(2) Speed of Information
Processing subtest
(British Ability Scales)
(3) Digit-Symbol Coding
(WAIS-R)
Pretz et al. (2010) AG learning & SRT Cognitive style REI Rational style promoted
(rational vs. greater AG learning.
experiential)
Affection (1) Picture Negative mood promoted
(positive vs. neutral (2) Positive Affect Negative greater AG learning.
vs. negative mood) Affect Scale
(PANAS)
Schultheiss et al. SRT with emotional Motivation Picture story exercise Power affiliation motivation
(2005) faces (Power vs. promoted
Affiliation motives) implicit learning of sequences
with surprise faces
but impeded sequences with
joy faces.
Shang et al. (2013) SRT Affection (1) Music Negative affect impaired
(positive vs. (2)Self-Assessment Manikin learning
negative) (SAM)
Whitmarsh et al. AG learning Affection (1) Five Factor Mindfulness Mindfulness deteriorated
(2013) (grammaticality (mindfulness) Questionnaire performance
judgment (2) Priming by emotional on both grammaticality
and the mere exposure faces judgment
effect) and preferential rating.
Woolhouse & Bayne Judgment of job Personality MBTI form G Intuitive personality led to
(2000) applicants’ (sensing vs. more implicit learning.
suitability from their intuition)
personality
Xie et al. (2013) AG learning (implicit Thinking style Thinking Styles Inventory- Type 1 thinking style
& explicit) (type 1 vs. type 2) Revised 2 promoted
explicit AG learning.
Type 2 thinking style
deteriorated
explicit AG learning.

75

dual-process theory and Reber’s evolutionary
theory), only a few studies investigated interactive
effects of target variables (mood and cognitive
styles, Pretz et al., 2010). However, Snow (1994)
and Robinson (2007) argued that different learn-
ing conditions (explicit and implicit learning in
the present context) required different clusters of
abilities, indicating that interactional analyses of
several target variables are necessary. Indeed, there
has been vast research on the interactive effects
of variables, especially the effects of affection on
cognition and vice versa (Blanchette& Richards,
2010; De Houwer & Hermans, 2010; Derakshan
& Eysenck, 2010; Gable & Harmon-Jones, 2010;
Yiend, 2010, for reviews). Only two of the studies
are reviewed here due to limited space.
Yang, Yang, and Isen (2013) investigated
whether positive affect improved both controlled
processing in WM and short-term storage in STM.
Positive affect was induced by giving unexpected
gifts (candies) and those who had positive affect
outperformed those who had neutral affect in the
operation span task. However, such facilitating
effects were rather weak on the word span task
(STM), suggesting that positive affect better facili-
tated in controlled processing (executive control)
than in storage systems, as the authors concluded
(see also Carpenter, Peters, Vastfjall, & Isen,
2013). In relation to this, Savine, Beck, Edwards,
Chiew, and Braver (2010) investigated the effects
of emotion on cognitive control. In experiment 1,
efficiency in cognitive control was measured by
task switching where participants alternated their
responses on a gender discrimination of faces by
responding to syllable judgment according to a cue
presented on a screen. Participants’ emotion was
induced by the existence of monetary incentives
for correct and faster performance and informed by
a cue during the experiment. Savine et al. (2010)
found that the monetary incentives reduced switch
costs, suggesting that positive affect induced by
monetary motivation enhanced the functioning of
cognitive control. In experiment 2, Savine et al.
(2010) directly compared the effects of positive
76

Individual Differences in Implicit Learning
with those of negative affect on a different measure
of cognitive control: delayed word recognition.
Participants’ positive and negative affects were in-
duced by pleasurable (rewards) or aversive liquids
(punishments), and IDs in personality and moti-
vational orientations were measured as well. The
results showed that both rewards and punishments
enhanced task performance. Furthermore, IDs in
motivational orientations, especially punishment
sensitivity, explained much of the performance
during the punishment block of word recognition
where participants received a punishment when
their performance was incorrect. This means that
those who had a stronger punishment avoidance
orientation had fewer errors and faster responses
when they received punishments.
What do these studies reviewed here indicate?
First, if we concentrate only on the effects of one
or more variables but do not analyse their interac-
tive effects, then the apparent effects of particular
variables on explicit and implicit learning might
be caused by other moderator variables. As a
concrete example, apparent positive effects of
WM on explicit and implicit learning as in some
studies (e.g., Bo et al., 2009; Frensch & Miner,
1994) might be caused by participants’ positive
affect. Second, if different interactive effects of
cognitive-conative-affective variables are avail-
able for explicit and implicit learning, then this
could provide further evidence for ability dissocia-
tions of explicit/implicit learning as predicted by
Kaufman’s dual-process theory of intelligence.
CONCLUSION
This paper reviewed ID research in the context of
implicit learning in relation to two theories of IDs
in implicit learning. Although the overall number
of studies has been and is quite small, future studies
should shed more light on the important relation
between IDs in cognitive abilities and implicit
learning. In the case of intelligence, the results
seem clear: IDs in psychometric intelligence

Individual Differences in Implicit Learning
have no relation or weak relations with implicit
learning, unlike with explicit learning. This is
natural in the sense that psychometric intelligence
originally aimed to measure benefits from explicit
instructions in school (Kaufman, 2011). There-
fore, the findings are consistent with both Reber’s
evolutionary theory and Kaufman’s dual-process
theory. On the other hand, the relations between
WM and implicit learning are rather mixed and
this comes from methodological insufficiency
such as the use of the single span task for WM
measures. Future research should pay close atten-
tion to methodological rigour.
We also examined the beginning of research
on the other conative-affective dimensions such
as affection, motivation, and personality. While
the research is just beginning to proliferate in the
literature, partially reflecting deeper interest in the
dual-process theory of human cognition (e.g., Ev-
ans & Frankish, 2009; Kaufman, 2011; Stanovich
& Toplak, 2012), more empirical studies must be
conducted in order to confirm or disconfirm the
two theories of IDs in implicit learning. Also of
importance are analyses of interactive effects of
several ability variables so that we can eliminate
apparent null or significant effects of some vari-
ables and discover hidden moderator variables.
The issue of differential contributions of IDs in
cognitive-conative-affective abilities for implicit
and explicit learning and thus of ability differen-
tiation has not settled down and considerations
of the issues for further research pointed out in
this paper would provide a much clearer picture
of the nature of IDs in implicit learning.
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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS
Implicit Learning: Learning without aware-
ness of learning processes and/or learning out-
comes.
Individual Differences: Variability of cog-
nitive, affective, and conative abilities such as
intelligence, anxiety, and motivation.
Psychometric Intelligence: Intelligence
measured by standard intelligence batteries such
as WAIS-R and inferred from statistical methods
such as factor analyses.
Working Memory: Higher-order memory
systems or processes to deal with incoming stimuli
with simultaneous further processing of those
stimuli or other ones.
ENDNOTES
1
This cognitive-conative-affective distinction
is amenable to Richard Snow (e.g., 1994).
2
DeKeyser (2000), based on the fundamen-
tal difference hypothesis by Bley-Vroman
(1988), argued that since adults had no
available implicit domain-specific abilities
unlike children, only those who had high
efficiency in (explicit) learning abilities,
namely grammatical sensitivity measured
by the Modern Language Aptitude test (Car-
roll &Sapon, 1959) could attain native-like
performance in second languages. However,
natural language learning differs from im-
plicit learning discussed in this paper: stimuli
in the latter typically do not contain mean-
ing (see, Robinson, 2010; VanPatten, 1994
for discussions). See Jackson (2013) for a
review of IDs in relation to implicit second
language learning.

Individual Differences in Implicit Learning
3
Zimmerer, Cowell, and Varley (2011) ana-
lysedIDs in implicit learning tasks them-
selves, not in relation to IDs in cognitive
abilities. However, the findings of such
studies cannot fix the ID issue of implicit
learning unless the studies compare standard
deviation of implicit and explicit learning
task performance.
4
I would like to thank Peter Robinson for
informing this paper.
5
Feldman et al. (1995) employed the proce-
dural/declarative distinction not the implicit/
explicit distinction. Although both distinc-
tions show some overlap in their character-
istics, they do not refer to the same construct
(see Squire, 1992 for these distinctions).
85
86

Chapter 4
Rethinking Bloom’s Taxonomy:
Implicit Cognitive Vulnerability
as an Impetus towards Higher
Order Thinking Skills

Caroline M. Crawford
University of Houston – Clear Lake, USA

Marion S. Smith
Texas Southern University, USA

ABSTRACT
Implicit cognition is an intriguing area of focus when one considers the impact of implicit memory
theories upon each learner’s cognitive vulnerability when framed through Bloom’s Taxonomy of the
Cognitive Domain. Specifically, consider the learner’s cognitive understanding and movement from the
lower order thinking skills, say from the Knowledge realm and Comprehension realm, towards the higher
order thinking skills, Synthesis realm and Evaluation realm, or one of the revised domains to reflect
Digital Age expectations. Although much is available on the different levels of cognitive achievement,
the “in between” leaps in a learner’s ability to work with the information in new and different manners
may suggest that the cognitive vulnerability may impact the learner’s implicit memory and the learner’s
movement between different taxonomic levels of informational understanding.

INTRODUCTION Taxonomy of the Cognitive Realm (Bloom, 1956;

Implicit cognition is an intriguing realm to con-
sider; the impact of implicit cognition upon the
ways that people understand knowledge is associ-
ated with the ways through which people perceive,
remember and work with learned information.
Engagement with knowledge at higher levels of
understanding, such as reflected within Bloom’s
DOI: 10.4018/978-1-4666-6599-6.ch004
Bloom, Englehart, Furst, Hill & Krathwohl, 1956;
Krathwohl, Bloom & Masia, 1964) as well as
Anderson and Krathwohl’s revised Taxonomy
for the Digital Age(2001), is more explicitly as-
sociated with a person’s cognitive understanding
of and ability to work with information from the
lower order thinking skills towards the higher
order thinking skills. Of importance are memory

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Rethinking Bloom’s Taxonomy
theories, due to the ability of the learner to ac-
cess learned knowledge while framing that same
knowledge in new and different ways; as such,
the implicit memory of the learner is of vital
importance towards the success of the learner’s
understanding of and ability to work with the
subject matter in new, creative and innovative
ways. To more fully support the discussion, it is
of vital importance to more directly discuss four
different areas of emphasis within the discussion,
namely: implicit memory theories; Bloom’s Tax-
onomy of the Cognitive Domain (Bloom, 1956;
Bloom, Englehart, Furst, Hill & Krathwohl, 1956;
Krathwohl, Bloom & Masia, 1964); Anderson and
Krathwohl’s Revised Taxonomy of the Cognitive
Domain (2001); and, the concept of Vulnerability
as pertains to the learner’s cognitive efforts. After
more fully framing the background information,
the objectives of the chapter focus upon framing
the implicit cognitive framework through which
these leaps in conception and understanding may
occur within Bloom’s work and Anderson and
Krathwohl’s revised efforts.
BACKGROUND
The theoretical framework undergirding the
thought processes associated with the suggestion
of implicit cognitive vulnerability is imperative. As
such, the theoretical and modeling efforts within
this section revolve around implicit memory theo-
ries, Bloom’s Taxonomy of the Cognitive Domain
(Bloom, 1956; Bloom, Englehart, Furst, Hill &
Krathwohl, 1956; Krathwohl, Bloom & Masia,
1964), and Anderson and Krathwohl’s Revised
Taxonomy of the Cognitive Domain (2001).
Implicit Memory Theories
To begin this discussion on implicit memory theo-
ries, one may reflect upon Ryle’s (1949) discus-
sion as pertains to the motives behind why there
may be a differentiation in thoughtful reflection
and understanding and the physical and mental
abilities and processes of the learner:
Why are people so strongly drawn to believe, in the
face of their own daily experience, that the intel-
ligent execution of an operation must embody two
processes, one of doing and another of theorizing?
Part of the answer is that they are wedded to the
dogma of the ghost in the machine. Since doing
is often an overt muscular affair, it is written off
as a merely physical process. On the assumption
of the antithesis between ‘physical’ and ‘mental’,
it follows that muscular doing cannot itself be a
mental operation. To earn the title ‘skilful’, ‘cun-
ning’, or ‘humorous’, it must therefore get it by
transfer from another counterpart act occurring
not ‘in the machine’ but ‘in the ghost’; for ‘skilful’,
‘cunning’ and ‘humorous’ are certainly mental
predicates. (p. 32)
One may suggest that Ryle’s discussion re-
volved around the mental operations that naturally
are of an interworking nature with the physical
manifestations. More importantly, towards the
topic framed within this manuscript, Ryle offers
the following:
But it is admitted by those who believe in the
legend of the ghost in the machine that no one yet
knows much about the laws governing the sup-
posed workings of the mind, while the postulated
interactions between the workings of the mind and
the movements of the hand are acknowledged to
be completely mysterious. Enjoying neither the
supposed status of the mental, nor the supposed
status of the physical, these interactions can-
not be expected to obey either the known laws
of physics, or the still to be discovered laws of
psychology. (p. 52)
Although much has been learned since 1949,
the basic emphasis offered by Ryle (1949) is that
87

there is not only a distinction in ways of “know-
ing” but also pulls from Bergson’s (1911) work
that postulates, … memory – we shall try to prove
it in the course of this work – is just the intersec-
tion of mind and matter” (p. xii). An intriguing
conclusion drawn by Bergson (1911) frames not
only his offered text, but also this current discus-
sion, namely:
But through this complexity, which is due to the
complexity of reality itself, we believe that the
reader will find his way if he keeps a fast hold on
the two principles which we have used as a clue
throughout our own researches. The first is that
in psychological analysis we must never forget
the utilitarian character of our mental functions,
which are essentially turned towards action. The
second is that the habits formed in action find their
way up to the sphere of speculation, where they
create fictitious problems, and that metaphysics
must begin by dispersing this artificial obscurity.
(pp. xvi-xvii)
Through this process of understanding, one
may suggest that learned information delves into
the framework of memory which may then be
rejuvenated in new and different ways so as to
engage the recalled knowledge in news ways of
understanding and thought process. This sense
of understanding may be supported through the
theoretical appreciation related to implicit memory
and explicit memory.
The discussion that revolves around the concept
of implicit memory must initially be discussed
as regards to explicit and implicit memory, so
as to more fully frame an understanding of the
conscious recollection of information as well as
to try and explain how the human memory may
operate. Kihlstrom (1996) offers basic principles
of the conscious recollection so as to embrace a
well-articulated recognition of the memory:
• Stage Analysis: Memories are analogous
to books in a library, or the information
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Rethinking Bloom’s Taxonomy
contained within them: mental represen-
tations of events are encoded as memory
traces, which are retained in memory stor-
age and retrieved in the course of ongoing
experience, thought, and action.
• Elaboration: Memory for an event is a
function of the degree to which that event
is related to pre-existing knowledge at the
time of encoding.
• Organization: Memory is also a function
of the degree to which events are related to
each other.
• Time-Dependency: Memory fades with
time, mostly by virtue of interference
among competing memory traces.
• Availability vs. Accessibility: Encoded
memories, available in memory storage,
may not be accessible when retrieval is
attempted.
• Cue-Dependency: The probability of re-
trieving an event is a function of the infor-
mational value of cues provided at the time
of retrieval.
• Encoding Specificity: Retrieval is most
effective when cues present at the time of
retrieval match those processed at the time
of encoding.
• Schematic Processing: Events that are rel-
evant to currently active beliefs, expecta-
tions, and attitudes are remembered better
than those that are irrelevant; events that
are incongruent with these mental sche-
mata are remembered better than those that
are congruent.
• Reconstruction: Memory reflects a mix of
information contained in the memory trace
and knowledge derived from other sources;
in the final analysis, memories are beliefs,
and remembering an event is more like
writing a story from fragmentary notes,
than reading it from a book.
• Interpersonal: Remembering is an act of
interpersonal communication as well as
of information retrieval, and so memories

Rethinking Bloom’s Taxonomy
are shaped by the social context in which
remembering occurs. (Kihlstrom, 1996,
as quoted in Kihlstrom, Dorfman & Park,
2007, para. 3)
The question is posed, “How does conscious
recollectionactually impacts one’s understanding
of and memory associated with knowledge?”
Conscious recollection may impact understand-
ing of and memory associated with knowledge,
as framed through the sense of vulnerability and
cognitive efforts.
Intriguing is Kahneman’s work (Kahneman &
Tversky, 1979; Kahnerman, 2003; Kahneman &
Frederick, 2007), as relates to vulnerability and
cognition with specific interest focused upon
Prospect Theory and the concept of “availability
heuristic” which may offer a supportive explana-
tion as to “why some issues are highly salient in the
public’s mind while others are neglected. People
tend to assess the relative importance of issues
by the ease with which they are retrieved from
memory ….” (Kahneman, 2011, p. 8). Kahneman
furthers the discussion wherein the differentiation
associated with the ability of different persons
to successfully express or repress emotional
responses to different cognitive experiences, to
varying degrees (Kahneman & Frederick, 2007),
suggesting that learners are significantly different
in their ability to embrace levels of vulnerability
and discomfort when working with information in
new and different ways such as the differentiation in
cognitive domain levels. However, Kahneman and
Tversky’s (1979) work revolving around Prospect
Theory suggests the sense of cognitive processing
and outcome decisions framed through a sense of
vulnerability and uncertainty. As described by
Peters, Hess, Vastfjall & Auman (2007):
The theory predicts that the processing of infor-
mation about probabilities and consequences
does not follow normative economic theory but is
driven by perceptual and attentional mechanisms
common to all individuals. The theory captures
‘‘behavioral patterns in human decision making
better than traditional economic theory’’ (Nils-
son, in his presentation speech for the 2002 Nobel
Prize) and provides a more behaviorally rich model
for the complexity of real-life decision problems.
Prospect theory predicts that decision options (or
prospects) are evaluated in terms of subjective
values and likelihoods. Then those two types of
information are integrated to make a choice. (p. 12)
Of further significance is the work of Tversky
and Kahneman (1992) wherein they extended the
theory into what is termed Cumulative Prospect
Theory. As stated,
Two principles, diminishing sensitivity and loss
aversion, are invoked to explain the characteristic
curvature of the value function and the weighted
functions. A review of the experimental evidence
and the results of a new experiment confirm a
distinctive fourfold pattern of risk attitudes: risk
aversion for gains and risk seeking for losses of
high probability; risk seeking for gains and risk
aversion for losses of low probability. (Tyversky
& Kahneman, 1992, p. 297)
Such a sense of uncertainty when framed
through decision making efforts by an individual,
which emphasizes the cognitive choices made by
learners which may be based within implicit and
explicit memory. Framed through this discussion,
the concept of implicit memory and an appro-
priate consideration towards vulnerability and
discomfort with the expression or repression of
one’s emotional responses to different cognitive
experiences may directly impact one’s success as
regards implicit memory and the learner’s sense
of vulnerability and potential resistance and dis-
sonance towards working with information in
new and different ways. This sense of uncertainty
within a learner’s cognitive efforts may suggest the
89

importance as related to long-term memory and
short-term memory, wherein ‘episodic memory’
is integrally important to the discussion.
With the work of Schacter (1987), a distinction
arose between two manners of something framed
as ‘episodic memory’ which may be described as
long-term memory that is more knowledge-based
as regards to events, experiences and context-
based knowledge. Schacter (1987) suggested
that episodic memory can be delineated into two
distinct types of memory; namely, explicit memory
and implicit memory. Explicit memory refers to
prior knowledge-based information, such as what
may be perceived within memorized information
that is not necessarily developed within a con-
ceptual framework of understanding (Vygotsky,
1933/1966, 1934, 1934/1987, 1935, 1962, 1978a,
1978b, 1981), while implicit memory reflects fur-
ther engagement with the learned knowledge, so as
to experience the knowledge in new and different
ways. Significant research has occurred throughout
the 20th Century and into the 21st Century, with in-
triguing theories on implicit memory consistently
presenting themselves as worthy efforts (Bowers
& Marsolek, 2003; Butler, 1872, 1880, 1903; Co-
hen & Squire, 1980; Hering, 1870/1880; Jacoby,
1991; Kihlstrom, 1995; Mandler, 1980; Reber,
1993; Roediger & McDermott, 1993; Schacter
& Tulving, 1994; Squire & Zola-Morgan, 1991;
Tulving & Schacter, 1990), with the essential
element and focus of implicit learning being that
there is a sense of unconscious learning that occurs.
More specifically, although the learner is working
with the learned knowledge in new and different
ways, the unconscious mental efforts associated
with analysing the knowledge in new and differ-
ent ways, so as to think about the information
within new environments and situational problems,
lends itself to an unconscious deliberation and
understanding of the information. An intriguing
statement by von Hartmann denotes that one’s
unconscious memory and working understanding
of the knowledge “can really outdo all the per-
formances of conscious reason” (von Hartmann,
90

Rethinking Bloom’s Taxonomy
1868/1931, p. 40), suggesting that unconscious
memory, perhaps referred to as implicit memory,
is worthy of further consideration due to the lack
of awareness as concerns the depth and breadth
of actual knowledge extension and understand-
ing. Implicit memory is the primary focus of
this discussion, as the basic learned knowledge
is meant to be further engaged by the learner, so
as to understand the knowledge at higher levels of
thinking and engagement, such as the higher order
thinking skills embraced by Bloom’s Taxonomy
of the Cognitive Domain (Bloom, 1956; Bloom,
Englehart, Furst, Hill & Krathwohl, 1956; Krath-
wohl, Bloom & Masia, 1964), as well as Anderson
and Krathwohl’s (2001) revised Taxonomy for the
Cognitive Domain for the Digital Age.
Taxonomy of the Cognitive Domain
The concept of understanding the arrangement
or classification efforts related to each learner’s
progressive cognitive understanding of subject
matter, as well as the ability of the learner to
implement knowledge in new and different ways,
was first developed by Benjamin Bloom, in his
Taxonomy of the Cognitive Domain (Bloom,
1956; Bloom, Englehart, Furst, Hill & Krathwohl,
1956; Krathwohl, Bloom & Masia, 1964). How-
ever, Anderson and Krathwohl (2001) recognized
that the Digital Age began to change the ways
that people learned; they introduced a Revised
Bloom’s Taxonomy of the Cognitive Domain to
reflect learner efforts when working with subject
matter within the Digital Age facilitated by the
use of the Internet and World Wide Web during
the late 1990s.
Bloom’s original Taxonomy of the Cognitive
Domain could be considered as static cognitive
efforts, wherein the designated levels of subject
matter-focused cognitive understanding were
offered as labels that clearly stated the level’s
expectation as regards the actual cognitive under-
standing and specific ability associated with that
level of cognitive understanding. The pyramid

Rethinking Bloom’s Taxonomy
structure within Bloom’s taxonomic representa-
tion was clearly understood due to the base of the
structure being the first level of learner cognitive
understanding and slowly moving up each level of
the pyramid towards the highest level of cognitive
understanding, evaluation, and ability to use the
subject matter appropriately.
With the introduction of the Digital Age, aca-
demics began to recognize that people were learn-
ing in new and different ways. As such, Anderson
and Krathwohl (2001) attempted to appropriately
reflect the differentiation in ways that learners
actively engaged and worked with subject matter
at different levels of understanding. Anderson and
Krathwohl maintained the pyramid structure as
originally implemented within Bloom’s Taxonomy
of the Cognitive Domain’s graphic representa-
tion, with the base of the pyramid designating
the initial learner’s efforts associated with the
subject matter and slowly moving up the pyramid
structure until the top, or highest level of work
with the subject matter, is reached. An interest-
ing shift in Anderson and Krathwohl’s domains
designated an active engagement with the subject
matter, as denoted through the “-ing” designation
for each level within the revised Taxonomy of
the Cognitive Domain. Further, Anderson and
Krathwohl revised the levels of thinking skills
implemented, which further differentiated their
revised cognitive-focused taxonomy from Bloom’s
original taxonomic framework. Further discussion
of both Taxonomies of the Cognitive Domain are
appropriate, to more fully articulate the importance
associated with each taxonomic effort, as well as
framing the undergirding importance of the sense
of vulnerability within the learner’
Bloom’s Taxonomy of the
Cognitive Domain
Bloom’s Taxonomy of the Cognitive Domain
(Bloom, 1956; Bloom, Englehart, Furst, Hill &
Krathwohl, 1956; Krathwohl, Bloom & Masia,
1964) is one of the three identified domains:
Cognitive; Affective; and, Psychomotor (Bloom,
1956). The origin of this Taxonomy is intriguing, as
offered by Krathwohl (2002a) when he offers that,
The Taxonomy of Educational Objectives is a
framework for classifying statements of what we
expect or intend students to learn as a result of
instruction. The framework was conceived as a
means of facilitating the exchange of test items
among faculty at various universities in order to
create banks of items, each measuring the same
educational objectives. (p. 212)
An intriguing quotation that offers a definition
of knowledge is offered in the Appendix which is
quoted as, “Knowledge, as defined here, involves
the recall of specifics and universals, the recall
of methods and processes, or the recall of a pat-
tern, structure, or setting” (Bloom, 1956, p. 201).
This definition of knowledge helps support the
concept of implicit versus explicit memory within
the Taxonomy of the Cognitive Domain, wherein
the explicit memory efforts revolve around the
learner’s ability to recall specific information,
methods, patterns, structures, and other delinea-
tions of specific recall, while the implicit memory
aspects focus more so upon more universal and
abstract understandings and a more unconscious
level of understanding and structural information,
such that learning occurs at the higher levels of
the Cognitive Domain. As the Cognitive domain
is the one specifically focused upon one’s knowl-
edge, or mental efforts, this is the one domain
that will be focused upon within this discussion
that revolves around a learner’s efforts. Within
the Cognitive Domain, there are six categories
wherein “Knowledge” is designated as the low-
est order of thinking and each category becomes
a higher level until the highest level is reached,
designated as “Evaluation”: Knowledge; Com-
prehension; Application; Analysis; Synthesis;
and, Evaluation.With the dawning of the Digital
91

Age, the introduction of the Internet offered an
opportunity to consider revisions to Bloom’s
original Taxonomy of the Cognitive Domain
(Bloom, 1956; Bloom, Englehart, Furst, Hill &
Krathwohl, 1956; Krathwohl, Bloom &Masia,
1964), and consider enhancing and further delin-
eating categories worthy of further consideration.
As stated by Krathwohl (2002a):
In the original Taxonomy, the Knowledge cat-
egory embodied both noun and verb aspects. The
noun or subject matter aspect was specified in
Knowledge’s extensive subcategories. The verb
aspect was included in the definition given to
Knowledge in that the student was expected to
be able to recall or recognize knowledge. This
brought unidimensionality to the framework at
the cost of a Knowledge category that was dual
in nature and thus different from the other Taxo-
nomic categories. This anomaly was eliminated
in the revised Taxonomy by allowing these two
aspects, the noun and the verb, to form separate
dimensions, the noun providing the basis for the
Knowledge dimension and the verb forming the
basis for the Cognitive Process dimension. (p. 213)
What is important to acknowledge is that the
subject matter is not a detriment; instead, the
subject matter is not important when considering
the procedures inherent towards enhancing the
learner’s understanding of the information within
the Cognitive Domain.
The importance of Bloom’s Taxonomy of the
Cognitive Domain (1956) cannot be more fully em-
phasized, as Bloom’s efforts emphasize the major
points of a learner’s understanding of knowledge,
as regards the ability to work with knowledge at
procedurally higher levels of understanding. What
is important to question, at this point, is how the
learner successfully moves from category to cat-
egory, within the cognitive domain? How does
the learner develop a working understanding of
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Rethinking Bloom’s Taxonomy
the information, with the ability to move from a
lower-level category to the next higher category?
This is a question worthy of consideration.
Anderson and Krathwohl’s Revised
Taxonomy of the Cognitive Domain
Anderson and Krathwohl (2001) offered a revised
view of Bloom’s Taxonomy of the Cognitive Do-
main, to more fully embrace a matrix in which
the desired focus is upon not only the knowledge
but also the learner’s cognition, suggested as
being “Our revision of the original Taxonomy
is a two-dimensional framework: Knowledge
and Cognitive Processes” (Krathwohl, 2002a, p.
218), wherein “The Taxonomy of Educational
Objectives is a scheme for classifying educational
goals, objectives, and, most recently, standards.
It provides an organizational structure that gives
a commonly understood meaning to objectives
classified in one of its categories, thereby en-
hancing communication” (Krathwohl, 2002a,
p. 218). The Revised Bloom’s Taxonomy of the
Cognitive Domain more fully embraces the levels
of knowledge accumulation and understanding,
offered as The Cognitive Process Dimension:
Remember (lower level of cognitive processing);
Understand, Apply; Analyze; Evaluate; and, Cre-
ate (higher level of cognitive processing). What is
intriguing is that Anderson and Krathwohl (2001)
offer a matrix wherein four different levels of The
Knowledge Dimension understanding occurs,
specifically being: Factual Knowledge; Concep-
tual Knowledge; Procedural Knowledge; and,
Metacognitive Knowledge (Krathwohl, 2002a, p.
217). The Revised Bloom’s Taxonomy (Anderson
& Krathwohl, 2001) suggests a more dynamic
understanding of the learner’s cognitive processes
associated with understanding the information
and how one might think about the information;
however, as with Bloom’s Taxonomy (Bloom,
1956) although to a lesser degree, there continues

Rethinking Bloom’s Taxonomy
to be an important question, specifically revolving
around the question as to how the learner success-
fully moves from category to category, within the
cognitive domain? How does the learner develop
a working understanding of the information, with
the ability to move from a lower-level category
to the next higher category?
Vulnerability
Within the context of learning, the concept of
vulnerability can be a frightening consideration.
The question is “why”? Within the world of pro-
fessional acting, actors consistently delve into
the concept of vulnerability. As suggested by
Bennett (2007):
To have a successful career as an actor you must
have a process for relating to and accessing your
core vulnerability -- the most sensitive, open, em-
pathic, deeply feeling, “real, inner you” -- your
“inner child.” By learning to respect and nurture
your own vulnerability, you can realize profound
creativity and depth in your acting. Conversely,
lack of access to one’s vulnerability is the cause
of much bad acting, and can result in actors
shouting at one another with no real “heart”
connection. (para. 1)
This same conception of vulnerability may be
inherent within the cognitive learning process,
wherein recognizing one’s own feelings of vul-
nerability and discomfort must be respected and
nurtured, so as to delve more deeply into a recogni-
tion of knowledge acquisition, understanding and
a shift in informational understanding that is new,
different, and may be initially uncomfortable for
the learner as the cognitive processes rethink prior
understandings and one’s conceptual framework of
understanding shifts (Vygotsky, 1933/1966, 1934,
1934/1987, 1935, 1962, 1978a, 1978b, 1981).
As we continue consideration towards Bennett’s
(2007) discussion revolving around actors and
the necessary need to access one’s vulnerability:
Vulnerability is not good or bad, it is simply real.
Some kinds of vulnerability feel awesome and
some feel terrifying. All vulnerability is profoundly
experiential and memorable. The more we learn
how to nurture our vulnerability, the more intimacy
we can experience and the safer and happier we
are likely to be in the world.
But live in a culture where vulnerability is ridi-
culed, abused, medicated and repressed. Because
of this, many reading this article do not even know
about their vulnerability – consciously. Some
literally have been abused out of a connection to
their vulnerability. In these people, vulnerability
seems bad and the need to “escape it” drives
much of what they do. (Bennett, 2007, para. 7-8)
The discussion emphasizes the experiential and
memorable aspects associated with feeling one’s
own sense of vulnerability while understanding
that the cultural impact on one’s self can negatively
impact one’s ability to recognize, access and em-
brace the vulnerability one feels within life experi-
ences. If this is a correct recognition of the cultural
impact upon aspects related to vulnerability, this
is a significant commentary associated with the
learner’s ability to embrace the concepts related
to vulnerability within the cognitive processes
associated with learner at progressively higher
levels of informational understanding. Again to
quote Bennett (2007), “Vulnerability underlies
every human conflict – and thus is at the core of
all meaningful acting. Acting that is devoid of
genuine vulnerability almost always fails” (para.
3). This suggestion that the inability to embrace
vulnerability disengages one from the ability to
offer a meaningful acting experience may parallel
the learner’s need to more fully embrace aspects
of cognitive dissonance and vulnerability within
the cognitive learning endeavour, so as to more
fully understand the shifting metacognitive un-
derstandings that occur when a learner begins to
think about and apply information at a higher level
of categorical implementation. One may ponder
93

and speculate as to why the potential impact of
vulnerability upon the learner and cognitive learn-
ing process is not more fully explored.
Of interest is the literature review search that
this author delved into, shifting from an intrigu-
ing and cursory review of available scholarly
resources into an expedition wherein the terms
“vulnerability” and “learning” offered one or two
existential or creative resources that were worthy of
review.Yet, the vast majority of scholarly resources
focused upon cognitive vulnerability to depres-
sion, emotional disorders and other comparatively
negative areas of research focus. It was difficult
to locate the term “vulnerability” or “cognitive
vulnerability”, “cognition” and “learning” with
positive endeavours such as successful cognitive
learner efforts towards working with information
in new, innovative ways so as to meet learning
objectives.
Vulnerability within the
Learning Process
Engaging in the learning process can be unnerv-
ing for the learner, especially as one considers the
understandings regarding the unconscious influ-
ences revolving around the concept of implicit
cognition. Much interest has revolved around
how a learner actually learns information, inte-
grates new information into one’s working and
long-term memory, as well as the sociological
impact upon one’s cognitive processes. Bloom’s
Taxonomy of Educational Objectives, specifically
focused upon the Cognitive Domain (Bloom,
1956; Bloom, Englehart, Furst, Hill & Krathwohl,
1956; Krathwohl, Bloom & Masia, 1964) wherein
six primary categories in the cognitive domain
were delineated: Knowledge, Comprehension,
Application, Analysis, Synthesis and Evaluation.
The “lowest” categorical level was designated as
being Knowledge, slowly moving one’s cogni-
tive understanding and ability to work with the
knowledge up to the highest level, being Evalua-
tion. Further, in the early part of the 21st Century,
94

Rethinking Bloom’s Taxonomy
Anderson and Krathwohl (2001) offered a revised
version of Bloom’s Taxonomy of Educational
Objectives for the Digital Age, wherein the six
primary categories in the cognitive domain were
delineated as: Remembering, Understanding,
Applying, Analysing, Evaluating, and Creating.
As framed within Bloom’s Taxonomy, Anderson
and Krathwohl (2001) designated Remembering
as being the “lowest” categorical level, slowly
moving up to the “highest” level of Creating.
These delineations are intriguing; however, the
implicit cognitive framework through which these
leaps in conception and understanding may occur
are lacking.
To fill this cognitive leap in a learner’s un-
derstanding, one must consider the needs of the
learner to frame the information already learned
and integrated into one’s memory a bit differ-
ently. As such, a discussion as revolves around
the implicit cognitive vulnerability of the learner
as an impetus towards moving “up” the cognitive
domains of information understanding must be
realized. Specifically focusing upon the learner’s
ability to engage with the subject matter in new
and different ways, with a sense of vulnerability
and engagement so as to understand and work with
the information at a new, different and sometimes
frighteningly uncomfortable manner of being.
The concept of vulnerability is inherent
within the learner’s implicit cognitive explora-
tions as regards moving up the cognitive domain
categories. Framing this discussion more easily,
a graphic representation of Bloom’s Taxonomy
and Anderson and Krathwohl’s revisions for the
Digital Age are integrated:
The conception for this understanding of vul-
nerability as being an impetus within a learner’s
understanding of the information and ability to
engage with the information in new and different
ways is integral towards recognizing the inherent
strength of the learner’s cognitive ability as well
as intriguing aspects associated with a learner’s
humanist connection to the process of learning
and understanding.

Rethinking Bloom’s Taxonomy

Figure 1. Bloom’s Taxonomy of Educational Objectives, specifically focused upon the Cognitive Domain,
with the concept of “vulnerability” delineated. (Original Bloom’s Taxonomy of the Cognitive Domain
referenced in Bloom, 1956; Bloom, Englehart, Furst, Hill & Krathwohl, 1956; Krathwohl, Bloom &
Masia, 1964)

How Did This Implicit Cognitive
Vulnerability Theory Begin?
This intriguing rethinking of delineated cognitive
domains of learning and information understand-
ing arose in a strangely intriguing manner. The au-
thor was learning about an academic’s focus upon
human communicative styles and the “humanness”
of our ability to commiserate and understand each
other, primarily through a conceptual focus upon
expanding perception yet more specifically upon
“the power of vulnerability” (Brown, 2010, 2011).
While listening to the initial discussions and “dis-
comfort” associated with human communication,
connections and perceptions, I began to consider
the discomfort and vulnerability associated with
the learner’s continuously developing understand-
ing of knowledge and associated information, the
learner’s conceptual framework of understanding
that supports and engages new information while
also working towards placing the new information
into prior frameworks of conceptual understand-
ing that have already been imprinted; as well,
rethinking and reframing a learner’s conceptual
framework of understanding as new information
presents itself through socialization (Vygotsky,
1933/1966, 1934, 1934/1987, 1935, 1962, 1978a,
1978b, 1981). The social discourse associated

95

Figure 2. Anderson and Krathwohl’s revisions to Bloom’s Taxonomy for the Digital Age, with the concept
of “vulnerability” delineated. (Original Revised Bloom’s Taxonomy of the Cognitive Domain referenced
inAnderson & Krathwohl, 2001)
with meaning-making through the chosen words
that people use to communicate with each other
(Wittgenstein, 1960) further framed my thought
process, until I began to seriously consider
Bloom’s Taxonomy of Educational Objectives as
specifically focused upon the Cognitive Domain
(Bloom, 1956, 1984; Bloom, Englhart, Furst, Hill
& Krathwohl, 1956; Bloom &Krathwohl, 1956;
Krathwohl, Bloom & Masia, 1964) as well as
Bloom’s Revised Taxonomy of Educational Ob-
jectives of the Cognitive Domain for the Digital
Age (Anderson & Krathwohl, 2001; Krathwohl,
2002a, 2002b) while also thinking back to Pink’s
(2006) framing of the Conceptual Age wherein
working with information and ideas relates to
96

Rethinking Bloom’s Taxonomy
the importance associated with creative types of
thinking and ability so as to develop new ideas
and creative re-imaginings of previously routine,
commonplace or conventional ideas.
Issues, Controversies, Problems
Issues with presenting this theoretical concept of
implicit cognitive vulnerability within the learning
process, more specifically within the Original or
the Revised Taxonomy of the Cognitive Domain
(Anderson & Krathwohl, 2001; Bloom, 1956;
Bloom, Englehart, Furst, Hill & Krathwohl, 1956;
Krathwohl, Bloom & Masia, 1964), revolves
around the lack of research associated with the

Rethinking Bloom’s Taxonomy
learner’s sense of cognitive vulnerability as the
learner tries to move from a lower level of cogni-
tive understanding and working with the subject
matter, towards the next higher level of cognitive
understanding and actively engaging or working
with the subject matter so as to focus upon a higher
order thinking skill necessary to be a successful
learner. The learner may engage with a sense of
vulnerability, perhaps one may refer to as implicit
cognitive vulnerability, wherein a deep-rooted
sense of resistance, dissonance, fear and perhaps
concerns related to revealing their own creativity
and innovative inspiration within a more public
forum due to associated fears reflecting the po-
tentially undesirable expectation to “think outside
the box” and reflect their own cognitive thought
processes that may be different than their peer
learners and may actually present the learner as
cognitively beyond the bounds of the instructor
or facilitator’s understanding. It’s a frightening
endeavour, to work with information in new and
different ways, especially when the learner may
not be positively supported by peers, instructional
faculty and staff, as well as creative endeavours
that may naturally offer a sense of cognitive re-
sistance and dissonance to the learner who may
strive towards overcoming the potential resistant
feelings and delve into new ways of working with
and thinking about the subject matter that may
feel uncomfortable or strangely unnatural for a
short period of time.
The learner must naturally develop an under-
standing as regards this sense of vulnerability at
imperative points throughout the learning process.
But how is the learner to accomplish this impor-
tant task? An understanding by the instructor or
facilitator is necessary and appropriate, but beyond
one’s understanding, the instructor or facilitator
must endeavour to model the need to embrace
the sense of vulnerability as a naturally occurring
sense of resistance, dissonance and fear, so as to
embrace vulnerability as a discomfort that merely
strengthens one’s implicit cognitive processes and
creative inspiration. To successfully accomplish
this modelling within the instructional environ-
ment, the instructor or facilitator must not only have
this also modelled successfully towards their own
experiential understanding and implicit memory
engagement, but this sense of implicit cognitive
vulnerability must also be actively instructed and
engaged within different instructional and train-
ing realms so as to support learners at all levels
of pedagogical and andragogical engagement.
Solutions and Recommendations
Recommendations associated with this endeav-
our are to begin the conversation as regards the
potential towards significance associated with
the concept of implicit cognitive vulnerability. It
is imperative that research occurs, to delve into
this topic so as to positively engage the learners
with the subject matter, more fully embrace the
ability to work with and understand subject matter
knowledge, and develop a more positive sense of
the concept of “vulnerability” within the cognitive
domain of understanding and learning process.
A second recommendation would be to ac-
knowledge the importance of vulnerability within
the learning process, and to not only instruct but
also model positive engagement with vulnerability
within the learning environment. Developing an
academic tolerance towards vulnerability may
not only encourage the learner’s strengthening
understanding of the learning process, but may
more fully engage the learner in delving into
emotional responses associated with vulnerabil-
ity, such as dissonance, resistance, fear and also
creativity, inspiration and innovativeness. Shifting
the thought process away from a negative sense
of “vulnerability” towards a positive experiential
attitude, may not only embrace positive academic
change but also further engage the concept of
lifelong learning as a worthy endeavour and an
exciting adventure.
97

FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS
Implicit cognition is an intriguing consideration
within the realm of learning; specifically within
the realm of implicit memory necessities within the
learner’s ability to work with information at differ-
ent levels of cognitive domains of understanding.
As Bloom’s Taxonomy of the Cognitive Do-
main (Bloom, 1956; Bloom, Englehart, Furst, Hill
& Krathwohl, 1956; Krathwohl, Bloom & Masia,
1964) and Anderson and Krathwohl’s (2001)
Revised Bloom’s Taxonomy are vitally impor-
tant within the academic milieu, considerations
regarding not only designing learning objectives
is worthy of consideration but also the shifts in
cognitive efforts on the part of the learners is also
important. Recognition that there are different
ways through which to work with subject matter
knowledge is a strength of Bloom’s Taxonomy
of the Cognitive Domain, as well as Anderson
and Krathwohl’s Revised Bloom’s Taxonomy;
however, how the learner is able to successfully
transfer or pass into a higher order thinking process
is immensely necessary due to the need to support
and nurture the learner’s cognitive endeavours.
The suggestion that a sense of learner experi-
ence as concerns implicit cognitive vulnerability
may indeed be a cognitive reality as the learner
shifts ways through which to work with different
subject matter information, is worthy of future
research effort.
More directly related to the book’s theme,
the exploration of implicit cognition from the
academic focus is pedagogically and andragogi-
cally inherent and necessary. Implicit cognition,
much as implicit memory, are integrally important
towards cognitive processes, implicit cognitive
vulnerability is a necessary topic of engagement
so as to more fully understand successfully over-
coming the resistance, dissonance, fear, creativity
and inspiration that comes from acknowledging
and embracing implicit cognitive vulnerability.
98

Rethinking Bloom’s Taxonomy
CONCLUSION
Concepts related to implicit memory, implicit
cognition and implicit cognitive vulnerability as
pertains to the learning endeavour is a vital area
of intrigue and is worthy of significant future
study. The conceptions revolving around Bloom’s
Taxonomy of the Cognitive Domain and Anderson
and Krathwohl’s (2001) Revised Bloom’s Tax-
onomy of the Cognitive Domain (Bloom, 1956;
Bloom, Englehart, Furst, Hill & Krathwohl, 1956;
Krathwohl, Bloom & Masia, 1964) embrace the
concept of cognition within the learning realm;
however, what is lacking is an explanation as
regards how the learner successfully moves from
one level of cognitive effort to a higher level of
cognitive effort. Anderson and Krathwohl (2001)
attempt to provide a two-dimensional explana-
tion that furthers a thoughtful understanding of
The Knowledge Dimension as regards Factual
Knowledge, Conceptual Knowledge, Procedural
Knowledge, and Metacognitive Knowledge
within the different Cognitive Process Dimen-
sions (Krathwohl, 2002a, p. 217), but continues
to ignore the important concepts that frame the
differentiation between the dimensional cogni-
tive steps towards higher order thinking skills.
This discussion is merely the beginning, wherein
aspects related to implicit cognitive vulnerabil-
ity suggests the sense of dissonance, resistance,
fear, creativity, inspiration and innovative efforts
associated with the shifting efforts and thought
processes as the learner delves into cognitively
focused higher order thinking skills.
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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS
Bloom’s Taxonomy of the Cognitive Domain:
Dr. Benjamin Bloom and colleagues developed a
Taxonomy of the Cognitive Domain wherein they
tried to lay out a framework of understanding as
regards the ways that people understand knowledge
and work with information. The primary focus of
this effort was to more easily design and develop
instructional objectives for the learner to meet
within an instructional endeavour or environment.
Dissonance: This is a cognitive sense of un-
certainty and discomfort. Within this discussion,
it is focused upon the learner’s feelings of subject
matter discomfort and uncertainty as the learner
attempts to think about and implement the subject
matter information in new and different ways.
Higher Order Thinking Skills: This is a con-
cept within the educational realm, based upon dif-
ferent instructional or learning taxonomies, such
as Bloom’s Taxonomy of the Cognitive Domain
or Anderson and Krathwohl’s Revised Bloom’s
Taxonomy of the Cognitive Domain.
Implicit Memory: This is a memory type
wherein one may not actually recognize a con-
scious understanding of prior knowledge nor
experiential efforts associated with information,
subject matter or performance.
Resistance: This is the cognitive sense of
opposition to or slowed cognitive movement as-
sociated with the learner. Within this discussion,
it is focused upon the learner’s feelings of subject
matter discomfort and sense of opposition to or
slowed cognitive movement associated with the
learner’s attempts to think about and implement
the subject matter information in new and dif-
ferent ways.
Revised Bloom’s Taxonomy of the Cogni-
tive Domain: Anderson and Krathwohl (2001)
redesigned Bloom’s Taxonomy of the Cognitive
Domain in the early years of the Digital Age,
wherein there was a different way to think about
the understanding of knowledge and higher order
thinking skills, as well as framing the design and
development of instructional objectives for the
learners within a two-dimensional matrix-style
framework.
Vulnerability: This is the label that the au-
thor implements, to reflect the sense of cognitive
dissonance, resistance, fear, as well as creativity,
inspiration and innovative cognitive thought pro-
cesses that occur as the learner moves between
cognitive domains within Bloom’s Taxonomy
of the Cognitive Domain and Anderson and
Krathwohl’s Revised Bloom’s Taxonomy of the
Cognitive Domain.
103
104

Chapter 5
Implicit Social Cognition and
Language Attitudes Research
Andrew J. Pantos
Metropolitan State University of Denver, USA

ABSTRACT
This chapter argues for incorporation of concepts and methods from the domain of Implicit Social
Cognition (ISC) into the field of language attitudes research. As support, this chapter reports on a quan-
titative study that employed both an audio Implicit Association Test and traditional self-report question-
naires to measure participants’ implicit and explicit attitudes toward foreign and U.S. accented speech
stimuli. The IAT revealed a pro-U.S. accent bias, while the explicit measure found a pro-foreign accent
bias. These results support the argument that the distinction between implicit and explicit attitudes as
separable attitude constructs resulting from distinct mental processes is an important one for language
attitudes research and that both attitude constructs should be evaluated when studying language attitudes.

INTRODUCTION and comprehensive approach that augments

This paper reports on the findings of a recent
quantitative experimental study that provides
promising support for the integration of concepts
and methods from social psychology’s domain
of Implicit Social Cognition (ISC) into language
attitudes research (e.g., Pantos & Perkins, 2013).
The ISC’s characterization of attitudes as either
implicit (immediate) or explicit (thoughtful), its
compatible methods for measuring these two
separate attitude constructs, and its corresponding
attitude processing models (e.g., the Associative-
Propositional Evaluation [APE] Model; [Gawron-
ski & Bodenhausen, 2006]) present a consistent
existing language attitudes research. Using this
quantitative research study of reactions to foreign
accented speech as a foundation, this paper argues
for the general application of the ISC framework
to language attitudes research and at the same
time cautions against mischaracterizing implicit
attitudes.
BACKGROUND
Over the past half century or more, traditional
language attitudes studies have produced a rich
body of literature and a variety of findings,

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-4666-6599-6.ch005

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Implicit Social Cognition and Language Attitudes Research
establishing quantitatively—and not inconse-
quentially—that reactions to foreign accented
speech are complex. Specifically, traditional
language attitudes research have confirmed not
only the existence of a general negative affect
toward nonstandard accents (e.g., Gluszek &
Dovidio, 2010; Lambert, 1967; Rubin & Smith,
1990), but also a variety of reactions to specific,
identified accents, attributing this variation to a
number of factors, including reaction type (e.g.,
affective and evaluative reactions), speaker trait
(e.g., solidarity [kindness, friendliness, etc.] and
status [competence, intelligence, etc.]) (Cargile &
Giles, 1997; Ryan, 1982), the aggressiveness of
the message (Cargile & Giles, 1997), stereotypes
associated with the speaker’s nationality (Frum-
kin, 2007; Kristiansen, 2001), and the degree of
nonstandardness of the speaker’s accent (Brennan
& Brennan, 1981; Bresnahan, Ohashi, Nebashi,
Liu, & Shearman, 2002). Interestingly, the idea
of a general negative affect was never reconciled
with the sometimes positive reactions revealed
in these studies of reactions to specific accents.
The general bias against nonstandard lan-
guage varieties has led to the conclusion that
nonstandard accents are generally dispreferred
(e.g., Gluszek & Dovidio, 2010; Lambert, 1967;
Rubin & Smith, 1990). This finding seems to
explain the significant negative social, political,
judicial, and economic consequences potentially
suffered by individuals who speak with a nonna-
tive accent (Kinzler, Shutts, DeJesus & Spelke,
2009; Lippi-Green, 1997; Matsuda, 1991). For
the underlying cause of these negative reactions,
researchers have relied historically on concepts
from Social Identity Theory (SIT; Tajfel & Turner,
1986/2004) and its notions that social identity
is derived from group membership, that social
interaction is essentially intergroup interaction,
and that the negative reactions results from
relative unfavorable comparison of outgroup
members (Turner & Giles, 1981). These studies
demonstrated that language attributes signal group
membership status (Bresnahan & Kim, 1993;
Bresnahan et al., 2002; Giles, Hewstone, Ryan &
Johnson, 1987; Reid & Giles, 2005; Ryan, 1983;
White & Li, 1991) and are therefore at the very
core of intergroup behavior. The power of group
membership was also studied in narrower focus
in many traditional language attitudes studies that
considered reactions to specific, identified foreign
nationalities, including Mexican (Ryan, Carranza
& Moffie, 1977); Malaysian (Gill, 1994); Japanese
(Cargile & Giles, 1998); Chinese (Cargile, 1997);
Mexican, Lebanese and German (Frumkin, 2007);
and Italian, Norwegian, and Eastern European
(Mulac, Hanley & Prigge, 1974).
Problems with the
Traditional Approach
While this body of research provides a wealth of
information about a general anti-foreign bias and
reactions to specific accents, it fails to provide a
consistent theoretical framework that explains
the characterization and formation of these reac-
tions. That is not to say that explanations have
not been posited. Several studies relied on the
Elaboration Likelihood Model (ELM; Petty &
Cacioppo, 1986) to conceptualize the process-
ing of language attitudes (e.g., Frumkin, 2007;
Giles, Williams, Mackie & Rosselli, 1995). The
ELM, however, was never intended to describe
the cognitive processing of anything other than
persuasive messages, a content limitation that
makes the model unsuitable as an explanation for
language attitude formation, in general.
In addition to the ELM, a number of research-
ers—largely working independently of one another
and independently of general attitudes research—
have posited a variety of original processing
models. Notably, Cargile and colleagues (1994)
postulated a theoretical model of social processes
involved in the formation of language attitudes that
emphasizes the role of perceived cultural factors
on listener attitudes and evaluations. Bradac and
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Implicit Social Cognition and Language Attitudes Research
colleagues (2001) present a similar theoretical
model with the addition of an expanded nodal net-
work that includes a distinction between automatic
and controlled information processing, following
Greenwald and Banaji (1995). Bradac, however,
also proposes the use of ELM to explain how it-
erations of the nodal network are spread. Neither
of these models was ever generally endorsed by
other researchers or supported by quantitative
language attitudes studies.
Perhaps symptomatic of the lack of a consistent
theoretical basis for understanding language at-
titudes, terminology is inconsistently and impre-
cisely used in the traditional language literature.
These inconsistencies are not limited to differences
in usage by different researchers. Even within the
same study, it is not uncommon to find a variety
of loosely defined terms used interchangeably. In
one study, for example, the terms emotionally and
affectively are used equivalently without explana-
tion, as are the terms evaluatively, thoughtfully,
and cognitively, to describe listener reactions
to a speaker’s accent and message (Cargile &
Giles, 1997). The use of cognitive for thoughtful
is particularly confusing, because it causes the
reader to speculate as to whether the authors are
suggesting that the contrasting affective reactions
involve no cognitive processing at all. Thus, while
the traditional literature has established the exis-
tence of biased reactions and their social costs, a
clear and consistent understanding of the nature
of listener reactions to foreign accented speech
(i.e., emotional, affective, evaluative, cognitive,
etc.) and an explanation of the manner in which
they are cognitively processed (i.e., automatically,
thoughtfully, simultaneously, concurrently, etc.)
were never established.
The lack of a clear conceptual framework in
traditional language attitudes research has also
led to a number of methodological inconsisten-
cies. The preferred methodology for quantitative
experimental language attitudes research histori-
106

cally has been indirect questioning based on the
speaker evaluation paradigm (e.g., Cargile et al.,
1994). Working within this paradigm, researchers
avoid direct questions about language, preferring
instead ‘indirect questions’ about the speaker (e.g.,
about the speaker’s competence, friendliness,
etc.). It was believed that such questions were
less sensitive to reflection and social desirability
biases than direct questions about the speaker’s
language. As such, researchers mistakenly be-
lieved these indirect questions provided insight
into the participant’s affective—as opposed to
the participant’s thoughtful—attitudes towards
the language. Attitudes research conducted within
the ISC framework, however, has established that
eliciting responses to questions, regardless of
whether the questions are characterized as direct
or indirect, necessarily evokes participant intro-
spection (Nosek et al., 2005; 2007). Introspection
requires cognitive processing. Consequently, this
‘indirect questions’ method cannot access anything
other than a participant’s thoughtfully processed
attitudes. In other words, the attitudes captured by
these ‘indirect questions’ were not the affective
reactions the researchers had hoped to capture.
Implicit Social Cognition as
a Promising Solution
Outside the purview of traditional language
attitude research, the concepts and methodolo-
gies suggested by the domain of Implicit Social
Cognition (ISC; Greenwald et al., 2002) provide
a clear, coherent, and consistent understanding of
attitudes and their formation. Applying this frame-
work to linguistic analysis would not only bring
these qualities to language attitudes research but
would also align language attitudes studies with
broader attitudes research and eliminate the need
to theorize why reactions to language variation
should be analyzed differently from other attitudes.
Appropriately, applying ISC to language attitudes

Implicit Social Cognition and Language Attitudes Research
research would place it in context with research
conducted on social judgment and decision-
making (Bodenhausen & Todd, 2010), prejudice
and stereotyping (Amodio & Mendoza, 2010), and
social justice (Payne & Cameron, 2010).
ISC maintains that implicit attitudes and ex-
plicit attitudes are two separate attitude constructs
associated with affective (impulsive/immediate)
and evaluative (reflective/thoughtful) reactions
formed by distinct cognitive processes (Strack &
Deutsch, 2004; Wittenbrink & Schwarz, 2007).
Implicit attitudes are unavoidable, immediate
reactions based on pre-existing associations and
stereotypes held by the individual, while explicit
attitudes are thoughtful reactions formed through
more extensive cognitive processing (Greenwald
& Banaji, 1995). Consistent with the foregoing,
the Associative Propositional Evaluation (APE)
Model (Gawronski & Bodenhausen, 2006)—an
attitudes processing model—explains attitude
formation as occurring through two separate, but
potentially interactive, mental processes, referred
to as associative and propositional. Correspond-
ing to implicit attitudes, associative processing
is performed immediately and involves affective
reactions based on the pre-existing salient as-
sociations the listener possesses. Because they
cannot be captured using methods that require
introspection, implicit attitudes can be captured
only by using indirect measures (Nosek et al.,
2007) and implicit measurement tasks such as
the Implicit Association Test (IAT; Greenwald,
McGhee & Schwartz, 1998), which measures
relative reaction time in stimulus-to-attribute
sorting tasks. Propositional processing, which
must be invoked, involves thoughtful reactions
and yields explicit attitudes. Because they involve
evaluation and are thus subject to cognitive con-
trol (Botvinick, Braver, Barch, Carter & Cohen,
2001), explicit attitudes can be measured with
self reports. Importantly, the APE Model allows
that these different types of cognitive processes
can yield different attitudes toward the same at-
titude object, and that these attitudes can be held
concurrently by the individual toward the same
object. The ISC domain thus provides the field of
language attitudes research with what it has been
lacking: a clear characterization of attitude con-
structs, a consistent cognitive processing model,
and an appropriate methodology that aligns with
the theory.
Applying ISC to Language Attitudes
One example of the application of the ISC to lan-
guage attitudes research involves an assessment
of reactions to foreign accented speech (Pantos
& Perkins, 2013). By using separate methods
for measuring each of the attitude constructs in
accordance with ISC theories, this study shows
that a listener’s reaction to language variation is
comprised of both implicit and explicit attitudes,
which may diverge. Furthermore, this study found
the existence of a proportionally oppositional
relationship between the two attitude constructs,
indicating an interaction between them. Both of
these findings support the integration of the ISC
theoretical framework and methodologies, as well
as the APE Model, into the study of language
attitudes.
METHOD
The study measured participants’ implicit (with an
audio IAT) and explicit (with self reports) attitudes
toward U.S. and foreign accented speech (Pantos
& Perkins, 2013). Although there are a number
of methodologies associated with ISC—includ-
ing the Go/No-go Association Task (Nosek &
Banaji, 2001), Extrinsic Affective Simon Task (De
Houwer, 2003), and several iterations of the IAT
such as the Single-block IAT (Teige-Mocigemba,
Lauer, & Rothermund, 2008) and the Recoding-
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Implicit Social Cognition and Language Attitudes Research
free IAT (Rothermund, Teige-Mocigemba, Gast,
& Wentura, 2009)—the present study employed a
standard IAT for several reasons. First, a standard
IAT that measures relative attitudes towards two
targets was appropriate for a comparison study of
one accent against another. In addition, the IAT
has been repeatedly tested, and finally, the IAT
enjoys a high level of measurement reliability
(Bodenhausen & Todd, 2010).
The study, set within the context of a hypotheti-
cal medical malpractice trial, consisted of three
tasks: 1) an audio IAT; 2) a self report; and 3) a
confirmation task. The tasks asked participants to
compare the speech of two actors: a native U.S.
English speaker from the mid-Atlantic region,
and a Korean native, who moved to the U.S. at
the age of 30 to attend graduate school and is
fluent in English. The entire study was computer
based and took place in one of the university’s
behavioral laboratories. Participants sat alone in
a sound-controlled room in front of the screen
of a Windows™-based laptop computer with a
built-in standard keyboard, a track pad, external
mouse, and headphones plugged into the com-
puter’s headphone port. All tasks were created
using Inquisit™ software (Draine, 1998). The
total time required for a participant to complete
all three tasks was approximately 25 minutes:
approximately 10 minutes for Task 1, ten minutes
for Task 2, and five minutes for Task 3. Tasks
1 and 2 measured the participants’ implicit and
explicit responses, respectively, to the audio
stimuli presented. Task 3 checked the behavioral
motivations found in Tasks 1 and 2. A distraction
task was inserted between Tasks 1 and 2, which
consisted of a Rational Evaluation Inventory list
of 40 questions asking participants to rate to what
degree they emotionally or thoughtfully answer
questions (Pacini & Epstein, 1999). Participants
were asked to supply demographic information
after completing Task 3. Approval and authori-
zation from the university’s Institutional Review
Board was obtained before the commencement of
the study and any data was collected.
108

Participants
A total of 165 participants took part in this study.
The number of participants was determined by
power calculations based on an alpha of .05, a
(1 - β) = .80, a standard deviation of 1, and an
error standard deviation of 1 for a linear regression
analysis. Participants were sought from a univer-
sity’s graduate and undergraduate population.
Participation was voluntary, and a fee of $10 per
participant was paid in compensation. Participants
ranged in age from 17-22 years of age, with an
average age of 20. Of the participants, 114 were
women and 51 were men; 63 self identified their
race as ‘Caucasian/white/European’, 40 as ‘Asian/
Chinese/Taiwanese’, 20 as ‘Hispanic/Mexican/
Latino’, and 17 as ‘African/African American/
Black’. The majority of participants self identi-
fied their nationality as ‘US/American’ (131); 34
participants designated their nationality as foreign
(16 as ‘Chinese’; 4 as ‘Korean’; 4 as ‘Mexican’;
2 and ‘El Salvadoran’, 2 as ‘English’, and 6 as
‘other’). Although all participants were proficient
enough in English to attend a US university, 35
indicated their native language to be something
other than English (14 as ‘Chinese/Mandarin/
Cantonese’, 8 as ‘Spanish’, 6 as ‘Korean’, and 7
as another language).
Task 1: Implicit Associations
Test (IAT)
The IAT was incorporated to provide a means to
measure participants’ associative, or affective,
responses to the stimuli presented. The language
stimuli consisted of recorded audio excerpts, in-
cluding lexical items and collocations, taken from
the audio recordings used in Task 2 (at 2:25; 2
options; assistance first; training and experience;
it is my opinion; I have frequently encountered;
perform charting; probability). These excerpts
were equalized for loudness using SoundForge™
and trimmed to assure no delay at the start of each
clip. The stimuli were repeated three times. This

Implicit Social Cognition and Language Attitudes Research
use of audio stimuli was deemed essential to the
linguistic nature of the study, and represents an
expansion of this methodology, which in published
literature to-date has relied on visual stimuli such
as printed words and images.
As attribute stimuli, positive and negative
valence words were used (marvelous, superb,
pleasure, beautiful, joyful, glorious, lovely, won-
derful; tragic, horrible, agony, painful, terrible,
awful, humiliate, nasty). Instructions informed
participants at the outset that they would hear a
recorded spoken word or word cluster through their
earphones and that they would have to categorize
the stimulus as belonging to the attribute shown on
the left or right of the computer screen by pressing
the appropriate computer key. Participants catego-
rized the stimulus by pressing the ‘E’ (for left)
or ‘I’ (for right) key on the computer keyboard.
The four categories used in this study were: US
and Foreign (target concepts), and good and bad
(attributes). Participants were instructed to work
quickly without sacrificing accuracy. They were
told that this portion of their participation would
take no more than about 10 minutes.
In accordance with the methodology estab-
lished in previous IAT research (e.g., Greenwald
et al., 1998), the IAT was presented in five stages.
The first stage was a practice stage, in which
participants were presented with each of the eight
positive and eight negative attribute stimuli, for a
total of 16 trials. The second stage was also a prac-
tice stage, in which participants were presented
with each of the eight audio stimuli spoken by the
US accented physician and the eight audio stimuli
spoken by the Korean-accented physician, for a
total of 16 trials. In the third stage, a total of 32
trials were created from the combination of the first
two test blocks. The fourth stage repeated stage
two, but with the screen position of the attribute
stimuli reversed. In the fifth stage, the 32 trials
from stage three were repeated, but with the re-
versed screen positions for the attributes, as shown
in stage four. The order of the trials within each
block was randomized. If incorrect selections were
made, a red X appeared on the computer screen
for 400 milliseconds. Subsequent trials started
400 milliseconds after the previous response or
the disappearance of the red X. The assignment
of screen position to positive or negative valence
was counterbalanced for the participant pool, so
that half the participants saw positive words on the
left and negative on the right, and half saw them
reversed. To aid in sorting, attribute stimuli and
labels appeared in white font and target concepts
in green font consistently in all testing blocks.
Task 2: Self-Report Measure
For the explicit attitudes (self report) portion of
the study, participants were presented with audio
testimony of two actors portraying doctors, one
the treating physician and the other an expert wit-
ness who disagrees with the course of treatment.
Participants were randomly assigned to one of
four test condition groups: Group 1 heard both
testimonies produced by the U.S. English native;
Group 2 heard both testimonies produced by the
Korean native; Group 3 heard the testimony of the
treating physician produced by the U.S. native and
the contradictory testimony of the expert produced
by the Korean native; and Group 4 heard the tes-
timony of the treating physician produced by the
Korean native and the contradictory testimony of
the expert produced by the U.S. native. All nec-
essary controls were implemented to neutralize
potential confounds, including those for speaker,
script, voice, and order effects.
Presentation of test condition was counterbal-
anced across participants to allow for analysis of
both accent and presentation order, and to test
for a bias for order irrespective of accent. In all
versions, the treating physician testifies first, fol-
lowed by the expert witness. The two testimonies
are separated by the survey questions asking
participants to rate the speaker on a scale from 1
to 11, low to high, for the 14 speaker trait vari-
ables (believability, credibility, trustworthiness,
knowledge, expertise, intelligence, competence,
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Implicit Social Cognition and Language Attitudes Research
likeability, friendliness, warmth, judgment, per-
suasiveness, presentation style, and clarity). The
presentation order of variables was randomized
across participants. After hearing both witness
testimonies, participants were asked to indicate
their preference for each witness in two ways.
First, participants were asked to make a binary
choice (‘which doctor would you side with in this
dispute?’). Second, they were asked to indicate
on a Likert scale (1-11) to what extent they sided
with one witness over the other.
Task 3: Self-Report
Task 3 consisted of a second written self report
that measures participants’ reactions to a written
statement regarding the outcome of the case, with
the purpose of checking participants’ reactions
in Task 2. Because the APE Model assumes that
the associative and propositional processes can
inform each other constantly, it is helpful to test
explicit results twice for consistency and robust-
ness. In Task 3, the participants were asked to
pretend they were an alternate juror in the trial
who heard all the testimony but could not vote on
the verdict. They were then asked for their reac-
tions to fictional case outcomes. It was expected
that fairness ratings in this task would match the
explicit attitudes toward accent found in Task 2.
RESULTS
Explicit Results
The relative preference measure was recoded such
that responses closer to 1 indicated preference
for the Korean accent and responses closer to 11
indicated a preference for the American accent,
with the midpoint of the scale (6 on a 1 to 11
scale) indicating no preference for either. This
recoded measure was submitted to a two-tailed
T-test. Across both treatment conditions, analysis
revealed a significant bias in favor of the Korean
110

accented speaker (M = 5.40, SD = 1.90, t = -2.64,
p = .01). Further, a within-treatment ANOVA was
not significant (F = 2.49, p = .12), suggesting that
the Korean expert witness was preferred regard-
less of whether he testified for the defendant or
the plaintiff. No results obtained on the fairness
or speaker trait measures.
IAT Results
The raw IAT data was aggregated and transformed
using the D measure (Greenwald, Nosek & Banaji,
2003). The D measure may be interpreted as
equivalent to an effect size measure, similar to
Cohen’s d measure; however, Cohen’s d uses a
pooled within-treatment standard deviation, while
the IAT’s D-measure uses a standard deviation
calculated from only the scores in both measure-
ment blocks. Previous IAT studies (Greenwald
et al., 2003) recommend that data be eliminated
for ostensibly random responses (latencies of less
than 300 ms for more than ten per cent of trials
in combined task blocks) or lapses of concentra-
tion (latencies of greater than 10,000 ms). Seven
participants’ data were eliminated because they
contained extreme numbers of sorting errors or for
being extreme outliers. Following conversion to
the D measure, participants’ IAT responses were
submitted to a two-tailed T-Test. Overall, results
indicated an implicit bias in favor of the US ac-
cented speaker over the foreign accented speaker
(DAmerican = .32, t = 10.42, p < .001). Additionally,
no differences obtained between the treatment
and control conditions (MTreatmentD = .29, MControlD
= .33, F = .43, p = .51), or within the treatment
conditions (MKoreanFstD = .29, MAmericanFstD = .30, F
= .01, p = .91), such that all respondents revealed
the same a priori US accent bias.
Correlations between IAT
Results and Explicit Findings
In order to examine the relationship between the
IAT measure of implicit accent bias and witness

Implicit Social Cognition and Language Attitudes Research
preference, correlational analysis was conducted.
Interestingly, a significant correlation between
the IAT and witness preference obtained, such
that a stronger pro-US implicit bias predicted
an increased likelihood of preferring the Korean
expert witness explicitly (r = .26, p = .03). This
result did not obtain for the control condition
that incorporated expert witnesses who both had
Korean accents (r = .02, p = .89) or American
accents (r = -.08, p = .62) suggesting that the
relationship between implicit accent attitude and
witness preference is only significant when the
participant heard two different accents during
the testimony.
This study’s IAT found that the participants’
implicit attitudes favor the US accented speaker
over the Korean accented speaker, confirming the
ISC’s basic tenet of the distinct nature of implicit
and explicit attitudes. Additionally, the IAT pre-
dicted expert witness choice, such that participants
that revealed a stronger pro-US bias on the IAT
were more likely to choose the Korean accented
speaker, regardless of whether the Korean accented
speaker was the defendant treating physician or
the expert witness for the plaintiff. Further, this
effect only obtained when participants heard expert
testimony from both the US- and Korean accented
witnesses. Because the explicit results obtained
only in the accent comparison conditions, these
findings show that the explicit preference for one
speaker over the other is related to accent and not
to witness role or to the order of accent presen-
tation. Additionally, the predictive oppositional
relationship between the pro-US bias on the IAT
and the likelihood of favoring the Korean accent
in the explicit measures suggest two important
conclusions with regard to language attitudes.
DISCUSSION
This study’s results underscore the difference
between the disparate natures of the two attitude
constructs and support the argument that explicit
attitudes are cognitively controllable, while im-
plicit attitudes are not (Botvinick, Braver, Barch,
Carter, & Cohen, 2001; Nosek et al., 2007). The
difference in the implicit and explicit measures
found in this study potentially explains the seeming
inconsistency revealed in traditional language at-
titudes studies between the general negative affect
toward foreign accented speech (e.g., Gluszek &
Dovidio, 2010) and the varying reactions to identi-
fied foreign accents (e.g., Cargile & Giles, 1997).
Specifically, this study suggests that individu-
als determine accent foreignness quickly. The aver-
age response time in the IAT task was 1.23 seconds
and the average length of an iteration of the stimuli
was 1.25 seconds. Thus, before the completion of
a single iteration of the average stimulus, partici-
pants had determined that the accent was foreign.
This was enough to trigger an immediate reaction
and for the participants to form an implicit attitude
about the speaker. Implicit attitudes are immedi-
ate, difficult to control, and thus correspond to
participants’ affective responses (Wittenbrink &
Schwarz, 2007). This study thus supports earlier
language attitudes research that recognizes the
existence of a general negative affect towards for-
eign accents and the research that emphasizes the
importance of accent foreignness—irrespective of
specific nationality identification—in determining
ingroup/outgroup status (Lindemann, 2003). This
study adds to that research by providing a coherent
label for those reactions—implicit attitudes—and
by demonstrating an effective method for measur-
ing them—the IAT.
At the same time, these results and the char-
acterization of the reaction as an implicit attitude
within the ISC framework allow for an individual
to form an additional attitude based on further re-
flection—an explicit attitude. This explicit attitude
may vary from the implicit attitude, as the results
of this study indicate. Once again, this result is
consistent with earlier language attitudes studies
that, perhaps unintentionally, evoked explicit at-
titudes using the speaker evaluation paradigm.
Those studies indicated that participants could
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Implicit Social Cognition and Language Attitudes Research
exhibit a variety of reactions to various identified
foreign accents based on a number of factors,
including nationality stereotypes, message con-
tent, and the aggressiveness of the message (e.g.,
Cargile & Giles, 1997). ISC can thus explain both
the findings of a general negative affect towards
foreign accents and the findings of potentially
positive reactions to specific accents, an explana-
tion lacking in the traditional language attitudes
research. By incorporating concepts and methods
from ISC, then, the present study adds to tradi-
tional language attitudes research by defining and
distinguishing these different reactions as implicit
and explicit attitudes and by underscoring the
need for separate methodologies to capture the
different attitude constructs.
Although different constructs, both implicit
and explicit attitudes are nonetheless authentic
attitudes; both are reflective of an individual’s
reactions to the stimulus; and both are cognitively
formed by the individual—albeit through differ-
ent cognitive processes. It is, therefore, not the
case that implicit attitudes are any more ‘real’
than explicit attitudes (Lane et al., 2007). The
fact that the formation of explicit attitudes may
be influenced directly or indirectly by social or
other external factors does not diminish their au-
thenticity, as long as they are reported honestly.
It is also important to emphasize that the differ-
ence between the implicit bias in favor of the US
accented speaker and the explicit bias in favor of
the foreign accented speaker does not indicate
a change in attitude. It is not the case that the
divergent attitudes mean that the pro-US implicit
attitudes changed to the pro-foreign explicit at-
titudes between tasks. Implicit attitudes remain
separate from, and continue to co-exist alongside,
the individual’s explicit attitudes (Rohner &
Björklund, 2006) and both can affect judgment
and behavior (Perkins & Forehand, 2010). For
language attitudes study, these results indicate
that the same individual can process different at-
titudes toward the same set of language traits and
hold them concurrently, and consequently support
112

the measurement of both implicit and explicit at-
titudes to provide a more complete picture of the
individual’s attitudes, judgment, social perception,
and potential behavior than measuring only one
of these attitude constructs to the exclusion of the
other (Rohner & Björklund, 2006).
The findings of a predictive oppositional
relationship between the two attitude constructs
indicate that listeners can hypercorrect their ex-
plicit attitude reporting. Such hypercorrection in
attitude reporting has been shown to occur when
participants are concerned about perceptions of
their self presentation if they suspect their implicit
attitudes might reveal a socially unacceptable bias
(Baron & Banaji, 2006; de Jong, van den Hout,
Rietbroek & Huijding, 2003; Lane et al., 2007).
In the present study, almost half of the participant
pool was comprised of students from an introduc-
tory sociolinguistics class that was learning about
the negative consequences of unfounded biases
against foreign accented speech. If that is, in fact,
the reason for the bias in favor of the native Korean
speaker, then this result might indicate a type of
hypercorrection in attitude reporting. It should be
noted that the proportional aspect of the predictive
oppositional result eliminates the possibility that
the explicit bias in favor of the Korean speaker
is related to the identification of the accent or
the status of the speaker. Accent identification
or status considerations alone cannot explain a
higher likelihood of explicitly favoring the Korean
accented speaker when implicit reactions favor
the US accented speaker. The proportionally op-
positional attitude relationship between the two
attitude constructs suggests there is an interaction
between them.
Limits to the Conclusions
That Can Be Drawn
One unsettled question in the ISC literature is
whether individuals are aware of their implicit at-
titudes. ISC developed from two different research
traditions, each with a different characterization

Implicit Social Cognition and Language Attitudes Research
of the attitude constructs and a different view on
the issue of awareness. The attention research
tradition (e.g., Shiffrin & Schneider, 1977) char-
acterizes attitude processing as either automatic
or controlled. Automatic processing demands
little cognitive effort, is difficult to suppress, and
has no capacity limitations. Controlled process-
ing demands a great deal of cognitive effort, is
voluntary, and is limited in capacity. Awareness
and/or consciousness are not central to attention
research, and the concepts are mentioned only
rarely in the literature. This model maintains that
well-learned associations, including prevailing
social values and stereotypes, are activated auto-
matically (e.g., Fazio, 1995), raising the question
of whether measures of automatic attitudes, such
as sequential priming and the bogus pipeline ap-
proaches, reveal the participant’s attitudes or social
values and cultural beliefs. Significant variance
in the measurement of automatic attitudes among
individuals within the same society, however,
supports the view that these measures do indeed
capture individual and not social attitudes.
In contrast, the implicit memory tradition
(e.g., Banaji, 2001) defines implicit attitudes as
introspectively unidentified (or misidentified) in-
fluences of past experience on later performance.
The IAT is most closely associated with the implicit
memory tradition. This tradition’s definition has
developed into a view that participants are unaware
of their implicit attitudes. Critics argue that the
implicit memory tradition originally made no such
claim, and that it was the past experience that was
forgotten or suppressed in memory, and not the
attitude itself. The study discussed in this paper
supports the view that participants may, indeed,
be aware of their implicit attitudes, at least when
they participate in a study that seeks to elicit those
attitudes. In fact, several participants mentioned
in debriefing that they realized during the IAT
that they might be biased against the Korean ac-
cented speaker, so they were careful to save face
in the self report tasks. This is consistent with the
hypercorrection motivation posited in the stud-
ies discussed earlier. In the context of language
attitudes research, or at least the study discussed
in this paper, it is not necessary to answer the
question of awareness. The central finding of
the distinction between attitude types (implicit
and explicit) remains supported by the research
regardless of whether or not the participants were
aware of their implicit attitudes.
CONCLUSION
The integration of concepts and methods from
the domain of ISC can contribute significantly to
language attitudes research. Despite ambiguities
regarding claims about listeners’ awareness of
their implicit attitudes, which should be withheld
until the issue is resolved in the implicit memory
literature, the ISC framework provides clear and
comprehensive explanations for a number of
questions left unanswered by traditional language
attitudes studies. Observations of variation in reac-
tions to the same language traits can be explained
by ISC’s distinction between implicit and explicit
attitudes. A clearer understanding of the merits
of employing different methods for measuring
distinct attitude constructs, in particular those
methods established by researchers working within
the ISC domain, ensures that the attitudes captured
are the intended ones. In addition, a theory of
cognitive processing consistent with the concepts
and methods of ISC resolves the question of how
attitudes are formed. Finally, the adoption of the
ISC framework aligns language attitudes research
with broader attitudes research, eliminating the
need to invent a unique theory for the nature and
processing of language attitudes and explain why
language attitudes should be treated differently
from other attitudes.
113

Implicit Social Cognition and Language Attitudes Research
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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS
Affective Reactions: Impulsive reactions
based on emotional responses.
APE (Associative Propositional Evalua-
tion) Model: An attitudes processing model that
explains attitude formation as occurring through
two separate, but potentially interactive, mental
processes, referred to as associative and propo-
sitional.
Associative Processing: Unavoidable process-
ing performed immediately and based on salient
associations the listener already possesses.
Attitudes: Personally held, enduring inclina-
tions towards, or reactions to, an attitude object.
Evaluative Processing: Processing invoked
by the individual that involves thoughtful reac-
tions and the evaluation of impulsive reactions
as either consistent or inconsistent with other
relevant propositions.
Explicit Attitudes: Thoughtful reactions
formed through more extensive cognitive process-
ing than implicit attitudes.
Foreign Accent: Speech that exhibits phono-
logical and prosodic traits not typically associated
with native speakers of a language.
IAT (Implicit Attitudes Test): A method for
accessing and measuring implicit attitudes based
on relative reaction time in stimulus-to-attribute
sorting tasks.
Implicit Attitudes: Unavoidable, immediate
reactions based on pre-existing associations and
stereotypes held by an individual.
ISC (Implicit Social Cognition): A theoretical
domain of social psychology that maintains that
implicit attitudes and explicit attitudes are two
distinct attitude constructs.
Nonnative Accent: A foreign accent.
117
118

Chapter 6
Implicit Processes and
Emotions in Stereotype Threat
about Women’s Leadership
Gwendolyn A. Kelso
Boston University, USA

Leslie R. Brody
Boston University, USA

ABSTRACT
Stereotype threat about leadership ability may trigger emotional and cognitive responses that reduce
women’s leadership aspirations. This chapter reviews literature and presents a study on the effects of
implicit (covert) and explicit (overt) leadership stereotype threat on women’s emotions, power-related
cognitions, and behaviors as moderated by exposure to powerful female or male role models. Emotional
responses were measured using self-report (direct) and narrative writing (indirect) tasks. Undergraduate
women (n = 126) in the Northeastern U.S. were randomly divided into three stereotype threat groups:
none, implicit, and explicit. Implicit stereotype threat resulted in higher indirectly expressed (but not
self-reported) anxiety, behaviors that benefited others more than the self, and when preceded by exposure
to powerful female role models, higher self-reported negative emotion but also higher indirect positive
affect. Explicit stereotype threat resulted in higher indirect optimism, and when preceded by exposure
to powerful female role models, lower self-reported sadness but also lower implicit power cognitions.

INTRODUCTION business, and higher education in the United

Implicit (indirect and presumably at least partly
unconscious) cognitions and emotions may be
activated by stereotype threat about leadership in
women and contribute to the leadership gender
disparity in many domains, including government,
States (US). Traditional Western, white, middle
class gender role stereotypes of women as com-
munal and passive may influence attitudes and
beliefs that women are not qualified to be leaders.
Women themselves may internalize these attitudes,
leading to lowered aspirations to attain powerful

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-4666-6599-6.ch006

Copyright © 2015, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Implicit Processes and Emotions in Stereotype Threat about Women’s Leadership
positions. Given these conditions, it is important
to understand the implicit and explicit emotions
and cognitions that stereotype threat may activate.
Stereotype threat is a process that can be implic-
itly or explicitly initiated by situational cues that
highlight negative stereotypes about members of
social groups in various domains based on salient
aspects of identity, e.g. gender, race, age, or ethnic-
ity. Stereotype threat has been shown to negatively
impact performance, emotions, and cognitions
in the stereotyped domain (Aronson, Quinn, &
Spencer, 1998; Marx & Stapel, 2006; Schmader
& Johns, 2003; Spencer, Steele, & Quinn, 1999).
Implicit stereotype threat is activated with subtle
environmental cues such as being told that a test
is diagnostic of one’s abilities in a stereotyped
domain (e.g., an African American being told a test
measures intellectual ability; Steele & Aronson,
1995) or being a numerical minority representing
the group about which there is a stereotype, (e.g.,
being the only female in a room of males taking
a math test; Inzlicht & Ben-Zeev, 2000). Explicit
stereotype threat involves exposure to overt and
direct statements about the stereotype (e.g., being
told that men are stronger negotiators than women;
Kray, Thompson & Galinsky, 2001).
In this chapter, we (1) review the literature
about, and (2) present a study examining (a) the
effects of explicit and implicit leadership stereo-
type threat on women’s emotions (assessed using
both indirect and direct measures), power-related
cognitions, and behaviors, and (b) the potential
buffering effects of exposure to same-sex role
models on women’s reactions to stereotype threat.
BACKGROUND
Traditional Gender Role Stereotypes
Women in the US are under-represented in leader-
ship roles despite women’s increased workforce
participation in recent decades (Eagly & Carli,
2004; Eagly & Carli, 2007). Women’s career
aspirations develop in a sociocultural context in
which traditional female roles are antithetical to
the traits ascribed to effective leaders (Eagly &
Karau, 2002). In the context of the predominantly
white, middle class culture in the US, traditional
female gender roles describe and prescribe per-
sonality characteristics for women that include
gentleness, passivity, communalism, emotionality,
and the idea that women “rarely act as leaders”
(Broverman, Vogel, Broverman, Clarkson, &
Rosenkrantz, 1972; Rudman & Glick, 2008). In
contrast, traditional male gender roles describe
men as being assertive, dominant, independent
and rational (Koenig, Eagly, Mitchell, & Ris-
tikari, 2011); thus men are expected to be able
to lead by virtue of the personality qualities and
traits ascribed to the definition of masculinity.
Men and women alike endorse these cultural and
stereotypical gender roles (Jost, Banaji, & Nosek,
2004; Ridgeway, 2001). Leaders are perceived to
be stereotypically masculine; that is, leaders are
seen as similar to men but not to women and as
being more agentic (a characteristic ascribed more
to men) than communal (a characteristic ascribed
more to women; Koenig, Eagly, Mitchell, & Ris-
tikari, 2011). Further, studies have largely found
that women, when depicted in male-dominated
domains such as sports coaching, business, and
politics, were evaluated more negatively than men
(Eagly, Makhijani, & Klonsky, 1992; Phelan &
Rudman, 2010; Okimoto & Brescoll, 2010). A
study using an observational method of measur-
ing attitudes found that male and female German
undergraduate students displayed more negative
emotional responses to female leaders compared to
male leaders in a variety of contexts (Koch, 2005).
Given the predominantly negative attitudes
toward women in power, women tend to be more
conflicted than men about possessing it (Lips,
2000; Fong & Tiedens, 2002). Lips (2000) found
that young women rated themselves less likely
to hold certain powerful positions (e.g., politi-
cal leader) and to be less positive about holding
these positions than did young men. Women who
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Implicit Processes and Emotions in Stereotype Threat about Women’s Leadership
imagined themselves in high status positions re-
ported simultaneously experiencing positive and
negative emotions when compared with women
in low status positions, demonstrating emotional
ambivalence about their high status (Fong & Tie-
dens, 2002). Internalization of traditional female
gender roles may contribute to women finding
leadership roles less attractive (Lips, 2000), seeing
themselves as less of a good-fit with leadership
roles (Bosak, & Sczesny, 2008), and being less
likely to attempt to achieve powerful positions
(Van Vianen & Fischer, 2002).
Implicit and unconscious processes may play
a role in maintaining incongruent associations
between power and femininity (Haines & Kray,
2005). Because gender role socialization begins
early in life, implicit gender stereotypes are de-
veloped over time so that the association of men
and women with stereotypic traits, abilities, and
roles becomes automatic, even when participants
overtly reject these traditional beliefs (Nosek,
Banaji, & Greenwald, 2002; Rudman, Greenwald,
& McGhee, 2001). Rudman and Kilianski (2000)
demonstrated that the difficulty women had in
seeing themselves and other women as capable
of being leaders functioned outside of conscious
awareness. In this study with racially diverse
undergraduate participants, women endorsed less
explicit prejudice toward female authority figures
via self-report than did men. However, when at-
titudes were assessed with the Implicit Association
Test (IAT), comparing response times between
positive and negative adjectives with images of
female authority, women’s attitudes did not differ
from men’s. The difference in outcomes between
implicit and explicit measures makes it especially
important to measure the effects of stereotype
threat indirectly as well as directly, in order to
capture automatic and habitual responses.
Stereotype Threat
The first empirical test of stereotype threat involved
a negative stereotype about African Americans
120

and verbal ability; it was elicited by describing
a verbal Graduate Records Examination (GRE)
test as “diagnostic” prior to the start of the test.
African American students under stereotype threat
made more errors and attempted to answer fewer
problems than Caucasians and African American
students to whom the test had not been described
as diagnostic of verbal ability (Steele & Aronson,
1995). Stereotype threat has since been shown to
undermine performance in task domains nega-
tively stereotyped for a number of social groups,
such as women and math performance (Inzlicht
& Ben-Zeev, 2000; Spencer, Steele, & Quinn,
1999), Latino/as and intellectual task performance
(Aronson, Quinn, & Spencer, 1998; Gonzales,
Blanton, & Williams, 2002), and white men and
athletic performance (Stone, Lynch, Sjomeling,
& Darley, 1999). Lowered performance has been
found to relate to anxiety (Marx & Stapel, 2006),
higher cognitive loading (Schmader & Johns,
2003; Croizet, Despres, Gauzins, Huguet, Leyens,
& Meot, 2004), and physiological arousal (Hoyt &
Blascovich, 2010). The ways in which these and
other factors contribute to compromised perfor-
mance are not yet well understood. Few studies
have examined the effects of stereotype threat on
emotions specific to the task and domain. Further,
no studies have investigated stereotype threat ef-
fects on implicit or indirect emotional, cognitive,
or on gender-role related behavioral processes.
Leadership Ability Stereotype Threat
Studies have shown that mentioning gender role-
related stereotypes about women’s leadership
and negotiation abilities can produce negative
effects on women’s expectations, aspirations,
and self-views (Burnette, Pollack, & Hoyt, 2010;
Davies, Spencer, & Steele, 2005; Hoyt, Johnson,
Murphy, & Skinnell, 2010; Latu, Mast, Lammers,
& Bombari, 2013). In one study, after viewing
commercials portraying women behaving in
gender-stereotypic ways to gender-stereotypic
products (e.g., a young woman jumping for joy on

Implicit Processes and Emotions in Stereotype Threat about Women’s Leadership
her bed after putting on acne medicine) or neutral
commercials that did not portray humans and ad-
vertised non-gender-stereotypic products (e.g., cell
phones, insurance), women who had viewed the
gender-stereotypic commercials showed greater
interest in a lower status, problem-solver position
than in a leadership role compared with women
who had viewed neutral commercials (Davies et
al., 2005). In another study of university students,
compared with men and women not under stereo-
type threat, women reported lower expectations
of good outcomes when told their performance
on a negotiation task would be diagnostic of their
negotiation ability (Kray, Thompson, & Galinsky,
2001). Gustafsson & Björklund (2008) examined
the effects of stereotype threat about salary ne-
gotiation ability on gendered self-stereotyping in
a sample of Swedish business school students.
Women who were told that their negotiation
ability would be assessed by a negotiation task
rated themselves as more feminine in their trait
characteristics compared to women who were
told the negotiation was unrelated to ability. En-
trepreneurial intentions in predominantly white
female undergraduate business majors were lower
when stereotypes of successful entrepreneurs were
implicitly presented as “aggressive, risk taking,
and autonomous” than in women who were not
exposed to the stereotype (Gupta, Turban, &
Bhawe, 2008).
Being told that women are less likely to suc-
ceed in stereotypically male domains has been
found to compromise women’s performance
on leadership-related tasks such as managerial
decision-making (Bergeron, Block, & Echten-
kamp, 2006) and negotiation (Kray, Thompson,
& Galinsky, 2001). Undergraduate women study
participants who were told that they were replac-
ing a previous manager described as a man with
stereotypically male characteristics made fewer
and poorer decisions compared with women told
the previous manager was a woman with feminine
characteristics (Bergeron, Block, & Echtenkamp,
2006). Kray, Thompson, and Galinsky (2001)
found that undergraduate women for whom gender
was made salient prior to negotiations returned less
advantageous outcomes for themselves compared
with men and women not under stereotype threat.
Stereotype Threat and Emotion
Stereotype threat in a number of domains, e.g.
gender and math performance, race and verbal
performance, and gender and leadership, has
been associated with emotions such as anxiety
(Aronson et al., 1999; Oswald & Harvey, 2001;
Steele, 1997), dejection and frustration (Keller
& Dauenheimer, 2003; Marx & Stapel, 2006),
and depressive affect (Hoyt & Blascovich, 2010).
However, some studies have found that stereotype
threat was not associated with anxiety (Marx &
Stapel, 2006; Osborne, 2001; Spencer et al., 1999).
These studies have relied on self-reports of emo-
tion at different time points during the stereotype
threat manipulation and task. In contrast, another
study measured anxiety using observational non-
verbal ratings as well as self-reports in gay men
interacting with pre-school-aged children under
stereotype threat about homosexuality. Nonverbal
ratings of anxiety (e.g., observer-coded behaviors
such as fidgeting, chewing on lip, biting nails,
nervous smiling, and averting eyes) were higher
for homosexual men who were implicitly cued
by identifying their sexual orientation prior to
interacting with children than for homosexual
men who did not identify their sexual orientation
(Bosson, Haymovitz, & Pinel, 2004). Further,
nonverbal anxiety mediated the effects of stereo-
type threat on the quality of the men’s childcare
performance. Although nonverbal anxiety rat-
ings were found to be significantly higher in the
stereotype threat condition, self-report ratings of
anxiety were similar across conditions, showing a
difference based on measurement method. Indirect
or implicit (as opposed to direct and explicit self-
report) measures of emotion may be less subject
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Implicit Processes and Emotions in Stereotype Threat about Women’s Leadership
to impression management and may help in bet-
ter understanding the emotions that mediate the
effects of stereotype threat, some of which may
be unconscious.
Moderators of Stereotype Threat
Explicit Activation of Stereotypes
The manner in which a negative stereotype is
presented, either implicitly (e.g., stating that per-
formance on the upcoming task will be diagnostic
for the stereotyped skill deficit) or explicitly (e.g.,
stating that men have certain personality traits
that make them better leaders), has been found to
moderate its effects. Explicit stereotype threat has
been found to boost performance in some domains,
and has sometimes been referred to as stereotype
reactance (Kray, Thompson, & Galinsky, 2001;
Hoyt & Blascovitch, 2007). Kray, Thompson,
and Galinsky (2001) demonstrated the stereotype
reactance effect with women who were told that
their performance on a negotiation task was linked
to masculine characteristics such as rationality and
assertiveness, and that there were usually gender
differences in negotiation abilities. The women
who were exposed to the explicit stereotype nego-
tiated more effectively than women who had not
been exposed to stereotype threat. Hoyt, Johnson,
Murphy, and Skinnell (2010) conducted several
studies with undergraduate women where “bla-
tant,” or explicit activation of the stereotype about
women and leadership led women to respond with
higher self-appraisals of their leadership activity
performance, self-esteem, and lower self-rated
anxiety than women for whom there was no ste-
reotype activation. Explicitly-activated negative
stereotypes may prevent detrimental effects on
performance by allowing the individual to utilize
cognitive defense mechanisms or to deliberately
engage in behaviors that are in contrast to those as-
sociated with the negative stereotype (Greenwald
& Banaji, 1995; Kray, Thompson, & Galinsky,
2001), perhaps by mobilizing participants’ moti-
122

vation and determination to prove the stereotype
wrong. This may be true especially for women with
high efficacy in the domain in question. Hoyt &
Blascovich (2007) found that women with high
levels of leadership self-efficacy responded to an
explicitly activated stereotype by performing at a
higher level in a virtual reality conference meeting
than women with low self-efficacy. However, even
while demonstrating high levels of performance
and self-evaluation, high self-efficacy female
leaders still exhibited physiological signs of threat
(i.e. heart rate increases) when exposed to explicit
stereotype threat (Hoyt & Blascovich, 2010).
Further support for the differential effects of
explicitly versus implicitly activated stereotypes
was found in a meta-analysis that showed that ex-
plicitly activated stereotypes about women’s math
performance were associated with a reduction of
detrimental effects on women’s math performance
as compared to implicit, threat-activating cues.
Implicit threat showed the largest negative effects
on women’s math performance (Nguyen & Ryan,
2008). Other work, however, has found that both
implicitly and explicitly activated stereotypes
lowered math performance in women (Smith &
White, 2002). In brief, some, but not all, research
suggests that explicit activation of threats may
trigger reactance and improved performance,
perhaps mediated by emotions and cognitions
such as optimism and positive emotions that pro-
mote engagement or hopeful expectations about
leadership positions.
Powerful Female Role Models
Exposure to powerful same-sex role models in
the gender-stereotyped domain has sometimes,
but not always, been found to buffer the effects of
stereotype threat. Female role models have been
protective for female students primarily in test
performance and aspirations in the fields of math
and science, but have been less protective in the
leadership domain where effective leadership traits
go hand-in-hand with stereotypical masculine per-

Implicit Processes and Emotions in Stereotype Threat about Women’s Leadership
sonality traits. Presenting high-achieving female
role models portrayed as good at math buffered
stereotype threat on women’s math performance
so that their scores were no different than test-
takers not under stereotype threat (Marx & Roman,
2002). In another study, reading about individual
women who succeeded in several male-dominated
fields buffered the effects of stereotype threat on
a math test (McIntyre, Paulson & Lord, 2003).
Female students who were exposed to images of
female scientists performed better on a science test
than those who were exposed to images of male
scientists (Good, Woodzicka & Wingfield, 2010).
Similarly, undergraduate women who viewed
female science professors who were presented as
role models reported having pro-science career
aspirations and more positive attitudes (measured
both implicitly and explicitly) about science ca-
reers for women compared to women who were
not exposed to female science professors (Young,
Rudman, Buettner, & McLean, 2013).
In leadership domains, however, powerful or
successful female role models tend to threaten
women’s self-views. Women who were exposed
to elite female leaders before performing a virtual
reality leadership task reported lower self-eval-
uations of their performance, higher feelings of
inferiority, and lower leadership role aspirations
compared to women exposed to elite male leaders
and lower-level female role models (Hoyt & Si-
mon, 2011). A study that involved the participants’
vision of themselves in a powerful role found
that when a single female was portrayed in an
advertisement for a managerial position, women
were less likely to see themselves as suitable for
the position compared with women who were
shown an advertisement depicting both a male
and a female (Bosak & Sczesny, 2008). Women
who were primed with nontraditional roles (e.g.,
female surgeon and male nurse) endorsed lower
self-association with leadership and showed less
interest in masculine jobs (Rudman & Phelan,
2010). A few exceptions to the detrimental effects
of successful female leader role models include
studies in which powerful female role models
are presented with whom participants can iden-
tify. These studies have shown that these models
protect participants’ leadership aspirations and
attitudes (Asgari, Dasgupta, & Stout, 2012). For
example, college females rated themselves higher
as potential leaders after exposure to a high-level
role model with whom they identified compared
with males exposed to male, female, or no role
models and females exposed to male or no role
models (Lockwood, 2006). Similarly, in the As-
gari, Dasgupta, and Stout (2012) study, women
responded positively to role models who were
“ordinary individuals similar to other women who
attained success through hard work, discipline, and
persistence.” A recent study showed that women
who were exposed to a powerful female role
model (e.g., Hilary Clinton) gave higher quality
and lengthier speeches to a mixed-gender group
in a virtual environment than women exposed
to a male or no role model (Latu, Mast, Lam-
mers, & Bombari, 2013). These results point to
the importance of identification with successful
counter-stereotypic women role models and to
complex implicit processes involved in perceptions
of self and others in nontraditional roles that do
not typically offer high social regard.
In sum, the literature suggests that exposure
to gender role stereotypes produces cognitive and
motivational consequences that have deleterious
effects on self-view, performance, and aspirations
in the leadership domain. The activation of these
gender-linked stereotypes is a form of stereotype
threat. Investigating factors that contribute to and
also help mitigate these deleterious effects may be
helpful for women’s self-views about leadership
ability and aspirations. No systematic literature
exists of how stereotype threat about leadership
affects women’s emotions or power-related in-
terpersonal behaviors measured either directly
or indirectly.
The current study examined the effects of
both implicitly and explicitly activated stereotype
threat about leadership on power-related emotions,
123

Implicit Processes and Emotions in Stereotype Threat about Women’s Leadership
cognitions, and gender role-related behavior in
women. Our investigations were based on litera-
ture that has found specific types of behaviors
and emotions to be associated with high and low
positions of power. High power is associated with
self-interested behavior, or acting in accordance
with one’s own goals and desires and against social
convention, in contrast with low power that in-
hibits self-interested action and is associated with
behaving in more situationally-contingent ways
(Galinsky, Gruenfeld, & Magee, 2003). Lottery
ticket allocation was used in the present study to
measure the extent to which participants allo-
cated tickets to themselves (denoting high power
behaviors) versus others (denoting low power
behaviors). High power has also been found to be
associated with positive emotions such as pride,
optimism, achievement and self-confidence that
promote pursuit of goals and rewards. In contrast,
low power has been associated with negative
emotions of guilt, sadness, tentativeness, fear, and
anxiety that result from increased threat, social
constraint, and vigilance (Keltner, Gruenfeld, &
Anderson, 2003).
We measured explicit, or direct, emotions with
the Positive and Negative Affect Scales-Expanded
(PANAS-X; Watson & Clark, 1994), a self-report
measure, and we measured indirect, or implicit,
emotions by counting the frequency of emotion
words included in autobiographical narratives with
the Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count - Second
version program (LIWC; Pennebaker, Francis, &
Booth, 2001). Autobiographical narratives reflect
automatic and often unconscious cognitions, emo-
tions, and values associated with self-schemas,
and have previously been used to measure implicit
emotions. For example, Nakash & Brody (2007)
used a similar narrative writing paradigm and
found that varying the level of participants’ power
as well as the gender of the person with whom
participants interacted in an experimental task
significantly affected the themes and structure
of participants’ subsequent autobiographical
memories. Participants who were assigned helping
124

(as opposed to leadership roles) and who inter-
acted with female (as opposed to male) partners
incorporated more communal themes into their
memories. In the current study, we also measured
the activation of implicit power/competition cog-
nitions with a word-fragment completion task by
calculating the ratio of words connoting power/
competition to total words completed.
METHOD
Participants
One hundred and twenty-six female college
students from introductory psychology courses
at a large private university in the Northeast par-
ticipated in the current study for course credit.
Participants were 18.96 years old on average (SD
= 2.43); their reported median parental income
was $75,000 to $100,000; 69.8% self-identified
as Caucasian, 20.6% as Asian, 4.0% as Black, and
5.6% as Hispanic. Of the entire sample, 12.7%
were international students.
Procedure
Upon arrival to the laboratory, a female experi-
menter introduced participants to the study, stat-
ing that its purpose was to study leadership and
cognitive processes, and obtained informed con-
sent. Participants then completed a demographic
questionnaire and were randomly assigned to one
of three experimental conditions: no stereotype
threat (44 participants), implicit stereotype threat
(36 participants), or explicit stereotype threat (46
participants). Within each condition, half of the
participants completed the powerful female role
model matching task and the other half com-
pleted the powerful male role model matching
task. Stereotype threat manipulations were then
conducted, followed by the lottery allocation
task. When finished, participants completed the
PANAS-X, the word completion task, and wrote

Implicit Processes and Emotions in Stereotype Threat about Women’s Leadership
three autobiographical narratives: a memory of
what happened in the experiment (neutral), of
being in a leadership position (agentic), and of
being in a cooperative situation (communal). After
completion of the measures, participants were
fully debriefed and thanked for their participation.
Exposure to role models was embedded in a
matching task in which participants were asked
to draw lines connecting names or occupations to
images of powerful and recognizable individuals
(e.g., Hilary Clinton in the female role model
condition and Bill Clinton in the male role model
condition) or to images of people in powerful
occupations (e.g., male or female police officer,
man or woman dressed in business attire). The
stereotype threat manipulation was embedded in
the instructions to complete the lottery ticket al-
location task. In all stereotype threat conditions, a
male experimenter read aloud the instructions for
the lottery ticket allocation with the description,
“this is a task about leadership and the thinking
processes involved in making decisions.” After
this introduction, participants in the no stereotype
threat condition proceeded to the task. Participants
in the implicit stereotype threat condition were
told, “the activities you will participate in are
designed to see which individuals have leadership
abilities; your performance will be diagnostic
of your leadership abilities.” Participants in the
explicit stereotype threat condition were told,
“men are more often in positions of leadership
than women, and this may be related to qualities
associated with males, such as assertiveness and
being able to take charge. Your performance here
will be diagnostic of your leadership abilities.”
The lottery ticket allocation task (adapted
from Galinsky, Magee, Inesi, & Gruenfeld, 2006),
measured the extent to which participants acted in
accordance with low power, stereotypically female
and socially-responsible behavior, rather than high
power, stereotypically male and self-interested
behavior, by allocating resources to others rather
than to themselves. Each participant was given
seven lottery tickets to allocate between herself
and an anonymous participant, and was told that
only half of participants in the study had the op-
portunity to make the allocation and that at the
end of data collection, one lottery winner would be
selected to receive a $25 gift certificate to a local
restaurant. The experimenter left the room after
reading the instructions and collected the tickets
when the participant indicated she was finished
and recorded the number of tickets that participants
allocated to themselves. The Positive and Negative
Affect Scale – Expanded form (PANAS-X; Watson
& Clark, 1994) is a 60-item self-report question-
naire that measures present-moment positive and
negative emotions on a 5-point Likert-type scale.
Individual emotions (displayed in Table 1) were
averaged for total scores to create six subscales
for general positive affect, general negative affect,
fear, guilt, sadness, and self-assurance.
In the autobiographical writing task, partici-
pants were instructed to write three autobiographi-
cal narratives: (1) agentic: memory of being in a
position of power (e.g., being a camp counselor,
making a decision that influenced their friends,
etc.), (2) communal: memory of participating in a
communal activity (e.g., working cooperatively on
a group project), and (3) neutral: their memory of
the experiment. The frequencies of specific emo-
tion words used in participants’ autobiographical
writing were analyzed with the Linguistic Inquiry
and Word Count - Second version program (LIWC;
Pennebaker, Francis, & Booth, 2001). Word
frequencies (calculated as ratios based on total
number of words per narrative) were tallied under
eight word categories: positive feeling, negative
emotion, optimism, achievement, tentativeness,
anger, sadness, and anxiety (see Table 1 for word
examples). The word-fragment completion task
was used to assess the activation of the cognitive
constructs of high power/competition. Twenty-
four word fragments were created by the omission
of one or more of the letters of a word; nine could
be completed as power- or competition-related
words. For example, _ o w e r could be completed
as “power” or “lower,” c _ _ p _ _ _ t i v e could
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Implicit Processes and Emotions in Stereotype Threat about Women’s Leadership

Table 1. Subscales Created from the Positive and Negative Affects Scale - Expanded Version (PANAS-
X) and Examples of Words Included in Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC) Word Categories

PANAS-X general affects:

Positive affect scale: active, alert, attentive, determined, enthusiastic, excited, inspired, interested, proud, strong
Negative affect scale: afraid, scared, nervous, jittery, irritable, hostile, guilty, ashamed, upset, distressed
PANAS-X (self-reported) affects:
Self-assurance scale: proud, strong, confident, bold, daring, fearless
Fear scale: afraid, scared, frightened, nervous, jittery, shaky
Guilt scale: guilty, ashamed, blameworthy, angry at self, disgusted with self, dissatisfied with self
Shyness scale: shy, bashful, sheepish, timid
Autobiographical narrative measure: LIWC word categories and examples of included words:
Achievement: earn, hero, win
Anger: hate, killed, annoyed
Anxiety: worried, fearful, nervous
Negative emotion: hurt, ugly, nasty
Optimism: hope, confident, positive
Positive feeling: love, nice, sweet
Tentativeness: maybe, perhaps, guess
Sadness: crying, grief, sad

be completed as “cooperative” or “competitive”. pleted. We also used eight two-way MANOVAs

These key word fragments were randomly inter-
spersed among 15 neutral word fragments. The
proportion of the number of words connoting
power and competition to total words completed
was created. This type of task has been previously
used to test of the activation of the constructs of
power (Chen, Lee-Chai, & Bargh, 2001) and of
competition (Kay, Wheeler, Bargh, & Ross, 2004).
We analyzed the self-report emotion data,
lottery ticket allocation behavior, and implicit
cognition data using a series of eight two-way
ANOVAs consisting of a 2 (gender of role model)
x 3 (stereotype threat condition) design. Six of the
outcome variables (one in each ANOVA) were
PANAS-X subscales: general positive affect,
general negative affect, sadness, self-assurance,
fear, and guilt. The remaining two outcomes were
number of tickets allocated to self versus other in
the lottery ticket allocation and the proportion of
high power word completions to total words com-
for repeated measures ((2) gender of role model
x (3) stereotype threat condition), with the three
types of narratives (agentic, communal, neutral)
as repeated measures. Outcome variables were
the eight Pennebaker LIWC word categories
including achievement, anger, anxiety, positive
feeling, negative emotion, optimism, sadness and
tentativeness. Examples of words that are included
in each word category are shown in Table 1.
RESULTS
Stereotype Threat Main Effects
Consistent with some previous research (Aronson
et al., 1999; Oswald & Harvey, 2001; Steele, 1997),
results revealed significantly higher implicit anxi-
ety (F(2, 120) = 5.20, p = .007, partial ŋ2 = .08)
and more lottery tickets allocated to others (F(2,

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Implicit Processes and Emotions in Stereotype Threat about Women’s Leadership

120) = 6.64, p = .002, ŋ2 = .10) under implicit ste-
reotype threat compared with the other stereotype
conditions. Means and p-values for main effects
are displayed in Table 2. No differences in explicit
self-reported affect or in the word completion
task were found by stereotype condition. These
findings, that implicit stereotype threat elicited
implicit, but not self-reported, anxiety may help
clarify the inconsistent findings about the as-
sociation of anxiety with stereotype threat in the
literature; type of measurement may have critical
effects on results. Further, these results are the first
to show the impact of implicit stereotype threat on
heightening altruistic, communal behavior, which
tends to be stereotypically associated with women.
Results also revealed that higher implicit op-
timism was expressed under explicit stereotype
threat (F(2, 120) = 3.86, p = .02, partial ŋ2 = .06).
Because optimism is a positive emotion theorized
to be related to power (Anderson & Galinsky,
2006), this finding suggests a positive reactance-
effect to explicit threat (Hoyt & Blascovitch, 2005;
Kray, Thompson, & Galinsky, 2001).

Table 2. Means, Standard Deviations, and ANOVA Results for Self-Reported Emotion (PANAS-X),
Word-fragment Completion, and Lottery Ticket Allocation Tasks by Stereotype Threat Condition and
Gender of Role Model

Mean (SD) ANOVA F

PANAS-X Subscales Female RM Male RM Total Threat RMb T x RMa
(T)a
Positive Affect Scale 0.03 1.19 2.43†
•      No threat 2.70 (.88) 2.55 (.78) 2.63 (.82)
•      Implicit threat
2.38 (.57) 2.96 (.60) 2.63 (.64)
•      Explicit threat
•      Total 2.65 (.82) 2.66 (.78) 2.65 (.79)
2.59 (.78) 2.71 (.73) 2.65 (.75)
Negative Affect Scale 0.59 4.48* 3.51*
•      No threat 1.50 (.42) 1.34 (.48) 1.42 (.45)
•      Implicit threat
1.72 (.70) 1.25 (.27) 1.48 (.57)
•      Explicit threat
•      Total 1.32 (.36) 1.41 (.50) 1.37 (.43)
1.50 (.51) 1.34 (.44) 1.42 (.48)
Fear Scale 0.89 4.22* 3.51*
•      No threat 1.48 (.57) 1.21 (.43) 1.34 (.52)
•      Implicit threat
1.76 (.84) 1.26 (.44) 1.51 (.70)
•      Explicit threat
•      Total 1.32 (.34) 1.46 (.65) 1.39 (.52)
1.50 (.61) 1.32 (.53) 1.41 (.58)
Guilt Scale 1.37 8.21** 1.58
•      No threat 1.31 (.51) 1.11 (.38) 1.21 (.46)
•      Implicit threat
1.65 (.86) 1.15 (.29) 1.40 (.70)
•      Explicit threat
•      Total 1.30 (.52) 1.20 (.37) 1.25 (.45)
1.41 (.65) 1.16 (.35) 1.28 (.53)
Sadness Scale 1.16 3.54† 3.18*

continued on following page

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Table 2. Continued
Mean (SD) ANOVA F
PANAS-X Subscales Female RM Male RM Total Threat RMb T x RMa
(T)a
•      No threat 1.61 (0.61) 1.44 (.63) 1.52 (.62)
•      Implicit threat
2.01 (.77) 1.41 (.49) 1.71 (.70)
•      Explicit threat
•      Total 1.45 (.54) 1.57 (.77) 1.51 (.6)
1.67 (.67) 1.48 (.64) 1.57 (.66)
Self-Assurance Scale 0.34 0.23 0.85
•      No threat 1.58 (.83) 1.30 (.51) 1.44 (.70)
•      Implicit threat
1.63 (.67) 1.59 (.56) 1.61 (.61)
•      Explicit threat
•      Total 1.40 (.52) 1.46 (.53) 1.43 (.52)
1.53 (.68) 1.44 (.54) 1.48 (.61)
Shyness Scale 1.08 0.61 0.92
•      No threat 1.58 (.83) 1.30 (.51) 1.44 (.70)
•      Implicit threat
1.63 (.67) 1.59 (.56) 1.61 (.61)
•      Explicit threat
•      Total 1.40 (.52) 1.46 (.53) 1.43 (.52)
1.53 (.68) 1.44 (.54) 1.48 (.61)
Lottery Ticket Allocation to Self 6.64** 1.67 1.07
•      No threat 4.18 (1.10) 4.18 (1.56) 4.18 (1.33)
•      Implicit threat
3.05 (1.68) 3.11 (1.59) 3.08 (1.62)
•      Explicit threat
•      Total 3.70 (1.43) 4.57 (1.53) 4.13 (1.53)
3.67 (1.46) 4.00 (1.65) 3.84 (1.56)
Word-Fragment Task (High-Power Words) 2.38 0.58 3.16*
•      No threat .09 (.05) .07 (.05) .08 (.05)
•      Implicit threat
.06 (.05) .07 (.04) .06 (.05)
•      Explicit threat
•      Total .07 (.05) .10 (.04) .09 (.05)
.08 (.06) .08 (.05) .08 (.05)
PANAS-X = Positive and Negative Affect Scales - Expanded, RM = role model
a
df = 2, 120.b df = 1, 120.
†p < .10. *p < .05. **p < .01.

Gender of Role Model Main Effects
Exposure to female role models across all condi-
tions (implicit, explicit, and no stereotype threat)
was related to higher levels of explicit, self-
reported guilt (F (1, 120) = 8.21, p = .005, ŋ2 =
.06), fear (F (1, 120) = 4.22, p = .04, ŋ2 = .03) and
general negative emotion (F (1, 120) = 4.48, p =
.04, ŋ2 = .03) than exposure to male role models.
These results are in agreement with other studies
on leadership stereotype threat showing that female
role models did not generally provide protections
against detrimental stereotype threat effects, and
further, that women report ambivalence about
seeing women in positions of power. However,
the significant interactions between gender of
role model and type of stereotype threat reported
below qualify these findings. No significant main

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Implicit Processes and Emotions in Stereotype Threat about Women’s Leadership
effects for gender of role model were found for
implicit emotions in narratives or for the cognitive
and behavioral outcomes.
Role Model Gender X Stereotype
Threat Interaction Effects
Significant interactions between gender of role
model X type of stereotype threat were found for
self-reported negative affect (F(2, 120) = 3.51,
p = .03, ŋ2 = .06), fear (F(2, 120) = 3.51, p =
.03, ŋ2 = .06), sadness (F(2, 120) = 3.18, p =
.045, ŋ2 = .05), and implicit positive feeling (F(2,
120) = 3.24, p = .04, partial ŋ2 = .05). Table 2
displays means and standard deviations. Under
implicit stereotype threat, exposure to female role
models brought about greater explicit emotional
vulnerability than exposure to male role models,
including significantly higher self-reported nega-
tive affect, fear, and sadness. However, exposure
to female role models also brought about higher
implicit positive feelings under implicit threat
when compared to no threat (see Table 3 for means
and standard deviations). Consistent with previous
literature, the explicit self-reported negative emo-
tions we found in response to powerful female role
models suggest that female leaders may generate
conscious discomfort and that implicit stereotype
threat exacerbates the negative emotion. However,
exposure to female role models may actually be
Table 3. Means and Standard Deviations by Narrative Type for Indirectly-measured Emotions with
Significant Effects
Female Role Model
Stereotype Threat (1) None (2) Implicit
Anxiety
•      Narrative 1 .21 (.41) .69 (1.08)
•      Narrative 2
.17 (.45) .35 (.69)
•      Narrative 3
.47 (.90) .72 (.60)
Note. Types of memories: Narrative 1 = Agentic, Narrative 2 = Communal, Narrative 3 = Neutral
helpful in eliciting positive emotions experienced
outside of women’s awareness. Under explicit
stereotype threat, female role model exposure
related to lower self-reported sadness compared
to no threat and implicit threat, suggesting that
when stereotypes about leadership are more ex-
plicit, exposure to female role models can reduce
self-reported, consciously experienced negative
emotions such as sadness.
A significant interaction effect of gender
of role model X stereotype threat condition on
implicit cognition (F(2, 120) = 3.16, p = .046,
ŋ2 = .05) showed that exposure to female (versus
male) role models under explicit stereotype threat
activated significantly fewer implicit power- and
competition-related cognitions. Thus, exposure
to explicit gender role-related stereotypes along
with powerful female leaders may reinforce gen-
der stereotypes that women are not as powerful
as men, despite our other findings that the same
combination of explicit threat and exposure to
powerful female role models resulted in height-
ened positive and diminished negative emotions.
Implicit Emotion Word Use
Differences by Narrative Type
We found a statistically significant difference in
word language used by type of narrative. Main ef-
fects of narrative type on emotions with significant
Mean (SD)
Male Role Model
(3) Explicit (1) None (2) Implicit (3) Explicit
.26 (.56) .35 (.54) .25 (.44) .15 (.35)
.15 (.42) .05 (.24) .27 (.45) .19 (.40)
.55 (.73) .69 (.60) .73 (.60) .22 (.33)
129
 
Implicit Processes and Emotions in Stereotype Threat about Women’s Leadership

findings are displayed in Table 4. As suggested by DISCUSSION

previous literature on women, narratives depicting
power (compared to those depicting communion)
tended to be associated with more anxiety and
more tentativeness (Fong & Tiedens, 2002).
Other findings generally indicate that compared
to narratives describing the experiment, narratives
depicting power and communion were associated
with more positive affect, including optimism and
achievement. Memories of the experiment were
associated with more tentativeness across stereo-
type threat conditions, which may indicate that
participants were intimidated about remembering
the details of the experiment correctly.
The current study examined the effects of gender-
role related stereotype threat about leadership
ability on women in several domains: emotions,
measured implicitly and explicitly, implicit cog-
nition, and self- versus other-oriented behavior.
The majority of previous research has examined
the effects of implicit stereotype threat on ste-
reotyped skill deficits, such as performance on
mathematical or verbal tasks (Spencer, Steele,
& Quinn, 1999; Steele, & Aronson, 1995). Our
findings make a new contribution to the literature
in demonstrating that implicit and unconscious

Table 4. Means and Standard Deviations of Emotion Word Usage by Narrative Type and Significant
Main Effects of Narrative Type on Emotion Word Usage

(1) Agentic (2) Communal (3) Neutral

Mean (SD) ANOVA F Condition, p-level
Anxiety 0.32 (.05) 0.20 (.04) 0.56 (.06) 4.55*** (1.90, 227.74) 1 v. 2, p = .07
1 v 3, p = .004
2 v 3, p < .0005
Optimism 0.8 (.09) 0.64 (0.06) 0.57 (.06) 2.16 (1.92, 230.18) 1 v 2, p = .195
1 v 3, p = .032
2 v 3, p = .540
Achievement 1.81 (.15) 2.82 (.18) 1.13 (0.08) 34.66*** (1.77, 212.79) 1 v 2, p < .0005
1 v 3, p < .0005
2 v 3, p < .0005
Negative emotion 1.17 (0.11) 1.02 (0.11) 1.37 (0.11) 2.70† (2, 239.24) 1 v 2, p = .32
1 v 3, p = .197
2 v 3, p = .020
Positive feeling 0.52 (0.08) 0.63 (0.08) 0.30 (0.05) 1.97** (3.71, 236.33) 1 v 2, p = .239
1 v 3, p = .009
2 v 3, p = .001
Tentative 1.55 (0.14) 1.19 (0.11) 2.36 (0.14) 48.12*** (1.87, 224.80) 1 v 2, p = .025
1 v 3, p < .0005
2 v 3, p < .0005
Note. p < .10. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
†

130

Implicit Processes and Emotions in Stereotype Threat about Women’s Leadership
emotions and cognitions are important responses
to gender role-related stereotype threat and other
environmental threats that may have long term
consequences for behavior. Results indicated
that women exposed to implicit stereotype threat
expressed more anxiety and behaved in ways
typically associated with having lower power, i.e.
making choices that benefited others more than
the self, when compared to women who were
not exposed to stereotype threat or who were
exposed to explicit stereotype threat. Further,
unconscious cognitive processes assessed with
a word completion task indicated that exposure
to female role models under explicit stereotype
threat was associated with fewer words connoting
power than exposure to male role models. Women
who were exposed to female (versus male) role
models also reported higher levels of self-reported
negative emotion, including guilt, sadness and
fear in all stereotype threat conditions. Traditional
theories and attitudes about leadership, i.e. people
are born leaders (versus people can be made into
leaders), and traditional gender role socialization,
i.e. personality traits associated with good lead-
ers are stereotypically masculine, may continue
to negatively influence women’s emotions and
cognitions around women’s leadership potential
(Burnette, Pollack, & Hoyt, 2010).
On the other hand, when exposed to female role
models, less self-reported sadness was expressed
in explicit stereotype threat and more unconscious
positive feelings were expressed in implicit ste-
reotype threat. Thus, even though women may be
aware of negative feelings surrounding women in
power (and even unconsciously believe them to be
less powerful than men, as evidenced by the results
of our word completion task), they appear to have
unconscious positive feelings in the presence of
female leaders when stereotypes are operating.
These implicit positive feelings may potentially
serve to mitigate the effects of stereotype threat,
and reinforce the importance of having power-
ful female role models for heightening women’s
leadership aspirations.
One of the unique aspects of the current study
was the use of implicit measures of emotion. We
utilized autobiographical memories and compared
the expression of various emotions in memories
about power-related experiences (stereotypically
male characteristic), communal experiences (ste-
reotypically female characteristic) and about the
experiment itself (neutral). As suggested by previ-
ous literature on women, power-related narratives
(compared to communal narratives) tended to be
associated with more anxiety and more tentative-
ness (Fong & Tiedens, 2002). More importantly,
implicit emotions expressed in narratives showed
responses that were not captured by self-report
and may provide important clues to women’s
unconscious feelings and motivation, such as the
mixture of higher anxiety along with more posi-
tive emotions with exposure to powerful female
role models under implicitly activated threat,
and more optimism under explicitly activated
stereotype threat. These findings were in contrast
to our results using directly measured emotion
that showed higher levels of negative emotion,
i.e. guilt, fear, and sadness, associated with expo-
sure to powerful female role models, particularly
when under implicitly-activated stereotype threat.
These self-reported emotions may be assessing
more conscious self-schemas or long-standing
self-representations. Implicit or indirect measures
of emotions may differ from explicit measures of
emotion because they may tap into emotions that
are not in participants’ awareness and/or they are
not distorted by self-presentation, impression man-
agement or social desirability concerns (Bosson,
Haymovitz, & Pinel, 2004).
Some researchers argue that gender equality
has been achieved so that the new generation of
young women no longer faces the same obstacles
as previous generations, partly because of chang-
ing social and family structures and ideologies
over the last several decades (Kindlon, 2006).
While it is true that women have made strides in
attaining leadership positions and that cultural
attitudes about traditional gender roles are shift-
131

Implicit Processes and Emotions in Stereotype Threat about Women’s Leadership
ing in favor of affording equal opportunities for
both genders, the present study’s results present
a different perspective and suggest that implicitly
activated traditional beliefs, attitudes, and fears
may continue to contribute to the persistence of
gender disparities in leadership positions in the
US. Enthusiastic embrace of the demise of tradi-
tional gender roles needs to be tempered, in light
of the evidence that for many young people, these
stereotypes are alive and well (e.g., Gustafsson &
Björklund, 2008) and, as in the present study, can
be activated by situational cues. Acknowledging
or making these stereotypes explicit and providing
female role models may help to overcome gender
role stereotypes that compromise performance.
LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE
RESEARCH DIRECTIONS
The current investigation is an important foray
into gaining a fuller understanding of the effects
of stereotype threat on implicit processes that
may underlie performance and motivation in ste-
reotyped domains. Results indicate that implicit
emotions often differ from self-reported emotions
in meaningful ways that inform our understanding
of stereotype threat. In future research, it would be
useful to examine the relationship between cogni-
tive outcomes of stereotype threat and observed
behaviors. It would also be interesting to provide
live role models with whom participants can
identify, because proximity to competent female
models has been shown to benefit women’s per-
formance when under stereotype threat (Marx &
Roman, 2002). A physiological measure of anxiety
and emotional arousal would be another important
indirect and implicit measure of stereotype threat
response. Finally, investigating racial/ethnic and
gender differences in stereotype threat effects, as
well as testing these concepts in samples of women
who differed in age and socioeconomic status from
the current sample should be examined in future
work to assess for generalizability.
132

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS
Emotion: Affective states or experiences
that can influence thought and behavior; can
have physiological, cognitive, and behavioral
components.

Implicit Processes and Emotions in Stereotype Threat about Women’s Leadership
Explicit Emotion: An overt or conscious ex-
pression of an emotion that can be self-reported.
Explicit Stereotype Threat: An overt expres-
sion of a negative stereotype about a social group
based on salient aspects of identity, e.g. gender,
race, age, or ethnicity (e.g., women fare less well
at math than men) that has been found to put
individuals in the group at risk for behaving in
ways that confirm the stereotype.
Female Gender Role: Culturally assigned
norms for acceptable thoughts, emotions, attitudes,
roles, and behaviors on the part of females; these
norms may differ from one culture to another.
Implicit Emotion: A covert or unconscious
expression of an emotion that is not self-reported
but may be observable through indirect measure-
ment (e.g., behavioral or physiological measures
or emotion word usage in narratives).
Implicit Stereotype Threat: A covert or in-
direct expression of a negative stereotype about a
social group based on salient aspects of identity,
e.g. gender, race, age, or ethnicity that has been
found to put individuals in the group at risk for
behaving in ways that confirm the stereotype.
Leadership: In a group, holding a position
that has the power to directly influence other
group members’ behavior; usually associated
with personal qualities that include agency and
dominance.
Stereotype: A rigidly held, oversimplified
and overly generalized view of a person or group.
Stereotype Threat: The state of being at risk
of behaving in ways that confirm a negative ste-
reotype about a social group to which one belongs
(based on salient aspects of identity such as age,
ethnicity, race, and gender) that is triggered by
situational cues or overt expression of stereotypes.
137
138

Chapter 7
Smoking, Implicit Attitudes,
and Context-Sensitivity:
An Overview

Sabine Glock
Bergische Universität Wuppertal, Germany

Ineke M. Pit ten-Cate

University of Luxembourg, Luxembourg

ABSTRACT
This chapter focuses on implicit attitudes toward smoking and provides the first systematic review of
research in this domain. Implicit attitudes are suggested to guide automatic behavior, thereby playing
a pivotal role for automatic processes inherent in addictive behaviors. This chapter further explores the
extent to which implicit attitudes are context-sensitive. More specifically, it reviews studies that have
focused on the differential effects of external cues such as warning labels and internal cues (e.g., depri-
vation). Results of 32 studies show that although smokers generally have more positive implicit attitudes
than non-smokers, the valence of implicit attitudes varies as a result of the applied method or stimuli.
Studies reveal that implicit attitudes toward smoking partly depend on external cues, especially outcome
expectancies. Similarly, internal cues affect implicit attitudes whereby the level of nicotine deprivation
seems vital. Implications for intervention and future research are indicated in the discussion.

INTRODUCTION Asian regions (OECD, 2012b). Smoking rates in

Smoking is one of the leading causes of prevent-
able death (World Health Organization, 2011),
whereby tobacco is responsible for about 10%
adult deaths worldwide (OECD, 2012a). Smoking
rates vary across countries, with at least 20% of the
adult population smoking daily in 20 of the 27 EU
member states (OECD, 2012a) and over 40% in
DOI: 10.4018/978-1-4666-6599-6.ch007
the Pacific regions and the USA are slightly lower
than in Europe with less than 20% of the adult
population smoking daily (Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, 2012; OECD, 2012b).
Given the detrimental health effects of smok-
ing as well as the continuously high prevalence
rates, several studies have aimed to determine
factors that influence substance use and addic-

Copyright © 2015, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Smoking, Implicit Attitudes, and Context-Sensitivity
tive behaviors. Studies have indicated that the
maintenance of smoking may partly be due to the
fact that smokers do not know how to quit (Wiers
& de Jong, 2006). Other studies have linked the
maintenance of smoking with motivational factors
related to positive outcome expectancies such as
stress reduction or the reduction of withdrawal
symptoms (Baker, Brandon, & Chassin, 2004), or
suggested a causal effect of implicit attitudes (De
Houwer, Custers, & De Clercq, 2006).
Over the last 15 years, implicit cognitions
have received more and more attention in order to
gain a deeper understanding of substance use and
misuse (Wiers & Stacy, 2006). Implicit cognitions
entail implicit attitudes, attentional bias, implicit
arousal, and memory associations (Rooke, Hine,
& Thorsteinsson, 2008). To this extent, Rooke and
colleagues (2008) reported in their meta-analysis
consistent findings of moderate associations
between implicit cognitions and substance use.
Implicit attitudes refer to immediate automatic
affective reactions to stimuli (Fazio, 1990; Strack
& Deutsch, 2004). They are defined as automatic
evaluations of an attitude object (Gawronski &
Bodenhausen, 2006) that are activated by the
mere presence of the object (Fazio, 2007; Olson
& Fazio, 2009). Implicit attitudes have been found
to influence automatic behavior (Fazio, 2001) and
therefore may play a pivotal role for the automatic
components inherent in addictive behaviors (Tif-
fany, 1990; Wiers & de Jong, 2006). Implicit
attitudes can be theoretically distinguished from
explicit attitudes, which are defined as conscious
evaluations resulting from propositional reason-
ing (Gawronski & Bodenhausen, 2006; Strack
& Deutsch, 2004). The question then arises
what kind of attitudes are related to behavior,
under what conditions, and by what processes.
The MODE model (Fazio, 1990) identifies the
associations between attitude objects and their
evaluations and focuses on the strength of such
associations to predict behavioral responses. From
the MODE model it follows that the relative ease
in which object-evaluation activation takes place
determines the extent to which implicit attitudes
will control a person’s behavior, i.e. induces a
spontaneous reaction to the perceived situation and
offsets alternative behavior choices that require
more deliberate effort (Schuette & Fazio, 1995).
In other words, the extent to which an attitude is
strong enough to be automatically activated by an
object determines the extent to which the behavior
occurs spontaneously from the attitude or can
be influenced by more conscious and controlled
processing (Olson & Fazio, 2009). Applied to
smoking, one could argue that for smokers the
–positive– implicit attitudes toward smoking are
so strong that they would automatically lead to
smoking behavior and offset conscious efforts to
quit smoking (De Houwer et al., 2006).
This distinction between implicit and explicit
attitudes does not only exist on a theoretical but also
on a measurement level (Hofmann, Gschwendner,
Nosek, & Schmitt, 2005). Implicit measures tap
into automaticity (De Houwer, 2006; De Houwer
& Moors, 2007). Automatic processes can be
defined as unconscious, unintentional, unaware,
and efficient processes (Bargh, 1994) and implicit
measures should at least possess one of these prop-
erties (Hofmann et al., 2005). As automaticity is a
key component of implicit attitudes (Petty, Fazio,
& Briñol, 2009), by inference implicit measures
are assumed to assess implicit attitudes. Implicit
attitudes are suggested to be the result of life-long
learning (Briñol, Petty, & McCaslin, 2009; Rud-
man, 2004), and hence difficult to change (Briñol
et al., 2009). However, since implicit measures are
as context-sensitive (De Houwer, 2006) as implicit
attitudes (Blair, 2002; De Houwer, 2006), an object
may be associated with more than one attitude.
This context-sensitivity seems to play a pivotal
role for addictive behaviors, as substance-related
cognitions are highly context-sensitive (Krank,
Wall, Stewart, Wiers, & Goldman, 2005; Reich,
Goldman, & Noll, 2004; Sherman, Rose, Koch,
Presson, & Chassin, 2003; Wiers et al., 2003).
139

Smoking, Implicit Attitudes, and Context-Sensitivity
That is, substance-related cognitions might change
by the cues given in a particular situation, which
increase or decrease the probability of addictive
behaviors to occur.
In this chapter, we systematically review the
research on implicit attitudes toward smoking,
which has provided rather inconsistent results.
Some studies revealed positive (e.g., De Houwer
et al., 2006), others negative (e.g., Huijding, de
Jong, Wiers, & Verkooijen, 2005), and a few
neutral implicit attitudes (e.g. Robinson, Meier,
Zetocha, & McCaul, 2005). Those inconsistent
results are assumed to be partly due to the mea-
surement methods and stimulus materials applied
in the different studies (Wiers & de Jong, 2006).
However, the inconsistency could also result from
contextual factors prevalent in the test situation.
Indeed, referring back to the MODE model (Fazio,
1990), the situational context might determine the
activation of attitudes whereby the strength of
automatic activation results in either a spontane-
ous behavioral response or allows for a conscious
deliberation of behavioral alternatives. Smokers
have both positive as well as negative outcome ex-
pectancies from smoking (Hendricks & Brandon,
2005; Mullenix, Kilbey, Fisicaro, Farnsworth, &
Torrento, 2003). These may follow from positive
experiences, e.g. positive mood and stress reduc-
tion, as well as negative experiences, e.g. health
consequences or negative reactions from others,
which might then be reflected in implicit attitudes
(Petty et al., 2009; Rudman, 2004). The specific
cue in a particular situation might activate different
implicit attitudes than any other cue in any other
situation, activating either positive or negative
implicit attitudes. Those cues might not only be
external, such as the environment in which the
study takes place, but could also be internal such
as the motivation to smoke. Certain situations
or stimuli will therefore induce automatic (non)
smoking behaviors whilst other situations/stimuli
would enable a controlled behavioral response af-
ter mindful deliberation of behavioral alternatives.
140

METHODS OF THE REVIEW
Types of Studies
We only considered studies which investigated
implicit attitudes toward smoking, whereby we
specifically included studies that used implicit at-
titude measures that enabled drawing conclusions
about the valence of implicit attitudes. Therefore
studies using implicit attitudes for the aim of pre-
dicting behavior or other personal characteristics
without information on the valence of implicit
attitudes were excluded.
Types of Participants
Studies including smokers, ex-smokers, as well
as non-smokers were included. We reviewed only
studies where the legal age for smoking was re-
spected. Cigarette purchase age in Belgium is 16
years, in other countries such as the United States,
United Kingdom, the Netherlands or Germany
the legal age is 18.
Types of Outcome Measures
Implicit attitudes reported as response latencies
or index scores.
Search Strategy
We searched via EBSCO HOST in Health Sci-
ence and Psychology and Sociological Databases
including MEDLINE, MEDLINE with full text,
Academic Search Premier, European Views of
the Americas: 1493 to 1750, SocINDEX with
full text. Additionally, we screened the reference
lists of key publications and of the publications
found via database search. We used the following
search terms: Smoking AND implicit attitudes OR
smoking AND implicit evaluations OR smoking
AND implicit cognition OR smoking AND im-
plicit associations OR smoking AND automatic

Smoking, Implicit Attitudes, and Context-Sensitivity
attitudes OR smoking AND automatic evaluations
OR smoking AND automatic cognition OR smok-
ing AND automatic associations.
We had three stages in the review process (see
Figure 1). First, we screened the titles and abstracts
of the electronic findings. Articles were excluded
if implicit attitudes toward smoking were not part
of the title or mentioned in the abstract. Second,
remaining articles were obtained in full text and
then screened for content. Third, the reference
lists of the articles as well as of other significant
publications were screened, relevant articles iden-
tified, titles and abstracts screened, and full texts
assessed if the articles were eligible. Finally, 20
articles remained for qualitative synthesis.
Figure 1. Flow chart of the search history
RESULTS
The 20 publications included in this systematic
review reported on 32 studies regarding the im-
plicit attitudes toward smoking. Table 1 sum-
marizes the studies and their features including
the country, in which the studies were conducted,
the samples, the sample sizes, smoking status of
the participants within each sample, the applied
implicit measurement methods, the materials, the
context manipulation if applicable, the dependent
variables, and the results.
Nineteen studies were conducted in the
United States, three in the United Kingdom,
three in Germany, three in Belgium, and four in
141
 
Smoking, Implicit Attitudes, and Context-Sensitivity

Table 1. Summary of the included studies

Author Country Sample Sample Smoking Method Materials Context DV Attitudes

Size Status

Basset & US undergraduates 39 Smokers GNAT Smoking vs. none GNAT/ Positive
Dabbs, (N=11) (Go/NoGo neutral words RT score among
2005 Non-smokers Association smokers
(N=28) Task)

Chassin, US adults 449 Smokers > 1 IAT Smoking none IAT score Negative
Presson, cigarette per pictures vs. among
Sherman, day (CPD) geometric smokers
Seo, & shapes
Macy,
2010

Czyzewska US undergraduates 226 Not IAT Smoking vs. Anti-tobacco IAT score Negative; no
& differentiated non-smoking ads effect of anti-
Ginsburg, between (neutral) tobacco ads
2007 smokers and pictures
Non-smokers

De Belgium undergraduates 63 Smokers ≥ 1 IAT Smoking vs. none IAT score Relatively
Houwer, CPD (N=31) non-smoking neutral
Custers & Non-smokers pictures among
De Clercq, (N=32) (difference: smokers
2006 cigarette)

De Houwer Belgium undergraduates 63 Smokers ≥ 1 Approach-IAT Smoking vs. none IAT score Positive
et al., 2006 CPD (N=31) non-smoking among
Non-smokers pictures smokers
(N=32) (difference:
cigarette)

De Houwer Belgium undergraduates 51 Smokers ≥ 1 Personalized Smoking vs. none IAT score Positive
et al., 2006 CPD (N=26) IAT non-smoking among
Non-smokers (attributes: pictures smokers
(N=25) I like vs. I (difference:
dislike) cigarette)

Glock, Germany undergraduates 30 Daily Affective Smoking vs. Intervention: Response Positive
Unz, & smokers priming non-smoking warning latencies among
Kovacs, pictures labels smokers
2012 (difference: contradicting before,
cigarette) positive neutral after
outcome intervention
expectancies

Glock, Germany undergraduates 91 Daily Affective Smoking vs. Smell of Response Negative
Kovacs, & smokers priming non-smoking cigarettes vs. latencies among
Unz, 2013 (N=48) pictures no smell smokers; no
Non-smokers (difference: influence
(N=43) cigarette) of smell
condition

Huijding The undergraduates 64 Smokers ST-IAT Smoking None IAT score Positive
& de Jong, Netherlands (N=31) (Single pictures among
2006 Non-smokers Target-IAT) smokers
(N=33)

Huijding, The undergraduates 48 Smokers IAT Smoking None IAT score Negative
de Jong, Netherlands (N=24) words vs. among
Wiers, & non-smokers Exercise smokers
Verkooijen, (N=24) words
2005

Huijding et The undergraduates 48 Smokers IAT Smoking Smoking IAT score Negative
al., 2005 Netherlands words vs. setting vs. among
writing words non-smoking smokers; no
setting influence of
setting

continued on following page

142

Smoking, Implicit Attitudes, and Context-Sensitivity

Table 1. Continued

Author Country Sample Sample Smoking Method Materials Context DV Attitudes

Size Status

Huijding et The undergraduates 48 Smokers AST Smoking Smoking Response Neutral

al., 2005 Netherlands (Affective words vs. setting vs. latencies among
Simon Task) writing words non-smoking smokers, no
setting influence of
setting

Kahler, US adults 67 Smokers ≥ IAT-variant Smoking none IAT score More

Daughters, 10 CPD (attributes: pictures vs. negative
Leventhal, social vs. furniture consequences
Gwaltney, negative pictures associated
& Palfai, consequences) with smoking
2007 (not really
attitudes)

Mogg, UK undergraduates 43 Daily SRC Smoking vs. Correlational: Response Positive

Bradley, and staff from smokers (Stimulus non-smoking attention latencies among
Field, & De the university (N=20) response pictures to smoking smokers;
Houwer, non-smokers compatibility (difference: stimuli and higher
2003 (N=23) task) cigarette) urge to smoke attention
for smoking
stimuli =
higher urge
to smoke =
more positive
valence

Mogg, UK undergraduates 41 Smokers ≥ 1 SRC Smoking vs. nicotine Response Positive

Field, & and staff from CPD non-smoking dependence; latencies among
Bradley, the university pictures correlational: smokes;
2005 (difference: attention lower
cigarette) to smoking nicotine
stimuli, CPD, dependence
and time = Higher
since last attention
cigarette for smoking
stimuli =
higher urge
to smoke =
more positive
valence

Payne, US undergraduates 60 Smokers ≥ 1 AMP (Affect Smoking vs. None Pro- Neutral
McClernon, CPD (N=35) Misattribution non-smoking portion of among
& Dobbins, non-smokers Procedure) pictures pleasant smokers
2007 (N=25) (difference: responses
cigarette)

Perugini, UK undergraduates 48 Smokers IAT Smoking None IAT score Negative

2005 (N=25) words vs. among
non-smokers exercise smokers
(N=23) words

Robinson, US undergraduates 48 Smokers ≥ 1 IAT Smoking None IAT score Neutral

Meier, CPD (N=20) words vs. among
Zetocha, & non-smokers words from smokers
McCaul, (N=28) heterogeneous
2005 categories

Robinson et US undergraduates 52 Smokers > 1 IAT Smoking None IAT score Neutral
al., 2005 CPD (N=24) words vs. among
non-smokers words from smokers
(N=28) heterogeneous
categories

Robinson et US undergraduates 52 Smokers ≥ 1 IAT Smoking None IAT score Positive

al., 2005 CPD (N=24) words vs. among
non-smokers stealing words smoking
(N=28)

continued on following page

143
 
Smoking, Implicit Attitudes, and Context-Sensitivity

Table 1. Continued
Author Country Sample Sample Smoking Method Materials Context DV Attitudes
Size Status

Rudman, US undergraduates 82 Smokers IAT Smoking vs. None IAT D Negative

Phelen, & and young non-smoking score among
Heppen, adults from the pictures smokers
2007 community (difference:
cigarette)

Rydell, US adults 50 Smokers ≥ IAT Smoking Nicotine IAT score Positive

Sherman, 10 CPD pictures vs. deprivation among
Boucher, geometric (4 hrs) and deprived
& Macy, shapes anti-tobacco smokers;
2012 message non-deprived
quality smokers
negative after
perceiving
strong
messages

Sherman, US undergraduates 54 Smokers ≥ 1 Affective Smoking Smoking Priming Positive

Rose, CPD priming package Pictures: score toward
Koch, pictures and Costs vs. sensory
Presson, & smoking sensory aspects,
Chassin, sensory aspects of negative
2003 pictures vs. smoking toward cost
positive and aspects
negative among
pictures smokers

Sherman et US undergraduates 54 Smokers ≥ 1 IAT Smoking Smoking IAT score Neutral

al., 2003 CPD package Pictures: among
pictures and Costs vs. smokers
smoking sensory
sensory aspects of
pictures vs. smoking
positive and
negative
pictures

Sherman et US undergraduates 235 Smokers Affective Smoking Smoking Priming Positive

al., 2003 < 15 CPD priming sensory status (none, score among light,
N=93) pictures vs. light, or non-deprived
smokers positive and heavy) and smokers,
≥ 15 CPD negative nicotine negative
(N=63) pictures deprivation among heavy,
non-smokers (4h before or non-deprived
(N=79) immediately smokers,
before the positive
experiment among heavy,
smoked) deprived
smokers

Sherman et US undergraduates 235 Smokers IAT Smoking Smoking IAT score More
al., 2003 < 15 CPD sensory status (none, negative
N=93) pictures vs. light, or among light
smokers positive and heavy) and than heavy
≥ 15 CPD negative nicotine smokers, no
(N=63) pictures deprivation influence of
non-smokers (4hrs deprivation
(N=79) before or
immediately
before the
experiment
smoked)

continued on following page

144

Smoking, Implicit Attitudes, and Context-Sensitivity

Table 1. Continued

Author Country Sample Sample Smoking Method Materials Context DV Attitudes

Size Status

Süssenbach, Germany undergraduates 82 Smokers ST-IAT Smoking Graphic IAT score Negative
Niemeier, (N=63) words warning among
& Glock, non-smokers labels smokers, no
2013 (N=19) influence
of graphic
warning
labels

Swanson, US undergraduates 42 Smokers IAT Smoking None IAT-score Negative

Rudman, & (N=38) words vs. among
Greenwald, non-smokers exercise smokers
2001 (N=46) words

Swanson et US undergraduates 42 Smokers IAT Smoking None IAT score Negative

al., 2001 (N=38) words vs. among
non-smokers eating sweets smokers
(N=46) words

Swanson et US undergraduates 96 Smokers IAT Smoking None IAT score Positive

al., 2001 (N=37) words vs. among
non-smokers stealing words smokers
(N=59)

Swanson et US undergraduates 76 Smokers IAT Smoking vs. None IAT score Negative
al., 2001 (N=35) non-smoking among
non-smokers pictures smokers
(N=41) (difference:
cigarette)

Waters et US adults 57 Smokers ≥ IAT Smoking Smoking IAT score Negative

al., 2007 10 CPD pictures abstinence among
vs. neutral (12hrs – smokers,
pictures smoke 40 more negative
min before when not
vs. 12 hrs – abstinent
no smoking and smoking
vs. no allowed 40
abstinence min before
– 40 min
before vs. no
abstinence –
no smoking)

The Netherlands. None of the publications was
published in the last century, with only four of
them including a participant group other than
undergraduate students. The sample sizes ranged
from 30 to 449 with a total of 2736 participants
and a subsample of 1815 smokers across the stud-
ies. The criteria regarding the smoking status of
participants varied between at least one cigarette
per day (CPD) for daily smokers to more than
10 CPD. One study did not differentiate between
smokers and non-smokers, neither in the sample
description, nor in the reported results. A majority
of 22 studies used the Implicit Association Test
(Greenwald, McGhee, & Schwartz, 1998; IAT) in
order to assess implicit attitudes toward smoking.
Two studies used the single target variant of the
IAT, four studies applied an affective priming
measure (Fazio, Jackson, Dunton, & Williams,
1995), two a variant of the Stimulus Response
Compatibility task (Mogg, Bradley, Field, &
De Houwer, 2003; SRC), one the Go/No-Go-
Association Task (Nosek & Banaji, 2001; GNAT),
one the Affect Misattribution Procedure (Payne,
Cheng, Govorun, & Stewart, 2005;AMP), and one
the Affective Simon Task (De Houwer & Eelen,
1998;AST). Twelve studies used words as stimuli,
of which three studies contrasted smoking and
exercise words, two studies smoking and neutral

145

Smoking, Implicit Attitudes, and Context-Sensitivity
words, one study smoking words and words from
heterogeneous categories, two studies smoking
and stealing, two studies smoking and writing,
one study smoking and eating sweets, and one
study used only smoking words. The remaining
20 studies used pictures as materials, of which
nine studies contrasted smoking and non-smoking
pictures, whereby the display of the cigarette was
the only difference between the pictures, two stud-
ies used smoking pictures and geometric shapes,
two studies smoking and neutral pictures, two
studies smoking pictures displaying package and
sensory information of smoking compared with
positive and negative pictures, two studies pictures
with sensory aspects compared with positive and
negative pictures, one study smoking pictures and
furniture pictures, and one study used smoking
pictures only. Only 14 of the studies manipulated
context in its broadest sense. With one exception
(Payne, McClernon, & Dobbins, 2007), all studies
assessed reaction times as dependent variables.
Below we will review the results of the indi-
vidual studies. We will first review the studies in
which context variables were not manipulated,
followed by the studies that did consider context
variables. Among these context studies, we first
present studies giving anti-tobacco information
in order to investigate how implicit attitudes
change as a function of information, followed by
studies manipulating the testing context. Lastly,
we report on studies that consider the effects of
internal cues, such as motivation and deprivation,
on implicit attitudes. Studies were conducted in
the US with undergraduate students as participants
unless stated otherwise.
Swanson, Rudman, and Greenwald (2001) were
one of the first to assess implicit attitudes toward
smoking. In the first experiment, they adminis-
tered two different IATs contrasting smoking vs.
exercise and smoking vs. eating sweets words,
respectively. A sample of 38 smokers and 46
non-smokers was randomly assigned to either IAT
version. As the researchers did not find an effect of
the contrasting category, they collapsed the results
146

of the two IATs into one score, indicating negative
attitudes toward smoking among smokers (IAT
score = -300) as well as non-smokers (IAT score
= -354), with no difference between the groups. In
a second experiment, smoking words were paired
with words reflecting the category stealing. Thirty-
seven smokers and 59 non-smokers participated
in this study. Findings indicated positive implicit
attitudes toward smoking for both smokers (IAT
score = 173) and non-smokers (IAT score = 137),
with no significant difference between the groups.
A third study contrasted smoking and non-smoking
pictures among a sample of 35 smokers and 41
non-smokers. This test revealed negative implicit
attitudes toward smoking for smokers (IAT score
= -69) and for non-smokers (IAT score = -245).
Although the authors did not report whether the
IAT scores differed significantly from zero, the
difference between groups was significant (p =
.008), indicating non-smokers’ implicit attitudes
were more negative than those of smokers.
Contrasting smoking words and exercise
words, Perugini (2005), found a negative IAT score
of -89 among smokers, but did not report whether
this score differed from zero; however, this score
was less negative than that of non-smokers (p =
.006). Similarly, Huijding and colleagues (2005)
reported negative IAT scores for both smokers
(IAT score = -177) and non-smokers (IAT score
= -329) after applying an IAT contrasting smoking
words with exercise words among a sample of 24
Dutch smokers and 24 non-smokers, with smokers
being less negative than non-smokers (p < .01).
These studies show that the IAT results mainly
depend on the used contrast category and that the
results might partly reflect cultural knowledge
about smoking (Robinson et al., 2005). Consider-
ing those disadvantages, Robinson and colleagues
(2005) contrasted smoking words with words
matched for initials and length stemming from
heterogeneous categories, all considered to be
neutral in valence. In their sample of 20 smokers
and 28 non-smokers, neutral implicit attitudes
were found among smokers (IAT score = 41).

Smoking, Implicit Attitudes, and Context-Sensitivity
This score did not differ from zero but was more
positive than scores of non-smokers (IAT score =
-154; p < .001). Robinson and colleagues (2005)
replicated this study in another sample of 24 smok-
ers and 28 non-smokers, yielding similar results.
Although in the 2nd experiment the IAT score for
smokers was negative (IAT score = -41), implicit
attitudes were again considered neutral because
they did not differ from zero. Like in their first
study, non-smokers’ implicit attitudes (IAT score
= -131) were more negative than those of smokers
(p = .02). In order to provide evidence for the IAT
assessing cultural knowledge and demonstrate that
IAT results depend on the contrast category, Rob-
inson and colleagues (2005) administered a third
IAT to the same participants as in the replication
study, but applied different stimuli. The neutral
category words were replaced through words
related to the category “stealing”. This IAT score
revealed positive attitudes among both smokers
and non-smokers, with no differences between the
groups (IAT score = 181, for the whole sample).
Using a web based IAT with smoking pictures
versus geometric shapes, Chassin, Presson, Sher-
man, Seo, and Macy (2010) found an IAT score
of -0.41 among 449 adult smokers. Although this
score indicated slightly negative attitudes towards
smoking, the authors did not report whether this
score differed significantly from zero, and hence
the interpretation of the results is limited. How-
ever, De Houwer and colleagues (2006) reported
a negative IAT score of -62 in their sample of 31
Belgian smokers, which did not significantly dif-
fer from zero hence reflecting neutral attitudes.
More specifically, in this study, the attitude IAT
with smoking and non-smoking pictures was ap-
plied. The only difference between the pictures
was the presence/absence of a cigarette and the
matching pictures were paired with positive and
negative adjectives. The authors also applied an
approach IAT, using approach and avoid words
instead of the positive and negative adjectives. In
this IAT, they found a positive IAT score of 75,
which was significantly different from zero (p =
.009), indicating a stronger association between
smoking and approach than between smoking
and avoid. On both the attitude and the approach
IAT, smokers were significantly more positive
than non-smokers. In another study, reported in
the same publication, De Houwer and colleagues
(2006) applied a personalized variant of the IAT,
thereby replacing positive and negative adjectives
through positive and negative nouns as well as
replacing the Labels “Positive” and “Negative”
through “I like” and “I dislike”. Participants were
26 Belgian smokers and 25 non-smokers. They
found a positive IAT score of 228, which differed
significantly from zero (p = .002). Implicit atti-
tudes from smokers differed from non-smokers, i.e.
smokers’ implicit attitudes were positive, whereas
non-smokers’ implicit attitudes were shown to be
negative. Rudman, Phelan, and Heppen (2007) also
reported negative implicit attitudes toward smok-
ing in their sample of 82 smokers. The sample was
a mixture of people from the community (N=37)
and students. The IAT stimuli were smoking and
non-smoking pictures. The authors reported the
IAT D score (a proxy for effect size) of -0.36 with
an effect size of d = -0.53 for the difference be-
tween smoking – positive and smoking – negative.
Moving away from the classical IAT with
positive and negative words, Kahler, Daughters,
Leventhal, Gwaltney, and Palfai, (2007) adminis-
tered an IAT in which they replaced positive and
negative categories through positive and negative
social consequences of smoking to 67 smokers (≥
10 CPD; community sample) during the intake
interview of a smoking cessation intervention.
Hence, this IAT did not reveal implicit attitudes in
the common way. Nevertheless, the pairing with
positive and negative social consequences does
provide information on the automatic evaluation
of smoking. The IAT D score for negative conse-
quences (0.30) indicated negative attitudes, with
participants being faster on those trials compared
to trials pairing smoking with positive social
consequences (p < .001). This IAT was only as-
sessed as a baseline measure, and not repeated at
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Smoking, Implicit Attitudes, and Context-Sensitivity
different steps of cessation and therefore it is not
possible to assess if and to what extent attitudes
changed over time.
In order to facilitate implicit attitudes research,
Bassett and Dabbs (2005) tested a portable ver-
sion of the GNAT among a sample of 11 smokers
and 28 non-smokers. Smoking words were paired
with ‘good’ and ‘bad’ words. They found an IAT
score of 18 and -54 for smokers and non-smokers
respectively, which indicated relatively more
positive attitudes among smokers compared to
non-smokers. However, the authors did not report
whether the two scores differed significantly from
zero, hence it is not possible to draw conclusions
if scores should be interpreted as negative, posi-
tive, or neutral.
Avoiding the need of a contrast category and
the relative character of the IAT, Huijding and de
Jong (2006) applied a ST-IAT in a Dutch sample
of 31 smokers and 33 non-smokers, using smoking
pictures targeting the sensory aspect of smoking.
Among smokers, they found a positive IAT score
of 22, which was significantly different from
zero (p < .05), and a negative IAT score of -37
among non-smokers, which also differed from
zero (p < .01).
Applying a new measure, Payne and colleagues
(2007) investigated implicit attitudes via the AMP
with smoking and non-smoking pictures. Unlike
other implicit measures, the AMP does not rely on
response latencies but on pleasant and unpleasant
ratings. In their study, 35 smokers (≥ 1 CPD) and
25 non-smokers participated. The authors found
negative attitudes among non-smokers (difference
score = -0.34) and neutral implicit attitudes among
smokers (difference score = 0.07).
Studies described so far assessed implicit at-
titudes without considering contextual factors.
However, one could argue that, given that implicit
cognitions are context sensitive, implicit attitudes
may vary under different circumstances. Consider-
ing the importance of external cues, Czyzewska
and Ginsburg (2007) investigated the influence
148

of anti-smoking TV advertisements on implicit
attitudes. They compared implicit attitudes toward
smoking in a sample of 226 students randomly
assigned to different viewing conditions. The two
experimental groups were either presented with an
anti-tobacco advertisement or an anti-marijuana
advertisement. In their IAT, they contrasted smok-
ing pictures with neutral pictures. They found
IAT scores of -0.17 for the group who watched
the anti-tobacco advertisement and -0.14 for the
group who watched the anti-marijuana advertise-
ment. The two scores did not significantly differ
and the authors reported the scores for the whole
sample without differentiating for tobacco use
among participants.
Although anti-smoking TV advertisements
might reach many people, health-related warning
labels on cigarette packages confront each smoker
with anti-tobacco messages every time he or she
takes a cigarette. Süssenbach, Niemeier, and Glock
(2013) presented 63 German smokers with graphic
and text-only cigarette warning labels. Afterwards
participants underwent a ST-IAT with smoking
words. Implicit attitudes toward smoking were
negative (IAT D score = -0.54), whereby the
presentation of warning labels did not change at-
titudes. The authors did not investigate whether
the IAT score differed significantly from zero.
However, this score differed significantly from
the score for non-smokers (N = 19; IAT D score
= -1.03, p < .01).
In another study, and assuming that the smell of
nicotine might serve as an external cue triggering
positive implicit attitudes, Glock, Kovacs, and Unz
(2013) manipulated the smell in the lab as context
variable. One lab smelled neutral and the other
lab smelled of burnt cigarettes. Participants were
48 German daily smokers and 43 non-smokers
and all completed an affective priming task with
smoking and non-smoking pictures. The authors
compared the responses to negative words follow-
ing smoking and non-smoking pictures (difference
score = -18.71) and found implicit attitudes to

Smoking, Implicit Attitudes, and Context-Sensitivity
be negative for both smokers and non-smokers.
This score differed from zero (p < .05). Implicit
attitudes did not vary as a result of smoking status
or the smell manipulation.
In a similar vein, Huijding and colleagues
(2005) also varied the context, in which 48 Dutch
smokers were administered an IAT contrasting
smoking words with words related to the neutral
category “writing”. In the non-smoking setting,
the situation was a typical lab testing situation and
participants were told that it would not be allowed
to smoke in the room. In contrast, in the smoking
setting, participants were told that they would be
allowed to smoke when they had finished the ex-
periment, and to demonstrate this the experimenter
lit up a cigarette. All participants were instructed
not to smoke for two hours before entering the
lab. The authors found no effect of setting and a
negative IAT score (mean across the two setting
groups = -136), which differed significantly from
zero (p < .01). The same participants also under-
went an AST using the same stimuli. In this task,
participants were instructed to say “positive” or
“negative” depending on whether the word was
presented in plural or singular. The AST revealed
neutral implicit attitudes (exact value not provided)
and again, the setting had no effect. The results
of this study demonstrated that implicit attitudes
were not influenced by the smoking setting, i.e.
the information that it was either allowed or not
allowed to smoke in the room, did not change
their implicit attitudes.
Considering the fact that implicit attitudes
might vary as a function of the activated aspects
as external cues and that smoking might have
positive as well as negative aspects (Hendricks
& Brandon, 2005; Mullenix et al., 2003), Sher-
man and colleagues (2003) compiled pictures
displaying cigarette packaging, which reflected
the costs of smoking in terms of health and price,
and pictures displaying the sensory aspects of
smoking, such as a cigarette being held in hand.
They administered an IAT with these stimuli
among a sample of 54 smokers, all smoking at
least 1 CPD. They scored the IAT measure such
that negative scores represent positive implicit
attitudes and vice versa. In the IAT scores, the
authors found no difference between cost (IAT
score = 11) and sensory aspects of smoking (IAT
score = -13). The same sample also completed
an affective priming task with the same stimuli.
The affective priming score (relative facilitation
of positive words opposed to negative words and
compared with a baseline measure of positive and
negative words, whereby negative scores reflect
positive attitudes) revealed differences in implicit
attitudes as a function of the stimuli. Smokers were
implicitly positive toward sensory aspects (score
= -27) and negative toward cost aspects of smok-
ing (score = 43, p < .02). Thus, implicit attitudes
varied as a function of external smoking cues.
Considering the possibility that health-related
warning labels might lead to defensive responses
among smokers (Ruiter & Kok, 2005), Glock,
Unz, and Kovacs (2012) confronted smokers with
warning labels contradicting positive outcome
expectancies. They investigated implicit attitudes
among a German sample of 30 smokers using an
affecting priming task, with smoking and non-
smoking pictures, and compared the response
latencies for positive and negative words following
smoking pictures, before and after confrontation
with warning labels. At baseline, before confronta-
tion, implicit attitudes were found to be positive
(difference score for smoking pictures = 39), and
significantly different from zero (p < .05). After
confrontation with warning labels, this score was
not only slightly less positive (20), but also did not
significantly differ from zero anymore (p = .12).
The above studies show that specific external
cues, especially outcome expectancies, influence
implicit attitudes. However, implicit attitudes
of smokers might not only be influenced by ex-
ternal, but also by internal cues. In one of their
studies, Sherman and colleagues (2003) focused
on internal cues, using the sensory pictures as
smoking stimuli and compared them with positive
and negative pictures. The 235 participants were
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Smoking, Implicit Attitudes, and Context-Sensitivity
divided by their smoking status: ninety-three light
smokers (less than 15 CPD), 63 heavy smokers (at
least 15 CPD), and 79 non-smokers. The authors
manipulated smoking deprivation, whereby all
participants were asked to refrain from smoking
four hours before the experiment. Half of their
smoking participants were then asked to complete
the measures without smoking, whereas the other
half was allowed a cigarette just before commenc-
ing the tasks. Participants completed the IAT as
well as the affective priming task. Overall, smok-
ers attitudes were negative in the IAT (IAT score
= 31). The IAT revealed significant differences
depending on the smoking status of participants.
Smokers (IAT = 32) were less negative than non-
smokers (IAT = 104), and light smokers were more
negative (IAT score = 50) than heavy smokers
(IAT score = 7, p < .05). Deprivation status did
not affect the IAT scores. More specifically, there
were no significant differences between deprived
light (IAT score = 45), deprived heavy (IAT score
= -7), non-deprived light (IAT score = 54), and
non-deprived heavy smokers (IAT score = 22).
The affective priming scores, however, showed a
different pattern. Although no differences in affec-
tive scores were found between smokers (score =
17) and non-smokers (score = 34), priming scores
yielded differences between the four smoking
groups. Light smokers’ implicit attitudes were
more negative when deprived (score = 25) than
when not deprived (score = 6), whereas heavy
smokers’ implicit attitudes were more negative
when not deprived (score = 54) than when deprived
(score = -7, p < .05). Heavy smokers who were
non-deprived were even more negative than non-
smokers. The authors did not investigate whether
all these scores differed from zero.
Thus, implicit attitudes varied as a function of
nicotine deprivation as internal cues. In a similar
vein, Waters and colleagues (2007) applied the
IAT with smoking and neutral pictures among a
community sample of 57 smokers, all smoking
at least 10 CPD. Additionally, one half of the
sample were asked to refrain from smoking for
150

12 hours before the experiment. Half of these
abstinent participants were allowed to smoke
40 minutes before the experiment started; the
other half was not allowed to smoke. The other
half of the sample was not asked to abstain and
half of them were allowed to smoke 40 minutes
before the experiment, whereas the remaining
half was not allowed. Thus, four different smok-
ing groups were realized. The analysis revealed
an IAT D score of -48 for all four conditions,
indicating negative implicit attitudes. This score
differed significantly from zero (p<.0001). The
manipulation of smoking abstinence also had an
effect. Smokers refraining from smoking for 12
hours showed negative implicit attitudes, which
were independent of whether they were allowed
to smoke before the experiment (IAT D score =
-48) or not (IAT D score = -41). Among the non-
abstinent smokers, smokers who were allowed
to smoke before the experiment (IAT D score =
-64) were more negative than those not allowed
(IAT D score = -46), and the two other groups
(p < .05). In addition, the authors reported that
IAT scores were associated with nicotine depen-
dence (Fagerström Test for Nicotine Dependence,
Heatherton, Kozlowski, Frecker, & Fagerström,
1991), whereby low dependence smokers had more
negative implicit attitudes than high dependence
smokers.
Focusing on internal cues such as the urge to
smoke, Mogg and colleagues (2003) investigated
implicit stimulus valence among 20 British daily
smokers and 23 non-smokers. The sample included
university students and staff. Those approach and
avoidance tendencies reflect how smokers implic-
itly evaluate smoking and can thus be interpreted
as implicit attitudes. In this study, smoking and
non-smoking pictures were implemented in an
SRC task. Results showed positive implicit at-
titudes among smokers (difference score = 153)
whereby the valence was significantly different
from zero (p < .01). In a correlational design,
the authors also investigated the relationship
between implicit attitudes, attention for smoking

Smoking, Implicit Attitudes, and Context-Sensitivity
stimuli, and the urge to smoke. They found that
higher attention for smoking stimuli was positively
related with implicit attitudes (r = .49, p < .05).
Although the authors did not report on the correla-
tion between urge to smoke and implicit attitudes,
from the paper it can be inferred that there was
a relationship between the two measures. These
results were supported by findings of Payne and
colleagues (2007), who reported that although
the implicit attitudes of their smokers group as a
whole were neutral, within this group differences
related to withdrawal symptoms were found. More
specifically, smokers experiencing more with-
drawal symptoms had positive implicit attitudes
whilst smokers experiencing fewer withdrawal
symptoms had negative attitudes.
Implementing nicotine dependence instead
of urge to smoke as internal cue, Mogg, Field, &
Bradley (2005) applied the SRC with smoking
and non-smoking pictures among a university
sample (students and staff) of 41 British smokers
(≥ 1 CPD). Additionally, they assessed nicotine
dependence using the modified version of the
Fagerström Tolerance Questionnaire (Prokhorov
et al., 2000). They found that smokers’ implicit
attitudes toward smoking were positive (p < .01)
and that smokers with low nicotine dependence
were more positive than smokers with moder-
ate nicotine dependence (p < .05). The authors
did not report exact descriptive statistics for the
SRC measure. They found a positive relation-
ship between the implicit attitudes measure and
attention to smoking stimuli (r = .53, p < .01),
in other words more positive attitudes were as-
sociated with an attentional bias to smoking cues,
and a negative relationship between the implicit
attitudes measure and CPD (r = -.33, p < .05),
i.e. more positive attitudes were associated with
fewer cigarettes smoked per day. In line with this
negative relationship, longer time since smoking
the last cigarette and lower levels of nicotine
dependence were associated with more positive
implicit attitudes (r = .31, p <.06 and r = -.39, p
< .05, respectively).
Only one study investigated the combined/
interactive effect of external and internal cues.
Rydell, Sherman, Boucher, and Macy (2012) com-
bined external cues (Public Service Announce-
ment message) with internal cues (deprivation).
They instructed 50 smokers, who smoked at least
10 CPD, to refrain from smoking for at least four
hours before the session started. The context was
varied by allocating participants randomly to two
different groups. One group was allowed to smoke
a cigarette immediately before the session began
(non-deprived), whereas the other group was not
allowed to smoke (deprived). The authors also
manipulated context via the level of forcefulness
of a Public Service Announcement message,
thereby providing half of the smokers in each
deprivation group with a message containing a
strong argument (e.g. Smoking causes death) and
the remaining half with a message containing a
weak argument (Smoking induces hair loss). The
IAT administered contrasted smoking pictures
with geometric shapes. Non-deprived smokers’
implicit attitudes (IAT D score = -55) were more
negative than those of deprived smokers (IAT D
score = -38, p = .05). The study also revealed an
effect of message forcefulness, but only when
smokers were non-deprived. More specifically,
non-deprived smokers’ implicit attitudes were
more negative after confrontation with a strong
than with a weak message (p = .02), whereas for
deprived smokers, no effect of message forceful-
ness could be found (exact values of this interaction
were not reported). As a whole, and independent
of the external and internal cues, implicit attitudes
were negative among smokers.
DISCUSSION
Among the reviewed studies, 13 studies adminis-
tered a variant of the IAT using various stimulus
materials and contrast categories. As various as
the materials were, the implicit attitudes were.
Four studies reported positive implicit attitudes,
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Smoking, Implicit Attitudes, and Context-Sensitivity
six negative ones, and three neutral ones. The
findings depended on the contrast category and
variant of the IAT used, whereby only those studies
that indicated to what extent IAT scores differed
from zero, allowed for conclusions about the
nature of implicit attitudes toward smoking. The
contrast category “stealing” was used in two stud-
ies (Robinson et al., 2005; Swanson et al., 2001),
revealing positive attitudes. The contrast category
“exercise” was used in three studies (Huijding et
al., 2005; Perugini, 2005; Swanson et al., 2001),
always yielding negative attitudes toward smok-
ing, as did the contrast category “eating sweets”,
which was used once (Swanson et al., 2001). From
these studies one could conclude that smoking
behavior is implicitly liked more than negative
contrast behaviors, but less than positive contrast
behaviors, by both smokers and non-smokers, with
varying differences between the two groups. With
more neutral contrast categories, the variance in
implicit attitudes increased. Attitudes were posi-
tive, negative, as well as neutral. This diversity
in results might be due to how implicit attitudes
toward smoking were measured in these studies.
Although the results generally show that smok-
ing is regarded worse than some behaviors (e.g.
exercise) but better than others (e.g. stealing),
they are limited in the extent to which they can
guide the development of effective intervention
strategies. In addition, most of the studies assessed
global attitudes (Huijding et al., 2005), which
might reflect societal norms (De Houwer et al.,
2006; Fazio & Olson, 2003; Olson & Fazio, 2004)
rather than individual attitudes.
Interestingly, in a personalized IAT with “I
like” and “I dislike” as categories, implicit attitudes
were found to be positive (De Houwer et al., 2006).
This study shows that when avoiding the influence
of societal norms by personalization, smokers’
implicit attitudes towards smoking are positive.
Although replication of this result is necessary,
this result fits the seemingly contradicting notion
that although smokers generally support regula-
tions to ban smoking in public areas (European
152

Commission, 2012; World Health Organization,
2013), and are more and more aware of the harmful
consequences of their smoking behavior (Glock &
Kneer, 2009; Hahn & Renner, 1998; Wiers & de
Jong, 2006), about a fifth of all adult Europeans
and Americans still smoke and continue to smoke.
One study considered that implicit attitudes
toward smoking reflect global attitudes and that
those global attitudes might be neutral rather
than positive or negative (Sherman et al., 2003).
Due to positive and negative aspects of smoking
(Hendricks & Brandon, 2005; Mullenix et al.,
2003), smoking can be perceived both positive
and negative (Sherman et al., 2003), depending
on which aspects are prevalent in the assessment
situation. Sherman and colleagues (2003) showed
that smoking is related to different aspects which
are implicitly associated with different automatic
evaluations. Cost information was negatively
evaluated, while sensory information was posi-
tively evaluated. However, the IAT seemed to be
less sensitive in detecting those differences in
implicit attitudes than the affective priming task
(Sherman et al., 2003). The IAT is suggested to
have more controlled components than the affec-
tive priming task (Fazio & Olson, 2003; Sherman
et al., 2003), as it involves the pairing of smoking
with positive and negative words, whereas the
priming task only asks participants to indicate
the valence of the presented words independent
of the category in question. Furthermore, the IAT
measures the association of the category label with
the positive and negative categories rather than the
association of the specific exemplars (presented
as members of the category) with the positive
and negative categories (De Houwer, 2001).
Thus, it seems obvious that the affective priming
task, which assesses the facilitation of positive or
negative automatic evaluations as a function of
the presented exemplars, is more sensitive to the
different aspects of smoking than the IAT. The
affective priming task was used in four of the
reviewed studies, published in three publications
(Glock et al., 2013, 2012; Sherman et al., 2003)

Smoking, Implicit Attitudes, and Context-Sensitivity
and revealing mixed attitudes. Nonetheless, the
IAT remains the most popular method for the as-
sessment of implicit attitudes. Two studies used
an ST-IAT, one showing negative attitudes (Süs-
senbach et al., 2013) and one revealing positive
attitudes (Huijding & de Jong, 2006). Among the
reviewed studies, other assessment methods were
sparse. Two studies used the SRC (Mogg et al.,
2003, 2005) and found positive attitudes among
smokers. This method is similar to the approach-
and-avoid-IAT used in the study by De Houwer
and colleagues (2006), who also reported posi-
tive implicit attitudes. The AMP was used once,
showing neutral implicit attitudes (Payne et al.,
2007), as did the AST (Huijding et al., 2005). The
one study using the GNAT found positive implicit
attitudes among a very small sample of smokers
(Bassett & Dabbs, 2005).
In this review, studies that manipulated the
context to investigate its effect on implicit attitudes
were also included. These studies considered the
context-sensitivity of implicit attitudes (Blair,
2002; De Houwer, 2006), which is particularly
relevant for addictive behaviors, as substance-
related cognitions have been shown to be highly
context sensitive (Krank et al., 2005; Reich et al.,
2004; Sherman et al., 2003; Wiers et al., 2003).
There were two studies which directly manipulated
the context in which the assessment took place
(Glock et al., 2013; Huijding et al., 2005). Implicit
attitudes were assessed in a lab that smelled of
burned cigarettes (Glock et al., 2013), and in a lab
in which smoking was allowed and the experi-
menter lit up a cigarette (Huijding et al., 2005).
Although different methods were used (IAT, AST,
affective priming) and Sherman and colleagues
(2003) demonstrated the higher sensitivity of the
affective priming task, this context manipulation
had no effect on implicit attitudes in both studies.
One may conclude that the situational context
alone is not the main factor determining implicit
attitudes, and that the interaction with other fac-
tors should also be considered.
Other studies, investigated the influence of anti-
tobacco messages such as advertisements, graphic
warning labels, and labels turning positive out-
come expectancies into negative, revealed mixed
results. Advertisements (Czyzewska & Ginsburg,
2007) and graphic warning labels (Süssenbach et
al., 2013) did not influence implicit attitudes, while
labels contradicting positive outcome expectancies
did (Glock et al., 2012). However, these studies
did not consider the interaction with other context
relevant variables, such as situational context or
nicotine dependence, which might contribute on
how messages are processed.
Nicotine dependence might indeed be an
important context-relevant variable. Smoking is
highly addictive because of positive reinforcement
with each single puff (Bandura, 2004; Shadel,
Shiffman, Niaura, Nichter, & Abrams, 2000).
Moreover, nicotine dependence is related to the
automatic components inherent in smoking (Ber-
lin et al., 2003) – those components of behaviors
which are suggested to be mainly affected by
implicit attitudes (Fazio, 1990; Olson & Fazio,
2009). Thus, the level of nicotine dependence
might have an influence on implicit attitudes.
Three studies could show this relationship. Us-
ing a correlational design, Mogg and colleagues
(2005) found a positive association between de-
pendence and attitudes, i.e. the higher the nicotine
dependence, the more positive implicit attitudes.
Similarly, Waters and colleagues (2007) reported
that implicit attitudes of high dependence smokers
were more positive than those of low dependence
smokers. Sherman and colleagues (2003) opera-
tionalized nicotine dependence via the smoking
level of their participants, dividing them in heavy
and light smokers. It is plausible that the higher
the number of smoked CPD is, the higher the
nicotine dependence is (Heatherton et al., 1991).
The IAT revealed differences between light and
heavy smokers, implying that light smokers were
implicitly less positive toward smoking than heavy
smokers, however, the affective priming measure
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Smoking, Implicit Attitudes, and Context-Sensitivity
did not show differences as a function of smoking
level. The result of the IAT is in line with findings
that heavy smokers show less negative affect in
regards to smoking than light smokers (Shiffman
& Paty, 2006). Thus, nicotine dependence might be
a context factor that influences implicit attitudes;
nonetheless, it seems not to be sufficient to induce
differences in implicit attitudes.
Another factor, obviously related to nicotine
dependence, is deprivation. Higher levels of
deprivation lead to higher levels of craving, i.e.
the felt need for a cigarette (Shadel et al., 2000).
Craving in turn, results in a motivational state
which leads to action (Marlatt & Gordon, 1985), in
this case, smoking a cigarette. Hence deprivation
reinforces craving. Deprivation was experimen-
tally manipulated in three studies (Rydell et al.,
2012; Sherman et al., 2003; Waters et al., 2007)
and two others used a correlational design (Mogg
et al., 2003; Payne et al., 2007). Positive associa-
tions were found, more specifically, the higher the
urge to smoke, the more positive implicit attitudes
(Mogg et al., 2003; Payne et al., 2007). The over-
all pattern of results showed that deprivation led
to more positive attitudes than non-deprivation
(Rydell et al., 2012; Waters et al., 2007) and that
deprivation exhibited its influence in interaction
with other factors. Interestingly, heavy smokers
were more negative when not deprived, whereas
light smokers were more negative when deprived
(Sherman et al., 2003). Thus, nicotine depriva-
tion, rather than dependence, was identified as
an important factor influencing implicit attitudes
and should not be neglected when investigating
implicit attitudes toward smoking. Deprivation
level also determined how anti-tobacco mes-
sages were processed (Rydell et al., 2012). Only
non-deprived smokers were influenced by strong
anti-tobacco messages – they had more negative
attitudes after perception of the messages, while
deprived smokers did not show an influence of
anti-tobacco messages on implicit attitudes (Rydell
et al., 2012). This finding seems to be crucial for
the effectiveness of anti-tobacco messages.
154

CONCLUSION
This review revealed factors that should be consid-
ered when investigating implicit attitudes toward
smoking. First, methodological issues such as the
contrast categories used in implicit measures, as
well as the different implicit measures turned out
to be more or less sensitive for different aspects
of smoking, or individual attitudes versus societal
norms. Thus, in future research, different methods
should be applied within one sample in order
to ensure that differences in implicit attitudes,
which cannot be detected by one method, might
be revealed by the other. Moreover, using different
methods within one sample and applying the same
stimulus materials within the different implicit at-
titudes measures, can shed light on the question of
whether the inconsistent results, identified in this
review, might be due to different methods or due
to different stimuli materials. This review has also
shown that although the IAT is the most applied
method, future research should consider the fact
that the classical IAT, with pleasant and unpleasant
categories, assessed cultural knowledge and social
norms rather than individual attitudes (De Houwer
et al., 2006; Robinson et al., 2005). In this regard,
this review has shown that methods such as the
affective priming task are more sensitive than the
IAT and that replacing the pleasant and unpleasant
categories in a personalized variant of the IAT
revealed more individual attitudes. Thus, future
research should apply other implicit measures or
the personalized variant of the IAT, particularly
if conclusions about individual implicit attitudes
toward smoking should be made.
Furthermore, although implicit attitudes
research seems to lead to inconsistent results,
they should be considered when investigating
the effects of intervention campaigns (Wiers, de
Jong, Havermans, & Jelicic, 2004). Few studies
have examined the relationship between implicit
attitudes and maintenance or cessation of smok-
ing behavior, although such studies could inform
intervention. For example, Chassin et al. (2010)

Smoking, Implicit Attitudes, and Context-Sensitivity
demonstrated that implicit attitudes were associ-
ated with giving up smoking, but only under certain
conditions. Implicit attitudes toward smoking have
been rarely assessed as a result of interventions,
but may be an indication of its effectiveness and
hence future research should introduce implicit
attitudes measures when evaluating interventions.
For instance, it has recently been decided that
graphic warning labels will be mandatory in all
countries of the EU (European Parliament, 2013),
however, there is only one study investigating the
influence of graphic warning labels on implicit
attitudes. Obviously, implicit attitudes are not the
only determinant that should be looked at when
investigating interventions, but they might be a
causal (De Houwer et al., 2006), or at least mod-
erating factor for smoking behavior (Huijding et
al., 2005). Interventions might exhibit differential
influences on implicit and explicit levels (Wiers,
Luitgaarden, Wildenberg, & Smulders, 2005),
hence to rely on explicitly assessed variables only
seems to be insufficient to evaluate interventions.
Thus, future research conducted for intervention
evaluation purposes should investigate the effect
on both implicit and explicit levels.
All reviewed studies that assessed internal cues
such as nicotine-dependence, deprivation, or urge
to smoke, revealed that these internal cues are of
high relevance when assessing implicit attitudes.
This review identified nicotine dependency and
especially nicotine deprivation as vital factors
influencing implicit attitudes, demonstrating their
context-sensitivity. This context-sensitivity might
prove critical when it comes to the effectiveness of
interventions. Even though the context-sensitivity
provides opportunities for influencing implicit
attitudes, at the same time they may undermine
the effectiveness of interventions. Non-deprived
smokers might be affected by interventions,
whereas deprived smokers might be unaffected.
Moreover, and probably most importantly, in-
tervention effectiveness might change within
individual smokers as a function of deprivation
level. Stated otherwise, negative implicit attitudes
related to smoking interventions administered di-
rectly after smoking might turn into more positive
ones during deprivation, thereby neutralizing the
effects of the interventions. This also implies that
implicit attitude changes due to smoking inter-
ventions might only be short-term. Thus, future
research should (a) investigate whether the impact
of smoking interventions on implicit attitudes
changes, not only between different deprivation
groups, but also within smokers experiencing
different deprivation levels during the daily rou-
tine. This research design involves the need for
repeated implicit attitudes measures as a function
of smoking intervention and deprivation level
and the question of long-term attitude changes.
Research on implicit racial cognition has shown
that changes in implicit cognition might last for
24 hours (Kawakami, Dovidio, Moll, Hermsen, &
Russin, 2000), whereby motivational states such as
deprivation certainly did not play a role. Thus, we
do not know how long-lasting intervention effects
are, and how they might change as a function of
deprivation. This highlights the need for smok-
ing interventions that might remain unaffected
by nicotine dependence and deprivation level.
Therefore, future research should also (b) search
for smoking interventions not susceptible to depri-
vation levels of smokers. This is one of the great
challenges in the future. A factor which could be
used successfully in interventions is self-efficacy
enhancing information, as self-efficacy plays an
important role in behavioral change (Bandura,
2004; Peters, Ruiter, & Kok, 2013; Schwarzer,
2001). Self-efficacy enhancing interventions have
been shown to lead to more continuous abstinent
smokers than other interventions (Dijkstra, De
Vries, & Roijackers, 1998), and smokers who
prepare to quit benefit most from this information
(Dijkstra, De Vries, Roijackers, & van Breukelen,
1998). However, whether this intervention strategy
might be affected by deprivation level and whether
this intervention is able to affect implicit attitudes,
is not known so far. Probably, the effectiveness
of this intervention strategy changes as implicit
155

Smoking, Implicit Attitudes, and Context-Sensitivity
attitudes change as a function deprivation level.
Most importantly, this review shows the evolution
in understanding the role of implicit attitudes in
smoking. From the different studies it has become
clear that the relationship between implicit atti-
tudes and smoking behavior is complex and that
not the focus on the implicit attitudes per se but
that especially the understanding of the effect of
implicit attitudes on behavior in relation to the
situational context and internal motivation may
lead to targeted and effective intervention.
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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS
Affect Misattribution Procedure: Priming-
based technique to assess affective responses to
cues.
Affective Priming: Latency-based technique
to assess memory activation.
Affective Priming Score: Relative facilitation
of positive words opposed to negative words and
compared with a baseline measure of positive and
negative words, whereby negative scores reflect
positive attitudes.
Affective Simon Task: Latency-based tech-
nique to assess influences of stimulus valence.
Extrinsic Affective Simon Task: Latency-
based technique to assess the association between
a singular target and its evaluations.
Go / No Go Association Task: Latency
based-technique to assess the association strength
between a singular target and its evaluations.
Implicit Association Test: Latency-based
technique to assess the association strength be-
tween two targets and their evaluations.
Implicit attitudes: Automatic evaluations of
an object.
Implicit attitudes measures: Methods to
measure a construct without asking participants
directly.
Outcome expectancy: Expected consequenc-
es of a behavior.
Public Service Announcement: Messages to
influence public attitudes and behavior, contrib-
uted by the media.
Stimulus Response Compatibility Task:
Latency-based technique to assess the tendency
to avoid or approach a stimulus.
161
162

Chapter 8
Function over Form:
A Behavioral Approach to Implicit Attitudes

Anthony G. O’Reilly
National University of Ireland – Maynooth, Ireland

Bryan Roche
National University of Ireland – Maynooth, Ireland

Aoife Cartwright
National University of Ireland – Maynooth, Ireland

ABSTRACT
Research surrounding the construct of “implicit attitudes” and the various methodologies for measuring
that construct is currently founded on the social cognitive paradigm. However, no robust and agreed
upon theoretical framework has emerged from this paradigm, despite the widespread adoption of im-
plicit testing methodologies and their associated theoretical assumptions. The current chapter outlines
a functional approach to implicit testing, describing research stemming from Relational Frame Theory
that was developed in parallel with the emergence of the IAT, and arguing for the benefits of connect-
ing these two strands of research to improve the understanding of attitude behaviors and create better
understood implicit testing methodologies. The chapter concludes with descriptions of two examples of
such methodologies: the IRAP and the FAST.

INTRODUCTION These mental representations are conceptualized

Form: The Implicit Attitude Construct
The central pillar of the cognitive paradigm is the
position that mental representations mediate how
information is perceived, processed, analyzed,
stored in the brain, and that these representations
precede behavior in the chain of cause and effect.
in terms of hypothetical constructs infered from
observable behavior, which are in turn thought
to explain that behavior. In the field of Social
Psychology, there is no more ubiquitous construct
than the Attitude.
Despite its central place in explaining human
social behavior (Allport, 1935), there is no uni-
versally agreed upon definition of what precisely

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-4666-6599-6.ch008

Copyright © 2015, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Function over Form
is represented by an attitude. There is, however,
broad agreement on the general form of the attitude
construct. An attitude is usually defined as being
a combination of cognitive (i.e. propositional) and
affective evaluations of an object with a variable
strength (Olson & Kendrick, 2008). An attitude
is thought to be stored in the mind as a set of as-
sociations between the attitude object and these
evaluations, with attitude strength being a function
of the relative accessibility of these associations.
When activated, attitudes predispose the person
towards a favorable or unfavorable behavioral
response towards the attitude object (see Olson
& Zanna, 1993, for a review). Attitudes can be
formed in relation to any given object including
other individuals (e.g., McConnell, Rydell, Strain,
& Mackie, 2008), social groups (e.g., Dovidio,
Kawakami, & Gaertner, 2002), or even abstract
concepts (e.g., nationality; Devos & Banaji,
2005). Stereotypes, prejudice, self-esteem, general
positive or negative evaluations and biases all fall
under the umbrella of “attitude”. As such, attitude
research has historically been a key topic in social
cognitive research, and it is likely to continue to
be so for many years to come. However, attitude
research underwent a minor revolution in the last
years of the 20th century, with the introduction of
the concept of implicit attitudes.
Greenwald and Banajii’s 1995 paper simul-
taneously introduced the concept of implicit
attitudes and a methodology designed to detect
this new hypothetical construct – The Implicit
Association Test (IAT). Drawing upon research
in implicit memory, the authors described how
past experience can influence present attitudes
and the responses mediated by those attitudes
without conscious awareness. Central to the new
concept was the suggestion that some experiences
lead to the formation of evaluative associations
(i.e., attitudes) that were not readily accessible by
introspection and whose influence on behavior is
outwith the control of the subject. The implicit
attitude construct was said to explain why self-
reported attitudes were not reliable predictors
of behavior. More specifically, the behavior was
considered to be mediated by implicit attitudes,
which in turn can be defined as “the introspec-
tively unidentified (or inaccurately identified)
trace of past experience that mediates [favorable
or unfavorable feeling, thought or action towards
social objects]” (Greenwald & Banaji, 1995, p.8).
The seminal IAT experiment used a “known
groups” paradigm, presenting participants with
flower names (e.g. Tulip), “insect” names (e.g.
Spider), pleasant words (e.g. Love) and unpleas-
ant words (e.g. Ugly) and required participants
to categorize them by means of a key press.
(Greenwald, McGhee & Schwartz, 1998). In the
first (consistent) condition, the same response
key was assigned to both “flower” and “pleasant”
words, while the other response key was assigned
to “insect” and “unpleasant” words. In the second
(inconsistent) condition, one response key was
assigned to “unpleasant” words and “flower”
words, and the other to “pleasant” and “insect”
words. The researchers found (as expected) that
reaction times were shorter in the consistent con-
dition than in the inconsistent condition. In line
with the pre-experimental assumptions outlined
above, Greenwald and colleagues stated that the
IAT effect (i.e., the difference in response times
between the two conditions) was indicative of
the existence of an implicit attitude construct in
which flowers were associated with positive evalu-
ations and insects with negative associations. The
magnitude of the difference between the normed
reaction times in each condition is taken to be an
indicator of the associative strength between the
category of interest and a positive/negative at-
tribute (e.g., Hoffman, Gawronski, Geschwnder,
Le, & Schmidt, 2005). The implicit associations
so measured by the IAT are assumed to be rela-
tively stable, trait-like cognitive associations that
are existent objects in the individual (Nosek &
Hanson, 2008).
Despite the widespread adoption of the IAT
methodology and the tacit acceptance of its theo-
retical assumptions, Greenwald and his colleague
163

are “theory uncommitted” (Greenwalk, Nosek,
Banaji & Klauer, 2005) with regard to the pre-
cise structure of the mental associations the IAT
purports to measure, and with regard to precisely
what mental construct causes the IAT effect. The
main empircal evidence for Greenwald’s account
of implicit attitudes (which informed the creation
of the IAT) comes from the IAT effect itself, which
it turn relies on the associative assumption within
the implicit cognition theory in order to explain the
effect. This position represents a form of circular
reasoning, rendering the IAT and implicit social
cognition research more generally lacking in a
unaminously agreed-upon testable model than
can explain the IAT effect (Fiedler, Messner, &
Blumke, 2006; Gavin, Roche & Ruiz, 2008; Roche,
O’Reilly, Gavin, Ruiz, & Aranciba, 2012). There
is widespread concern in the social cognitive field
(e.g., Blanton & Jaccard 2006; De Houwer, 2009;
Fazio & Olson, 2003; Gawronsk, Lebel, Peters &
Banse, 2009; Hughes et al, 2011; Rothermund &
Wentura, 2004) regarding the “deplorable discon-
nect between basic research on the mechanisms
underlying implicit measures and the somewhat
wider reception of research using these methods”
(Gawronski, Lebel & Peters, 2007).
It is precisely that “deplorable disconnect” that
this chapter aims to address. Using behavioral
manifestations such as response latencies of as-
sumed cognitive structures, such as unconscious
bias, to infer the existence of those very constructs
is the source of much of the conceptual ambuguity
and disagreement surrounding the theory underly-
ing implicit attitude research (De Houwer, 2011).
When the sources of an effect are hypothethical and
conceptual controlling the outcomes of tests for
those processes becomes a haphazard endeavour,
in which changes in experimental methodology
are dictated by a disputed or ambiguous point of
theory. Functionally oriented approaches to the
analysis of behavior aim their scrutiny directly
at the underlying mechanisms of behavior. A
behavior-analytic account of implicit attitudes
and implicit testing methodologies can explain
164

Function over Form
from the bottom up, in well defined technical
terms, each and every apsect of an implicit test
performance, as well as identifying the sources
of historical and environmental control over test
outcomes. This approach yields a far less specula-
tive account of the processes involved, which in
turn leads to more robust theory.
Jan DeHouwer (2011) has outlined the benefits
of integrating functionally oriented research into
the cognitive paradigm, leading to what he calls
a functional-cognitive framework. DeHouwer
argued that the functional approach is useful to
the social cognitivist in that it provides useful and
actionable information about the environmental
causes of behavior and the environmental variables
that can be experimentally manipulated to produce
or alter a behavioral effect (such as the IAT ef-
fect) without requiring any reference to mental
constructs as causal events. This information
allows the cognitively oriented psychologist to
make more informed inferences about the mental
constructs assumed to mediate such behavioral
effects by eliminating a priori assumptions about
the processes underpinning those constructs and
by providing clear information about the input to
those mental processes. The functional approach
informs the cognitive approach as to the facts (be-
haviors) that need to be accounted for with mental
explanations, without reference to those mental
explanations themselves. This is a pragmatic ap-
proach which puts aside the philosophical differ-
ences regarding the ontological status of mental
representations in favor of developing a research
program with strong theoretical underpinnings
on the process level, leaving the debate regarding
the neccesity of mental representations as causal
objects to a future in which the body of evidence
is more complete.
Function: The Stimulus Equivalence/
Relational Frame Theory Account
As it happens, there is already a wealth of function-
ally-oriented behavior-analytic work examining

Function over Form
the same phenomena that inspired the Implicit
Social Cognition revolution and the development
of the IAT. This work has been proceeding in
parrallel with the development of the the IAT,
with the two threads only rarely making contact.
The following section will detail the history of
the behavior-analytic research that informs this
functional account of implicit attitudes, before
bringing the threads together by offering a func-
tional account of the Implicit Association Test
and of Implicit Attitudes.
Relational Frame Theory (RFT: Hayes,
Barnes-Holmes & Roche, 2001) emerged from
the behavior-analytic literature around the same
time that Implicit Social Cognition research began
to take off in the social-cognitive mainstream,
and while the methodologies and theoretical/
philosophical underpinnings of the work are quite
different, there are many interesting parallels in the
subject matter of both fields. As RFT will likely be
unfamiliar to many readers, the authors will now
describe its basic premises and development with
regard to implicit attitude phenomena in detail.
The RFT approach is a modern behavioral ac-
count of human language and cognition that has
proved able to tackle questions long thought to
be out of reach of the behavior-analytic approach.
RFT has made a multitude of advances in the
behavioral understanding of such areas of cogni-
tion as analogical reasoning (Carpenter, Smeets &
Barnes-Holmes, 2003; Stewart & Barnes-Holmes
2004; Stewart, Barnes-Holmes & Weil, 2009),
assessment and training of intellectual skills
(e.g., Cassidy, Roche & Hayes, 2011; O’Toole &
Barnes-Holmes, 2009), in applied developmental
and clinical arenas (McHugh, Barnes-Holmes &
Barnes-Holmes, 2004; Rehfeldt, Dillen, Ziomek &
Kowalchuck, 2007; Villatte, Monestes, McHugh,
Freixa i Baque & Loas, 2010a, 2010b; Weil, Hayes
& Capurro, 2011) and generative verbal behavior
in developmentally delayed children (e.g., Heagle
& Rehfeldt, 2006; Moran, Stewart, McElwee &
Ming, 2010; Murphy & Barnes-Holmes 2009). In
addition to its success in these areas, the authors
believe that RFT can be a powerful explanatory
tool for researchers interested in implicit attitudes.
Relational Frame Theory offers the attitude re-
searcher an account of language and cognition that
is founded upon a single core process – relational
framing. This process is precisely articulated in a
bottom up account that specifies the interactions
necessary between organism and environment (see
below) for this behavioral process to emerge. The
bottom-up, functional-analytic approach taken by
RFT builds incrementally from elementary core
processes, but retains the explanatory power nec-
essary to tackle more complex forms of behavior
with the same precise terminology. The relational
framing account of language has the potential to
shed light on the fundamental processes which
underlie attitude constructs, allowing for a more
nuanced theoretical account of their formation
and change, and to guide research into method-
ologies which might more accurately and reliably
measure attitudes.
Much of the research that underpins current
thinking on relational framing has grown from the
discovery of the phenomenon of stimulus equiva-
lence over forty years ago. The way in which this
simple phenomenon was studied and built upon
exemplifies the functional approach.
Murray Sidman’s (1971) investigations into
this phenomenon began while conducting research
into the behavior of participants who experienced
difficulty reading, writing, and speaking. He used
a Matching-to-Sample (MTS) procedure, a con-
ditional discrimination procedure in which two
stimuli (let’s call them B1 and B2) are presented
as response options to be discriminated between
and the correct response is determined by the
presence of the conditional stimulus (let’s call it
A1). In effect, an “if-then” relation is established
for the child, such as “If A1 is present, select B1
rather than B2”. Or, “If A2 is present, select B2,
rather than B1”. In Sidman’s study each trial
involved the presentation of a sample stimulus,
either a picture of the object to be named (e.g.,
a picture of a cat), a word (e.g., “cat”), or an
165

auditory stimulus (e.g., the word “cat” spoken
aloud to the participant). In matching tests, the
participants were required to choose the correct
comparison stimulus (a picture or a word) from
an array of eight choices (pictures or words). In
oral naming tests, the participant was required to
name the sample stimulus aloud.
Using the matching to sample procedure, the
researchers taught the first participant to match
the spoken word samples to the correct written
word. Without any further direct training, the par-
ticipant was then able to match written words to
pictures (and vice versa) and to name the written
words. This emergent behavior caused significant
excitement for Sidman and his collaborators (Sid-
man, 1982).
The vital finding was that teaching two sets of
conditional discriminations caused novel behav-
iors to emerge without direct training. This early
glimpse of the phenomenon caused Sidman to
focus his research on defining stimulus equiva-
lence and establishing the necessary and sufficient
historical and current conditions required to pro-
duce and test it in the laboratory.
Stimulus equivalence was defined procedurally
(Sidman, 1982) as responding that displays the
properties of reflexivity, transitivity, and sym-
metry. When a verbally able human participant is
trained in (at least) two conditional discriminations
(e.g., given A1 pick B1 and not B2, given A2 pick
B2 and not B1, given B1 pick C1 and not C2, and
given B2 pick C2 and not C1) the participant will
behave in ways that have not been reinforced by
the experimenter. Specifically, when a participant
is presented with A1, she will pick A1, match-
ing each stimulus with itself (reflexivity). When
presented with B1, she will pick A1, reversing the
direction of the trained relation (symmetry). When
presented with C1, she will select A1, deriving
the untrained identity relation between the stimuli
that were never paired (transitivity).
The generativity and stimulus substitutability
characteristics of Stimulus Equivalence suggested
166

Function over Form
a strong link between stimulus equivalence and
language. With the emergence of this new phe-
nomenon, behavior analysts began developing a
new model of verbal behavior involving derived
or emergent stimulus relations (For a full review
of the evidence linking the stimulus equivalence
phenomenon to language the reader is referred
to Dymond and Roche, 2013). Expanding their
explanation beyond simple stimulus equivalence
into more varied forms of stimulus relations,
behavior analysts developed Relational Frame
Theory, which in turn informs the functional
account of implicit testing and implicit attitudes
described later in this chapter.
The Relational Frame Theory account of lan-
guage and cognition draws upon and elaborates
the stimulus equivalence phenomenon. As well as
being able to discriminate (i.e., detect and respond
to) specific stimuli, organisms are also capable
of responding to relations between stimuli such
as similarity, difference, distance, greater than,
and so on. These forms of responding are known
collectively as relational responding or relational
framing. Nonverbal organisms are capable of
learning to respond to such formal relations as
size and distance, via traditional learning pro-
cesses such as operant conditioning (see Reese,
1968). Verbal organisms, however, display the
unique ability to respond to arbitrary stimulus
relations such as oppositeness, value and time,
that are not tied to the formal properties of the
stimuli involved (e.g., a small coin can be worth
more than a large coin). This form of responding
is called arbitrarily applied relational responding
(AARR; Hayes et al., 2001).
As seen in stimulus equivalence, verbal organ-
isms can derive equivalences between stimuli that
have never been explicitly matched. The different
forms of relational responding (difference, op-
position, greater than, less than, etc) can also be
derived without explicit training (e.g., Dymond
& Barnes, 1995; Lipkens, Hayes, & Hayes, 1993;
Roche & Barnes, 1996). This leads us to derived

Function over Form
relational responding (DRR), perhaps the core
behavior underpinning language and cognition.
The following paragraphs describe the specific
properties of DRR.
Mutual entailment means that if A is related
to B, then B is related to A in a complimentary
fashion. For example, if A is opposite to B, then B
is opposite to A. If A is more than B, then B is less
than A. Combinatorial entailment occurs when
three or more stimuli are related. If A is opposite
to B, and B is opposite to C, then the relation that
is derived between A and C is one of equivalence,
because both are opposite to B. Combinatorial
entailment refers to the reciprocal relationships
that exist between two stimuli as mediated by
other intermediary stimuli (Blackledge, 2003).
The RFT account of attitudes begins to come
into focus with the introduction of one final feature
-Transformation of function. Expressed simply,
transformation of function refers to the well docu-
mented fact that when two stimuli are related, the
psychological functions of each stimulus changes
the functions of the other, according to how the
stimuli are related (see Dymond & Rehfeldt, 2000,
for a review). For instance, if an individual shows a
preference for a particular soft-drink labelled using
a specific term, and that term in turn participates
in a derived (i.e., untrained) relation with other
sitmuli, a similar preference will also be shown
for novel drinks labelled using those other sti-
mili (Barnes-Holmes, Keane, Barnes-Holmes &
Smeets, 2000; Smeets & Barnes-Holmes, 2003).
In effect, the psychological response functions
established for the original label by virtue of its
being directly related to a preferred drink (i.e., sali-
vation, appetitive thoughts, increased behavioral
probability of drinking the liquid) transform the
response functions of all indirectly related stimuli
(e.g., other related labels and drinks).
A critical feature of the RFT approach to lan-
guage is that the derivation of stimulus relations
and the transformation of stimulus functions is
entirely controlled by historical events and is
predictable where control over trained stimulus
relations is possible. Specifically, AARR emerges
from the process of operant conditioning involved
in such tasks as simply learning to name objects.
For example, a child is trained to name an object
out loud when presented with the object, and to
orient towards the object when the object’s name
is spoken. After a number of object-name and
name-object relations are trained, the generalized
operant response class of “naming” is established
in the presence of appropriate contextual cues such
as the word “is”, as employed in the utterances
“This is your shoe” or “What is that?” The history
of responding establishes the specific contextual
cues for “naming”, a form of relational responding
(equivalence). Likewise, other forms of relational
responding, both basic and derived, are established
through multiple exemplar training under the
control of environmental cues (usually words).
In effect, no further process at the psychological
level needs to be appealed to in order to understand
how humans come to derive relations.
The ability of an individual to derive stimulus
relations and transform stimulus functions accord-
ingly need not be explained by such phenomena
as “propositions” or insight”. Rather, the process
of arbitrarily applicable relational responding
explains those phenomena. This is a radical de-
parture in conceptual terms from the mainstream
view that behavior is ultimately controlled from
the inside out. However, this perspective brings
with it a remarkable and parsimonious explanatory
power that requires no mental representational
constructs or the attendant obligation to study these
rather than the original behavioral phenomenon
of interest. Researchers can focus on researching
the specific histories that lead to the emergence of
the verbal behaviors associated with the attitude
construct. The following section details the RFT
model of attitudes, and the methodologies that
emerged from that model parallel to the IAT and
other social-cognitive implicit tests.
167

Measuring Attitudes as
Histories of Verbal Behavior
The phenomena of transfer of function and re-
lational responding combine to inform the RFT
model of attitudes. From the behavior-analytic
perspective, an attitude may now be conceived of
as a history of derived and explicitly reinforced
stimulus relations according to which the functions
of events are transformed (e.g., Grey & Barnes,
1996). As such, an attitude can be thought of as a
verbal event (or series thereof) which emerges from
our interactions with others and with our environ-
ment across our personal learning history. Thus,
an attitude is established and maintained through
a history of both explicitly reinforced relations
and untrained derived relations between verbal
stimuli. The remote social contingencies which
support these networks of relational responses
can be represented by the verbal practices of the
wider community (i.e., the culture with which
the participant interacts). For instance, rules,
norms, mores, and taboos all constitute forms of
verbal contingency that specify relations between
stimuli (e.g., “sex” and “dirty”) in often complex
and subtle (i.e., indirect) ways. A participant’s
past participation in a verbal environment (i.e., a
culture) provides many hundreds of training ex-
emplars that establish complex derived relational
networks through which functions of stimuli may
be transformed, and this can explain the emer-
gence of apparently untrained or indirectly trained
responses and attitudes. This occurs because of
the way in which the various terms were framed
relationally in language, whether explicitly, or in
turn by further derived relations (e.g., innuendo,
jokes; see Roche, Barnes-Holmes & Barnes-
Holmes, 2002).
In an early example of a behavior-analytic
study of attitudes, Kohlenberg, Hayes, and Hayes
(1991) investigated a model of social stereotyping
based on verbal control over equivalence classes.
They suggested, for example, that in the sentence
“the woman complained and complained”, the
168

Function over Form
word “woman” may serve as a contextual cue
for relating the word “complain” to the words
“nag” or “bitch”. In a structurally similar sen-
tence “the man complained and complained”,
the word “man” serves as a contextual cue which
occasions relating “complain” with “assertive”
or “forceful”. In Experiment 1 of their study,
participants were exposed to training to form six
four-member equivalence classes using nonsense
syllables as stimuli. The members of each class
were contingent on a contextual cue – either a
male or female name. That is, when a male name
was present, responding to A1-B1-C1 and D1 as
equivalent was reinforced, and when a female
name was on screen, responding to A1-B1-C3
and D3 was reinforced. The experimenters then
tested for derived equivalence relations using novel
male and female names as contextual cues. Par-
ticipants related the novel male and female names
according to the trained derived relations despite
having no experimental history of responding
to those names. In effect this demonstrated that
control over the trained equivalence classes had
generalized through classes of by pre-existing
contextual cues (i.e., gender classifications). The
researchers had in effect demonstrated a means
by which socially established classes based on
gender could be assessed subtly and indirectly
without engendering social desirability.
Experiment 2 brought the process under further
control by generating pre-experimental equiva-
lence classes of nonsense syllables, which were
then used as the contextual cues in place of male
and female names. Thus, the researchers modeled
the process shown in experiment 1 with entirely
laboratory-controlled histories (whereas Male
and Female names would have had extensive pre-
experimental histories which the experimenters
could not know the details of). These experiments
showed that contextual control could transfer
without direct training from one stimulus to other
stimuli with which it shares equivalence class
membership. This process can be studied in a
highly controlled manner, thus shedding light on

Function over Form
the types of histories which could produce social
stereotyping behavior without any need for an
appeal to an explanatory mental construct.
In another early study, Grey and Barnes
(1996) suggested that a negative attitude towards
normal heterosexual interactions can be seen as
responding in accordance with an equivalence
relation between normal opposite-sex adults
and descriptive terms such as ‘disgusting’. Their
empirical study demonstrated a transformation
of a trained attitudinal or evaluative response
from one member of an equivalence class to the
other members of the equivalence class. These
researchers provided participants with the neces-
sary conditional discrimination training to form
the following three derived equivalence relations;
A1-B1-C1, A2-B2-C2, and A3-B3-C3, using non-
sense syllables as stimuli. Participants then viewed
the video contents of VHS videocassettes that
were clearly labeled with the A1 and A2 stimuli.
One of the cassettes contained sexual/romantic
scenes, while the other contained religiously
themed scenes. Subsequently, participants were
asked to categorize four novel videocassettes, each
labeled as B1, C1, B2 or C2. They were given no
information about these cassettes, but they catego-
rized them according to the derived equivalence
classes. That is, participants classified the B1 and
C1 cassettes in the same way as the A1 cassette,
and the B2 and C2 cassette in the same way as
the A2 cassette. In effect, the study demonstrated
the sexual and religious evaluative functions of
the A-labeled cassettes and the derived relations
in which the A stimuli participated, transformed
the functions of the C-labeled cassettes, such that
these were responded to as sexual or religious as
appropriate. This study demonstrated a process
by which evaluative responses (i.e. attitudes) can
be indirectly trained and measured.
Dixon, Dymond, Rehfeldt, Roche, & Zlomke
(2003) applied the transfer-of-function model to
the understanding of attitude changes to Muslim
men in the aftermath of the September 11th ter-
rorist attacks in the USA. They suggested that
on hearing of the terrorist (A) attack a white
American male may instantly experience feelings
of rage (B). The media may claim that Terrorists
(A) are responsible for these acts, and pictures
of these Terrorists may be shown on the televi-
sion (C). In effect, an A-B and A-C relation has
been established by direct media reports, but a
derived relations account explains how images of
the terrorists themselves may now come to elicit
feelings of hate or rage. This occurs by virtue of
a transfer of response function across the stimuli
in the newly created relation (i.e., B to C). As
the most salient features of the terrorists are their
race, religion, and country of origin these feelings
of hate and rage towards the terrorists begin to
transfer to other persons sharing the same skin
colour, religion, and country of origin because
of a formal similarity between them and the ter-
rorists (i.e., simple stimulus generalization). That
is, innocent Muslims of a Middle Eastern descent
are now responded to as equivalent to the A, B
and C stimuli and the feelings of hate and rage
felt by the hypothetical American may now have
transferred beyond the terrorists themselves to all
middle Eastern people. This process was modeled
in the laboratory by Dixon et al. (2003).
The above studies showed the potential of an
RFT paradigm to detail the processes involved
in the establishment of behaviors that we might
refer to as attitudes. RFT and stimulus equiva-
lence researchers were able to leverage derived
relational responding processes to experimentally
study attitudes and to use these processes as part
of a theoretical account, but one challenge still
remained- to develop a method which would
allow a researcher to detect those histories.
This breakthrough occurred when researchers
(Watt, Keenan, Barnes, & Cairns, 1991) began
to investigate how a particular history of verbal
behavior might interfere with the formation of
new relational responses – and as such, reveal
itself to the experimenter.
169

The Methodological Breakthrough:
The Watt et al. Paradigm
In their seminal study, Watt et al. (1991) used a
simple stimulus equivalence paradigm in which
participants were trained to relate stimuli with
strong socially established functions in ways that
were inconsistent with their social history. Specifi-
cally, they took advantage of the fact that people
in Northern Ireland often respond to names as
indicative of religious background, and utilized
stimuli representative of Catholic and Protestant
names and symbols.
A three-phase experimental procedure was
employed. Participants were first exposed to a
matching to sample procedure comprising the
presentation of either a nonsense syllable or a
first and last name at the top of the screen (the
“sample” stimulus). Three “comparison” stimuli
were displayed separately below. Participants
were instructed to select a comparison stimulus by
pressing a corresponding key. Training comprised
of one of three Catholic names being randomly
chosen to serve as the sample stimulus. Beneath
this, three nonsense syllables served as compari-
son stimuli and were arranged in a random order
across the screen. Participants were required to
select the correct comparison in the presence of the
sample stimulus (A-B Relations). The second stage
trained B-C relations. Here, the sample stimuli
were selected from the list of nonsense syllables,
and the comparison stimuli were selected from the
list of Protestant symbols. Feedback was provided
on all trials during Stage 1. During stage 2, cor-
rective feedback was presented following 50% of
responses. The stimulus combinations described in
Stage 1 were all presented in random order during
this condition. Each stimulus combination was
presented twice and participants were required
to meet a 100% criterion.
Stage 3 of the Watt et al. procedure involved
Equivalence Testing. For this stage, no corrective
feedback was provided. Ten presentations of each
of the stimulus combinations from Stage 1 were
170

Function over Form
randomly presented. Interspersed with these were
ten presentations each of six other stimulus com-
binations. Each of the three Protestant symbols
served as sample stimuli and two of the Catholic
names served as comparison stimuli. An additional
Protestant name was included as a comparison
stimulus for each of these three combinations of
sample and comparison stimuli. The results of the
Watt et al. study showed that during equivalence
testing, all of the English participants correctly
matched the Catholic names with the Protestant
symbols, but 12 of the 19 Northern Irish partici-
pants chose a novel Protestant name in the pres-
ence of the Protestant symbols, thereby failing to
derive the equivalence relations that the procedure
usually occasions. These findings strongly sug-
gested that the social contingencies operating in
Northern Ireland interfered with the establish-
ment of equivalence relations in the laboratory.
The equivalence test required Northern Irish
participants to juxtapose names and symbols in
a manner that was counter-cultural for this group
of participants. As such, the Watt et al. procedure
had hit upon a basic methodology for inferring
the social histories of participants, without using
a direct questioning approach. It was, in effect, an
early behavior-analytic implicit test.
Subsequent studies supported the suggestion
made by Watt et al. that social history interferes
with the formation of equivalence classes and
that this phenomenon could be used to indirectly
assess participants’ personal and social histories.
For instance, in a study on gender identity, Moxon
and Keenan (1993) found that participants had
more difficulty forming equivalence classes when
the classes included female names and stereotypic
male occupations. Leslie, Tierney, Robinson,
Keenan, Watt, and Barnes (1993) also employed
the Watt et al. procedure in a study designed to
differentiate between anxious and non-anxious
participants. They found that anxious participants
had more difficulty in matching pleasant-state
adjectives to threatening situation descriptors
than did control participants. In another study,

Function over Form
Merwin and Wilson (2005) required participants to
form equivalence classes between self-referential
terms and negative evaluations, and in a second
procedure, between those terms and positive evalu-
ations. Participants who reported high distress and
low esteem made significantly more errors when
required to match “self” terms with positive items.
Plaud (1995) showed that participants required
significantly more training to derive equivalence
classes made up of aversive stimuli (snake-related
words) than classes made up of innocuous stimuli
(flower related words). Importantly, the increase
in the amount of training required to establish the
equivalence classes correlated with self-reported
fear of snakes.
These studies supported the assertion that pre-
experimental functions of stimuli could interfere
with the formation of equivalence classes in the
laboratory. However, in order to gain complete
experimental control over this effect it was also
necessary for researchers to create their own
stimuli and to establish psychological functions
for those stimuli using respondent and operant
learning methods. Only in this way could the
process by which individual words (i.e., stimuli
with conditioned evaluative functions) interfere
with class formation (derived or trained) be fully
understood in functional, rather than theoretical,
terms
The first study to address this issue was re-
ported by Roche, Barnes, and Smeets (1997). The
experimenters trained participants on a matching to
sample procedure that formed two three-member
equivalence classes using nonsense syllables as
stimuli (i.e. A1-B1-C1 and A2-B2-C2, where
the A-C linkages are derived). The authors then
paired two of the stimuli (A1 and C2) with sexu-
ally explicit film clips and two other stimuli (A2
and C1) with nonsexual film clips, establishing
conflicting sexual response functions for stimuli
that had been trained in the laboratory as equiva-
lent. When re-exposed to the equivalence testing,
participants reproduced the original equivalence
relations (A1-C1 and A2-C2) and not the newly
created and incongruous functional stimulus
classes (A1-C2 and A2-C1). In a second experi-
ment, Roche et al. firstly established the sexual and
nonsexual functions for the A1/C2 and A2 / C2
pair respectively, and then presented participants
with the matching-to-sample procedure. In this
case, participants matched stimuli based on their
conditioned sexual/non-sexual functions (i.e., A1
with C2 and A2 with C1) rather than forming the
equivalence classes required by the matching to
sample procedure. This demonstrated that once
an equivalence class is formed, it is difficult to
disrupt with succeeding functional relations, and
that the reverse is also true; it is difficult for par-
ticipants to form equivalence relations when they
are incongruous with existing functional relations.
This issue was further examined by Tyndall,
Roche and James (2004). They established two
functional classes of stimuli; Six S+ stimuli
(responding to the stimulus was reinforced)
and Six S- stimuli (responding away from the
stimuli was reinforced). In matching to sample
training, participants were trained to form two
three-member equivalence classes using four dif-
ferent combinations of S+/S- stimuli. Participants
required more training to establish two distinct
equivalence classes from amongst 6 S+ stimuli
(i.e., stimuli sharing the same response function)
than from amongst 6 S- stimuli (i.e., without a
shared response function). Further, participants
found it easier to form equivalence classes when
they were required to separate S+ and S- stimuli
than when they were required to form classes
which mixed S+ and S- stimuli.
While in the 2004 paper, the stimulus func-
tions were emotionally neutral, Tyndall, Roche
& James 2009 later studied the process using
emotive stimuli. They created these stimuli by
pairing six stimuli with aversive images and six
further stimuli with neutral images, as an analog
of everyday evaluative experiences often studied
in attitude research. They then tested for the
formation of those functional classes. In equiva-
lence training and testing, the authors found that
171

participants required significantly more training
to establish two three-member equivalence classes
from amongst the six aversive stimuli than from
amongst the six neutral stimuli. In effect, Tyndall
et al. (2004, 2009) more clearly demonstrated that
learning tasks involving the formation of new
stimulus relations can be used as indicators of
the pre-existing relations between those stimuli.
The studies above were conducted at the same
time that the IAT emerged as the preeminent
Implicit Test. However, this research thread was
developed independently from the social cognitive
paradigm, with little or no contact between the
two. In recent years, however, RFT researchers
have begun to apply the lessons gleaned from this
research to modeling performances on the IAT
in terms of relational responding, and to develop
testing methodologies that utilize insights from
both threads of research. In the following section,
the authors will outline a behavioral model of the
IAT, before moving on to detail two new implicit
testing methodologies which are built upon func-
tional foundations.
Connecting the Threads: A
Functional Account of the
Implicit Association Test
The Watt et al. procedure showed that a func-
tional process-based account of attitudes could
be harnessed to create a subtle test for the verbal
histories that underpin the attitude construct, at
least from a behavioral perspective. However, the
Watt et al. procedure was developed prior to the
IAT and the widespread acceptance of the social
cognitive / associationistic approach to attitudes.
Their definition of attitudes did not make contact
with the yet-to-emerge phenomenon of implicit
attitudes. Indeed, from a behavioral perspective,
the term “implicit” may not merit a unique ac-
count. It likely refers only to the relative speed of
a response and therefore the relative probability
that the response was mediated by further ver-
bal behavior, usually private. The processes of
172

Function over Form
producing verbal responses that have been me-
diated by further private verbal responses (such
as “I had better not say that” is) what behavior
analysts refer to as thinking (or more technically
behavior-behavior relations). It does not in itself
constitute a special process different to other forms
of relational responding or simple speaking. In
effect, we take the word “implicit” to refer to the
observation that the contingencies controlling
the relevant responding are not discriminable by
the participant to a sufficient degree to allow a
conscious (i.e., verbally-mediated) alteration of
the response so that it is relationally consistent
with anything other than the stimulus presented
during the implicit testing task. Put simply, the
participant would require more time during im-
plicit test trials to observe the stimulus, respond
to it privately, discriminate that response privately
along with the controlling source as a specific prior
history of trained or derived stimulus associations,
discriminate that this history is socially undesir-
able, and then alter the response consciously in
a manner referred to loosely as an example of
social desirability. Rather, under time pressure the
participant likely simply responds directly to the
stimulus on screen, without additional mediating
sequences of private verbal behavior.
From within a functional Relational Frame
approach, the IAT is viewed as a measure of an
individual’s verbal history vis-à-vis an assessment
of their ability to form stimulus relations under
time constraints. IAT effects are conceived in
terms of participants’ fluency with the relevant
verbal categories and their degree of experience at
juxtaposing members of those verbal categories.
For instance, an individual who has many dealings
with people of a specific race, and has encountered
both pleasant and unpleasant individuals from this
racial group, will likely find it easy to juxtapose
racial and evaluative terms in an IAT according
to the test rules across the two test blocks. Such
an individual will show no IAT effect (i.e., no
response time or accuracy differential across the
test blocks). On the other hand, if they have expe-

Function over Form
rienced mostly unpleasant individuals from one
racial group or other, the juxtaposition of response
rules across the IAT blocks will likely expose a
fluency differential across those two blocks (i.e.,
an IAT effect; see the behavioral account of Roche,
Ruiz, O’Riordan & Hand, 2005).
The behavioral model of the IAT was tested
empirically by Gavin et al. (2008) using nonsense
syllables as stimuli and experimentally produced
derived relations between them as laboratory
analogs of verbal relations between words in
the vernacular. Two equivalence relations were
established in the usual manner, leading to the
two classes of nonsense syllables, labeled here as
A1-B1-C1 and A2-B2-C2, where the A-C relations
were derived, not reinforced. An IAT-type test
was then administered to measure participants’
ability to respond in the same way to common
class member pairs (e.g., A1 and C1) compared
to cross-class pairs (e.g., A1 and C2). Not surpris-
ingly, more errors were made in responding under
rule conditions in which a common response was
required for incompatible, compared to compat-
ible stimuli. In effect, typical IAT outcomes
were generated using only directly manipulated
variables and laboratory created stimuli, and in
purely functional terms.
These entirely laboratory produced IAT effects
were subsequently shown to be manipulable vis-
à-vis reversals of some of the baseline relations
underlying the derived equivalence relations
(Ridgeway et al., 2010). Such findings strengthen
the behavior-analytic position that the IAT test for-
mat is sensitive to a participant’s history of relating
the test stimuli, perhaps even including histories
of stimulus relating that a participant would wish
to conceal. However, they also shed new light
on the fundamental processes that may entirely
underpin the IAT effect and demonstrate that
informative research can be done on implicit test
processes from a functional perspective, without
necessary recourse to associationistic explanatory
mechanisms. For the cognitive researcher, these
types of studies provide useful information that
can inform the ongoing debate as to the form of
the implicit attitude construct, opening up a wider
array of explanations that go beyond the underlying
associative narrative that informs most theorizing
on the subject (Hughes et al., 2011). Further, this
research thread has birthed two new functionally
oriented implicit tests which are built on the in-
sights gained through functional research, meaning
that their core processes are well articulated and
supported by a wealth of basic research.
Functional Implicit Tests
The Implicit Relational
Assessment Procedure
The behavioral methodologies described thus far
were focused largely on identifying behavioral pro-
cesses and were prototypical in nature rather than
designed for use in real world studies of attitudes.
In recent years, two distinct behavioral implicit
tests have been developed for real world applica-
tion. The first of these is the Implicit Relational
Assessment Procedure (IRAP; Barnes-Holmes,
Hayden, Barnes-Holmes, & Stewart, 2006). This
test is in many ways procedurally similar to the
IAT. However, each trial of the IRAP displays
two stimuli (rather than just one) on screen (e.g.,
“Child” and “Sexual”) along with a contextual cue
that specifies the relation between the two stimuli
(e.g., “Same” or “Opposite.”). The participant is
required to respond quickly to this resulting rela-
tional statement (“Child SAME Sexual” or “Child
OPPOSITE Sexual”) with a key press that cor-
responds to one of two response options (e.g., for
“TRUE” press z, for “FALSE” press m). Feedback
is only presented if the response in incorrect as
defined by the block rules (a red X is displayed)
or if the response latency is lower than the stated
criterion (the words “too slow” are displayed).
Like the IAT, trials in the IRAP are organized into
blocks. In one type of block, the responses defined
173

as correct are those that are consistent with social
norms (e.g. Child OPPOSITE Sexual – TRUE =
Correct) while the other block requires responses
that are inconsistent with social norms.
A recent IRAP study by Dawson and Barnes-
Holmes (2009) tested for pre-existing child-sex
stimulus relations in a child sex offender popula-
tion. Sixteen participants who had been convicted
of a contact sexual offence against a child (the
offender group) and sixteen male non-offenders
recruited from a college population (the control
group) completed an IRAP procedure and a Cogni-
tive Distortion Scale (CDS; Gannon, 2009). The
IRAP stimuli consisted of two category labels
(“Child” and “Adult”) and two sets of target stimuli
(“sexual” words and “non-sexual” words). During
the consistent blocks, participants were required
to respond with “true” to the relations “Adult –
Sexual” and “Child – Nonsexual” while in the
inconsistent blocks participants were required
to respond in the opposite way. The IRAP suc-
cessfully detected a difference in response time
differentials across the control group and the
offender group. Furthermore, the IRAP was able
to identify the specific relation on which the two
groups differed. Specifically, on Child-Sexual tri-
als, the offender group did not show a significant
IRAP effect, responding equally quickly to Child-
Sexual-False and Child-Sexual-True, whereas
non-offenders tended to show a reaction time
differential across these blocks.
Dermot Barnes-Holmes and colleagues have
devised a behavior-analytic and functional ac-
count of the IRAP and related implicit test effects
based on Relational Frame Theory, which they
call the Relational Elaboration Coherence Model
(REC; Barnes-Holmes, Barnes-Holmes, Stewart,
& Boles, 2010). It is a more formally elaborated
account than the loose working definition of im-
plicitness provided above and first proposed by
Roche et al. (2005). According to the REC model,
each individual trial on the IRAP produces an im-
mediate and brief response to the relation presented
before the participant presses a response key. The
174

Function over Form
probability of this initial response is a function of
participants’ verbal and non-verbal history with
the stimuli and the current contextual cues (i.e.,
the relational stimulus, such as the word opposite
on screen). The most probable response will likely
be emitted first. If this immediate response coheres
with the response required by the current IRAP
trial rule, then the response latency will be lower.
If the required response is in opposition with the
participants’ immediate relational response, then
the correct (as defined by the contingencies of
the specific trial) response will be emitted more
slowly. Across multiple trials, the average latency
on inconsistent trials will be higher than the aver-
age latency for consistent trials.
The foregoing provides a basic explanation
for the IRAP effect, but the REC model extends
the explanation to account for why implicit
measures and explicit questionnaire methods so
often diverge in their results. More specifically,
when completing questionnaires or other so called
“explicit” measures of attitudes, the participant is
under little time pressure and can therefore engage
in complex and extended relational responding
(i.e., thinking) which allows them to produce a
response which is coherent with other responses
in their behavioral repertoire (see Barnes-Holmes,
Hayes & Dymond, 2001) such as; “it is wrong to
categorize children as sexual.” It is also possible
under these circumstances to produce a response
that coheres with the social expectations of others.
However, when exposed to the IRAP (or other
implicit test) procedure, participants are under
significant pressure to respond quickly (com-
monly within 2000 ms) and, therefore have little
time to engage in the elaborate private relational
responding necessary to produce alternative so-
cially desirable responses. In effect, the most likely
responses under time constraint conditions are
those that are immediate and brief and therefore
direct measures of history, unmediated by local
relational activity.
The IRAP has a well worked out functional
explanatory account accompanying its procedure,

Function over Form
and addresses the concerns of the experimental
analyst of behavior in how it approaches the matter
of implicit testing. Nevertheless, the test procedure
is sufficiently intensive for the participant that
rapid administrations of the test are not possible.
This is because the test consists of a practice
block, several re-administrations of test blocks,
and a relatively high rate of subject attrition due
to a failure to reach fluency criteria within the
test itself. However, a further behavior-analytic
test has been developed to address this and other
concerns. Specifically the Function Acquisition
Speed Test (FAST; O’Reilly, Roche, Ruiz, Tyndall
& Gavin, 2012; O’Reilly, Roche, Ryan & Campion,
2013) was developed within a functional research
paradigm but with the express purpose of being
easy and fast to administer. The test also addresses
the problem of the relative nature of biases and
preferences as indexed by the IAT and the IRAP.
Before this issue is addressed, however, a brief
outline of the FAST methodology is merited.
The Function Acquisition
Speed Test (FAST)
The FAST requires participants to complete a
number of simple discrimination blocks with
minimal instructions, and no instructions at all
relating to appropriate responses. Each trial
presents a single stimulus, and participants are
required to learn, via trial and error and correc-
tive feedback, whether to respond with a “left”
key press (e.g., press “a” or press “z”) or a “right”
key press (e.g. press “j” or press “m”). For two of
the stimuli, a “left” key press is reinforced, while
for the other two, a “right” key press is reinforced.
Participants are required to continue the block until
their responses are fluent; that is both rapid and
accurate as defined by the production of a specific
succession of correct responses (usually 10). As
a result there is no predetermined block length.
Blocks are completed when response fluency has
been achieved. Feedback is presented following all
trials and there is no error correction procedure.
Response speed is constrained not by instruction
but by a finite response window (usually 3s). There
are no instructions or response rules, other than to
produce as many correct responses as possible. The
metric of interest is the differential in the number
of trials required to reach response fluency across
two critical test blocks.
A FAST contains two “test blocks”, each of
which uses the same four stimuli. Two stimuli are
the stimuli of interest, suspected to be related in
the participant’s history. The other two are novel,
unrelated stimuli. In this regard the FAST is not
unlike a single target IAT. In the “consistent”
block, the same response is reinforced (e.g., press
z) for both of the target stimuli of interest, while
another response (e.g., press m) is reinforced for
the novel innocuous stimuli. These responses are
consistent with the participant’s learning history,
and so should quickly result in stable, high rate
responding by the participant. In the “inconsistent
block”, the reinforced responses are inconsistent
with the participant’s learning history insofar as
different responses (“press z” and “press m”) are
required for each of two (thought-to-be-related)
target stimuli. In effect, the juxtaposition of current
and past reinforcement contingencies during the
inconsistent block functions as a type of learning
disrupter. The current learning contingencies need
to overcome the “behavioral inertia” of the pre-ex-
perimental contingencies that maintain a specific
stimulus relation in order for fluent responding to
be produced (i.e., learning). In simple terms, the
“inconsistent” response classes are more difficult
for participants to acquire. The differences in rates
of response class acquisition across the two test
blocks is used to index the pre-existing “strength”
of the relation under investigation.
Critically, the FAST also contains a “base-
line” block, in which all four stimuli are novel
and unrelated (e.g., nonsense syllables). The
purpose of this block is to measure the rate of
acquisition of an arbitrary response class under
test conditions but without any interfering effect
from pre-experimental contingencies. The number
175

of trials to criterion on the baseline block places
differences in acquisition speed across the main
FAST blocks in context. For example, for a par-
ticipant who completes such tasks very quickly, a
small difference in acquisition rates between the
inconsistent and consistent test blocks is more
meaningful that the same raw fluency difference
is for a participant with large baseline trial re-
quirements. This relationship between differences
in learning speed across critical FAST blocks,
and baseline acquisition speed is the basis of a
Strength of Relation index used to quantify the
“strength” of a pre-existing relation between the
stimuli of interest.
The FAST has been shown to be capable of
detecting relations between laboratory created
stimuli and relations (O’Reilly et al., 2012) as
well as derived relations (O’Reilly et al, 2013).
It has also been used with real world stimuli to
measure categorization of teenaged females as
sexual (see Roche et al., 2012), but is still in early
stages of development.
One exciting feature of the FAST worth outlin-
ing at this stage relates to its circumnavigation of
the problem of relativism in inferences regarding
attitudinal biases. Specifically, the IAT provides
only a relative measure of association strength
(De Houwer, 2002, Greenwald, Nosek & Banaji,
2004). That is, an IAT trial involves both respond-
ing towards one category while responding away
from the other, and thus it is impossible to deter-
mine which of these response forms is at work
in controlling the participant’s correct response
rate differentials across test blocks, or the extent
to which one or the other contributes to the total
effect. More specifically, given the result of a
race IAT, only the question; “Is White preferred
to Black” is answered. Even though the bias may
be reliably recorded it remains unclear whether or
not the bias is characterized by a participant having
a history of pro-white responding or a history of
anti-black responding. In effect, the structure of
the IAT (and the IRAP) requires that the attitude
176

Function over Form
being studied be stated in symmetrical terms.
While this provides a useful index of whether an
attitude is present for a participant, the specific
pattern of relational responding that characterizes
the attitude may be crucial to the development of
interventions to change those attitudes.
CONCLUSION
While there remains much to be done in the de-
velopment of the FAST, its development and that
of the IRAP illustrate that behavior analysis has
much to offer the field of implicit testing by way
of ground-up functional accounts of the behavioral
processes relevant to attitude measurement and in
the development of appropriate methodologies
to this end. The functional account of attitudes
detailed in this chapter led directly to these new
methodologies, and the understanding of the pro-
cesses leveraged by these tests means that strong
predictions can be made and empirically tested,
thus rapidly advancing knowledge with regard to
the conditions under which attitudes, implicit and
otherwise, are formed and maintained, and how
they can be changed. The functional approach of-
fers the hope of providing an account that renders
explicit those very processes social cognitivists
refer to as implicit.
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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS
Attitude: An attitude is usually defined as
being a combination of cognitive (i.e. proposi-
tional) and affective evaluations of an object with
a variable strength.
182

Function over Form
Conditional Discrimination: A discrimina-
tion between stimuli, in which the reinforcement
of responding to one stimulus (e.g., a choice from
an array) is conditional upon the presence of a
further stimulus (i.e., the conditional stimulus).
Construct: A hypothetical construct is an
explanatory variable that is not directly observ-
able, but which nevertheless has heuristic value.
For example, the concepts of intelligence and
motivation are used to explain phenomena in
psychology, but neither is directly observable or
deemed to be extant entities.
Functional Analysis: An analysis of behavior
in terms of its antecedents, consequences and
over-arching context.
Operant Conditioning: A process by which
behavior rate is altered as a function of delivered
consequences (appetitive or aversive) that im-
mediately follow responses according to a known
schedule.
Relational Responding: Responding to rela-
tions between stimuli rather than to the stimuli in
isolation. Example of relations include; similarity,
difference, and temporal sequence.
Stimulus Equivalence: A phenomenon
whereby untrained relations between at least three
stimuli emerge spontaneously and bear the defin-
ing characteristics of reflexivity, symmetry, and
transitivity. Reflexivity refers to identity match-
ing (e.g., A is A); symmetry refers to functional
reversibility (e.g., given A is B, B is A is derived
spontaneously); and, transitivity refers to the
functional equivalence of stimuli related to each
other only via a third stimulus (e.g., given A is
B and B is C, A is C is derived spontaneously).
 183

Chapter 9
The Role of Implicit
Mechanisms in Buffering Self-
Esteem from Social Threats
Jordan B. Leitner
University of Delaware, USA

Chad E. Forbes
University of Delaware, USA

ABSTRACT
Previous research has demonstrated that people have the goal of self-enhancing, or viewing themselves
in an overly positive light. However, only recent research has examined the degree to which the rela-
tionship between self-enhancement goals and outcomes are a result of explicit deliberative mechanisms
or implicit automatic mechanisms. The current chapter reviews evidence on unconscious goal pursuit,
autobiographical memory, social neuroscience, and implicit self-esteem that suggests that implicit
mechanisms play a powerful role in producing self-enhancement outcomes. Furthermore, this chapter
reviews evidence that these implicit mechanisms are activated by social threats and thus contribute to
successful coping. Finally, the authors discuss the implications of implicit self-enhancement mechanisms
for targets of stigma, individuals who frequently encounter threats to well-being.

INTRODUCTION can influence a wide range of social behaviors.

Psychology has a rich history of studying self-
esteem, or the global evaluations a person holds of
the self. Indeed, at the time of writing this chapter,
a PSYCinfo keyword search for “self-esteem”
returned 25,928 publications. Our fascination
with self-esteem is well-deserved, as it colors
every moment of our conscious experience, and
Moreover, most people are motivated to see
themselves in a positive light, and indeed report
moderate to high self-esteem (Greenwald, 1980;
Taylor & Brown, 1988). Previous theoretical
frameworks suggest that this goal of maintaining
high self-esteem stems from positive self-views
mitigating the effects of stress and failure (Steele,
1998), reducing existential stress (Greenberg et al.,

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-4666-6599-6.ch009

Copyright © 2015, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

The Role of Implicit Mechanisms in Buffering Self-Esteem
1992), increasing mental health (Taylor & Brown,
1988), and serving as a barometer of social ac-
ceptance and liking (Leary & Baumeister, 2000).
The goal of achieving and maintaining high
self-esteem fundamentally alters attention, per-
ception, memory, and behavior in ways that cast
the self in a positive light. Previous research has
referred to the influence of such goals on percep-
tion and behavior as self-enhancement. However,
as research has largely focused on explicit self-
enhancement outcomes, little is known about the
mechanisms of self-enhancement or the speeds at
which they occur. In the current chapter, explicit
self-enhancement outcomes refer to the conscious
consequences of self-enhancement goals (e.g.,
consciously evaluating one’s own abilities as
overly positive), whereas self-enhancement
mechanisms refer to the processes through
which self-enhancement goals produce these
consequences (e.g., greater encoding of positive
than negative feedback). We define an explicit
mechanism as one that is slow, controlled, and
linked to conscious self-perception, whereas an
implicit mechanism is one that is fast, automatic,
and outside of conscious awareness. As such,
an explicit self-enhancement mechanism would
involve a deliberative and conscious internal dia-
logue (e.g., “If I think about my experiences in a
certain way, then I will feel good about myself”),
whereas an implicit self-enhancement mechanism
would not involve such dialogue.
The aim of this chapter is to review evidence
suggesting that the link between self-enhancement
goals and explicit self-enhancement outcomes is
driven by mechanisms that are largely implicit.
That is, people who have the goal of self-enhanc-
ing may consciously perceive themselves in an
overly positive light (i.e., the explicit outcome
of self-enhancement), but be completely unaware
of how and when they modified perceptions of
themselves (i.e., the implicit mechanisms of self-
enhancement). We begin by reviewing explicit
self-enhancement outcomes, after which we de-
scribe evidence from behavioral, cognitive, and
184

neuroscience literatures that suggests that self-
enhancement goals catalyze implicit mechanisms,
which in turn produce self-enhancement outcomes.
Finally, we discuss ways in which implicit self-
enhancement mechanisms may be activated by
social stress, and therefore help targets of social
threat cope with stressful situations.
EXPLICIT SELF-ENHANCEMENT
OUTCOMES
Previous work has demonstrated that explicit self-
enhancement outcomes are evident in perceptions
of autobiographical events, current abilities, and
predicted life outcomes (Taylor & Brown, 1988).
For example, individuals report more internal and
global attributions for positive outcomes than
negative outcomes (Alicke, 1985; Campbell &
Sedikides, 1999; Mezulis, Abramson, Hyde, &
Hankin, 2004), consider scientific research less
credible if it implies they are susceptible to a
disease (Kunda, 1987), and are unrealistically
optimistic about future events (Puri & Robinson,
2007; Weinstein, 1980). Demonstrating that these
outcomes emerge in domains where self-assess-
ment accuracy is critical, students consistently
underestimate the time necessary to complete
academic tasks (Bueler, Griffin, & Ross, 1994),
and surgical residents are overly confident in
their ability to diagnose medical conditions that
they fail to detect in X-rays (Oksam, Kingma, &
Klasen, 2000).
Although many explicit self-enhancement
outcomes correspond with inaccurate assess-
ments of ability (Dunning, Heath, Suls, 2004),
other manifestations of self-enhancement involve
focusing attention on more successful domains.
For instance, self-affirmation theory (Steele,
1988) posits that affirming the self in successful
domains attenuates the effect of negative feedback
on self-esteem. Supportive of this view, individuals
who define themselves in many unique ways (e.g.,
“mother”, “lawyer”, “chess player”) demonstrate

The Role of Implicit Mechanisms in Buffering Self-Esteem
more positive mental health (Linville, 1987), as
these individuals can self-affirm in any number of
domains when they encounter negative feedback.
Related research has demonstrated that when in a
stressful situation, individuals explicitly decrease
the degree to which they base self-esteem on the
negative feedback (Leitner, Jones & Hehman,
2013; Major, Spencer, Schmader, Wolfe, &
Crocker, 1998).
Additionally, self-enhancement goals influ-
ence the type of interpersonal comparisons that a
person makes. Specifically, people form self-eval-
uations by comparing the self to others (Festinger,
1954), and when self-enhancement motivations
produce comparisons to less successful others (i.e.,
downward social comparison), the comparison can
evoke feelings of superiority (Wills, 1981). Self-
enhancement goals can also evoke comparisons
with more successful others (i.e., upward social
comparison), particularly when the comparison
allows a person to “bask in the reflective glory”
of another’s success (Cialdini et al., 1976).
The dynamics of explicit interpersonal com-
parisons and their relationship to self-esteem
are outlined in the Self-Evaluation Maintenance
Model (SEM; Tesser, 1988). According to this
perspective, the impact of another person’s per-
formance on self-esteem depends on three factors:
the other’s performance in relation to one’s own
performance, the psychological closeness of the
other, and the self-relevance of the performance
domain. As the closeness of the other increases, the
impact of an interpersonal comparison on the self
increases. Thus, whereas being outperformed by
a close other in a self-relevant domain diminishes
self-esteem, being outperformed by a close other in
a non-self-relevant domain increases self-esteem
as one’s self can bask in the reflective glory of
the other person’s success.
Importantly, self-enhancement goals can in-
fluence the three factors of the SEM model. For
example, individuals hinder the performance of
close others in self-relevant domains (Pemberton
& Sedekides, 2001), choose friends that are less
able in self-relevant domains (Tesser, Campbell,
& Smith, 1984), and increase the self-relevance of
a domain after outperforming a close other (Tes-
ser & Paulhus, 1983). The motivation to perceive
one’s own abilities as better than others is also
evident in the “better than average effect”, wherein
most people report that they are above average, a
mathematical impossibility. Demonstrating this
effect, 94% of college professors rated their work
as above average (Cross, 1977), and individuals
overwhelmingly assert that they are better-than-
average drivers (Svenson, 1981), and above
average on socially desirable personality traits
(Pedregon, Farley, Davis, Wood, & Clark, 2012).
In sum, research has demonstrated that self-
enhancement goals influence explicit perceptions
of ability and interpersonal comparisons. How-
ever, it remains unclear whether the mechanisms
explaining the link between self-enhancement
goals and these explicit outcomes are deliber-
ate and explicit, or automatic and implicit. For
example, when individuals estimate their ability
as above average, do they explicitly calculate
their own ability, average ability, and the relative
difference between their own and average ability,
or is the process accomplished largely outside
of their conscious awareness? Moreover, little is
known about whether self-enhancement goals alter
implicit perceptual processes that occur when a
person first encounters evaluative feedback.
SELF-ENHANCEMENT
MECHANISMS
In order to understand the roots of self-enhance-
ment and self-esteem, it is critical to determine
the degree to which self-enhancement mechanisms
bias information processing at a fundamental
level, or after much deliberation and effort. Past
research suggests these mechanisms may manifest
at largely implicit speeds of processing. To gain
further insight into the degree to which self-
enhancement goals evoke implicit mechanisms,
185

The Role of Implicit Mechanisms in Buffering Self-Esteem
we turn to research on unconscious goal pursuit,
autobiographical memory, social neuroscience,
and implicit self-esteem.
Insight from Unconscious
Goal Pursuit
The notion that self-enhancement goals modulate
implicit mechanisms is supported by a large body
of research showing that goal pursuit operates
outside of conscious awareness (Aarts & Dijk-
sterhuis, 2000; Bargh et al. 2001; Fitzsimons &
Bargh, 2003; Fitzsimons et al., 2008; Kruglanski
et al. 2002). For example, Fitzsimons and Bargh
(2003) demonstrated that subliminally present-
ing participants with the names of their parents
increased achievement-related goals, whereas
priming participants with the names of friends
increased helping-related goals. Given that most
individuals have the goal to maintain and achieve
high self-esteem, this suggests implicit processes
should contribute to self-enhancement in impor-
tant ways.
Indeed, research has found that manipulat-
ing implicit processes influences explicit self-
enhancement outcomes. For example, Custer and
Aarts (2005) paired a neutral task with subliminally
presented positive, negative, or neutral words.
Participants reported greater desire for, and worked
harder on, tasks that were primed with positive
words. Furthermore, once an implicit goal is acti-
vated, failing to meet that goal influences explicit
outcomes. For instance, Bongers, Dijksterhuis, and
Spears (2009) showed that when participants were
subliminally primed to succeed, poor performance
on a task corresponded with more external per-
formance attributions, and lowering standards of
what constituted good performance. Thus, these
findings suggest that implicit mechanisms shape
explicit perceptions of own abilities.
Implicit goal pursuit is thought to arise when
the goal is activated frequently, and is part of a
186

well-integrated knowledge network that contains
information about the factors that facilitate or
inhibit goal pursuit (Dijksterhuis &Aarts, 2012).
Accordingly, to the extent that self-enhancement
goals are frequently activated, implicit mechanisms
should contribute to self-enhancement outcomes.
However, more explicit self-enhancing mecha-
nisms may be recruited when self-enhancement
goals are not frequently activated. Supportive of
this possibility, participants who were subliminally
primed with the goal to achieve showed greater
conscious awareness of the goal when then task
was difficult (Bongers, Dijksterhuis, & Spears,
2010). Furthermore, recent work demonstrated
that unconsciously activated goals in person-
ally valuable domains (e.g., academics), taxed
executive control in unrelated domains (Marien,
Custers, Hassin, & Aarts, 2012), suggesting that
unconscious goals “hijack” explicit resources
when the goal is particularly valuable. Together,
these results suggest that implicit mechanisms play
a critical role in pursuing self-enhancement goals,
but that explicit mechanisms are recruited when
the self-enhancement goal is difficult to attain.
In sum, research suggests that self-enhance-
ment goals influence processes that operate outside
conscious awareness, and that implicit mechanisms
should be sufficient when self-enhancement goals
are easy to attain. One factor that might influence
the difficulty of self-enhancement goal attainment
is the discrepancy between a person’s current
self-esteem and desired self-esteem. Specifically,
self-enhancement should be supported by implicit
mechanisms when there is a small discrepancy
between a person’s current and desired self-esteem,
whereas self-enhancement may need to recruit
more explicit, deliberate mechanisms when this
discrepancy is large. Thus, self-enhancement may
occur more implicitly for chronically high self-
esteem individuals, who frequently self-enhance
and have a small discrepancy between their current
and desired level of self-esteem.

The Role of Implicit Mechanisms in Buffering Self-Esteem
Insight from Memory Research
One way that self-enhancement goals may influ-
ence explicit perceptions of ability is through
implicit autobiographical memory processes.
Indeed, explicit perceptions of ability rely
on autobiographical information (Markus &
Kunda, 1986), and research suggests that self-
enhancement goals influence the regulation of
autobiographical memory. For instance, Sanitioso,
Kunda, and Fong (1990) led people to believe that
either extraversion or introversion led to success,
after which participants recalled autobiographical
events in which they were extraverted or intro-
verted. Participants who believed that extraversion
corresponded with success recalled examples of
extroverted behavior with greater frequency and
speed, whereas participants who believed that
introversion corresponded with success recalled
examples of introverted behavior with greater
frequency and speed. Building on these find-
ings, Santisoso and Wlodarski (2004) showed
that memory accuracy is greater when recalling
autobiographical information about a trait linked
to success.
Furthermore, research has demonstrated that
self-enhancement goals influence the generality
or specificity of autobiographical memories. Gen-
eral memories are abstract and represent repeated
events over an extended period of time (e.g., “I
went out on many dinner dates last year”), whereas
specific memories represent discrete episodes
(e.g. “I went out to a Thai restaurant with Molly
on Valentine’s Day”; Conway & Pleydell-Pearce,
2000). Participants who were made to believe
that extraversion predicted success recalled more
general extraversion-related memories and more
specific introversion-related memories, whereas
participants who were made to believe that intro-
version predicted success showed the opposite
pattern (Brunot & Santitoso, 2004). As more
general memories, relative to specific memories,
are more easily integrated into the self-concept
(Klein, Loftus, & Sherman, 1993), these findings
suggest that self-enhancement is supported by
recalling memories related to desirable traits in
more general terms.
The link between self-enhancement goals and
explicit perceptions of ability may additionally be
driven by implicit temporal distancing processes
that characterize positive events as occurring
more recently than negative events. For instance,
people maintain the illusion of self-improvement
by disparaging past selves and complimenting
more recent selves (Wilson & Ross, 2001), and
remember negative events as happening more
distant in the past, especially when motivated to
maintain high self-esteem (Ross & Wilson, 2002).
Relatedly, self-enhancement goals influence per-
ceived temporal distance of future autobiographi-
cal events, as students who anticipate success on
a midterm construe the exam as temporally closer
than students who anticipate failure (Peetz, Wilson,
&Strahan, 2009).
In sum, self-enhancement goals influence
the spontaneous recall of autobiographical in-
formation, such that people remember favorable
autobiographical information with greater ac-
curacy, speed, and abstraction than unfavorable
information. These findings are consistent with the
constructionist view of autobiographical memory,
which suggests that current goals influence how
autobiographical memories are constructed (Con-
way & Pleydell-Pearce, 2000), as well as research
showing that links between regulatory goals and
memory are unconscious (Holland, Tamir, &
Kensinger, 2010). Thus, to the extent that a person
has self-enhancement goals, implicit mechanisms
should shape autobiographical memory in ways
that render the self in a positive light.
Insight from Social Neuroscience
Social neuroscience methodologies can provide a
window into how self-enhancement goals influ-
ence early perceptual and encoding processes
that underlie autobiographical memory. In par-
ticular, the timing of brain activity can be used
187

The Role of Implicit Mechanisms in Buffering Self-Esteem
as an index for implicit and explicit mechanisms.
Implicit mechanisms should be reflected by fast,
immediate brain activity (e.g., 32ms post-stimulus;
Forbes, 2012), whereas explicit mechanisms
should be reflected by brain activity that occurs at
least several hundred milliseconds after stimulus
processing begins. Similarly, implicit processes
should involve fewer iterations of processing in
a given neural network (Cunningham & Zelazo,
2007). Accordingly, this section utilizes social
neuroscience research to inform our understand-
ing of how self-enhancement goals modulate
implicit perceptual processes to produce explicit
self-enhancement outcomes.
Evidence for self-enhancement processes can
be garnered from studies involving the medial
frontal cortex (MFC), as the MFC represents
both goal monitoring and knowledge about the
self (Amodio and Frith, 2006). Indeed, fMRI
research has identified regions within the MFC
associated with monitoring the valence of self-
relevant information (Beer & Hughes, 2010;
Hughes & Beer, 2013; Masten et al., 2009; Moran
et al., 2006; Sommerville et al., 2006), as well as
shaping perceptions of relative social standing
(Sommerville, Kelley, Heatherton, 2010). Addi-
tionally, using transcranial magnetic stimulation, a
technique that engenders temporary disruption of
local neural activity, Kwan et al. (2007) found that
disrupting local activity in the prefrontal portion
of the MFC reduced the degree to which partici-
pants rated themselves more positively than their
best friend. Finally, fMRI data suggest that when
presented with negative information, chronically
optimistic individuals exhibited decreased activity
in the inferior prefrontal region of the MFC, which
in turn predicted more positive perceptions of the
event (Sharot, Korn, & Dolan, 2011).
Self-enhancement goals may additionally
modulate a network of brain regions outside the
MFC. For instance, individuals more likely to
demonstrate self-enhancing outcomes (i.e., those
with high self-esteem and optimism) respond to
a threat regulation task with greater ventrolateral
188

prefrontal cortex activity (Taylor, Burkland, Eisen-
berger, & Lehman, 2008), a brain region integral
for cognitive and affective control (Lieberman, et
al., 2007).Consistent with this, the self-enhancing
participants in Taylor et al.’s (2008) threat regula-
tion task also showed decreased amygdala reactiv-
ity, a brain region involved in affective processes
at multiple levels of awareness (Pasley et al. 2004).
However, it is difficult to determine whether these
findings implicate implicit or explicit mechanisms,
as they utilized fMRI, a method with low temporal
resolution that is ill-equipped for examining the
time course of such processes. Thus, methods
with higher temporal resolution may be better at
dissociating faster implicit processes from slower
explicit processes.
Electroencephalography (EEG) is a method
of recording large scale neural interactions at the
scalp with temporal precision that can be used to
dissociate neurocognitive processes occurring
early versus late in the information processing
stream (Luck & Kappenman, 2012). Previous EEG
research has demonstrated that goals influence
the earliest stages of perception, as evidenced by
changes in electrocortical activity around 100ms
following a stimulus (DiRusso et al., 2003; Go-
mez-Gonzales et al., 1994; Hillyard et al., 1998;
Rutman et al., 2009). Of relevance to implicit self-
enhancement mechanisms, Krusemark, Campbell,
and Clementz (2008) presented participants with
bogus positive or negative feedback and then
prompted them to make an internal or external
attribution for the feedback (i.e., attribution
stimulus). Highlighting the interaction between
self-enhancement goals and fast perceptual pro-
cesses, EEG activity just 320ms following the
attribution stimulus predicted whether participants
ultimately made a self-serving attribution in the
2500ms that followed.
Further examining the relationships between
self-enhancement goals, early electrocortical ac-
tivity, and explicit self-enhancement outcomes,
Leitner, Hehman, Jones, and Forbes (in press)
recorded EEG while presenting participants with

The Role of Implicit Mechanisms in Buffering Self-Esteem
equal amounts of positive and negative feedback
(i.e., social acceptance or rejection) during a social
interaction task. Following this task, participants
estimated the number of times they were accepted
and rejected. Results showed that participants
who explicitly reported greater self-enhancement
motivations responded to rejection feedback with
decreased MFC alpha power (i.e., the degree to
which collections of neurons within MFC fire in
unison at a specific frequency), which is a neural
profile that is associated with motivated attention
and encoding (Klimesch, 2011). Furthermore,
decreased MFC alpha power to rejection feed-
back predicted fewer explicit rejection estimates,
and mediated the relationship between self-
enhancement motivations and explicit estimates
of feedback in the task. Importantly, the neural
effects in these relationships emerged in the first
500ms of processing feedback, suggesting that
self-enhancement goals influence relatively fast
perceptual processes, which in turn, influence
explicit self-enhancement outcomes.
In sum, social neuroscience research suggests
that self-enhancement goals alter neural function-
ing within the first few hundred milliseconds of
viewing a stimulus. These early biases in neural
activity are (a) likely linked to implicit cognitive
mechanisms that operate outside of conscious
awareness, and (b) predict whether a person will
demonstrate explicit self-enhancement outcomes.
Together, findings suggest that self-enhancement
goals influence implicit processes to produce ex-
plicit self-enhancement outcomes. Accordingly, it
is reasonable to expect implicit self-enhancement
mechanisms to alter the strength with which a
person associates the self with positive and nega-
tive attributes.
Insight from Implicit Self-Esteem
Though few studies have examined implicit self-
enhancement mechanisms directly, past research
has provided insight into implicit self-esteem, or
the strength with which a person associates the self
with positive versus negative attributes. Implicit
self-esteem can be measured with the Implicit
Association Test (IAT), which assesses the as-
sociative strength between self-related concepts
and valenced attributes (Greenwald & Farnham,
2000). Supportive of the view that self-enhancing
goals modulate implicit mechanisms, individuals
are typically faster at responding to self-related
words when they are paired with positive, com-
pared to negative, characteristics. Remarkably,
most individuals also show strong associations
for objects related to the self, such as birthday
numbers or name initials (i.e., the name letter
test; Bosson, Swann, & Pennebaker, 2000; Nuttin,
1985; Pelham, Mirenberg, & Jones, 2002). Thus,
these findings suggest that that self-enhancement
goals help forge stronger associations between
the self and positive attributes, which in turn may
increase the accessibility of positive attributes.
Interestingly, implicit and explicit self-esteem
are influenced by different situational factors
(Swann & Bosson, 2010), and they often diverge
(Jones et al., 2002; Karpinski & Hilton, 2001).
When this divergence results in high explicit and
low implicit self-esteem, it is known as “fragile”
self-esteem. Individuals with fragile self-esteem
are thought to compensate for this discrepancy
by explicitly exaggerating their strengths (Bau-
meister, Smart, Boden, 1996; Ziegler-Hill, 2007).
Thus, an interesting possibility is that, for fragile
self-esteem individuals, self-enhancement relies
on more explicit (and less implicit) strategies, as
there may be greater discrepancy between their
current self-esteem and desired self-esteem. In
contrast, self-enhancement may rely on more
implicit mechanisms for individuals with both
high explicit and implicit self-esteem, as there
may be a smaller discrepancy between current
self-esteem and desired self-esteem.
However, we interpret research on implicit
self-esteem cautiously. Some research has ques-
tioned the construct validity of implicit self-esteem
measures, as these measures have low temporal
stability, poor convergent validity with typical
189

The Role of Implicit Mechanisms in Buffering Self-Esteem
covariates of self-esteem, and may be influenced
by self-presentation strategies (Buhrmeister,
Blanton, & Swann, 2011). Implicit self-esteem
might also be a multi-dimensional construct that
is not adequately captured by conventional mea-
sures (Swann & Bosson, 2010), and it is unclear
whether implicit and explicit self-esteem measures
capture the same underlying construct (Epstein,
2003; Fazio & Towles-Schwen, 1999).
In sum, to the extent that implicit self-esteem
measures capture the strength of associations
between the self and valenced attributes, implicit
self-enhancement mechanisms forge strong asso-
ciations between the self and positive attributes.
Additionally, it is possible that the discrepancy be-
tween implicit and explicit self-esteem determines
the degree to which self-enhancement relies on
explicit or implicit mechanisms. However, future
research is needed to clarify the nature of implicit
self-esteem, and its relationship to implicit self-
enhancing mechanisms.
IMPLICIT SELF-ENHANCEMENT
AND THREAT
Given that self-enhancement outcomes could be
produced by either explicit or implicit mechanisms,
it is important to understand the contexts that
may render implicit mechanisms advantageous.
One major function of implicit self-enhancement
mechanisms may be to provide a buffer from social
threats. Threatening situations can be cognitively
taxing, and thus limit the degree of executive
resources that a person can devote to explicit
self-enhancement. As implicit processes require
few executive resources (Muraven & Baumeister,
2000), implicit self-enhancement mechanisms
may be particularly adaptive in stressful situa-
tions. Moreover, as self-enhancement ceases once
self-esteem reaches a satisfactory set point (Tesser
et al., 2001), implicit self-enhancement mecha-
nisms may be activated by negative social cues.
Specifically, social stress may trigger implicit
190

self-enhancement mechanisms that attune basic
perceptual processes to more positive self-relevant
information. As such, individuals may cope
with social stressors by relying on implicit self-
enhancement mechanisms. In this next section, we
review evidence that implicit self-enhancement
mechanisms help people cope with social threats.
We then examine how implicit self-enhancement
mechanisms provide a buffer for individuals who
are particularly susceptible to social threats: tar-
gets of stigma.
Implicit Coping
One way self-enhancement mechanisms may
contribute to coping with stress is by uncon-
sciously directing attention away from threatening
stimuli. Indeed, previous research has shown that
activating an unconscious goal directs attention
away from goal-inconsistent information (Papies,
Strobe, & Aarts, 2008). Thus, to the extent that
the goal to self-enhance manifests implicitly,
coping processes should direct attention away
from self-effacing information. Supportive of this
view, Dijskterhuis (2004) manipulated implicit
self-esteem via subliminal priming, and found that
participants with augmented implicit self-esteem
showed diminished affective reactivity to negative
feedback. Notably, increasing implicit self-esteem
in this manner did little to increase participants’
reactivity to positive feedback, suggesting that
implicit self-enhancement mechanisms may be
especially attuned to navigating attention away
from negative feedback.
Should implicit mechanisms contribute to
coping with threat, it would be important for im-
plicit self-enhancement mechanisms to become
activated in the face of threatening feedback.
Indeed, previous research demonstrated that fol-
lowing threats to self-worth, individuals are more
likely to self-enhance (Brown, 2012; Campbell &
Sedikides, 1999). Additionally, individuals high
in explicit self-esteem respond to self-concept
threats with increased implicit self-esteem

The Role of Implicit Mechanisms in Buffering Self-Esteem
(Jones, et al., 2002), suggesting that implicit self-
enhancement mechanisms respond to threat by
strengthening associations between the self and
positive attributes. Other research supports this
idea, finding that social exclusion increases the
accessibility of positive emotions (Dewall et al.,
2011) and selective attention to signs of social
acceptance (Dewall et al., 2009). Thus, these find-
ings converge to suggest that in the face of social
threats, self-enhancement goals evoke implicit
self-enhancement mechanisms, which contribute
to positive perceptions and well-being.
Similarly, individuals who explicitly self-
enhance show decreased physiological responses
to stress. For instance, in response to stressful
laboratory tasks, those who explicitly report more
positive self-perceptions show decreased blood
pressure reactivity (Taylor, Lerner, Sherman,
Sage, & McDowell, 2003) and cortisol reactivity
(Taylor et al., 2008). High self-enhancing students
also react to stressful situations with more posi-
tive vagal reactivity (Gramzow, Willard, Mendes,
2008), an autonomic nervous system response
that corresponds with positive affective states
(Porges, 2007). As these physiological responses
are linked to the autonomic nervous system and
are not dependent on conscious awareness, implicit
mechanisms are at least partially responsible for
coping with social stress.
Targets of Stigma
Given that implicit self-enhancement mechanisms
protect individuals from social threat, these pro-
cesses should have important implications for
negatively stereotyped individuals who chronically
encounter socially stressful situations. Specifi-
cally, implicit self-enhancing mechanisms may
help targets of stigma maintain self-worth and
positive performance in the face of situations that
threaten to confirm negative stereotypes about
their groups. This next section reviews research
demonstrating how the threat of stigma can under-
mine well-being and performance, and concludes
with an examination of how self-enhancement
mechanisms serve to mitigate this treat.
A bevy of research has been devoted to
understanding how stigma has deleterious con-
sequences on everything ranging from health
disparities (Clark, Anderson, Cark, & Williams,
1999) to information processing (Sedlovskaya,
Purdie-Vaughns, Eibach, & LaFrance, 2013) to
test performance (Steele, 1997). Specific to perfor-
mance, past research demonstrates that stigmatized
individuals tend to underperform on tasks of merit
in situations where their group membership and
relevant negative group stereotype are primed. This
phenomenon, known as stereotype threat (Steele
& Aronson, 1995; Schmader, Johns, & Forbes,
2008), likely stems from a situational stressor
that stigmatized targets experience when they
fear their actions may confirm the negative group
stereotype. This situational stressor has the ironic
effect of inadvertently engendering confirmation
of the negative group stereotype.
Stereotype threat has been shown to uniquely
affect how stigmatized individuals perceive
themselves. For instance, stereotype threatened
individuals tend to experience more negative,
self-critical cognitions, that in turn, mediate un-
derperformance on difficult tasks (Cadinuet al.,
2005). Perceptions of underperformance also lead
to more self-doubt, particularly when people reap-
praise negative emotions and arousal experienced
during performance (Schmader, Forbes, Zhang, &
Mendes, 2009; Study 3). These negative self-per-
ceptions may stem from an inherent bias towards
negative cognitions and stereotype-confirming
information in stereotype threatening situations.
For instance, Forbes and Leitner (2014) found that
stereotype threatened women exhibited a neural at-
tentional bias towards negative feedback as early as
75ms after receiving feedback. More specifically,
negative feedback evoked greater communication
between brain regions integral for attention and
working memory (anterior cingulate cortex and
191

The Role of Implicit Mechanisms in Buffering Self-Esteem
dorsolateral prefrontal cortex), and increased
neural activity in the temporal gyrus, which in
turn undermined performance. Importantly, this
processing bias may ultimately facilitate enhanced
encoding of negative performance feedback that,
in turn, undermines performance and perpetuates
feelings of anxiety (Forbes, Duran-Jordan, Mager-
man and Leitner, in press).
In order to cope with the threats associated
with stigma, negatively stereotyped individu-
als employ self-enhancement mechanisms. For
instance, stereotype threatened individuals are
more likely to generate external attributions prior
to performance, or self-handicap (Stone, 2002),
disengage their self-worth from negative feed-
back on supposed intelligence tests (Leitner, et
al., 2013; Major et al., 1998) and deny evidence
of incompetence in response to stereotype threat
manipulations (von Hippel et al., 2005). Though it
is not entirely clear whether these coping mecha-
nisms occur automatically and without conscious
awareness, the result of these strategies is the
maintenance of a positive self-concept in the face
of negative stereotypes.
By extension, individual differences in con-
tending with self-threats has been shown to
mitigate stereotype threat effects. For instance,
individuals high in self-monitoring (i.e., those
inclined to adjust behaviors in accordance with
others’ expectations or social norms) are less
susceptible to stereotype threat effects (Inzlicht
et al., 2006). One reason for this is that higher
self-monitoring affords individuals greater self-
regulatory resources and coping skills in stressful
situations (Inzlicht et al., 2006; Miller, Omens,
& Delvadia, 1991; Seeley & Gardner, 2003).
Stigmatized individuals are also less susceptible
to stereotype threat effects to the extent they
take a promotion (i.e., seeking success) oriented
self-regulatory focus (Seibt & Forster, 2004;
Higgins, 1998), appraise performance situations
as challenging (Alter, Aronson, Darley, Rodri-
192

guez, & Ruble, 2010), and reappraise negative,
self-oriented emotions when sympathetic arousal
levels are high (Schmader et al., 2009).
Of relevance to individual differences in coping
abilities, insight can also be gained from recent
findings in the social neuroscience literature per-
taining to the default mode network (DMN). The
DMN represents a network of neural regions that
exhibit increases in neural activity when individu-
als are focusing attention internally or are engaged
in self-oriented processing (Raichle et al., 2001;
Buckner et al., 2008). The extent to which these
regions communicate with one another (i.e., phase
lock) may provide an index of more efficacious
coping with situational stressors (Spreng & Grady,
2009). Building on this basic framework, Forbes,
Duran-Jordan, et al. (under review) obtained as-
sessments of DMN phase locking in minorities and
whites at rest and then had them complete a task
designed to elicit comparable amounts of error and
correct feedback under stereotype threat. Partici-
pants then reported how many errors they made
on the supposed intelligence test and their self-
doubt. Results revealed that minorities reported
more accurate performance perceptions and less
self-doubt to the extent they exhibited better phase
locking between DMN regions at rest. Conversely,
whites did not exhibit any of these relationships,
suggesting that individual differences in DMN
phase-locking moderated self-perceptions only
in stressful, self-threatening contexts.
Finally, positive implicit associations between
the self and the stigmatized domain can bolster
motivation. Forbes and Schmader (2010) had
women and men complete a task that manipulated
implicit associations between math and positive
or negative constructs. Across multiple studies,
women who implicitly associated the math domain
with positive constructs chose to spend more time
working on math related tasks and solving math
problems. This effect was exacerbated under ste-
reotype threat, and under conditions that strength-

The Role of Implicit Mechanisms in Buffering Self-Esteem
ened the negative women-math stereotype. Thus,
these findings suggest that implicit processes are
involved in how a person copes with the threat
of stigma.
In sum, the threat of negative stereotypes can
evoke biases in attention and working memory
that undermine well-being and performance.
Importantly, however, intrapersonal regulatory
mechanisms can attenuate the deleterious effects of
stereotype threat. While few studies have directly
examined the degree to which these regulatory
mechanisms are implicit or explicit, recent work
suggests that implicit mechanisms are particularly
important in buffering individuals from the stress
associated with stigma.
FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS
While we propose that implicit mechanisms
play a major role in achieving self-enhancement
outcomes, the relative role of explicit mecha-
nisms remains unclear. For example, how are
implicit mechanisms influenced when someone
consciously and deliberately considers strategies
they might employ to feel better about themselves
(e.g., positive self-talk, mindfulness mediation)?
Conversely, how are explicit, deliberative pro-
cesses influenced when implicit self-enhancement
processes are at work? Future research should in-
vestigate these questions by examining interactions
between implicit and explicit self-enhancement
processes.
Relatedly, little is known about the factors
determining whether self-enhancement fluctuates
between an implicit and explicit process. Previous
research suggests that pursuing a goal frequently
automates goal pursuit into an unconscious process
(Aarts & Dijksterhuis 2000; Sheeran et al., 2005),
whereas difficult goal pursuit recruits working
memory resources and pushes goal pursuit into
conscious awareness (Bongers, Dijksterhuis, &
Spears, 2010; Marien et al., 2012). However, no
research has directly tied these findings to the self-
enhancement domain. It will be critical to examine
the factors that influence the frequency and dif-
ficulty of self-enhancement (e.g., depression), and
if these factors predict whether self-enhancement
processes occur implicit or explicitly.
It will also be important to refine measures
of implicit self-esteem. We propose that implicit
self-esteem might play a role in the degree to
which self-enhancement mechanisms are implicit
or explicit. However, various measures of implicit
self-esteem have relatively poor construct validity
and inconsistent predictive validity (Buhrmesier,
et al., 2011). Thus, it will be critical to design
frameworks that conceptualize the nuances of
implicit self-esteem, and develop measurement
tools to capture these nuances.
Finally, future work should examine how im-
plicit self-enhancement mechanisms contribute to
coping with social threat. Targets of stigma face
the threat of devaluation, exclusion, and confirma-
tion of negative stereotypes. Building on Forbes
and Schmader (2010), it would be important to
investigate how implicit processes contribute to
motivation and performance for stigmatized indi-
viduals across domains. Additionally, it would be
important to better understand the relationships
between self-enhancement goals and implicit
coping mechanisms. One intriguing possibility is
that there exists a feedback loop, wherein self-en-
hancement goals modulate implicit mechanisms,
which in turn influence self-enhancement goals.
Thus, methodologically refined research might
elucidate the extent which self-enhancement goals
and implicit mechanisms shape one other.
CONCLUSION
The current chapter makes a distinction between
self-enhancement goals, self-enhancement
outcomes (i.e., the explicit consequences of
self-enhancement goals), and self-enhancement
mechanisms (i.e., the processes through which
such outcomes emerge). Previous research has
193

The Role of Implicit Mechanisms in Buffering Self-Esteem
revealed that self-enhancement goals correspond
with myriad self-enhancement outcomes, in which
people view their past, present, and future, as overly
positive. However, only recently has research
examined the degree to which these outcomes
are a result of explicit deliberative mechanisms,
or implicit automatic mechanisms. The evidence
reviewed in this chapter indicates that implicit
processes play a powerful role in producing self-
enhancement outcomes. Research on unconscious
goal pursuit, social neuroscience, autobiographi-
cal memory, and implicit self-esteem converge to
suggest that, without conscious awareness, self-
enhancing mechanisms shape the lens through
which we see ourselves in the world. Given that
these implicit mechanisms help people maintain
positive self-views, implicit self-enhancement
appears to be especially important for targets of
social threats to navigate stressful situations.
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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS
Explicit Self-Enhancement Mechanism: A
conscious, goal-directed process that produces
self-enhancement outcomes.
Explicit Self-Enhancement Outcome: A
conscious perception in which a person views
their autobiographical history, present abilities,
or future outcomes as overly positive.
Explicit Self-Esteem: The global and con-
scious attitude a person holds of the self.
Implicit Coping: An unconscious goal-
directed process that mitigates social stress.
Implicit Self-Enhancement Mechanism: An
unconscious, goal-directed process that produces
self-enhancement outcomes.
Implicit Self-Esteem: The automatic and
unconscious associations that a person holds of
the self.
Stereotype Threat: The stress response as-
sociated with the fear of confirming a negative
group stereotype.
 205

Chapter 10
How Social Factors Influence
Implicit Knowledge
Construction on the Internet
Albena Antonova
Sofia University, Bulgaria

ABSTRACT
The influence of Internet on knowledge acquisition increases as it became the primary source of refer-
ence, especially for young generations. Therefore, it is important to understand how social factors and
Internet influences not only explicit but also implicit knowledge construction. Several theories explain
the impact of the social groups on the knowledge formation as Social Cognitive Theory of Bandura and
Lay Epistemic Theory of Kruglanski. Thus, the authors propose an analysis of the implicit knowledge
construction processes through the theoretical overview of Internet communication. More specifically,
they discuss how the mechanisms of Internet increase the social and group impact on the implicit knowl-
edge processes.

INTRODUCTION access to academic sources and online libraries,

Information technologies and Internet changed
substantially the attitude toward knowledge and
knowing as complex psychological and social
processes. During the last decades, Internet and
information technologies profoundly transformed
the way people conceptualize what is knowledge
and how to perceive its value. A lot of informa-
tion and data can be freely found on Internet
and the search engines display a large number
of answers on any specific question. Improved
large availability to platforms of researchers and
universities, and even specific “knowledge mar-
ketplaces” (as for example: Innocentive.com),
bring scientific knowledge closer to the wider
audiences. This creates an attitude of expectation
that knowledge is automatically and largely avail-
able “on demand”. While these expectations are
evident for explicit knowledge, we still don’t know
how Internet influences implicit and unconscious
knowledge construction. In literature, scholars de-
fine explicit knowledge as a fact, rationally proved

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-4666-6599-6.ch010

Copyright © 2015, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

How Social Factors Influence Implicit Knowledge Construction on the Internet
and displayed in documents and references. On
the other hand the implicit knowledge is linked
to unconscious thinking, to rumors, impressions,
attitudes and emotions.
As technology barriers have been slowly
removed, Internet nowadays provides many new
forms of synchronous and asynchronous com-
munication that are publicly available and free.
With exploding social technologies and web 2.0
instruments, everybody can easily express and
create content on Internet, that can reach millions
of people for few seconds. In that way, Internet
differs substantially from other media as television,
radio and print, allowing two-way communication,
networking and debate. Thus not only everybody
can become a content provider and express his
or her views, but in the same time he or she has
access to global communities. Therefore, in these
new technology realms, it becomes increasingly
easy to influence thinking of larger social groups.
Even, it is possible “fake” profiles to influence
substantial social debates and to have impact
on considerable social processes of knowledge
construction.
The research problem that we will investigate in
this chapter is to specify the mechanisms through
which Internet can influence individual implicit
knowledge construction. As Internet become
more popular as even before, it is important to
identify the mechanisms of these technologies to
affect implicit knowledge. What is the impact of
social groups and how they influence the implicit
knowledge construction? More specifically, we
will focus on investigating how social factors
influence the process of knowledge justification
that is one of the most substantial factors for
knowledge creation.
It is admitted that the process of knowledge cre-
ation is essentially social and symbolic in nature.
The social cognition includes shared language,
code and narratives, shared representations, inter-
pretations and systems of meaning among parties.
Moreover, as stated in Chua (2002), the process of
knowledge creation is largely influenced by social
206

processes. Referring to the SECI model of Nonaka
et Takeuchi (1994), Chua (2002) emphasizes that
three of the four phases of knowledge construc-
tion consist of social mechanisms: socialization,
externalization and combination. This clearly
shows that the process of knowledge conversion
involves different social interactions. But how
these processes are influenced by Internet?
Our specific interest is focused on Internet as
this is universal platform, facilitating and enabling
social interactions. Thus Internet in the context
of this research will be more widely understood
as a global infrastructure and platform for social
networking, including web 2.0 facilities and social
technologies such as blogs, wikis, forums, social
network sites, bookmarks, social sharing of mul-
timedia, social references, tagging and others. We
will not focus specifically on the multiple func-
tionalities of Internet as cloud computing service
provider (as SaaS, PaaS, IaaS), neither its capacity
for groupware, voice over IP, internet television
and radio as well as many others. The interest of
the topic is motivated as well by the anticipated
new technology wave of “Internet of everything”.
In this context, researchers expect fast adoption of
new generations of Internet technologies, consist-
ing of more devices, services and interconnected
systems including people and sophisticated ubiqui-
tous technologies as Internet of things, intelligent
robots and artificial intelligence systems. Such a
step will change even further people’s communica-
tion and collaboration habits, largely influencing
the knowledge construction processes. Thus the
present analysis will open new perspectives for
discussing how new technologies influence the
implicit knowledge construction.
Theoretical Background
Knowledge is traditionally defined as “justified
true belief”1. Although in traditional epistemology,
philosophers identified an exclusion (the Gettier
case), some recent studies (Starmans& Friedman,
2012) prove that even in Gettier situation, people

How Social Factors Influence Implicit Knowledge Construction on the Internet
attribute knowledge based on their understanding
of justified true belief. Knowledge as “justified true
belief” is composed of three main prepositions,
including the content -the fact, the evidence, (the
statement which is true), the agent (the self) who
is confident (believe in the statement), and finally
the methods for justification (that the agent can
apply, to assure the relevance of its confidence).
According to this definition, knowledge is a func-
tion of an agent, who believes (it is not necessary
to prove it, or to explain the reasons for it) that
a fact is true, relying on correct methods for jus-
tification. Dienes & Perner (1999) reformulate
the proposed definition of knowledge, stating
that knowledge is an attitude (belief) towards a
proposition (statement) which is true. They em-
phasized the importance of the attitude formed
by the agent (or the self), and thus investigate
knowledge as predominant psychology construct.
For Kruglanski et al., (2010), the source of all
knowledge is evidence. Cook and Brown (1999)
distinguish between knowledge as something that
people possess (epistemology of possession), ver-
sus knowing as action (epistemology of practice).
They state that knowledge is a tool of knowing.
Further Cook and Brown (1999) summarize that
in epistemology literature it prevails the focus of
individual versus group knowledge and of explicit
versus implicit knowledge.
Considering knowledge as the process of
knowing, we will focus more specifically on the
justification processes, explaining how social
factors influence knowledge justification. As
shown in the work of Ichikawa (2013), knowledge
justification methods are based on 6 main reli-
able sources of reason. In details, the knowledge
justification methods include: (1) perception
(analysis of external information), (2) introspec-
tion (analysis of internal factors), (3) induction
(cause-effect structures), (4) memory (references
and access to facts about past events), (5) reason
(logical rules), and (6) testimony (social factors)
(Ichikawa et al., 2013). Thus in the knowledge
justification context, information technologies
improve largely the individual capacity for knowl-
edge justification, enhancing the personal ability
for perception (wider access and precise analysis
of data and information from the external envi-
ronment), induction (development of scenarios,
better analysis of cause-effect structures), memory
(improved access for information storage and
retrieval) and reason (application of logical rules
on different situation). However, in the same time,
Internet increases the impact of social factors on
knowledge justification methods, improving the
access to social groups, social group knowledge
and social opinions (testimony).
In his knowledge conversion theory, Nonaka
(1994) emphasized that knowledge is not static but
dynamic, largely influenced by the social process
of justification of individual beliefs (Nonaka,
1994). His main interest is how to improve the
process of knowledge justification and the attitude
(belief, acceptance and conviction) transforming
knowledge from individual to group (and organiza-
tional) knowledge. The focus of our research will
be put it in inverse or to specify how knowledge
justification methods come from the group to the
individual knowledge formation processes.
Implicit and Explicit Knowledge
While discussing the terms explicit and implicit
in practice, “explicit” reveals something that is
evident, directly addressed, displayed, verbalized;
while “implicit” is something that is pre-supposed,
not directly mentioned, not verbalized (and
un-conscious). Explicit knowledge is acquired
through attentive and intentional monitoring of
external and internal events and can be used for
deliberate control of behavior. Implicit knowledge
on opposite, is acquired unintentionally, with
subjects being not or little aware of its presence.
In pedagogy research, implicit knowledge is be-
coming important factor for reaching excellence,
especially when mastery is involved in practicing,
as for example speaking fluently foreign language,
playing music and others. Reaching implicit
207

How Social Factors Influence Implicit Knowledge Construction on the Internet
knowledge in this context means mastery of un-
conscious application of cognitive processes. In the
psychology literature, Schacter (1992) discovers
that the terms “explicit” and “implicit” knowledge
are used as synonymous and equivalent in mean-
ing to “conscious” and “unconscious” knowledge.
He finds out that the two sets of terms can be
used interchangeably (Schacter, 1992). Based
on his research he concludes that dissociations
between implicit and explicit knowledge seem to
arise as a natural consequence of the functional
architecture of the brain and reflects the activ-
ity of computation that are routinely performed
during the course of perceiving, recognizing, and
remembering (Schacter,1992). The “conscious
awareness” or “conscious” knowledge is, indeed,
prototypically explicit (Dienes and Perner, 1999).
Analyzing implicit knowledge from psychological
perspective Dienes and Perner (1999) figure out
that knowledge can be implicit if the content, the
attitude of knowing and the holder of that attitude
(the self) can be represented implicitly. Further
they identify two main sources of implicitness:
(1) the presupposition (extending implicitly the
meaning of a fact and adding new information)
and (2) attributing characteristics of the fact to
the instance or part of a category (implicitly
transferring the characteristics of a category to
specific instance). These two main characteristics
of implicit knowledge will be further discussed
in our analysis.
Moreover, Dienes and Perner (1999) have
identified four main components of a known fact
about which they can ask whether they need to
be represented explicitly or can be left implicit:
1. Properties, e.g.: ‘F’, ‘being a cat’.
2. Individuals, e.g.: ‘b’, ‘particular individual
in front of me’.
3. The predication of the property to the indi-
vidual, e.g.: ‘Fb’, ‘this is a cat’.
4. Temporal context and factuality (vs. fiction),
e.g.: ‘It is a fact of this world that at time t,
Fb’, ‘It is a fact that this is currently a cat’.
208

Social Factors for Knowledge
Construction
Many researchers argue that knowledge is social
and not individual phenomena. Different theories
confirm the important role of the social groups
and social factors on the process of knowledge
formation. For example, knowledge, theories,
and understanding embodied in the meaning of
categories, schemata and cognitive structures are
collectively produced and validated. Categories
are not only cognitive structures but they are also
implicit social norms. The shared social identity
of group members make it possible for them to
produce socially validated knowledge, shared be-
liefs about way of perceiving thinking and doing
that we assume to be appropriate in terms of the
demands of objective reality. Reality is always
interpreted from the perspective of a socially
defined perceiver and thus all cognition is social
cognition (Stets & Burke, 2000). Further, it was
discovered, that physical reality testing (direct
individual perceptual, cognitive and behavioral
testing) and social reality testing (consensual vali-
dation seeking the agreement of in-group others)
are not alternatives, but interdependent aspects of
achieving valid social cognition.
A social group is a set of individuals who hold
a common social identification or view them-
selves as members of the same social category
(Stets & Burke, 2000). There are imposed two
group-forming mechanisms. Through a social
comparison process, persons who are similar to the
self are categorized with the self and are labeled
the in-group, while persons who differ from the
self are categorized as out-group. More interest-
ing is the process of social comparison that is a
selective application of the accentuation effect.
In order to enhance self-esteem, through social
comparison, in-group dimensions are evaluated
positively and the out-group dimensions are ranked
negatively. Thus through the process of social
comparison, social groups influence the attitude
of the individual. These findings correspond to

How Social Factors Influence Implicit Knowledge Construction on the Internet
the statement of Mussweiler (2003), who find out
that human judgment is comparative in nature.
When people evaluate a given target, they don’t
do so in a vacuum. Rather, such evaluations are
made within and in relation to a specific context.
In fact, any evaluation is relative in that it refers
to a comparison of the evaluated target with a
pertinent norm or standard. As each person is a
member of a unique combination of social catego-
ries, the set of social identities make the person
self-concept unique.
In-Group and Out-Group Knowledge
Formation Mechanisms
As discovered by Turner et al, (1994), social iden-
tity refers to the social categorization of the self
and the others, and self-categories that define the
individual in terms of his or her shared similari-
ties with members of certain social categories in
contrast to other social categories. Social identity
refers to social categorical self (us-vs-them);
moreover, the theory reveals that as shared social
identity become salient, individual self-perception
tends to become depersonalized.
The standards or the pertinent norms for social
comparisons largely depend from unique combi-
nation of social categories and the in-group and
out-group dimensions. Moreover, depending on
social factors and context it is formed the judg-
ment. As Mussweiler (2003) reveals, most often a
test for similarities produces assimilation whereas
test for dissimilarity produces contrast. Thus the
in-group dimensions and social categories will lead
to positive results (similarity, positive judgments),
while out-group dimensions will lead to negative
results (contrast judgments). Consequently, any
factor that influences the nature of the initial hy-
pothesis is likely to have an effect on comparison
consequences (Mussweiler 2003).
Moreover, self-categories are social definitions
of the individual. They represent the perceiver in
social terms, in terms of social relationships of
similarities and differences to others in relation
to the social context. The perceiver gains identity
from being placed in context – social contextual
definitions of the perceiver. Stability in self-cate-
gorization is likely to arise from stability of social
reality that provides contexts for self-definition,
high-order knowledge frameworks; social groups,
subcultures, social institutions that provide per-
ceivers with stable norms, values and motives,
social influence and communication processes
that translate particular conceptions of self and
others into social norms and validate the broader
elaborative ideologies used in theory construction.
Further it is interesting to note that the same
information may be accepted or rejected by the
same kind of people in different social contexts
depending on how they categorize self and others
at the time. It is demonstrated that the same infor-
mation is accepted when it comes from in-group,
and rejected when it comes from an out-group. The
group norm, which specifies the correct judgment,
will vary moving toward either risk or caution. The
study of influences of the minorities on the change
of personal categories, show interdependence if
this is in-group or out-group. The theories and
knowledge that one will draw on to make sense of
a situation vary with self-categorization and are
context dependent. It is a well researched fact that
the validity of knowledge is a function of one’s
subjectively defined own position.
Social Interactions and
Knowledge Creation
Investigating the model of knowledge creation,
Chua (2002) highlights that knowledge creation
is largely influenced by social processes. Even in
the knowledge conversion model of SECI (Nonaka
& Takeuchi, 1995) three of the four phases consist
of socialization: socialization, externalization
and combination. The social interactions among
organizational members have three important
dimensions – structural, relational and cognitive
dimensions. Thus structural dimension concerns
the properties of the social systems and refer to
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How Social Factors Influence Implicit Knowledge Construction on the Internet
impersonal configuration of linkages between
people or units. Social networks facilitate and
speed up the knowledge creation, while “who”
you know affects “what” you know. More im-
portantly, the network configuration properties
as density and connectivity affect the flexibil-
ity and ease of knowledge exchange. Relational
dimension describes the personal relationships
between individuals. It depends from the levels
of care, the norms of cooperation and the sense of
identification to a group. The “care” summarizes
trust, active empathy, access to help and leniency
in judgment. Trust has cognitive and affective
aspects. The norms are degree of consensus in
the social system and can influence the creation
of knowledge. It was identified strong correlation
between the level of social interaction and the
quality of knowledge created. In particular, the
relational dimension of the social interaction is
stronger predictor of the quality of the knowledge,
compared to structural or cognitive dimension
(Chua 2002).
Knowledge Justification Methods
Knowledge justification is the process of verifica-
tion of evidences, coming from different sources.
In this section we will explore how social fac-
tors influence individual knowledge formation
mechanisms.
Social Cognitive Theory of Bandura
According to the Social Cognitive Theory (Ban-
dura, 2001) the social mechanisms of cognition
and the social origins of thought are the mecha-
nisms through which social factors exert their
influence on cognitive functioning. Effective
cognitive functioning requires reliable ways of dis-
tinguishing between accurate and faulty thinking.
Accurate thinking needs application of validation
mechanisms. There are explored four different
though verification and validation models: enac-
tive verification (fit between thoughts and direct
210

experience), vicarious verification (observing
others people transactions and effects), social
verification (people evaluating the soundness of
their views by checking them against what oth-
ers believe) and logical verification (deducing
from knowledge that is known) (Bandura, 2001).
Observational learning or models of vicarious
and social verifications enable people to acquire
implicitly (unintentionally) new knowledge with-
out having direct experience or applying direct
cognitive rules. Bandura claims that observational
learning allows media to transmit new ways of
thinking and behavior simultaneously to count-
less people in widely dispersed locales. During
the course of their daily lives, people have direct
contact with only a small sector of the physical
and social environment. Thus, their conceptions
of social reality are greatly influenced by vicari-
ous experiences – what they see, hear and read,
without direct experiential correctives. To a large
extent, people act on their images of reality. The
more people’s images of reality depend on the
media’s symbolic environment, the greater is its
social impact. Observational learning influences
adoption of rules that can be used to judge the
reality or to generate new instances of behavior.
Acquisition of generative rules from modeled
information involves three main processes –
extracting generic features from various social
exemplars, integrate the extracted information
to composite rules, and finally use the rules to
produce new instances of behaviors. Through
abstract modeling, people acquire standards for
categorizing and judging events, linguistic rules
of communication, thinking skills and personal
standards for regulating motivation and conduct.
Further Bandura (2001) states that much of
the social construction of the reality in shaping
of public consciousness occurs through electronic
acculturation. More importantly, electronic media
transform how social systems operate and serve as
a major vehicle for sociopolitical changes. Com-
munication systems and media operate through
two pathways – direct pathway and socially medi-

How Social Factors Influence Implicit Knowledge Construction on the Internet
ated pathway. In direct pathway, communication
media promote changes by informing, enabling,
motivating and guiding participants, while in the
socially mediated pathway, media influences are
used to link participants to social networks, which
increase the influence of the lead individuals. This
way media influences the lead viewers to discuss
or negotiate matters of importance with others,
allowing tailored communication, that is more
relevant, credible, better remembered and more
effective in influencing behavior than general
messages. Thus social groups can be regarded as
reinforcing and personalizing the social influence
on individuals. Bandura (2001) further states that
identifying the verification of thought by com-
parison with distorted media versions of social
reality can foster shared misconceptions of people,
places and things. Even more, social verification
can foster bizarre views of reality if the shared
beliefs of the reference group with which one af-
filiate are peculiar and the group is encapsulated
from outside social ties and influences.
The Knowledge Formation and
the Lay Epistemic Theory
Kruglanski et al. (2010) formulates the Lay epis-
temic theory (LET) in order to explain the general
knowledge formation processes. According to the
LET process of knowledge formation the cycle
of all knowledge construction (including different
knowledge domains, scientific and general knowl-
edge), comprises three general and interconnected
stages: unimodel of social judgment, cognitive
closure and epistemic authority.
Unimodel of Social Judgment
The LET theory assumes that all knowledge is
derived from evidence. In other words, to construct
new knowledge, or to form a new judgment, the
individual is assumed to use some inference rule
of an “IF-THEN” type. It should be noted that it is
not necessary these inferences to be deliberative,
conscious, and explicit, as it can form judgments
considered as associative, unconscious, or ‘mecha-
nistic.’ The unimodel focuses on the evidences as
the basis of all knowledge. The unimodel ‘zooms
in’ on the informational aspect of the epistemic
process, investigating conditions under which
given information would affect individuals’ judg-
ments. The unimodel comprises both cognitive
(informational availability and accessibility, the
presence of cognitive resources) and motivational
(e.g. need for closure) factors affecting informa-
tional impact. Based on their research, Kruglanski
et al. (2010) affirm that growing evidences sup-
port that the subjective relevance of information
determines its impact on judgments. The subjective
relevance depends on the relation between task
demands of knowing and the necessary cognitive
and motivational resources.
The Need for Cognitive Closure
The need for cognitive closure addresses the mo-
tivation for knowledge construction. People are
usually capable of forming judgments quickly on
the basis of the available evidence. The magnitude
of an individual’s need for closure is determined
by the perceived benefits of closure and the costs
of lacking closure. For instance, different mecha-
nisms influence the need for cognitive closure.
The attitude that tend to delay the cognitive clo-
sure include: accuracy concerns, accountability
concerns, need for cognition, while the factors for
accelerating it can be for example authoritarian-
ism or dogmatism, time or resource constraints,
lack of cognitive capacity and others. Thus social
factors can largely influence the individual need
for cognitive closure, increasing the impact of
external environment to the cognitive process.
As the need for cognitive closure represents
a desire for firm knowledge, this requires firm
evidential basis. Therefore, individuals high on
the need for closure should be more likely to form
rules, including general rules that they can use
across a broad spectrum of situations. For example,
211

How Social Factors Influence Implicit Knowledge Construction on the Internet
high (versus low) need for closure individuals re-
port higher confidence in their judgments, possibly
reflecting a high self-ascribed epistemic authority,
or possession of a general ‘I am right’ heuristic.
Moreover, individuals under high need for closure
exhibit group-centric tendencies (Kruglanski et al.,
2010), which includes the striving for consensus,
or subscription to the ‘group is right’ heuristic.
Individuals under high need for closure prefer an
autocratic, or hierarchical group structure granting
epistemic authority to few leaders, suggesting a
use of the ‘experts are correct’ heuristic.
Epistemic Authority
A special category of evidence concerns other
people’s opinions, especially if those people con-
stitute ‘epistemic authorities’ for the individual.
These people can be domain experts, people with
specific role or just social group which opinion
can influence the cognitive process and the need
for cognitive closure. Generally epistemic author-
ity represents the social source of information in
the knowledge formation process. Individuals
attribute more important information from their
highest domain-specific epistemic authority than
information from the second highest (or any other)
epistemic authority. The epistemic authority
reflects the assumption that human knowledge
is socially constructed and that it is influenced
by others whose judgments one respects. It also
touches on the developmental aspect of knowl-
edge construction and the diversification of one’s
information sources in accordance with their
perceived expertise.
Discussion: How Social Factors
Influence Implicit Knowledge
Formation on Internet
Internet provides a uniform platform for com-
munication and immediate access to wide range
of information and data. We can assume that in
Internet, individual activates the main three pro-
212

cesses of LET theory for constructing knowledge
– unimodel judgment of evidences, cognitive
closure and epistemic authority. In order to justify
the evidences, individual applies different valida-
tion mechanisms. Thus in Internet people usually
explore “on demand” knowledge constructs, re-
sponding on “how to…” and “why…” questions.
In order to consciously judge the evidences, or
apply explicit knowledge processing mechanisms
as induction or introspection mechanisms, indi-
vidual has to activate the “if-then” rules. Thus,
first the rule has to exist and then to be recalled
in memory. Depending on the previous history
of the rule activation, the recalling of the rule
can be hard or easy. When the difficulty or the
complexity of the evidence increases, it requires
more cognitive and motivational resources for
processing. Thus, when the evidences are complex,
or need additional processing it can be harder for
individuals to access resources and mechanisms
for verification and validation. Therefore it can
become easier to accept the opinion of epistemic
authority, or socially available knowledge, ac-
cepted by wider social groups. According to the
theory of cognitive closure, the motivation for
knowledge search depends from various factors.
Individuals who have a high need for cognitive
closure are more likely to form rules, including
general and common rules, which can use in a
wide range of situations. People with high need
for cognitive closure report stronger confidence
in their judgment, probably on the basis of their
epistemological authority or the general heu-
ristics – “I’m right”. Usually these individuals
with higher need for cognitive closure are in
the centre of group-forming tendencies, which
includes striving for consensus or maintenance
of heuristic - the social group should be rights.
Thus, if applying the LET theory, the simplified
and clear views (of knowledge) is more likely to
be accepted by the social group, as it requires
less cognitive-motivational resources. It is more
efficient to create a general consensus within
the group members with the epistemological au-

How Social Factors Influence Implicit Knowledge Construction on the Internet
thority and then faster cognitive closure is easily
carried out. Conversely, more sophisticated and
more complex knowledge can only be accepted
from the out-group or from other epistemological
authority, since rarely the group members own
resources and cognitive models and the ability
to demonstrate and test the complex knowledge.
The necessity for cognitive closure thus largely
depends on the credibility and acceptance of the
external or out-group epistemological authority.
A key challenge in social knowledge exchanges is
making a judgment on the authority and credibility
of fellow users. Common examples include reputa-
tion scores (awarded to those answering queries
well, answering a certain number of queries, or
having their answer accepted as the best offered)
(Matthews & Stephens, 2010).
It is interesting to note the finding of Thelwall
(2009) that in Internet, the Social Networks Sys-
tems (SNS) support homophily group formation
mechanisms. He finds out a clear tendency for
friendships and any other interpersonal relation-
ships to occur between similar people. Based upon
a survey of predominantly US research, it seems
that gender, sexuality, religion, race and age simi-
larity are all important predictors of friendship.
Therefore even in Internet, the social groups tend
to be homogenous.
Another factor for social influence on Internet
comes from some of the Internet and social activi-
ties. While routine processes reduces the need for
conscious control, and thus some estimates that it
can happen outside of conscious judgment. There-
fore, the mechanistic thinking process can activate
implicit knowledge. As the implicit knowledge
is largely due on presupposition and attributing
characteristics of a category to specific instance
(Dienes & Perner, 1999), we can expect that in
Internet, social groups can largely influence the
implicit cognitive processes, reflecting the at-
titude and the judgment processes. For example,
different functions in Social Networks as “lik-
ing”, sharing comments, transferring and sharing
content to other Internet and social network sites
can become automatic and implicit, requiring less
cognitive resources. The same implies as well for
collaborative filtering – where users vote or rate
content and the combined ratings serve to get it
promoted or made visible in an information system.
This implicit activity will be largely dominated
and influenced by social groups, reproducing the
content that will be accepted and approved by
the others. This can be largely observed in many
on-line e-commerce platforms, where the main
source of success is due on the social networks.
The internet and social marketing proves as well
the increased social impact of technologies.
Another important factor for promotion of
the implicit and unconscious knowledge acquisi-
tion in Internet is the dominance of multimedia
and audio-visual content. Pictures transfer much
more contextual information, including location,
expressions, participants, emotions, attitudes,
experiences and others, contributing to bigger
extend to the transfer of implicit and unconscious
knowledge. Therefore video, visual information
and pictures easily transfer and promote implicit
“cognition” or understanding.
Some more factors include as well the domi-
nance of short comments and short narratives,
emphasizing on emotional, rather than on rational
analyzes. The preferences for small content are
well displayed in multiple researches, showing that
“snack” content is more easily to be read, to be
noticed and to be re-sent afterwards (re-tweeted,
liked, re-plied etc). With the exploding “smart”
technologies as smart telephones, tablets, smart
watches and smart glasses, the users will become
much more “consumers” of Internet, and not
content developers, writers, bloggers etc. Thus
we can assume that the future technologies of
Internet will largely promote the user behavior of
consumption of visual information and pictures,
reading short-style and easy for understanding
content, then making detailed analysis and enter-
ing into fruitful discussions.
That way, Internet can further facilitates the
transfer of implicit knowledge between in-group
213

How Social Factors Influence Implicit Knowledge Construction on the Internet
members, making it more dominant for individual
choices, knowledge and understanding. Thus in-
group implicit knowledge can largely become a
dominant way of perceiving and understanding
the global reality.
CONCLUSION AND FURTHER
RESEARCH DIRECTIONS
The knowledge construction is dynamic, social
process and depends from individual judgment
and validation mechanisms. While information
technologies improve in general the judgment
mechanisms, Internet and web 2.0 technologies
mainly promote social and group cognition. The
social cognition includes shared language, code
and narratives, shared representations, interpre-
tations and systems of meaning among parties.
Many of today’s online social exchange platform
designs have evolved from, or remain very close
to the original bulletin board model (Matthews
& Stephens, 2010). Thus, in Internet, the process
of knowledge creation is largely influenced by
social factors and social platforms. The implicit
knowledge is constructed and transferred indirectly
through different social mechanisms. Although the
fact that social technology provides many tools
and mechanisms for knowledge construction,
they largely support social and group dominating
paradigms.
Future work will need to provide more evi-
dences for the Internet consumption models and
the way people perceive the influence of social
groups on their knowledge creation. With evolving
smart technologies and Internet of things, we can
anticipate these patterns to increase in the future.
REFERENCES
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New York: St Martin’s Press.
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Bandura, A. (2001). Social cognitive theory of
mass communications. In J. Bryant & D. Zill-
man (Eds.), Media effects: Advances in theory
and research. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Chua, A. (2002). The influence of social
interaction on knowledge creation. Jour-
nal of Intellectual Capital, 3(4), 375–392.
doi:10.1108/14691930210448297
Cook, S. D., & Brown, J. S. (1999). Bridging
epistemologies: The generative dance between
organizational knowledge and organizational
knowing. Organization Science, 10(4), 381–400.
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Dienes, Z., & Perner, J. (1999). A theory of
implicit and explicit knowledge. Behavioral and
Brain Sciences, 22(05), 735–808. doi:10.1017/
S0140525X99002186 PMID:11301570
Ichikawa, J., & Steup, M. (2013). The Analysis
of Knowledge. The Stanford Encyclopedia of
Philosophy (Fall 2013 Edition). Retrieved from
http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/fall2013/en-
tries/knowledge-analysis/
Kruglanski, A., Orehek, E., Dechenese, M., &
Pierro, A. (2010). Lay Epistemic Theory: The
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knowledge formation. Social and Personal-
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Matthews, P., & Stephens, R. (2010). Sociable
knowledge sharing online: Philosophy, patterns
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Mussweiler, T. (2003). Comparison Processes
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Stets, J. E., & Burke, P. J. (2000). Identity theory
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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS
Implicit Knowledge: As implicit is something
that is pre-supposed: not directly mentioned, not
verbalized (and un-conscious), implicit knowledge
can be defined as unconscious understanding,
rumors, impressions, attitudes and emotions. It is
sometimes expressed as unconscious knowledge.
Explicit Knowledge: A fact, rationally proved
and displayed in documents and references.
Knowledge Justification: According to the
definition of Knowledge as Justified True Belief,
knowledge is a function of an agent, who believes
(it is not necessary to prove it, or to explain the
reasons for it) that a fact is true, relying on cor-
rect methods for justification. Thus knowledge
justification is one of the main components for
knowledge acquisition. Knowledge justification
methods are based on 6 main reliable sources of
reason and include: (1) perception (analysis of
external information), (2) introspection (analysis
of internal factors), (3) induction (cause-effect
structures), (4) memory (references and access to
facts about past events), (5) reason (logical rules),
and (6) testimony (social factors);
Social Factors: A social group is a set of indi-
viduals who hold a common social identification
or view themselves as members of the same social
category (Stets & Burke, 2000). The shared social
identity of group members make it possible for
them to produce socially validated knowledge,
shared beliefs about way of perceiving thinking
and doing that we assume to be appropriate in
terms of the demands of objective reality.
Lay Epistemic Theory (LET): According to
the LET theory identified by Kruglanski (2010)
the cycle of all knowledge comprises three general
and interconnected stages: unimodel of social
judgment, cognitive closure and epistemic author-
ity. This theory explain the social mechanisms of
knowledge creation.
ENDNOTES
1
This statement is attributed to Plato, cited
in Ayer (1951) and largely used as starting
point in epistemology, philosophy and psy-
chology sciences.
215
216

Chapter 11
Hidden Curriculum
Determinants in (Pre)
School Institutions:
Implicit Cognition in Action

Lucija Jančec
Society “Our Children” Opatija, Croatia

Sanja Tatalović Vorkapić

University of Rijeka, Croatia

Jurka Lepičnik Vodopivec

University of Primorska, Slovenia

ABSTRACT
The hidden curriculum is described in terms of values, attitudes, norms, rules, and rituals that are taught
in school, but its main characteristic is its unplanned and officially unorganized form. It appears in every
day kindergarten and school routine where children and pupils learn it as the official curriculum. From
the psychological aspect, it comes close to implicit learning. In this chapter, the authors argue that the
influence of the hidden curriculum and the implicit learning deserve far more attention and scientific
research because of their significant contribution to the learning outcomes and for their constant presence
in the education process: in a learning organization that means all the time and for all the participants.

INTRODUCTION ing to accept it or not. In an educational system,

Pupils in school and children in preschool, apart
from learning about formal school or kindergar-
ten curriculum content, learn ‘something else’
in their preschool or classroom groups (Oelkers
& Prior, 1982), whether their members are will-
knowledge production and transfer go through
phases of the official; explicit; written curriculum
and the process curriculum, unwritten; hidden
curriculum. Bašić (2000) and Pastuović (1999)
refer to Gordon (1982) when they say that the
term ‘hidden’ curriculum includes a part of an

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-4666-6599-6.ch011

Copyright © 2015, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Hidden Curriculum Determinants in (Pre)School Institutions
educational reality that is not included in the
official programme, curriculum or other public
documents. The hidden curriculum is important
for its influence on educational outputs or its set
of affective output (e.g. learned values, norms,
attitudes, social skills), necessary for successful
social integration.
One cannot just be a teaching expert and ob-
jectively educate without simultaneously working
in the process of upbringing. Bašić (2000, p.171)
analogizes in a hidden curriculum context to
Watzlawick’s, “one cannot not communicate”.
Class is a social event in general, “because every
behavior – in a teacher and student case – has a
communicative and a social effect” (Oelkers &
Prior, 1982, p. 64). Tillmann (as cited in Bašić,
2000) sees the hidden curriculum as a regulation of
educational interaction in school and appreciable
instrument of school interaction. In other words, an
unmentioned learning plan encompasses aimed but
often unnoticed standardizing and setting norms
for human relations which sets up a situation
form for acquiring socially eligible interpersonal
interactions and learning how to retrieve quality
relationships in children age.
Public, formal and written curriculum is based
on explicit content, but the grounds of the hidden
curriculum are based on the contents of the of-
ficial curriculum (Cindrić, Miljković & Strugar,
2010). School and kindergarten curriculum are
commonly accepted as explicit, aware, intentional
and formally planned with certain goals. With
this didactic curriculum, which was determined
in advance, children and pupils experience the
hidden curriculum described as unofficial and
unknowingly planned. At this point, we can use
one working definition and refer to the hidden
curriculum when talking about values and rela-
tions among groups and as a tool of social learning
for children and pupils, but Glatthorn (as cited in
Domović domus.srce.hr/...) argues that it refers
to the implicit practice which is specific for a
certain educational environment. Kroflič (2001)
gives more importance to the hidden curriculum
when children are younger, for the influence is
stronger when children age is lower.
BACKGROUND
The term ‘curriculum’ explains the holistic pro-
cess which contains educational goals, contents,
teaching media, methods, situations, strategies and
evaluation patterns (Bratko, Ljubin & Matijević,
2000). Simply, the term ‘curriculum’ can be seen
as an explanation of what happens in the classroom
or in the laboratory (Eliason & Jenkins, 1986),
while the curricular programmes should answer
the following questions: WHY? (refers to goals
and objectives), WHAT? (refers to contents and
activities) and HOW? (refers to various goals,
objectives and planned contents realization).
Several groups of people with determinate roles
and assignments are included in the creation
of the curriculum. Marsh (2004) describes key
concepts for understanding curriculum dynamics
and gives five basic curriculum categories: pupil
and teacher’s point of view, planning and devel-
opment of curriculum, curriculum management
and curriculum ideology. There are six forms of
curriculum in the same book. The term of ‘hidden
curriculum’ is associated with pupils perspective,
and according to Bašić (2000), it presents the op-
posite or at least a difference to the public, formal
curriculum. It is assumed that the content of the
hidden curriculum can be established only after
the content of official curriculum. In a scientific
discourse, the term ‘hidden curriculum’ was intro-
duced by Phillip W. Jackson in 1968 and Benson
Snyder in 1971 (Pastuović, 1999, pp.134-136),
but some authors (Larcher, as cited in Bregar
Golobič, 2012) mention Ivan Illich and his book
‘Deschooling society’ from 1971 as the founder
of the hidden curriculum. A reference from the
international educational encyclopedia confirms
Jackson as the original founder of the concept and
217

Hidden Curriculum Determinants in (Pre)School Institutions
the term of hidden curriculum (Gordon, 1982) and
gives him extra legitimacy. The hidden curriculum
can be determined in more ways (Gordon, 1982):
1. As affective educational outputs, such as
taught values, norms, attitudes necessary for
the social integration. They are not written
in the programme or as a part of any insti-
tutional rule, but it is better for the pupil to
accept them;
2. As a context in which organized learning in
a school environment is defined; besides the
existing programme, it influences values,
attitudes and habits of school participants as
well as social learning. Commonly, school
relations are a replication of social relations;
3. As a process, within which the difference
between the hidden and the official cur-
riculum is stressed, and it is related to ways
of teaching. While teaching, teacher sends
certain non-verbal messages according to
which pupils interpret curriculum and add
it value.
These actions can be aware or unaware but
they certainly affect pupils’ attitudes. That can
especially be seen in a process of evaluation and
testing. Pupils will favor exactly the same contents
as the teacher does. Kentli (2009) describes ten
directions in defining and explaining hidden cur-
riculum, but she concludes that the hidden cur-
riculum, as the process of socializing in school,
can be identified through social interactions in
school environments and serves for the transfer
of delicate messages about values, attitudes and
principles. The hidden curriculum can be detected
by the evaluation of the environment and unex-
pected and unintentional interactions between a
teacher and a student (Kentli, 2009).
Durkheim (1961), Drebeen (1967) and Jackson
(1968) laid the groundwork for a general defini-
tion of the hidden curriculum as an element of
socialization in schools. It is not a formal school
curriculum, but it includes norms, values and belief
218

systems throughout the curriculum, the school and
the classroom life. Pupils are informed about the
hidden curriculum through daily routines, curricu-
lar content and social relationships (Kentli, 2009).
This approach lays the groundwork for overall
characteristics of the hidden curriculum, and at
the same time, it confirms that school exists for
the interests of the wider community. In addition,
Lynch (1989) finds a number of limitations for
this approach: first, it falls under the consensus
theory which accepts consensus and stability and
rejects changes caused by conflict. The other
thing is that when we look at the norms and belief
system, school is transferring as unproblematic
and indisputable, this approach treats pupils as
passive recipients defined in reductionist behav-
ioral terms. Pupils are only seen as the products
of socialization without the ability to make any
meaning to themselves. In other perspective, Apple
(1982), Anyon (1980) and Giroux (1983) describe
how the hidden curriculum practices are realized.
Their common point is that the social reproduction
emerges in the social organization of the school
and the authority relationships between teachers
and pupils (Kentli, 2009). Jackson in 1968 (as
cited in 1990) in his book ‘Life in Classrooms’
defines the hidden curriculum as learning to wait
quietly, restraint exercises, completing the work,
keeping busy, cooperating, showing allegiance to
both teachers and peers, being neat and punctual,
and conducting oneself courteously. As mentioned
before, he is the hidden curriculum pioneer, he
approached the phenomenon from the scientific
and anthropological perspective and created the
meaning of the term ‘hidden curriculum’, which
is used for describing the ‘other’ curriculum, the
one existing parallel with the official one (Jack-
son, 1990). Jackson gave the most significant
contribution to the conception and the term hid-
den curriculum, where he identified phenomena
in classroom consisted in the social relation of
schooling. According to his analysis, values,
dispositions, social and behavioral expectations
that bring rewards for pupils in school and their

Hidden Curriculum Determinants in (Pre)School Institutions
learning is a feature of the hidden curriculum.
His version of the hidden curriculum is marked
by his exceptional and intuitive method that made
him valuable and until then unnoticed understand-
ings about holistic and widely defined classroom
life that discovered hidden dimension of school
events which are consequences of written, formal
curriculum.
Apple (1982), the most prominent author of
all mentioned above, in his book “Education and
power” and other books, emphasizes that the
hidden curriculum includes various interests,
culture forms and patterns, struggles, arrange-
ments and compromises. The main characteristic
of his approach is his definition of the hidden
curriculum through a hegemonistic concept. This
concept staggers and defines school not only as
a distributor but as a generator of the culture be-
ing crucial for the pupils’ socialization. In other
words, according to Apple, pupils are confronted
with different norms and cultures through rules
and activities during schooling and classroom life
that shapes the social life in school. In his work
‘Ideology and curriculum’ (1995) he claims that
hidden curriculum meets the ideological needs
of capital. King and Apple (1992) say that the
hidden curriculum is taught in school, but it plays
a more significant role in kindergarten, where
children become competent for compliance with
rules, norms, values needed for functioning in a
life of an institution:
The meaning of objects and events becomes
clear to children when they participate in social
environment. The usage of aids (for playing and
learning), the nature of authority, quality of mu-
tual relations, spontaneous comments and other
perspectives of everyday life in a kindergarten
group or classroom, it all contributes to growing
awareness of a child’s role in a group and his
understanding of the social environment. (King
& Apple, 1992, p. 53)
Foucault (as cited in Dolar Bahovec & Kodelja,
1996) made a great effort in the conceptual context
of the hidden curriculum, and provided a new
aspect of everyday practice in kindergarten. He
analyses intern ideology of educational institu-
tions, its constitutional rules and everyday prac-
tices by which inequality and domination are set up
and sustained. Intern ideology of kindergarten as
an institution of ‘discipline and punishment’ is, in
Foucault’s opinion, a real question of microphys-
ics of authority, which brings new perspective in
the hidden curriculum. According to Foucault, in
addition to the entire assemble of practices asso-
ciated with relation toward the body, the way of
sitting at work, holding a pen while drawing and
writing, waiting for lunch and lying while sleep-
ing, it is a moment of surveillance, ‘normaliza-
tion’ of children, which was founded in technical
and scientific knowledge about children. Dolar
Bahovec & Kodelja (1996) claim that Foucault’s
view of everyday practices in kindergartens and
schools, and different perception of childhood in
different historic periods, is actually the reason
that everyday life should be subjected to genea-
logical research.
1. Aspects of Hidden Curriculum
in Kindergarten and School
Jackson (1990) does not use terms from the theory
of ideology, but in his research path, he confronts
the school ideology, described by Louis Althusser
(1980): not in programme, lecture or lesson-book
contents, but in every day school practice, school
routines that helps establishing and maintaining
school (institutional) order. The second name for
the hidden curriculum is therefore ‘curriculum
in use’ (Apple, 1992, p.51). Hidden curriculum
is an inner part of the curriculum; it is the cur-
riculum in use. Therefore, in a spontaneous, self-
understanding approach, that hides the separation
of school demands on institutional demands for
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Hidden Curriculum Determinants in (Pre)School Institutions
accommodation and enlightenment demands of
schooling, classification of ‘official curriculum’
and ‘curriculum in use’ is noticed. Bandura (as
cited in Vizek Vidović, Rijavec, Vlahović-Štetić
& Miljković, 2003) proposed an explanation of
what pupils learn in school in his social learn-
ing theory. According to that theory, people are
in a certain way products of their surroundings
but they can also influence it. One can learn to
modify its own behavior when influenced by other
people during the social interactions. That learn-
ing is called observational learning and comes
in two forms: modeling and vicarious learning.
Many authors support the concept that teachers,
by their behavior in school, implicitly transfer
their own values and attitudes to pupils (Gordon,
1982; McDiarmid, 1987; Verhoeve, 2008; Hod-
kinson, 2005; Weldon, 2010; Zembylas, 2011).
By observing their teachers-models, pupils can
learn new behaviors, determine pre-existing and
(de)motivate themselves with the intention of
doing socially (un)desirable ones. Observational
learning refers to situations when the pupil sees
and takes into consideration the consequences
of the model’s behavior. It happens in class even
when teachers are not aware of it - in case of
inconsistency when they talk in one way and act
in another, pupils will imitate their behavior and
not their words (Vizek Vidović et al., 2003). For
example, scared and anxious children imitate a
model which shows fear more often than self-
confident and secure children. Besides that, the
importance of personality of an observed model
is well known since Plato and his The Republic.
Contemporary researchers investigate deeper in
the importance of personality traits in educational
processes (Tatalović Vorkapić, 2012). Schools
support goals and functions of a wider social com-
munity through attitudes, norms, beliefs, values
and hypothesis learning that are all expressed as
rules, rituals and regulations (Seddon, 1983), and
all represented in the hidden curriculum. Glatthorn
(as cited in Domović, domus.srce.hr/...) argues
that the hidden curriculum refers to the implicit
220

practices that are specific for a particular educa-
tional setting. Bloom (as cited in Dolar Bahovec
& Bregar Golobič, 2004) claims that the hidden
curriculum looks more efficient than the formal,
because we memorize its lessons as it is present
through the whole period of schooling. The hidden
curriculum messages are daily experiences that
are firmly taught. Dealing with different situations
and social interactions in schools is the experi-
ence that stays for life. It seems that kindergarten
and school teachers are guided more by their own
school and schooling experience than theory and
professional knowledge. The following citation
illustrates it more precisely:
This emphasis on the early years of schooling is
quite intentional, for it is during that period that
the young child comes to grips with the fact of
institutional life. Also during these formative years
they develop adaptive strategies that will stay with
them throughout their education and beyond. Life
in high school and college classrooms is surely
different from life in the lower grades, but behind
the obvious differences there is a basic similar-
ity. In a fundamental sense, school is school, no
matter where it happens. (Jackson, 1990, p.xxi)
The hidden curriculum is a common char-
acteristic of all school institutions as well as all
modern time institutions (military, prison, hospi-
tals, etc.) and is not limited by boundaries; it is a
transversal characteristic of institutions (Bregar
Golobič, 2012). The book ‘Kindergartens for the
present time’, which was the consequence of a re-
search project with the same title, Dolar Bahovec
& Kodelja (1996) describes the organization of
everyday life in Slovenian kindergartens in two
dimensions: in the context of the Foucault’s idea
of body discipline in institutions of modern time,
which represents conceptual thinking about the
hidden curriculum, and on the other side, in the
theory of children rights. This project sought to
extend the current psychological and pedagogical
discourses and upbringing of a child and place it in

Hidden Curriculum Determinants in (Pre)School Institutions
the broader field of education theory and cultural
studies. In 66 Slovenian kindergartens observa-
tions were carried out using lists for observing the
environment, feeding, sleeping and other aspects;
the task was completed with the answers of kin-
dergarten teachers acquired through a question-
naire. The results showed that in about one-fifth
of the observed kindergartens certain unwanted
forms of organization and order are present: un-
necessary regulations that make the daily routine,
feeding, toilet habits, sleep, lack of alternatives
regarding to different aspects of the kindergarten,
poor respect for the right to diversity, choices,
uniqueness. The core of the study conducted in
kindergartens was finding the manner in which
kindergarten teacher organize time and space
of their work, supervise emotional reactions of
children and their physiological needs, how they
use praises and reproach, exercise their authority,
respond to spontaneous remarks, allow the children
to participate in deciding and choosing etc., it was
observed how the kindergarten teacher organizes
and prepares materials and games for children
without the influence of children. Although the
toys on the shelves and on the floor were avail-
able to children all the time, time organization
did not allow using them or playing with them.
For most of the day children were not allowed to
play with toys that were arranged to invite them
to play, but they have learned to take them off
the shelf only when they got the explicit permis-
sion. When they act according to the rules their
behavior is approved, when not, they are warned.
Kindergarten teachers thought that good children
were the children who followed their instructions
and were quiet. In his earlier work, Apple (1979)
states that children learn skills in a way that helps
them leading a successful life in kindergarten.
For example, they learn to share toys with other
children, listen carefully, clean up, and follow the
routine activities of the group. All this supports
the power of the hidden curriculum and stereo-
types about daily routines in kindergarten, what
dimension they really have in shaping the future
generations and the attention they deserve on the
micro - and macro - level.
Many contemporary authors (Kessler, 1992;
Stoll & Fink, 2000; Bruner, 2000; Carre, 2001;
Wilson, 1996; Malaguzzi, 1998) point out that
values, beliefs, attitudes and expectations of kin-
dergarten and school teachers shape their entire
educational approach. Mayall (as cited in Dahl-
berg, Moss, & Pence, 1999) claims that children
live in conditions of childhood that were created
for them by adults, according to their understand-
ing of childhood and children, and their image of
what a child should be. Nimmo (1998) also believes
that the entire educational teacher work is based
on his/her image as a child, his/her expectations
that reflect his/her cultural perspective, values,
aspirations and beliefs about learning and child
upbringing. Bruner (2000) argues that different
approaches to learning as well as various forms
of teaching - imitation, lessons, revealing, col-
laboration, are all reflection of different beliefs
and premises about pupils - as creators, experts,
direct participants, collaborative thinkers. Beliefs,
attitudes and expectations of teachers are woven
into the structural context of the institution and
are realized as a particular theory or orientation
curriculum (Kessler, 1992), because the beliefs,
preferences and values of people affect their ac-
tions and thinking, says Fullan (as cited in Stoll &
Fink, 2000), directly determines the perspective
of curriculum. The values represent a set of com-
mon beliefs, opinions and attitudes about what
is right, good or desirable, and they are formed
through the process of socialization. Although
each individual may have their own value sys-
tem, there are some general or social values that
dominate in each community. In dynamic terms,
values represent a sort of organization of human
needs, desires and goals that are established among
them, certain relationship priorities and hierarchies
of importance. This organization facilitates and
makes individual’s orientation, decision-making
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Hidden Curriculum Determinants in (Pre)School Institutions
and integrated actions easier, what values can
be understood as a kind of criteria priorities that
guide human behavior (Petz, 1992). Values are the
result of interfering individual (needs) and social
(social demands) factors that represent cognitive
expression of individual needs in socially ac-
ceptable terms as a result of the internalization
of social demands. Larger number of authors
point out the insufficient values research (Sagiv
& Schwartz, 2000; Rohan, 2000), despite strong
influence of values on attitudes and behavior. The
research results indicate that there is a universal
structure of value system and that is possible to
compare individual and group values according
to values priorities (Schwartz, 1994). Although
recently values are also researched according to
other dispositions, such as personality traits (Ro-
han, 2000) and mental health (Sagiv & Schwartz,
2000), their predictability for attitudes and be-
havior is traditionally expected and researched.
Very few authors dealt with the classification of
value functions. For most of them, the definition
of value is also a determinant of value function.
Woolfolk (1995) sees values as certain guided
behavior functions:
1. Conditional commitment of special position
in relation to social problems,
2. Directing the choice of a particular political
or religious ideology,
3. Contribute to our presentation of our
environment,
4. Are crucial in comparative processes,
5. Encourage individual in the evaluation and
judgment,
6. Allow the influence on other,
7. Make it possible to rationalize the opinions
and attitudes.
According to Radin (2001), it is indisputable
that values have a great guiding function in terms
of behavior. Apart from influencing attitudes
regarding relevant social issues, they affect the
individual’s everyday life, encourage one in their
222

decisions and judgments, help in an effort to
rationalize and shape the attitudes and opinions,
facilitate one’s communication with others and
represent an important base in the understanding
of the social environment. From the perspective
of educational efforts, the spiritual values have
particular importance: ethical, intellectual, aes-
thetic, religious, cultural, rational, personal and
family. All these values have the aim of achieving
educational purposes and tasks of education and
are rightly called educational values (Vukasović,
1999). Educational values are closely linked to
educational goals and standards. The crucial fea-
ture of a value is the act of evaluation that decides
on the acceptance of objective goal or standard
by individuals. Values are based on standards,
but also on the evaluation of something as good/
bad, valid, right/wrong (Gudjons, 1994, p. 154).
Ledić (1999) researched the values that are
promoted in textbooks for the subject Croatian
language for elementary school that were used in
the school year 1996/97, as well as textbooks for
elementary schools that were in use in the school
year 1986/87. In her study she started from the
premise that school as a social institution of great
importance for development of the society, with
a goal to question the promotion of these values
in recent educational practice in our schools, and
observing them in relation to values that were
promoted a decade earlier, because the values
promoted in texts are one in a series of elements
that affect the moral atmosphere in school. For
example, justice and freedom as the dominant
values appear only in 15 texts in new generation
textbooks. The results of this research may lead
to the conclusion that the Croatian ideology re-
places another: the dominant socialist values in the
1980s were replaced by the national in the 1990s.
The analysis of textbooks raises many questions,
including questions about the impact of ‘hidden
curriculum’ and the real impact of the values
promoted on the formation of pupils’ values. A
special series of questions was related to teachers
themselves: how they see the issues of values,

Hidden Curriculum Determinants in (Pre)School Institutions
whether, how and to what extent they transmit it
and how school affects the formation of values
in children and the youth. This research was also
associated with examining the teachers’ attitudes
through interviews and questionnaires where
all the values/messages obtained by textbooks
analysis were lined up. The statements acquired by
interviewing teachers and their attitudes expressed
by ranking scale are mutually consistent, but they
differ (it is suggested) from the priorities that are
implicitly or explicitly included in textbooks. A
group of national values that was found to be
particularly emphasized in new textbooks does
not stand out in any special way (more on results
in Ledić, 1999).
Nearly a decade after the research on values in
school, the following study observed myths and
legends in textbooks for lower elementary grades
(Mlinarević, Buljubašić Kuzmanović & Sablić,
2007), assuming that school should influence
development of the pupil’s value-system. But if the
problem is observed from the pedagogical context,
then it enters a discussion about education goals
that can be observed as relatively steady quality
that is directed toward specific experiences and
actions among which skills, attitudes, beliefs,
values, interests, different knowledge and habits
are included (Brezinka, 1994). The analysis shows
that proportionately to pupils’ age, with larger
volume and complexity of teaching content, the
prevalence of myths and legends and educational
values grows (Mlinarević, Buljubašić Kuzmanović
& Sablić, 2007). The content analysis has allo-
cated 78 texts containing myths and legends and
eight categories of educational values (univer-
sal, democratic, religious, national, personality
characteristics, family, environmental, aesthetic
and cultural) that promote them, and which are
components of desirable ethical principles and
moral education that contribute to the overall
development of pupils. These are certainly not just
values that should be recognized but they are also
life principles that pupils need to use in order to
become part of them and their interactions with
others. Therefore, based on a research, the need
for further cross-curricular studies was found,
related to the role of texts in pupils’ textbooks in
promoting educational values which would give
a significant contribution to the enrichment of the
educational function of school.
Yet, in the chapter, we consider some more
dimensions of ‘hidden curriculum’ and observe
implicit learning in kindergartens and schools
so we will discuss its visibility and importance
through presented results in researches about
personality traits, but also in researches about
empathy and (pre)school teacher’s attitudes about
space characteristics.
2. Personality Traits of (Pre)School
Teachers in an Implicit Learning
and Hidden Curriculum Context
of Educational Institution
No matter what definition of the hidden curricu-
lum we take and analyze, it is clear that within
its frame, children learn on two levels: conscious
and unconscious or unintentional, and implicit
learning/memorizing. Understanding the memory
as implicit or explicit is well known and it is ap-
plied on whether we want to remember something
on purpose – this being the explicit memory or
unintentionally - the implicit (Zarevski, 2002).
Hence, when talking about implicit learning, we
refer to the process where we become sensitive
for certain rules in the environment, but with a
highlighted intention of absence for learning and
absence of willing to actually learn, that all to-
gether results with kind of knowledge that is hard
to express and articulate (Cleeremans, 2002). It
is interesting that the terms implicit learning and
hidden curriculum share a common characteristic
of having several definitions, where only Frensch
(1998) presented eleven definitions of the implicit
learning. Besides that, the implicit learning is a
phenomenon which is present every day (Ellis
& Hunt, 1993). Therefore, it often seems that
we know far more than we can explain (Shanks,
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Hidden Curriculum Determinants in (Pre)School Institutions
2004). For example activities such as riding a
bike, playing tennis or driving, they all include
handling numerous complex motoric skills that
are difficult to verbalize. Additionally, as said
before, people have abilities to learn new informa-
tion without any intention and the power of such
expression of knowledge is very low. The analysis
of core characteristics of the implicit learning
and definitions of the hidden curriculum indicate
numerous similarities. One of them is the fact that
in the hidden curriculum one learns parts that are
not included in the official curriculum - social
interactions and children are not intentionally
directed in the implicit knowledge and contents,
they are mostly not even aware of it. Questions
how and why implicit knowledge and contents
are remembered arise. Assor & Gordon (1987)
declare basic grounds for memorizing contents of
the hidden curriculum in the learning and teaching
process; these contents are presented many times
and always in the same ways. In other words, those
contents are strongly redundant, and that is the
basic principle for learning hidden curriculum
contents. In the educational system, the efficiency
of learning the official and planned curriculum
contents is confronted with the efficiency of the
hidden curriculum contents. Educators presume
that learning is a natural consequence, especially
if quality and efficient methods are used. But
that presumption is not always true. Regarding
this fact, it is estimated that parts of the official
curriculum contents are significantly lower (it is
10%) than the rest of all the obtained knowledge
– the rest is ascribed to the hidden curriculum
(Massialas, 1989). Goodlad (1988) claims pupils
are influenced by classroom and school climate
and experience democratic processes, indepen-
dent thinking, creativity, personal autonomy
and learning for learning itself in large amounts.
Anyon (1980) finds what is dominantly expressed
and expected in some school programmes. For
example, to express your creativity in school
with the art programme indicates what kind of
characteristics will be fostered and expected
224

from pupils. Furthermore, all children and pupils
do not react in the same way on the hidden cur-
riculum and the implicit learning. The research
on the implicit learning correlations show that
high impulsivity, openness for experiences and
intuition are personality traits which are positively
correlated with the implicit learning (Kaufman,
DeYoung, Gray, Jiménez, Brown & Mackintosh,
2010). Additionally, some social factors such as
social class, race, ethnicity, linguistic roots and
sex are significant determinates of the hidden
curriculum and children/pupils’ and kindergarten/
school teacher’s behaviors. Some of those elements
have positive and some have negative influence
on children’s behavior which is expected in the
official curriculum (Massialas, 1996). It is as-
sumed that the strategies of implementations used
by teachers exist to decrease negative effects of
the hidden curriculum, referring to:
1. Elimination of harmful practice “monitor-
ing” pupils;
2. Replacement intrinsic for extrinsic rewards,
especially avoiding grades as a disciplinary
tool;
3. Initiation of a great number of methods
that include group work representing one
of efficient ways for demystification the
traditional, manipulative role of a teacher,
as ensuring clear social context to highlight
social responsibility and group solidarity;
4. Change of time spent in school in a way of
exchange independent and group work in a
suitable manner, that enables development
of personal communication with the teacher;
5. Creating “peer leaders”, competent for taking
care of social relations in a group in a way
to achieve a group goal with less interven-
tions from the teacher as possible (Giroux
& Penna, 1983).
In other words, the hidden curriculum is used
in a positive way when life in school imitates real
life in most realistic way. It is then that the children

Hidden Curriculum Determinants in (Pre)School Institutions
get the opportunity to learn skills in construc-
tive decision making, what is actually more than
necessary in real life.
Next to the mentioned elements of the hidden
curriculum, which are acquired based on the im-
plicit learning principle, it is inevitable to avoid
the personality of all subjects in learning and the
teaching process. Onatra & Pena (2004) in their
work about the hidden curriculum emphasize
personality traits of pupils and the significant
influence of teachers who actually shape their per-
sonality. These authors underline that the concept
of the hidden curriculum is beyond the discussion
about conscious and unconscious determinates
of formal context of learning and teaching. They
say that the hidden curriculum shapes personal-
ity of children and ascribes to every one of them
the role one should have in the society. In that
process, the interaction with teacher is extremely
important, because she/he influences directly
on the social relations development in a group.
Therefore, from the fact that teachers have the
closest interaction with pupils in the process, next
to teaching objective knowledge and facts, they
transfer their own attitudes and beliefs and shape
pupils personality. According to the development
of pupils’ personality, three main aspects of the
hidden curriculum are summed up: a) teachers at-
titude as the knowledge holder; b) teachers attitude
as the authority holder; c) teachers attitude as the
acceptation and rejection holder using their evalu-
ation tools. These three aspects enable influencing
on a child objectively and subjectively, and are
responsible for the personalization process in the
teaching and learning process. As earlier said, the
combination of the teaching style, attitudes and
values of a teacher, and the hidden curriculum in
kindergarten/school which appears (unplanned)
every day, are significantly determined by the
kindergarten/school teachers’ personality. Kin-
dergarten/school teachers say that the professional
education and vocational trainings which result
in essential competences are deficient for quality
work with children – that are exactly values and
other characteristics that come from the personality
of teacher himself (Cartwright, 1999). Researches
of the kindergarten and school climate show that
the personality of kindergarten/school teachers
is the one thing that determinates it distinctively
(Vasconcelos, 2002; Vizek-Vidović et al., 2003).
It is clear that the educational process is not just a
cognitive and technical process, but an extremely
complex, personal, social practice that involves
a whole person, whether we speak about a child
or a teacher (Hamachek, 1999; Oakes & Lipton,
2003; Britzman, 2003; Cochran-Smith, 2005), and
that is why it is important to carry out scientific
researches for the personality traits of kindergar-
ten/school teachers. There are limited numbers of
researches in this field, especially when thinking
of kindergarten teachers (Ayers, 1989; Yonemura,
1986), but a certain research implemented in Croa-
tia can be a solid ground for further observations
about this topic. Slunjski (2003) described in her
book the enneagram approach of studying nine
different faces of kindergarten teacher, where she
also analyzed their advantages and imperfections
in the work with children.
The most studies analyzed the personalities
of kindergarten teacher through the Eysenck’s
model and the Big Five model of personality. In
one of these studies (Tatalović Vorkapić, 2012),
both of these personality models were analyzed
by 92 kindergarten teachers, with the mean age
of 30 years (21 to 49 years), that show consider-
ably higher levels of extraversion, agreeableness,
consciousness, openness to experience and social
conformity than normative samples. This finding
was expected, regarding assumed personality traits
of professionals working with children. An open,
communicative, agreeable, positive, conscious,
flexible and adjustable kindergarten teacher
certainly ensures quality work with children and
their parents. In the same study, significantly
lower levels of psychoticism and neuroticism than
normative samples were determined, as expected.
Similar results were found in further researches.
Gović (2012) has conducted a study about flow
225

Hidden Curriculum Determinants in (Pre)School Institutions
at work and personality traits in a sample of 96
kindergarten teachers from six kindergartens in
Primorsko-goranska county in Croatia, with the
mean age of 38 years, ranged from 22 to 64 years,
mean of 14 years of period of employment. Beside
high level of flow at work, high level of extraver-
sion, agreeableness, consciousness, openness to
experience and low neuroticism were determined
and expected. According to expectations, high
level of flow at work is positively correlated with
extraversion, agreeableness, consciousness, open-
ness to experience and has a significantly negative
relationship with neuroticism.
A further research (Jelić, 2013) shows that
personality, hope and optimism relation, level of
satisfaction with life, accepting their skills, abili-
ties, as well as general and specific competences
are extremely important for successful kinder-
garten teachers. Jelić (2013), in a sample of 339
kindergarten teachers from eight counties and 20
kindergartens in Croatia, analyzed the relation of
their personality traits and hope, optimism and
satisfaction with life. The results show signifi-
cantly high values of all personality traits except
neuroticism, which is least represented at person-
ality traits of kindergarten teacher, as expected.
All personality traits are positively related with
hope, optimism and satisfaction with life, except
neuroticism that has a negative relationship to
these three constructs.
According to previous researches (Ivon &
Sindik, 2008) which show the significance of kin-
dergarten teachers’ empathy in their work, Martić
(2013) analyzed the relationship of empathy with
personality traits of kindergarten teachers. For
kindergarten teacher’s work performance it is
not just about his/her knowledge, skills and com-
petences, but his/her holistic personality, where
highly empathic behavior, high levels of extraver-
sion, agreeableness, consciousness, openness to
experience is expected. In a sample of 205 kinder-
garten teachers from Istarska, Brodsko-posavska,
Bjelovarsko–bilogorska & Primorsko–goranska
226

counties and 20 kindergartens in Croatia, with
the mean age of 43 years, mean of 19 years of
period of employment, high levels of all empathy
dimensions (perspective taking, fantasy, empathic
concern and personal distress), and personality
traits of extraversion, agreeableness, conscious-
ness, openness to experience are determined. As
expected, a significantly low level of neuroticism
is found. An interesting finding is the correlation
by increasing age and years of period of employ-
ment personal distress gets higher, and level of
extraversion is reduced. A negative relationship of
age and extraversion is expected, and this finding
determined at kindergarten teachers is not signifi-
cantly different from findings in other professions.
But, the significant increase of personal distress
with age was not expected and certainly requires
a further empirical investigation and could be
explained by characteristics in kindergarten teach-
ers’ work with preschool children.
Besides that, it is not significant, but with the
age comes declining in empathy at kindergarten
teacher in the Martić (2013) research, similar
result as in research Tatalović Vorkapić & Ružić
(2013). That research is about level of empathy
at three study groups of future preschool teacher
(N=100), with the mean age of 20 (18-25), where
four dimensions of empathy were analyzed: fan-
tasy, perspective taking, empathic concern and
personal distress. Results showed significant
higher levels of all dimensions of empathy in a
relationship with other - not kindergarten teacher
students, as expected. But unexpected result,
which could have significant implications for
changing study programme if it will empirically
repeat, showed negative relationship with study
year and fantasy and empathic concern. In other
words, significant decrease of fantasy and em-
pathic concern in a relationship with study year
is found, and it is absolutely not desirable because
study programme should encourage existing high
level of empathy freshman come to university. In
addition to the previous research, the extension

Hidden Curriculum Determinants in (Pre)School Institutions
of decrease in empathy and in practice itself can
be seen in a kindergarten teacher practice, what
has a certain implication for changing vocational
training programmes.
Next research is searching for answers whether
future kindergarten teacher at the moment of entry
an university have higher level of extraversion,
agreeableness, consciousness, openness to expe-
rience and lower level of neuroticism (Tatalović
Vorkapić & Puljić, 2013).
In a sample of 64 students of the Faculty of
Teacher Education in Rijeka, Study of Early and
Preschool Education, in age of 19-23, personal-
ity traits was examined based on the Five Factor
model. As expected, findings show higher levels
of extraversion, agreeableness, consciousness,
openness to experience and a lower level of
neuroticism at future kindergarten teachers. No
significant relationship of two generations and
age of students with personality traits, which were
expected, were found. The discussion part high-
lights the importance of a kindergarten teacher in
his/her educational work and general environment
that he/she creates in his/her work with children,
as guidance for further researches.
The relationship of personality traits, satis-
faction with life and professional burn out of
kindergarten teachers was also researched and it
has confirmed previous findings about personality
traits (Tatalović Vorkapić & Lončarić, 2013). In
a sample of 295 kindergarten teachers (4 male)
from all over Croatia, with the mean age of 37,
the results show a significant direct influence of
extraversion and neuroticism on satisfaction with
life, what has confirmed former researches. Except
direct effects, extraversion has an indirect posi-
tive effect on satisfaction with life, mediated by
reduced emotional exhaustion, while neuroticism
has an indirect negative effect on satisfaction with
life mediated by increased emotional exhaustion
and perception of reduced personal achievement.
The next research (Tatalović Vorkapić et al.,
2014) consists of a sample of 85 kindergarten
teachers with the mean age of 31 (ranged from
21-49), mean of 6 year work time, show that 25
participants have phlegmatic (lower extraversion
and neuroticism), 18 melancholic (lower extraver-
sion and higher neuroticism), 23 sanguine (higher
extraversion and lower neuroticism) and 19 have
choleric characteristics (higher extraversion and
neuroticism) according to Eysencks temperament
types. As assumed, findings show the greatest
number of lower level with neuroticism (phleg-
matic and sanguine). In relation to age, phlegmatic
kindergarten teacher are the oldest, and choleric
the youngest.
If we compare the results of kindergarten
teachers and findings in personality traits of
school teachers, the significant difference is the
level of neuroticism. Although the expectations
of personality traits for kindergarten and school
teachers are the same, the findings indicate a
higher level of neuroticism with school teach-
ers (Arif, Rashid, Tahira, & Akhter, 2012) and
a higher level of vulnerability to stress and burn
out (Brkić & Rijavec, 2011). To explain this
phenomenon, a further research should be held,
yet some suggestions could already be given. The
first one is about different responsibilities at work
between preschool and school teacher. The assess-
ment and evaluation of children’s work system is
present just in school, not in kindergartens, and
it represents a huge additional working burden
for school teachers. Secondly, in kindergarten
groups the responsibility is divided between two
kindergarten teachers, which is not the case in
schools where one teacher is responsible for the
whole class. Another aspect that should also be
taken into consideration, is the fact that kinder-
garten teachers are much more involved in physi-
cal activities (systematically or not) than school
teachers. It is known that persons who intensively
do sport activities have significant lower level of
neuroticism, different from those who do not do
any (Han, Kim, Lee, Bae, Bae, Kim, Sim, Sung
& Lyoo, 2006; Trninić, Barančić & Nazor, 2008).
All these implications of personality traits
discussed here can be considered in a light of
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Hidden Curriculum Determinants in (Pre)School Institutions
hidden curriculum and its constitutive part, where
the personality of a (pre)school teacher has enor-
mous significance in every day institutional life
of a child.
3. Interactive and Communicative
Aspect of the Upbringing
Process and the Role of
Empathy: Multidimensional
Observing of Empathy
Rinaldi (2002) claims that teachers’ values deter-
mine the culture of an institution. She describes
that values represent a point of reference of our
judgments and behavior on which we establish
(or do not establish) our connection within a
social referential group. Valli & Hawley (2002)
explain that teachers’ knowledge and opinions
“filter” their knowledge, and based on values,
opinions and attitudes one cannot influence them
in traditional educational ways and trainings, e.g.
lectures or workshops where teachers want to be
taught how “should they do their jobs”. For that
reason, the focus of professional development of
kindergarten and school teachers in a learning or-
ganization is creating preconditions where teacher
can articulate and explore values and opinions
of his own (Stoll & Fink, 2000; Slunjski, 2006).
The above mentioned refers to an environment
in which kindergarten and school teachers are
important not just for the children, but for the
adults as well because adults and children are a
part of a learning organization. Preschool children
teaching is a result of an interaction between
children experiences with materials, ideas and
people, so we can say that a child is developing,
creating, constructing (and not just adopting from
adults) their own knowledge through their activi-
ties and experiences, with the help of parents and
kindergarten teacher (Slunjski, 2001). There is a
strong connection between social and cognitive
development: for instance, cognitive conflict can
lead to changes in a cognitive but also in a social
aspect of a child’s development. Many children’s
228

actions can be understood as their answer to the
social environment. They do not take their experi-
ence passively, but they interpret and establish it,
most commonly in a process of mutual interaction
with other children and adults. Learning is also a
social process based on a cooperative construc-
tion of knowledge, which means that child’s
knowledge is built in a social interaction (ibid,
p.49), and on an unconscious level as implicit
learning. Recent publications emphasize interac-
tive and communicative aspect of an educational
process, and according to that aspect, upbringing
takes place in mutual relations, and mutual rela-
tions are the element on which the efficiency of
upbringing depends. The role of kindergarten and
school teachers is especially highlighted in mutual
relations and communication between children,
pupils, kindergarten and school teachers, as well
as their ability to empathize, understand, and
share with others, children and parents (Lepičnik
Vodopivec, 2004).
According to Apple (1992), who studied the
hidden curriculum in American kindergartens,
hidden curriculum is extremely important as it
helps the children to learn habits within first few
months in kindergarten. Another significant role
is that of kindergarten teachers, represented by
their characteristics and certain skills, yet the
most important is the communication compe-
tence. Recent publications emphasize interactive
and communicative aspect of the educational
process, and according to that aspect, upbringing
takes place in mutual relations, it is based on a
creative participation, and depends on interaction
and communication between pupils and teachers
(Bratanić, 1991), and kindergarten/school teach-
ers personality traits (as described in previous
subheading). Reardon (1998) emphasizes the
ability of empathy as an important part of com-
munication competence. The results of empathy
research in an education process (Bratanić, 2001)
show that one can influence abilities for empathy
development in children and pupils by intentional
activities of kindergarten and school teachers.

Hidden Curriculum Determinants in (Pre)School Institutions
Empathic kindergarten and school teachers affect
the empathy development in kindergarten children
(Lepičnik Vodopivec, 2004) and pupils in schools,
especially those who can identify themselves with
children’s position, accept them for who they are,
and create everyday situations where children can
pursue respect toward their environment through
personal experiences.
Miljak (1996) claims that in hidden curricu-
lum, except for attitudes, opinions and values,
empathy is considered as a personality of every
individual, and all of that constitutes implicit
pedagogy. Research that sets off the importance
of implicit pedagogy, or in other words, individual
(private) teacher’s theory (Petrović Sočo, 2009),
show that with changing implicit pedagogy of a
teacher, the culture of an institution changes too.
The author emphasizes socio-educational dimen-
sion for achieving quality that will have an impact
on education and development of young children.
In a three year research, where ethnographic and
action approach were combined, three kindergar-
ten institutions participated. More understanding
and satisfying of developmental and individual
children’s needs were in institutions where the
most intensive changes of implicit pedagogues
of kindergarten teacher occurred. In a construc-
tively conceived learning environment, the role
of a kindergarten teacher and his/her activities
are based on child’s activities, so the role can be
defined as a fine adjustment with children’s ac-
tivities, based on an attentive observing (Slunjski,
2001). Devries & Kohlberg (1987) highlight the
importance of good psychological education for
kindergarten teachers, necessary for understanding
and valuation of spontaneous child activities, thus
these kind of activities would not be perceived as
“waste of time”. Furthermore, that knowledge is
necessary not just for the activity organization and
child’s thinking stimulation, but also for develop-
ing egalitarian and partner relations with children.
Thus, it can be said that a child constructs its own
knowledge, gives its own meanings to his experi-
ence in physical and social environment; that all
should be implied in the kindergarten teacher’s
role in a child’s learning process.
An empathic kindergarten teacher is compe-
tent to detect and discover children’s feelings,
emotional-motivational factors of their behavior,
choose suitable educational facilities and methods
and adjust communication to every child (Lepičnik
Vodopivec, 2004), as it is with school teacher.
Hoffman (1987) claims that empathy has a great
role in a process of establishing a relation with self
and others. Lepičnik Vodopivec (2004) implies in
her research work that kindergarten teachers have
developed ability to accurately realize children
experience in different environments. Kindergar-
ten teachers with their empathy, their calmness
and social trust influence creating satisfactory
emotional conditions in an educational process in
kindergartens. The results show that kindergarten
teachers are distinctively restrained from open-
ness to new information, which is explained by a
long-term behavioristic concept in kindergartens.
According to the fact that empathy is an im-
portant component of social cognition, which is
tightly connected to knowledge, it can be assumed
that empathic kindergarten teachers encourage
empathy development and empathic knowledge
(knowledge that is holistic, participating, synergic,
responsible for the present and future time, knowl-
edge that respects life, diversity and nonviolence
and stimulates quality of life) in children, and
Rifkin (1986) claims it has an extremely impor-
tant role in a process of development of critical
thought in children. Empathy consists of cogni-
tive and emotional component and they make an
interdependent system where one affects the other
and vice versa (Deutsh & Madle, 1975; Hoffman
1977; Feshbach 1976, all to Davis 1980, 1983a,
1983b, as cited in Tatalović 1997). Therefore,
emotional and cognitive components interact in
a process of empathy, so in this segment we can
also see the role of implicit learning. With regard
to complexity of cognitive processes and emotional
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Hidden Curriculum Determinants in (Pre)School Institutions
reactions in an empathy process, empathy is a
more multidimensional construct which represents
constellation of many aspects. Some of the aspects
refer to taking over the perspective and some to
abilities of emotional reactions in emotional com-
munication (Riggio, Tucker & Coffaro, as cited
in Pokrajac-Bulian & Tatalović, 2001). The most
famous multidimensional approach of empathy
was Mark H. Davis’ approach from 1980.
4. Hidden Curriculum and Space:
Importance of ‘Educationality’
of Space and (Pre)School
Teacher’s Attitudes About
Space Characteristics
Discussion of hidden curriculum revolves on
everyday use of our surroundings, in a physical
sense: buildings, kindergartens, schools, architec-
ture. According to many authors from educational
and architecture field, the space is actually a
characteristic that should be considered the same
as the essence of kindergartens and schools. Barši
(1996) uses a Japanese example for illustration
of importance of space, education method called
tsutaeai:
… tsutaeai does not just describe relations
among children and their teachers, but relations
of children and things like space, material, de-
tails, ornaments. Therefore, relation of life and
architecture is an important element of tsutaeai
education, and a building which is rich in its
message is called tsutaeai . (Maruyama, as cited
in Barši 1996, p. 191)
Recent publications refer that except for
what children learn in kindergarten and school,
important questions are “What is good thinking
space?” (Dolar Bahovec, 2012), “Where should I
sit?” (Sudec, 2012), they address the problem of
co-creational relation of learning and school and
school’s environment architecture, as for kinder-
gartens too. Nicholson (2005) claims that we can
230

find school, its environment, furniture, decoration
as a “third teacher”, and exactly the same name is
used in the developed and world famous Reggio
conception where the space is extremely important
(Edwards, Gandini, & Forman, 1998). The Reggio
conception finds a child competent, intelligent,
curious, creative and moreover, a social being.
That is the reason for one of the most important
tasks of Reggio teacher, to create rich environ-
ment surroundings which promote autonomy of
child activities and encourage them for different
research activities. A special attention is given to
the creation of space conditions for socializing
and communication of children and to continuous
development of their miscellaneous expressive
modalities (“hundred languages of children”)
by which they can symbolically represent their
knowledge, ideas and feelings (Forman, 1998;
Goldhaber, Smith & Sortino, 1997; Gandini,
1998). Taylor (2009) finds school environment to
be “three-dimensional work book” and a part of
hidden curriculum that enables different learning
experiences, positive or negative. The same is
with the kindergarten environment. For children,
the kindergarten is a place which they experience
as a home so it should represent a pleasant not a
stressful environment. It depends on a lot of factors,
not just the kindergarten as a building from the
inside and outside but kindergarten environment,
space organization, inner and outdoor settlement
(Barši, 1996; Miljak & Vujičić 2000, 2002; Miljak,
2009). These authors show how they think about
particular kindergarten and school institutions,
but that can be applied to every educational in-
stitution. For early child experiences it is specific
that there is time for building the child’s world.
In that time, child experiences kindergarten as
“unique and the only one in the world-like one
home, one mother and one father” (Barši, 1996,
p. 200). These grounds assure safety that cannot
be replaced later (ibid.). Gandini (1998) describes
school classrooms and says that they should look
like kind of studios, different space dimensions
including central space for gatherings, working

Hidden Curriculum Determinants in (Pre)School Institutions
spaces for cooperative learning groups of differ-
ent sizes and private spaces where children can
think and work independently or individually with
a teacher or another child. Greenman (Gandini,
1998) links space and personal experiences: space
that surrounds us affects the way we feel, think
and behave, has an extremely strong influence.
As all we do, space environment can make it
easier or harder.
According to Cencič and Dolar Bahovec (2012)
in an editorial of “Contemporary pedagogy”,
which is thematically dedicated to architecture
and (hidden) messages of the school space, they
say that aspects of teaching and learning highlight
that learning is realized in different ways, in dif-
ferent cities and places and different periods so it
is necessary that kindergarten and school environ-
ment stimulate learning, their learning out of their
classroom groups, for instance in hallways and
kindergarten and school environments, adding that
outdoor space is also a constituent part of learn-
ing. The histories of science, art and philosophy
have shown the importance of space for opinion
itself and that space conditions are actually very
diverse. Authors add that space where the educa-
tion process is performed is an additional factor of
teaching because young people absorb symbolic
messages from school building and its surround-
ing. If teaching is a communication process and
space an additional factor of teaching, then the
school space is in interaction with all its users.
Nicholson (2009, p.45) says that school space is
sending numerous messages about what is impor-
tant and what is not. He also claims that school
space reflects what and how pupils learn and how
they are being taught. In philosophical reflections
about space, thinking and learning in kindergarten
and school, it turns out that space is an element
and an inherent part of curriculum itself of every
educational institution, and not an extern factor
which could be taken into consideration later. The
space is also a part of the hidden curriculum; it is
right there and for that reason we hardly observe
it and change it (Bregar Golobič, 2012).
Šuklje Erjavec (2012, pp. 163-164) emphasizes
that poorly arranged and unattended outdoor
spaces send out completely different messages
and co-create completely different relations than
arranged and equipped spaces. Therefore, it is
important to know what behaviors, customs and
expectations children learn in kindergarten and
school. Day & Midbjer (2007, as cited in Cencič
2012) claim that space messages are not just
visual but school (as well as the kindergarten)
sends messages with its smell, school bell..., and
all of it influences on feelings, values, relations,
cognition etc. All buildings and spaces teach us,
but there are just few of them that were planned
with that purpose. The mentioned authors conclude
that school environment and school space “teach
us in silence and all the time”.
Cencič (2012) emphasizes that in the context of
creation more a simulative learning environment,
active learning is significant, which includes learn-
ing through work and interaction, and develops
different cognitive and social aspects in children,
their feelings, aesthetics and physical development
(Ciaccio, 2004). In other words, it is a holistic de-
velopment because it includes cognitive, conative
and psychometric dimension of learning. Thereby,
school playgrounds are not only purposed for mo-
tion and physical development but for active learn-
ing and for research, because they are a component
of kindergarten and school environments (Moore,
2006). In another research, findings suggest great
influence of school space on feelings and health
of pupils and teachers and on learning results. For
instance, a modest learning environment makes it
difficult for teachers to teach and pupils to learn
(Barret & Zhang, 2009). These authors represent
results which confirm relationship of pupils’
health and learning. For example, pupils are less
sick and have better learning results in an appro-
priate or eco schools. Stimulative school space
has important and positive role in teaching and
learning and affects on better pupils’ results and
better teachers’ work. Woolner (2010) adds that in
inappropriate school space, employees and pupils
231

Hidden Curriculum Determinants in (Pre)School Institutions
feel less effective and less motivated, and aim to
be more absent from school, they behave worse
and have lower learning success. The following
findings (LPA, as cited in Cencič, 2012) show
that learning results improved 10 to 21 percent in
school spaces which had natural light, good natu-
ral ventilation and pleasant view in comparison
to results of pupils in classrooms with minimal
nature light and other less pleasant conditions.
The size of school, classes and special spaces or
corners in classrooms positively affected on pupils’
success (Moore & Leckney, as cited in Cencič,
2012). Results also show that teachers as well as
pupils become aware of physical environment and
realize its weaknesses, that school environment
affects the moral of pupils and employees, their
attention and as mentioned before, the learning
results (Woolner, 2010).
In a research of elementary school teacher at-
titudes about the school space, there was a sample
of 36 elementary schools and 251 educational
workers (Cencič, 2012), the goal was to find out
what kind of attitudes elementary school teach-
ers have about relationship of schools space and
learning, ecology of school space and how do
teachers value connection of school space and
environment. The results show that teachers agree
with the claim that school should be connected
with the local community, but do not agree that
school playgrounds should be open for other users.
Teachers from the rural area agree with that more
than the urban area teachers. Moreover, teachers
from the rural area were more in favor of having
a small school garden, which shows that they
are more supportive of the idea of connecting
the school with the environment than urban area
teachers. Slunjski (2006) shows how by creating
space and material conditions the learning orga-
nization produces and co-creates kindergarten
curriculum. We will expand this claim and say it
can be applied to other educational institutions,
not just the ones who follow kindergarten cur-
riculum. Many authors (Brown, 2001; Desforges,
2001; Wilson, 1996) highlight the connection
232

of learning environment and the depth, quality
of learning. Desforges (2001) says that learning
is especially sensible for environment, Brown
(2001) says that learning is a complex process and
strongly influenced by environment and Jelavić
(1995) says that learning is an act of creation of
personal experience most sensible to condition
of place. Organization of space and material
equipment of educational institution is also a very
important condition for quality learning of pupils
(Cohen, Manion & Morrison, 1996; Kinstler &
Gamble, 2001; Kyriacou, 2001). For Kinstler &
Gamble (2001), the quality of physical environ-
ment and material equipment of institution are
the most important organizational preconditions
of pupils’ learning because it strongly determi-
nates nature of learning. Rosenholtz (as cited in
Prosser, 1999) says that the physical environment
has potential to empower the learning process but
also to impoverish it. Kerry & Tollitt (as cited in
Cohen, Manion & Morrison, 1996, p. 162) find
space “essential origin of learning”, especially in
learning of small children where they come close
to Kroflič (2001) and his hidden curriculum pos-
tulate: greater meaning for younger children. For
that reason, one of the basic parts of kindergarten
and school teachers in a learning organization
is designing of space-material environment for
learning which also refers to the child learning
support. Space organization essentially deter-
minates, among other things, quality of social
interactions between pupils, as pupils with teach-
ers. In a learning organization, structure – space
organization is focused on stimulating contacts,
communication and interaction (Slunjski, 2006,
pp. 76-77). The author adds that the stimulating
material itself without abilities to communicate
and discussions with other children could lead to
education of the so called Piaget child (Dahlberg
et al. 1999), from which it is expected to create
its own isolated knowledge, out of social context.
Important criteria for space quality of educational
institution are also communication abilities or
social interactions of children (Bredekamp &

Hidden Curriculum Determinants in (Pre)School Institutions
Rosegrant, 1992; Gandini, 1998; Malaguzzi,
1998). Gandini (1998) emphasizes that one of
the ground criteria of space environment is the
strength of space in which it stimulates contacts,
communication and mutual relation among chil-
dren. Space organization highly reflects the image
of a certain teacher about a child, its beliefs and
attitudes about children and process of their learn-
ing, as following authors claim: space for learning
in classroom usually reflects teacher’s attitudes
about what and how children learn (Tann, 2001).
Hendrick (1986) also connects organization and
space equipment with educational philosophy of a
teacher: in planning a space environment, teachers
should always reconsider basic educational goals
which they find important and which they aim, in
order for their educational philosophy to become
alive. Space design and material conditions for
children’s education and learning in educational
institutions can represent material objectification
of certain educational philosophy of the institution,
as can be seen in some, so called alternative edu-
cational concepts (Slunjski, 2006). One example
is the Montessori educational concept, built on
Maria Montessori principles (Seitz & Hallwachs,
1997; Spodek & Saracho, 1991; Kamenov, 1987)
that is based on special learning materials she
developed in order to fulfill five basic requests
(more in Kamenov, 1987). Quality and encour-
aging space environment also supports adults
learning in an educational institution, having in
mind more chances of observing and investigat-
ing children in more diverse activities and situa-
tions than these activities in poor environments
(Slunjski, 2006). Senge et al. (2003) illustrates:
until people do not turn their work spaces into
learning spaces, learning will always remain just
a good idea – brief, but not central. One can say
that the space-material stimulating environment
is a base for mutual, continuous learning of adults
and children at the same time.
CONCLUSION
All this constitutes a learning organization, which
is alive, changing and valued and includes a con-
tinuous learning process for children and adults
and encourages ‘the feeling of open possibili-
ties’ (Bruner, 2000, p. 55). The phenomenon of
the hidden curriculum described in this paper
contributes to emphasize neglecting importance
of interdependence of changing the culture and
structure of educational organizations. It includes
implicit learning, learning out of structural dimen-
sions of institutions whereby generally are thought
as its space, material equipment, time structuring
activities for children, educators and teachers, and
all other organizational issues. The term ‘culture’
usually considers values, attitudes, norms and
expectations of kindergarten and school teachers.
In this work we can see how its importance is
hidden and implicit because it is always in front
of us; it is hard to see and is equally difficult to
change, such as describing the appearance of the
hidden curriculum (Bregar Golobič, 2012). Yet
further research of implicit learning and hidden
curriculum is necessary in order to observe how
the common vision of children, kindergarten and
school teachers might change and modernize, so
that each participant in the educational process
facilitates the opportunities for learning and well-
being considering their learning needs in each
space and each learning community they are in.
FUTURE TRENDS
The empirical and the theoretical findings show
that it is evident that we should create a set of
researches in the field of teachers’ personality
traits, as it has so far been done systematically
for teachers, so there would be a real space for
comparison. Based on the results of these com-
233

Hidden Curriculum Determinants in (Pre)School Institutions
parisons, a new draft of the research could be
created and be focused on the analysis of the
differences and the creation of guidelines for
changes of academic programs, and selection
ways of candidates’ admission to the Teacher
Education Studies. Furthermore, given the current
and anticipated personality of kindergarten and
school teachers, it could be empirically examined
what exactly occurs through the implicit learning
within the educational process, and in what ways
to effectively improve the quality of learning
outcomes that affect the hidden curriculum and
implicit learning that takes place under hidden
curriculum to be positive. A certain number of
studies have examined the hidden curriculum,
and implicit learning in certain groups of students
(Lempp & Seale, 2004; Ozolins, Hall & Peterson,
2008; Barani, Azma, Seyyedrezai, 2011) but on
a scientific level none of them directly questions
the relationship between personality traits, em-
pathy, spatial features and attitudes toward space
(teachers and/or children) and implicit learning,
which ought to be studied in the future. In addi-
tion, there are research chalanges for empathy of
kindergarten and school teachers which affects
the learning environment, as well as a research
on spatial messages solutions in which learning
takes place, including attitudes of kindergarten
and school teachers toward the space features.
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242

KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS
Big Five Model: Is a model of personality
that describes it by five broad domains or dimen-
sions: openness, conscientiousness, extraversion,
agreeableness, and neuroticism.
Davis’ Multidimensional Model of Em-
pathy: Is four-dimensional model for empathy,
consisted of perspective taking, personal distress,
fantasy and empathic concern.
Empathy: Is ability for identifying and un-
derstanding other people’s problems, situations
and feelings.
Eysenck’s Personality Model: Is a model
of personality types which examines conative
aspects, emotions, cognitive behaviour, and body
configuration; which in turn shapes personality
traits: extraversion/introversion, emotional stabil-
ity/neuroticism and psychoticism.
Hidden Curriculum: Is all everyday present
routines and micro phenomenon’s in educational
work with children, from the way the kindergarten/
school teacher forms environment for learning to
his own values, opinions, attitudes, personality
which he brings in his professional work.
Implicit Learning: Is process where we be-
come sensitive for certain rules in environment,
but with highlighted intention absence for learning
and absence of willing to actually learn, that all
together results with kind of knowledge that is
hard to express and articulate.
Personality: Is a specific combination of
emotional, attitudinal, and behavioral response
patterns of an individual.
Temperament: Is the set of relatively stable
characteristics of an individual, rather biologically
determined which manifest in formal aspects of
reactions resulted (in this case) from the com-
bination of Eysenck’s basic personality traits:
extraversion and neuroticism.
 243

Chapter 12
Unraveling a Progressive
Inquiry Script in Persistent
Virtual Worlds:
Theoretical Foundations and Decision
Processes for Constructing a Socio-
Cultural Learning Framework

Nikolaos Pellas
University of the Aegean, Greece

ABSTRACT
The radical utilization of collaborative learning processes in Three-Dimensional (3D) multi-user virtual
worlds has been widely investigated. However, a study to delineate a comprehensive pedagogical model
aimed at facilitating the same productive-argumentative knowledge practices is still lacking. This chapter
presents the most reliable principles of contemporary socio-cognitive learning theories and teaching
models. These socio-cognitive constructs can reinforce the majority of collaborative social-cultural
students’ pursuits and capabilities in the learning process in order to better handle their cohesion or
coordination with other peers in 3D multi-user virtual worlds. Consequently, with the adaptation of the
Progressive Inquiry (PI) teaching model, this chapter proposes a novel framework for the implementa-
tion of this model in online collaborative processes that can be held in 3D multi-user virtual worlds.
Educational implications for a reputable instructional format with the conjunction of the PI model and
further suggestions are also discussed.

INTRODUCTION sources arranged from various electronic forms

is currently well-known today. Many facilitating
The fact that e-learning is one nascent and in- ways, such as the abduction of information or
novative course delivery method for students’ production-based literacy in online services have
access to an abundance of Web-based services and resulted as an ever-continuing wave, supporting

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-4666-6599-6.ch012

Copyright © 2015, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

various educational applications. Students can
gain knowledge from a medium used in order to
be implemented learning process at a distance
(computer, internet, e-learning platforms) which
created in a different theoretical edifice in which
students converged should try to co-exist and co-
construct through their own concepts an innovative
new “knowledge field”. Thus, this dimension has
prompted researchers to determinate collaborative
practices in order to facilitate a more sustainable
future for e-Education.
A growing academic literature body (Trush-
ell, Byrne & Simpson, 2012; Tsai, 2007; Tsai &
Chuang, 2005; Wang & Reeves, 2005; Wang et
al., 2006) has already addressed to the emerging
issues of the online learning with some interesting
principles. These are the following:
• The conformation of users to utilize mul-
timedia and online learning environments.
• The principle of an active learning process
through an educational context. In this ap-
proach, users convoked several teaching
practices based on their active construction
of knowledge for each group according to
their personal needs and demands.
• The principle of cooperativeness can fos-
ter the interaction between students and
the instructor’s facilitating role, in order
to provide the necessary feedback for their
actions. However, considerable care must
be given to the “space” or the “environ-
ment” which should allow the positive in-
terdependence, responsibility and use of
students’ (e-)skills to be solved problem-
based learning situations.
• The principle of propagation and equal op-
portunities for all students through a het-
erogeneous group.
• The recognition of each student’s person-
ality, as a unique entity and personality
for his/her participation in collaborative
activities.
244

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
• The assumption that every student as a
member of the community that has differ-
ent ways of approaching the knowledge
should also be considered as an important
reason for the featuring familiarization
with the environment.
• The balance between different approaches
of knowledge, such as empirical, prescrip-
tive, and self-organized learning.
• The principles of “internal” (user-based)
or “external” (team-based) evaluation
may import the original specification,
for rethinking new packages of innova-
tive educational programs for all levels of
education, aimed at satisfying the princi-
ple of all-round development of students’
personality.
Despite the use of this great innovation from
the vast majority of other media sources, it is
also crucial to decode some parameters for their
effectiveness that include:
• The recognition of a unique self-existence
that pervaded each student.
• The movement of knowledge from the
“traditional” (instructive) approach to a
new one, where team members acting col-
lectively and harmoniously together for a
common purpose.
• The gradual dissociation (fading scaffold-
ing) of experts through active processes
and active supply for the construction of a
situated knowledge field.
• The distribution of projects and construc-
tive applications standards of learning
through the collaborative exchange of
knowledge and users’ experiences that is
necessary for the implementation of a suc-
cessful program.
Nowadays, the integration of ICT (Information
and Communication Technologies) in the field

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
of Education can actually contribute to learning,
but only when it is used in appropriately well-
designed activities with clearly defined objectives.
Therefore, to be meaningful this approach, several
educational computer applications should be based
explicitly or implicitly on learning theories and
psycho-pedagogical theories that reflect the real
needs of the educational community. On the other
side, the emergence of innovative educational
technologies has caused serious changes in the
present educational system. Computer-supported
collaborative learning (CSCL) has proved to be
as one of the most eligible and reliable contem-
porary approaches that convenes basic principles
of learning progressions between users (instructor
and students), both in electronic (e-)learning en-
vironments and virtual worlds. Especially for the
latter category, the emphasis on co-constructing
substantial social characters with cyber entities
(avatars), in conjunction with performances of new
roles through multiple-communication channels or
the study or the study of utilizing computational
tools, has brought changes in the traditional “status
quo” of e-Education.
The technological infrastructure that supported
at the traditional 2D LMS (Learning Management
Systems) and subsequent developments of their
descendants, i.e. 3D systems are beyond [C-]
VEs ([Collaborative-] Virtual Environments)
that also includes virtual worlds; they seemed to
offer several advantages for a learning process
in blended/online collaborative settings mainly
regards. Virtual worlds have “a natural appearance
of realness” through to an interactive 3D multi-
user “space” or “place,” in which distributed users
may recreate moments of their private life with
their “alter-ego” (avatars).
Creating learning environments in virtual
worlds can provide a different and often success-
ful cognitive achievement of goals or learning
outcomes through reliable properties, because it
can be easily:
• Presenting a macroscopic or microscopic
complexity of virtual “spaces,” “places”
even from a real or root from a fantastic
world.
• Providing multiple versions of reality by
avoiding the accessible learning process
(instructive approach) that privileges the
one-sided dimension of a single reality.
• Accommodating simultaneously experi-
ences, according to the primary description.
• Focusing on the active construction of
knowledge, since each user can provide
the ability to represent knowledge direct-
ly from the system and on the other side,
the system should handle errors (feedback
prompt) or provide the appropriate tools to
solve the problem.
• Supporting the collaboration and interac-
tion between users (spatially distributed or
not) in a common “place” or “space” of ac-
tion, where the storage of information can
be done automatically in order to be reused
the learning material. However, in this case
it is sufficient that the collective form of
work must not overlap the offer from each
person in the group.
• Including a range of authentic or at least
pragmatic activities that resemble those
that made in reality.
Perhaps an important skill acquired by users
during their involvement in 3D technologically-
advanced environments is the upgraded percep-
tions for the accurate decisions, even in a short
period of time. Users in each learning activity
that takes place in a virtual environment amidst
a dipole covered not only for their responses to
the environment, but also to their actions with the
proper or quick decision to solve a problem based
on the stimuli during their performance to gain or
enhance a learning skill (Karim & Sanza, 2013).
In an attempt to better understand the implicit
245

learning consequences, some researchers (Gabett
& Masters, 2011; Jackson & Farrow, 2005) have
tried to discover innovative behavioral models of
visual search which may had a direct correlation to
the learning material that students need to conquer
in the environment.
For Baddeley (2003) implicit learning can be
achieved by the distraction of a secondary stimulus.
During the latent process, it is not involving the
active memory, but allows students to perform
alongside other functions such as decision mak-
ing and c cooperation, if the action created in
social contexts is considered as very important. In
contrast to the manifest process that involves the
active memory, consciously by creating declara-
tive knowledge. With the execution that requires
simultaneous processes and multiple information
sources, the control system is getting overloaded
and can reduce the performance. Other research-
ers (Jackson & Farrow, 2005; Zhang, Patricia de
Pablos & Xu, 2013) have argued that the implicit
practice enables the use of several sources of infor-
mation that help correct and fast decision making,
particularly in situations of fatigue or anxiety.
Previous research efforts (MacMahon & Masters,
2002; Jackson & Farrow, 2005) have shown that
training with implicit way (subconsciously) has a
positive effect on the students’ development and
improvement of their perception or cognitive skills.
Cleeremans and Jimenez (2002) have defined the
implicit learning as the process where humans are
becoming sensitive to certain regularities in the
environment: (a) in the absence of intention to
learn about those regularities, (b) in the absence
of awareness that one is learning, and (c) in such
a way that the resulting knowledge is difficult to
be expressed.
However the research problem which remains
unknown is how educators and scholars find new
methods guiding students to acquire the prospect-
ing information based on collaborative learning
models in order to reach students foster the per-
ceptive understanding of the learning material in
a learning environment. It is very important that
246

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
the definition given that even the recent research
has not been found yet in several outlets to be
developed a theoretical learning framework based
on students’ decisions and foundations and to
empower the cohesion of team-based in a teach-
ing process held in 3D multi-user virtual worlds.
In the present research investigates the decision
making situations in collaborative processes. This
case however, includes two types of learning: (a)
the implicit practice is one in which there is no
declarative knowledge and is not done intention-
ally (Raab, 2003) and (b) the explicit or marked
practice generated when the target is defined by
verbal manner (Perring, 1996) through rules that
describe how “if you do this - then it will become
another” (if - then).
The medley of social, psychological and bio-
logical factors has led the contemporary psycho-
pedagogical research to explore a new field of
scientific approaches and teaching practices re-
garding the redefinition of socio-cognitive frame-
works for adult learners’ participation through the
use of new technologies for the recruitment of
knowledge. Despite the main founders of learning
theories which have placed the phenomenon of
learning in social experiences, responsibilities and
roles of adults in a socio-cultural environment in
relation to current theories that explain learning
with multimedia resources, and probably boundar-
ies or learning situations, until now a framework
that endorses inquiry-based activities and decision
processes is still infrequent. A fundamental prac-
tically-infused implication is the understanding
of theoretical foundations and decision processes
according to a progressive inquiry model script in
motivation affords educators or scholars an insight
into students’ needs and demands and is a useful
precursor to targeting students and in effectively
fulfilling these needs.
The contribution of this study represents one
of the most expressions initial attempts to better
understand the students’ decisions via a progres-
sive inquiry (PI) script in virtual worlds, and better
inform at least theoretically some understandings

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
based on students’ needs or decisions in a tech-
nologically-advanced multi-user environment.
The added value of this novel framework that is
proposed in this study was focused on its peda-
gogical use in virtual worlds which in their turn
have become even more useful for distance (col-
laborative) learning courses, where the separated
spatially and temporally trainees: (a) working in
groups and co-construct knowledge, (b) coexist-
ing in a common virtual space and interact via
real time or asynchronous communication form,
which often offered (bulletin board, written text,
voice dialing, etc.). During the teaching process
can be achieved more easily the re-organization
of students’ prior knowledge, the revision of
their beliefs and creating new representations.
Essentially the design of these environments
for educational purposes should be based on an
analysis of pedagogical requirements which can
be adopted and implemented to support and may
further cause the enhancement of social interac-
tions among users, and thus a teaching-didactic
framework should be considered at the beginning
of each learning process. Moreover, the frame-
work that can be proposed should successfully
connect pedagogical principles and technologies
that can offer users supporting functions such as
information display, communication, cooperation
and learning.
Based on the preceding discussion, the outline
objectives of this study are:
• To point out affordances from the exist-
ing virtual worlds as candidate platforms
for e-learning processes emphasized to the
exploration, exploitation and transfer of
knowledge in a 3D common virtual place.
• To present the design principles, features,
and collaborative sets of a Progressive
Inquiry (PI) model, relating to construct-
ing a collaborative inquiry-based script for
virtual worlds.
• To identify a set of action strategies, criti-
cal success, and weighty decisions from
users (students and instructors) that must
be taken into account from educational
developers, instructors and scholars for de-
signing, implementing, and enhancing the
proposed innovative models through vir-
tual learning environments.
The core aim of this study is twofold: (a) to
review the recent literature of socio-cognitive
contemporary learning theories and teaching
models, as roots that can be endorsed in a CSCL
script and (b) to articulate a novel methodological
framework according to the Progressive Inquiry
model for 3D multi-user virtual worlds.
BACKGROUND
Contemporary Learning Theories
The selection, presentation and exploration of
contemporary socio-cultural learning theories
are not random in this study. Thus, it was pro-
vided their development from those theories and
models which considered as more necessary for
collaborative activities in modern environments
given the fact that:
• A study, which can adequately clarify the
common components that should be fo-
cused on a contemporary social-cultural
research is still lacking. More specifically,
a socio-cognitive framework considered as
urgent to investigate, formulate and under-
stand users (instructors and students) clear-
ly the organizational-educational contexts
which are needed.
• The theoretical evaluation of digital sourc-
es can lead to the selection of socio-cultur-
al boundaries of learning models that must
be defined or amplified more easily if the
instructors and scholars have known the
basic axes for their utilization.
247

• From the beginning of this study the path
of knowledge that should be followed and
lead to some new data incorporated in the
field of learning which is described exten-
sively. It should not be forgotten that at this
stage it is even more necessary to clarify
a teaching model that may respond to the
learning needs addressing, not only inter-
ests but also students’ problems.
Socio-Cultural Collaborative
Principles via Electronic Sources
The valuable proliferation of collaborative learn-
ing (CL) is characterized with some positive ef-
fects, according to a plethora of researches. This
approach aimed to afford the contributing role of
cooperative learning versus the instructive learn-
ing approach (Dillenbourg, 1999; Hernández-Leo
et al., 2004; Lehtinen, 2003; Strijbos, Martens &
Jochems, 2004). There is growing common con-
sensus among the same researchers for the posi-
tive effect of collaboration in learning; however a
questioning point of view about the mechanisms
and reasons of why this occurs is still infrequent.
According to the above from the review of
the literature, it can be distinguished alternative
approaches for collaborative learning. These are
as follows:
1. Incentive-motivation and social cohesion of
team-based activities.
2. Cognitive approaches, i.e. socio-constructiv-
ist approach (based on the theory of Piaget
and mechanism of cognitive conflict).
3. Socio-cultural approaches as descendants of
learning theories (influenced by Vygotsky’s
theory and approach of the Distributed
Learning theory).
On the other hand, Dillenbourg (1996) have
argued three broods of concepts and mechanisms
which CSCL attempts to interpret the cognitive
progress about the collaborative learning. These
248

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
are impacts, conditions and interactions. Devel-
opments in the field of cognition have led to the
awareness of the social learning nature and im-
portance of the framework for mental activities.
By this extension, the shifted interest both in the
organization of cooperative activities around the
human is knowledge and computer interaction
(Littleton & Light, 1999; Thompson & Lynch,
2004) in collaborative learning settings through
computers was already recognized by scholars (Li
et al. 2011; Wang, 2010). The cognitive theory
stressed the need to design learning environments
that may support the interaction between students
(users) and facilitate the collaborative learning
process (Järvenoja & Järvelä, 2009).
Instead, theories that support CSCL approaches
can be used for the implementation of these courses
transferring the knowledge domain. Moreover,
it’s crucial to observe that the “socio-cognitive
theories,” revolved around to the pole of the “hu-
man” and “cultural considerations of society.” In
general, these theoretical approaches have argued
that the construction of knowledge can take place
in collaborative environments through discussions
that include the creation and understanding of
communication (between users or groups) for the
implementation of learning activities. In socio-
cultural approaches, where it should be given
more emphasis, the basic assumption is that when
a person participated in a social system, then the
“culture” of this system and “cognitive” tools
utilized as for communication forms, operating as
a source of learning and development, not only for
an individual, but also for the team (or the com-
munity). The characteristics of these approaches
summarized as follows:
• The active learning construction contrib-
uted to in-depth understanding.
• The learning progression may take place
in a socio-cognitive place in the context
of autonomous activity, mental and social
support.

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
• The community, in which learning must
help students to disseminate cultures and
practices.
• The conversation (discourse) enabled to
the participation and negotiation among
members of the community.
The combination of social, psychological and
biological factors has led the modern pedagogi-
cal research to explore a new field of scientific
approaches and educational practices related to
the redefinition of learners’ use of contemporary
technologies for the recruitment of knowledge.
Although, main founders of adult learning theories
(Kirschner, Martens, & Strijbos, 2004; Mezirow,
1978; Onrubia & Engel, 2009) have placed the
phenomenon of learning in social experiences,
responsibilities and roles of participants in the
social-cultural environment, or on prior experi-
ences in relation to current theories that explain
learning with multimedia. Nowadays, the integra-
tion of ICT in the field of Education has contributed
to students’ participation, but only when properly
used through well-structured activities with clearly
defined objectives.
The change of the theoretical background
that most innovative learning environments
can replicate has dictated the movement from a
teacher-centered instruction to an exploratory,
independent based on collaborative interactions
among users. Therefore, effective computer-based
educational applications should be based explicitly
or implicitly on theories of learning and psycho-
pedagogical theories that reflect on the real needs
of the educational community (Huang, 2002).
Social Constructivism
With the Social constructivism theory Lev Vy-
gotsky (1896-1934) emphasized to the internal
principles of humans’ thoughts in collaborative
activities and external communications for their
coordination (Rogoff et al., 1995). A human mental
development is an inseparably linked process to
the historical and social dimension in which the
operation occurred and displayed in two several
ways: (a) at the social, and then (b) at the personal
level (Vygotsky, 1978). The core of Vygotsky’s
theoretical construct is that the social interaction
determines a fundamental role in the development
of knowledge. The importance of social factors
and humans’ environments in the development
and direction of learning activities, influenced
and defined the character and evolution, based
on (Daniels, 2001; John-Steiner & Mahn, 1996;
Wertsch, 1985):
• The guided learning process is understand-
able as the construction of knowledge dur-
ing the discussion process, under the in-
structor’s guidance.
• The fading scaffolding is referred as the
main support and assistance of the instruc-
tor to his/her tutors for the construction of
the new knowledge. The instructor in this
case is not one person that simply gives to
the student a rich learning environment,
helping to be growth their self-develop-
ment, but it refers as an active “facilitator”
(mentor) of social and cultural meanings
that negotiates with the student and helps
him/her internalize all that support his/her
socio-cognitive development.
The contribution of Vygotsky’s theory in the
teaching process, have two notable consequences:
• The establishment of circumstances under
the principle of cooperativeness among
groups with different skill levels and socio-
cognitive background.
• The prominent principles of assistance
from the gradual reduction of experienced
people, which are gradually taking more
and more accountability from other stu-
dents, a well-known approach called “fad-
ing scaffolding” learning procedure.
249

Computer-Supported Collaborative
Learning (CSCL) Theory
A more prior version of the social construction
and collaboration for the knowledge acquisition
was the social theory of Stahl (2003) that intro-
duced its own version of social theory issues about
computer-supported collaborative learning, as
users selectively worked in an attempt to be clear
synthesized insights from their ongoing dialogue.
The social theory based on an extensive analysis
of high school students in a learning activity with
simulation software (Stahl, 2012). The proposed
model provides an examination of how social
interactions through concepts, such as tool, status,
performance, intuitive knowledge, perspectives
that can be internalized between users.
This model examines (Stahl, Koschmann, &
Suthers, 2006; Stahl, 2012; Suthers, 2006):
• The sequence of collaborative interactions
among users.
• The reason that knowledge can be shared
and developed in this interactive knowl-
edge field.
• The negotiating meaning of tools and arti-
facts that students utilized.
• These meanings make up a social world
in which users operated to understand the
new knowledge in collaborative settings.
The current model includes issues of epis-
temology, semiotics, hermeneutics and
ontology.
Computer-Supported Collaborative
Learning Approaches
The added value of CSCL may reinforce by social
and cultural changes (i.e. the strong interaction
of people from different cultural traditions for the
production and usability of knowledge) which are
currently experiencing the views and practices of
250

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
social action. The research for personal mean-
ings in modern societies and reflections on what
knowledge can be considered as valid and how
different approaches have greater severity in the
context of each situation, without canceling the
other approaches (Van Aalst, 2006; Van de Vold,
2010) were highlighted with:
1. The importance of the dialogue and negotia-
tion between humans.
2. The epistemological beliefs that partici-
pants in the dialogue must be tolerant to the
multiplicity of interpretations. This change
was not only proclaimed only for skills or
abilities achieved, but also for the identifica-
tion of personal meaning through a learning
procedure.
The CSCL approach refers to some of the
most novel principles for contemporary learning
environments (Bransford, Brown & Cocking,
1999; Wang, 2006) with:
• Emphasizing on the social nature of learn-
ing and knowledge through the co-con-
struction of knowledge.
• Strengthening students’ performance in
these new roles as team members gained
an innovative knowledge domain together.
• Supporting communication and computa-
tional tools or artifacts that facilitate the
learning process sufficiently.
In general, studies that access to the imple-
mentation of this example have demonstrated not
only opportunities but also limitations (Lehtinen
et al, 1999). Specifically, the same students they
distinguished technological, organizational and
pedagogical constraints, for establishing suc-
cessful collaborative environments. A socially
interactive environment in which users can imple-
ment collaborative scenarios, may allow a deeper

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
processing of knowledge through the discussion
with cognitive, meta-cognitive strategies, and with
the expression of emotions.
The conditions for the realization of the above
are aware of the educational function that students
have not only from their prior knowledge, from the
creation of “norms” (i.e. key rules are a manda-
tory requirement for the holder of a position in the
society which are certain rights and obligations
on members’ expectations of a community or a
group and procedures of a classroom’s routine).
Otherwise, the understanding of knowledge is
no longer the center of the class activity, and the
argument degenerates to quote opinions and digital
resources that support the CSCL as “a modern
way of communication between students”. This
premise has been frequently recapitulated to the
empowerment of new students’ roles (Figure 1).
The operation of an order accompanied by the
implementation of multiple team responsibilities,
such as (Tsai, Shen & Tsai, 2011; Tung & Chang,
2007; Turhan, Yaris & Nural, 2005; Twedden
Levinsen, 2007):
Figure 1. The circle of an e-collaboration approach
• Designing collaborative learning activities.
• Modeling practices of knowledge gaits, ac-
cording to participant needs.
• Receiving information, tools and knowl-
edge configuration from the natural or arti-
ficial environment.
• Encouraging the facilitation of knowledge
based on groups’ demands.
• The assessing of the state order and knowl-
edge base established.
• Identifying a moral leadership from the in-
structor or experts.
• Negotiating the new knowledge field by
achieving the triggering event with other
peers.
However, with the anticipated growth and
development of modern environments, which are
more responsive to the demands and needs of users
for collaborative learning, there is a heightened
interest and development of instructional models
which can in nowadays inspire a meaningful
learning procedure.
251

TEACHING MODELS
It is essential as the time passing to understand
the difference between theories of learning and
models for the acquisition of knowledge based
on philosophical theorems, where any depth after
years of research leading to some conclusions.
The models on the other side must:
• Clarify the process of different learning
pathways.
• Underline the effective use that requires a
specialized knowledge from the instructor
in order to implement an organizational-
teaching plan.
• “Prototype” the theory through an ener-
getic gait that should be followed by the in-
structor and students, as it is a continuous
sequence that describes the whole work-
flow of activities.
On the other side, models for the systematic
investigation ratified the epistemological cores
of learning perceptions that refer to the imple-
mentation and teaching level of activities. For the
purposes of this study, it was referred as models,
because these teaching approaches combine learn-
ing theories and teaching practices (Thomas &
Storr, 2005). Meanwhile, Lipponen and Lallimo
(2004) had as a starting point that is difficult to
interpret research results in a CSCL script focused
on successful examples of collaborative learning,
in order to identify common elements between
them. In particular, they focused on developing
knowledge and authentic learning. This analysis
showed the successful use of collaborative tech-
nologies has a common denominator that can
be identified through proper design practices, in
which collaborative technologies used.
Collaborative learning has been a key com-
ponent of contemporaries Information and Com-
munication Technologies (ICT) transactions, but
these were the organic part, being a purveyor of
the service end. Although, the phenomenon of
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Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
learning by using computers and exploring the
area in collaborative learning settings, at least in
the last decade characterized by a series of devel-
opments that have shaped a different landscape
in the area of intelligence. There have been many
others in a theoretical or researching level, such as
(Brown, Collins & Duguid, 1989; Gunawardena,
et al. 2010; Lee & Tan, 2010; Stacey, 2002) who
recognized the following:
• The failure of education systems, which
do not yield the expected results, without
motivating students to participate in team-
based activities.
• Awareness of learning differences, practic-
es inside and outside educational settings,
with parallel activities directly mirrored on
students’ needs and interests.
• Highlighting limitations of the dominant
paradigm for the cognitive science. This
period tended to eliminate data that are
now starting to be associated with socio-
psychological theories, explaining the en-
ergetic situation of students in cooperative
settings.
• The variety of empirical findings on how
the context is interdependent and inextrica-
bly connected with the intellect, highlight-
ing the importance of social interaction on
cognitive development.
• The obvious interest in how people learn
other cultures beyond their social-lin-
guistic, the research and study models of
teaching and learning cultures outside the
Western world (e.g. communities of prac-
tice and studied and translated the work of
Vygotsky in English that led to the renewal
of relevant interest).
The Progressive Inquiry Model
As Van Joolingen, De Jong, and Dimitrakopoulou
(2007) have first noticed that IBL (inquiry-based
learning), can engage learners’ approaches to build

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
their personal approaches offered in an area closer
to the perception and reality. De Jong (2006) has
also alleged that the engagement of students comes
from: orientation, main hypothesis, experimenta-
tion, creating models and theories and last but not
least evaluation. Participation in inquiry-based
activities, include:
1. The critical examination of practices.
2. The development of comprehensive and
relevant to students’ aspects knowledge.
3. The production of a “practical” understand-
ing of what they do and what are finally
trying to achieve.
This model is an extension based on the model
of “knowledge building” that Scardamalia & Be-
reiter (1994) have suggested, but also it enriched
with dynamic and pragmatic (or at least authentic)
dimensions of the scientific investigation. The
same authors have also stressed that schools should
be restructured towards the “knowledge building”
in which students and teachers participated in the
construction of a collective knowledge in research
groups where the object of an activity is a prob-
lem-solving learning tasks. Instructors of Higher
Education, nowadays have an ambitious goal of
introducing students to practice with collaborative
knowledge building in learning communities. As
Hakkarainen and Sintonen (2002) have reported,
the basic idea behind the research is that learn-
ing analogically to the scientific discovery and
formulation of theories can be considered as a
process of working towards a comprehensive and
thorough understanding of an issue (phenomenon,
or problem etc).
The progressive inquiry model which devel-
oped by Muukkonen, Hakkarainen, and Lakkala
(1999), can be a purposeful pedagogical model
for promoting knowledge-building practices in
schools with the support of CSCL. In this notion,
students engaged in a research learning process
by defining problems and proposing theoretical
approaches by information sources and explain re-
cent findings collaboratively. Another background
goal for the evaluated project was to advance
virtual learning practices on all levels in Finnish
schools (Ministry of Education, 1999), and from
this was emerged a need to develop models for
practical applications of technology supported
virtual learning in real school contexts.
Meanwhile, there are few studies considered
a collaborative knowledge building in distance
learning situations. In this study, one aim was
to give students an experience of technology-
supported virtual working. Therefore, challenges
of organizing the learning community in the project
can be compared to the challenges for building
virtual communities in general. Virtual commu-
nities characterized as successful when elements
like sharing goals and resources, students’ active
participation and reciprocal interaction, sense of
belonging, trust in others shared through social
conventions (Preece, 2000). The development of
a networked community requires the management
of the mechanisms that “describe the general
decision-making, responsibility allocating, and
communication methods that will guide the group”
(Schuler, 1996, p. 338).
Students in CSCL may argue that the participa-
tion in virtual learning environments, according
to students’ needs, can create a strong sense of
“presence” in the community (Lakkala, IIomaki,
Lallimo, & Hakkarainen, 2003). Progressive
inquiry consists of a series of individual steps
(Muukkonen, Hakkarainen & Lakkala, 1999;
Lehtinen, 2003): (a) a framework, (b) participation
in research questions, (c) creation of contemporary
theories, (d) critical evaluation of the knowledge’s
promotion, (e) search for new scientific infor-
mation (f) participating in a deeper exploratory
process, and (g) sharing experience and expertise.
This model firstly has been used in Computer
Supported Intentional Learning (CSILE) and
Knowledge Forum (evolution of CSILE), which
includes units (modules) that support the step
progressive investigation that mentioned above
(Rahikainen, Lallimo, & Hakkarainen, 2001).
253

This process of progressive inquiry (Michail,
Teal, & Basta, 2006; Muukkonen Hakkarainen
& Lakkala, 1999) attempts to engage students in
a self-directed inquiry process to:
1. State their initial and often “fuzzy” questions.
2. Produce and work on “theoretical
foundations”.
3. Evaluate and redirect their inquiry process
collaboratively.
4. Generate subordinate research questions.
5. Produce explanations from the whole learn-
ing community.
The facilitating role of the instructor for col-
laborative and inquiry-based learning approaches
is to create the appropriate framework, providing
anchors between the theoretical representations
and the real-life experiences that students report,
and keep the process active and in focus during
the progression of the course.
VIRTUAL WORLDS AND
VIRTUAL ENVIRONMENTS
The virtual reality (VR) is an innovative tech-
nological breakthrough. It has enabled humans
to overcome the traditional way of interacting
with their personal computers (PCs) through
a visually-rich media interface, with a mouse
and keyboard. Moreover, all users enter (“move
through the computer screen”) and navigate to a
three-dimensional (3D), artificially-infused world.
Virtual reality reported as a “ticket to enter in an-
other world” (Pimentel & Teixeira, 1993, p. 45),
or as “an open world where people’s minds are
the only limitation” (Minsky, 1975, p. 211). The
concept of virtual reality is defined through the
user’s experience without limits. Specifically, the
main aspects that bring virtual reality to a simula-
tion environment are (Burdea & Coiffet, 2003):
254

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
1. The (spatial) immersion in an environment
created and endorsed users’ impressions in
a 3D virtual space.
2. The interaction suggested that objects in the
virtual world responding absolutely to users’
actions and influence their participation in
the activity.
3. The sense of imagination to encompass in a
3D virtual place the ability of human’s mind
to compose mental images of situations that
do not exist in reality, but expressed in desires
or goals of a specific subject.
The term “virtual world” should not be con-
fused with the term virtual reality which has a more
general meaning. This term often identified with
the term virtual reality valuable for exploration,
describing in this way all data and processes that
make up a virtual reality system, while in other
cases used to describe the portrayed elements and
objects (dimensional model) of an environment
(Bishop, Gary, Henry, & Fuchs, 1992). Virtual
reality employed primarily to the mechanisms
through which people can interact with com-
puter simulations, but it does not have time zone
schedules or activities. Virtual worlds often con-
sidered as 3D multi-user computer-generated and
persistent environments that avatars can coexist
and communicate with others, but in reality can
be increasingly utilized as powerful platforms
of education and business. Based on broadband
technologies and channeling images (streaming)
from of the company or the administrator’s servers
to the end-user computer (PC).
It is crucial to observe that there is no clear
and strict definition of the term “virtual world”
or “virtual environment,” and so we try to give
below, some of the most prevalent. The term
itself is controversial while this sometimes leads
to misunderstandings and apparently more hours
of philosophical discussions. With the average
“virtual environment”, it is definitely a computer

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
system based on applications of 3D VR technol-
ogy, which simulates in the PC screen a “physical”
space or place, like this in real life and aims to
present a visually interactive and multi-sensory
“world,” which is exclusively for users and influ-
ence their actions in a positive way.
A virtual world (VW) referred as the result
of a virtual environment operational structure,
including the representation of a natural environ-
ment and “variants”. Fantastic placements are
users’ “virtual rooms” freely operated without
restrictions and commitments. This distinction
clearly indicates that virtual world’s rules for
building and interpreting data is supporting the
operation of the “physical” environment as a
computer system. A 3D environment hosted on
a server or even in a form of software, which is
stored on the personal computer’s (PC’s) hard
disk, giving users the real impression that should
be established on a “solid state,” where every-
thing looks and moves normally. Moreover, the
most distinguished contribution that 3D VR lays
is the ease managing for one or more subjects,
even when it involves hazardous or inadequate
processes, which could not be performed in a real
environment. In this context, students learn from
their mistakes, without dangerous effects on their
actions, and they “produce” their own feedback
and reuse it (debugging). Although, in this “real-
ity” that depicts through virtual worlds, we can
distinguish two significant pillars that enroll all
of these characteristics:
1. Social Virtual Worlds (SVWs): In the first
category these virtual worlds have been created
for the communication, both of social media and
social networking friends based on the Web 2.0
transactions. The social aspect and interaction
of a SVW (Second Life, The Sims online, and
WeeWorld) have attracted in the last decade more
cyber entities (avatars), and do not offer to students
a longer isolation in front of a computer screen,
but it has many characteristics of “persistence
co-presence.” This concept refers to the collab-
orative effort, coexistence and common presence
between distributed users in a virtual community
that continues to exist, even after a user exits from
the environment that grew and user-made changes
to its state are-to some extent-permanent. The in-
teractive and social forms of modeling allow and
influence the design of learning activities, in ac-
cordance with the contemporary social-cognitive
theories of learning. The rich social features, offer
to participants the option of digital communica-
tion (via 3D VoIP) and sharing of experiences,
within a 3D multi-user “natural space or place,”
in which the visually- rich graphical user interface
causes a sense of co-construction of knowledge
in a global digital community.
2. Open Source Virtual Worlds (OSVWs): The
polymorphic dimensions of an OSVW (Open
Simulator, Realxtend, Reaction Grid etc.) refer
to the “technocratic nature” depicted through to
its freeware open source server platform. Many
of these worlds are working in a tandem compat-
ibility with other open source also with the Second
Life’s client. An OSVW is written in visual C#
and designed to be easily expanded through the
use of plug-in that operated in two modes: (a)
standalone or (b) grid mode. In standalone mode,
a single process handles the entire simulation.
In grid mode, various aspects of the simulation
separated among multiple processes, which can
exist on different machines. Standalone mode
is simpler to configure, but limited to a smaller
number of users because only one member is also
the administrator of the server-mode. Grid mode
has the potential to scale as the number of users
grows. Approximately, the user is the administra-
tor of the server and creates objects or introduces
new things like textures that are free of charge.
Each user has access to the virtual world created
by the administrator. An OSVW, moreover, uses
an “open-ended” architecture known as “hyper
grid,” allowing users to teleport between multiple
255

“Open Sim-based” virtual worlds by providing
a hyperlinked map which indexes public grids.
This allows multiple links for public grids to
retain teleportation to each other without being
on the same grid.
Virtual Worlds in E-Education
Virtual reality can be described as an exceptionally
powerful tool in education (Hollins & Robbins,
2008). Perhaps the most prestigious educational
dimension of VR is the ability to provide “cy-
berspace” for exploration and not only to allow
students to study, as with a printed book, or
browse as with the supernatant (Coyne, 1994). In
this respect, virtual reality actively promotes the
experiential learning, combined with the experi-
ence virtual environments, in which is varying the
position, scale, density of information, interaction,
response, time and the degree of user’s engage-
ment (Doyle, 2008).
At the conceptual approach the importance of
construction and development of a virtual reality
focused on students’ cognitive, spiritual, social
and emotional situations is urgent (Yamashita,
2006). According to Rovai (2001), instructors
who use interactive teaching methods can pro-
mote interaction and sense of community among
students. According to these dimensions, a virtual
learning environment exploits and highlights the
characteristics of teaching principles following
the theory of social constructivism and the way
for the development of new teaching approaches
and theories. In an attempt to approach more
directly and exactly the separation of social and
open source virtual worlds in e-Education due to
their usage, it is important to keep in mind the
following meanings:
1. Multi-user virtual environments (MUVEs):
In the educational process introduced to check
if firstly can improve activities such as Distance
Learning (Addison & O ‘Hare, 2008). A MUVE
is a popular form of multimedia places, and its
256

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
initial aim was to entertain the users (Normand et
al., 1999). MUVEs designed for the educational
community incorporate learning objects or prob-
lems in a virtual environment or a 3D context
(Jones & Bronack, 2007). Users can explore the
environment and examine situations with 3D visual
objects or artifacts. This environment provides
a-synchronous tools of communication between
users (Schroeder, 2008). Educational MUVEs
designed are to support research for practical
learning and conceptual understanding (Delwiche,
2006). Usually there is not being one right way
of completing this work or solving a problem,
something that makes many teachers reject for
their practices. Various solutions are justified, as
in real life, but some solutions may be better than
others, while great importance of their utilization
moderated on users’ cooperation (Peachy, 2007).
Despite that MUVEs designed solely for
entertainment, on the other side, educational
MUVEs are:
• Creating online learning communities and
initial can also be used for instructors’
professional development (Bull & Kajder,
2004).
• Engaging users in actions on scientific is-
sues by promoting social interaction among
users (Kafai, 2006).
• Providing an easy to use virtual environ-
ment and collaboration between members
in blended settings (Vadillo & Matute,
2009).
• Promoting the scientific research (Clarke,
2006).
2. Collaborative virtual environments (CVEs):
CVEs are 3D learning environments, spatially
distributed, where students work in teams with
exceptional communication tools (e.g. VoIP, chat
text and gestures etc.). CVEs can transform PCs
into three-dimensional navigable and populated
places, supporting collaborative work and social

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
entertainment. These types of worlds have a shared
virtual environment in a server that works as a
virtual machine, where users can participate re-
gardless of age. Research in the area of Epistemol-
ogy; placed the acquisition of knowledge within a
system of interactions among individuals, social
and material context (Curtis & Lawson, 2001). The
acquisition of knowledge does no longer depend
only on stimuli or cognitive processes of users,
by a set of factors is consistent with the interac-
tion of users with his environment (Stenkuehler
& Williams, 2006).
CVEs in these circumstances can become an
area of convergence and implementation of socio-
cognitive learning theories, and developments in
educational technology. The valuation of options
during the learning process revealed through the
social interactions of disparate and anonymous
teammates, both in the world, and beyond its
limits. Some studies measured on students’ cog-
nitive performance (Adams, 2010; Chi, Slotta,
& de Leeuw, 1994; Stahl, 2001; Vamvakoussi
&Vosniadou, 2004) have suggested that learning
requires the reorganization of prior knowledge,
the revision of old beliefs and reconstruction of
new representations. The additional investigations
lead to the development of computer visualization
learning environments, intelligent virtual reality
micro-worlds.
For the situation awareness, it must be con-
stantly updated on changes in the environment
(Heath & Luff, 1996). The awareness is the situa-
tion’s knowledge which is arising from exploration
and interaction of students with the environment
(Dourish & Bellotti, 1992). The awareness of a
situation as a secondary objective is crucial to
complete the learning goal. Just briefly, users need
to know what happens (Dede, 2005) by:
• Supporting the dialogue and communica-
tion (negotiation and co-ordination): the
necessary transfer of information is essen-
tial to support cooperation and has to do
with a goal and strengthen achievements
through social activities that support the
ongoing collaboration between users, in
order to succeed a goal.
• Providing flexibility and support multi-
ple views of learning (formal or informal
viewpoints) that referred to the provision
of different aspects of the target or opin-
ions that adapted to serve users’ needs of
users with different roles (Greenhalgh &
Benford, 1995b).
However, a CVE that supports these factors
is a demanding task. The main factors contribut-
ing to this problem presented from Gutwin and
Greenberg (2001), and these are:
• A CVE can reproduce only a part of the
perceptual information available in a “real”
environment.
• The potential interaction in a CVE limited
by the physical workplace, and often, of
the supplied information in a natural envi-
ronment which is may not be available in
a CVE.
Collaboration in a CVE is also necessary to be
aware of situations in a public workplace, aiming to
achieve the objective. Students should try to solve
problems that arose from everyday experience. In
addition, collaborative environments designed to
provide flexible issues and possibilities of users’
representations. The strategy focuses on depth
rather than to cover all the material in depth.
The CVE facilitates meta-cognitive awareness
by allowing students to express their comments
and representations of knowledge about an object
and then compare it with others (Dexter & Riedel,
2003). Students made aware of what they know
and what to learn. Meanwhile, the variety and
information can offer solutions to synchronous
complex problems from different perspectives
(Wilson & Harris, 2004).
257

Utilizing Learning Theories
with Virtual Worlds
Constructivist learning approaches, such as prob-
lem-based or collaborative design-based scripts
or scenarios (Koutsabasis, Vosinakis, Malisova,
& Paparounas, 2012; Pellas & Kazanidis, 2013)
can initially be utilized in virtual worlds, allow-
ing the implementation of experiential learning
procedures. There are appeared some other stud-
ies that have used learning models. Vasileiou
and Paraskeva (2010) have used the cognitive
apprenticeship model based on Situated Learn-
ing theory (Collins et al., 1989; Järvelä, 1995)
as an instructional model for teaching students
in collaborative practices to deal with realistic,
complex, and daily learning tasks. By developing
learning scenarios that involve team-based activi-
ties, instructors can help learners to benefit from
the strengths or interests of other team members
and ultimately develop their own skills in order
to feel more confident (Cram, Hedberg, Gosper
& Dick, 2011).
Benvenuti et al. (2008) have argued that ca-
pabilities of 3D virtual worlds beyond the con-
structive approach that can make each of these
environments useful for education and research,
to persuade some others as well as aspects that
do not. The same researchers have also found that
students’ engagement in Professional Education
through virtual worlds with constructivist courses
was promising, in terms of their real-life experi-
ence. Santos (2011) has framed for a situated
perspective with the utilization of virtual worlds
in education, something that Hayes (2006) has
already proposed through Second Life for adult
education. In another significant approach, Fal-
coner (2012) has measured the ethical and practi-
cal barriers that inherited in real-world exercises
through virtual worlds and situated learning theory
with positive aspects.
Jestice and Kahai (2010) suggested that 3D
worlds can offer unique experiences according
to learning theories, but pointed out that it is
258

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
crucial where the learning takes place in context
and applied learning should be active through this
experience. For Jarmon, Traphagan, Mayrath, and
Trivedi (2009), students learned in Second Life,
and as a result it was proclaimed that can be an
effective environment for a project-based experi-
ential learning approach, because the connection
between the real and the virtual world offering to
users tangible experiences.
As it was noticed above, a growing literature
body has already identified contemporary innova-
tions of various learning theories and practices,
with emphasis on problem-based learning, col-
laborative designing, experimental, experiential,
and especially constructivist approaches. The
prevalence and convergence of the Contemporary
theories can make the learning procedure valu-
able for the elicitation of new knowledge through
virtual worlds.
The Justification for Choosing
the Progressive Inquiry Model
The Progressive Inquiry (PI) model can provide
to the educational research a prominent “context”
in which students engaged and discovered the new
knowledge. The components of this “action-based
framework” includes the potential relationships
between knowledge, values and management prac-
tices that lead to the social, cognitive and emotional
development, which has widely emphasized by the
theorists of Cognitive Psychology. The framework
that described earlier, requiring the construction
of new analysis tools and modeling interactions
and includes four components:
1. The criteria for determining the status of
an individual or collaborative activity (in-
dividual or collective division of labor).
2. The interactions occurred among users
(negotiation cognitive resources, etc.).
3. The performed procedures, such as the
construction of a conceptual model, the
foundation and concepts.

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
4. The effect of the activity in the learning
process, (i.e. the cognitive outcome). A main
thing is to understand that the relationship
between these axes, whereas a state that
determines causes or different patterns of
individualism and cooperation can trigger
students’ cognitive mechanisms and produce
the anticipated learning outcomes.
Summarizing the above that it is vital to iden-
tify all those additional parameters (at least those
which can be associated with the past or the current
theories and formalities principles, regarding the
cognitive process under certain conditions) that
have neither been taken into account at all, nor
been adequately addressed with positive learning
outcomes. Indicative examples of this growing
concern, Hakkarainen, Palonen, Paavola, and
Lehtinen (2004) have believed that one of the
main dilemmas for the future is whether it can
be accepted the theoretical variety, diversity and
the need for integration and synthesis. It should
be also noted that despite the problems with the
composition of previous research results (Rahi-
kainen, Jarvela, & Salovaara, 2000; Rahikainen,
Lallimo, & Hakkarainen, 2001) and the theoretical
diversity, the example of collaborative learning
with computer support is a substantial improve-
ment over the earlier examples. Specifically, some
elements of this approach, including:
1. The emphasis on the meaning and develop-
ment of a distributed work.
2. The focus on social interaction and com-
munication between users’ via artifacts and
visual tools.
3. The analysis tools and mediated nature of
cognition.
4. The description as a model that shows the dis-
tributed knowledge-based CSCL approach.
5. The technocratic and parallel the socio-
cultural infrastructure that encompasses.
A Rationale to Transfer the
Knowledge in Virtual Worlds
Various applications of a 3D system designed
to assist learning and use the classified different
types of interaction for users, which achieved by
immersing the user in the system with keyboard
and mouse. Many of these applications that men-
tioned above drawing ideas from the distributed
constructionism scattered, while allowing multiple
users to be in a public place and simultaneously
create the same time representation of the object
investigated (Resnick, 1996b).
From 1990 onwards, it seems that the baton
was taken by Koster (2004), where he firstly
introduced the terms of:
1. The “persistence” of an environment (i.e.
a virtual world that continues to exist even
after a user exits from the world and that
user-made changes to its state are, to some
extent, permanent).
2. The concept of “multi-participation,” where
multiple users enter into a public place or
area (3D cyberspace) at the same time with
other cyber entities (avatars).
The element of “persistence” beyond the pres-
ent reference of the symmetric multi-purpose
situation can be achieved by simultaneous and
independent use of various communication chan-
nels. The concept of “persistence” involves efforts
of other users to foster self-organization of a virtual
community, collective action frameworks and co-
responsibility for finding solutions to problems
(Gamor, 2012). The plurality of interactive and
multimedia elements make us describe a virtual
world as an “eco-system”, which based on the
environment that gives the user an environment
action, but also enhances human intuitive and
“kinesthetic” interactive communication and in-
teraction of its members. It should not be denied
259

that most users enter in such worlds, more daring,
friendships, inclusion in community practice,
which in real life if they could do.
However, Hay et al. (2002) have presented a
variety of attempts to exploit the VR applications
in education with a top priority to link learning
and knowledge through:
1. The correlation and exploration concepts or
elements necessary through three-dimen-
sional representations.
2. The standardization or integration of mod-
els can be raised to visualize events or
phenomena.
3. The interaction between student-artifacts
to understand the added debt of beneficial
cooperation in these environments.
Many of these worlds identified as descen-
dants of 2D [A-] LMS ([Asynchronous] Learning
Management Systems), providing to users an
alternative platform with multiple channels of
communication in order to facilitate the acquisition
of knowledge by prototyping and modeling 3D
visual infrastructures like those of the real world.
At this point, we believe it is now imperative to
analyze decision for the use of 2D LMS over that
of the 3D virtual world. Thus, the points that seem
to outweigh the latter category are the following:
• The use of multimedia tools and multi-di-
mensional channels of communication for
users who dispersed either by their physi-
cal space or in the virtual environment.
• The freedom of choice and utilization of
different tailored virtual spaces, according
to users’ needs and demands. This occurs
particularly in the pre-constructed virtual
worlds, where the user has the authority
to define the framework that she/he really
wants.
• Highlighting the dynamic contribution of
each student through an iconic figure, ac-
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Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
quiring a new personality that helps her/
him to overcome fears and anxieties that
might leave him behind in his studies and
involvement.
• Quality of services, as in many cases, users
are starting to get bored with ordinary 2D
applications and treat them as electronic
portfolios. Likewise, the corollary of inter-
activity and social formalization of mod-
eling, allow users to design learning ac-
tivities, in conjunction with contemporary
pedagogical approaches.
• Promotion of the principles governing
the implementation framework of mod-
ern learning theories. As previously men-
tioned, the vast majorities of characteris-
tics that virtual worlds enrolled are quite
encouraging for the active construction of
knowledge and follow the footsteps of the
Papert’s constructivist theory in “micro-
worlds” (Papert, 1980).
Functional Design Features
A plethora of virtual worlds (see Second Life,
Open Simulator, Reaction Grid etc.) are down-
loadable and can be run in front of the computer
screen, regarding the tools and services provided
by each client viewer. Indeed, the tools can be a
formidable ally against the cognitive overload that
affects students, from their precise first steps into
the virtual world. The deciphering is particularly
noteworthy as a wide range of client viewers, in
which users can download and “play” from one
world to another, preserving their features, such as:
• Functional design features for the commu-
nication among users via with synchronous
and asynchronous forms and interactions
among users (3D VoIP, chat text, gestures
IM).
• Functional design features for the virtu-
ally persistent workplace that can enhance

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
students’ awareness, which is beneficial
because includes multiple forms of aware-
ness, and presence in the virtual space.
• Functional design features that promote
educational roles included the facilitating
role of the instructor and on the other the
instructor’s guidance to achieve student’s
specific goals.
• Functional design features to facilitate the
managerial responsibilities of students’
groups. This opportunity refers to the
operation during members’ cooperative
tasks, in combination with activities that
take place in specially designated areas,
such as bulletin boards, boards for sharing
documents and tools that can either exist
from the authority or should be created by
using the supplied programming language
(virtual artifacts).
• Functional design features for custom-
izing the display of multiple or complex
representations of real life, and interactive
systems such as observation or phenom-
ena that have functions similar to those of
reality.
• Functional design features for microscopic
and macroscopic imaging of realistic or at
least pragmatic situations through the mod-
eling and prototyping of virtual artifacts.
Unveiling Several Emerging Issues
The successes of collaborative learning scenarios
depend to a large extent on the possibility of data
processing relating to teamwork, and the achieve-
ment of an efficient model for the implementation
a collaborative activity. This issue focuses to the
attention of many researchers and designers of
collaborative environments (Tynjälä & Häkkinen,
2005). In the literature, however, it was not yet
identified a comprehensive and well-rounded
approach to provide efficient management and
processing activities that take place in a coopera-
tive group activity. A first step from Thurmond
(2003) has involved the use of feedback in online
learning environments with the overall impact on
teamwork and a second proposed active construc-
tion of knowledge in online learning environments
(Tsai, 2008). The lack of theoretical reflection on
the part of the students expressed that they used,
it expressed a lack of awareness and concepts
that allow:
• Watching new phenomena of social inter-
action and learning in the classroom.
• Managing the changes of roles and
responsibilities.
• Monitoring the course by creating new
knowledge courses with different episte-
mological backgrounds.
As a result, the current approach provides a
pedagogical-theoretical framework for establish-
ing a collaborative practice, as well as studying
and analyzing the cooperative behavior of coop-
erative groups. The result of this process allows
a better understanding of the interactions within
the group, and determines the best way to monitor
and evaluate individual and team performances
when users support a collaborative activity. Spe-
cifically for this attempt, this study proposes a
methodological design that guides to the process
of a social-cognitive learning framework (i.e.
instructors and students) throughout the duration.
Providing a well-designed methodology is not
only necessary for individual, but also for team
success that can be achieved at different levels:
team composition, development of collaborative
activity, monitoring, evaluation and support. The
unique design for each of these levels depends on
the learning scenario that takes place.
Factors and Research Interests
Influencing the Choice to
Use Virtual Worlds
Nowadays, it is a common premise that the evo-
lution of the personal computers’ technological
261

power and of course Web-based technologies has
given the opportunity to develop users’ innova-
tive environments both for entertainment and
learning. The new technological infrastructure
to accompany the rapid spread of broadband
networks and its additional developments, such
as Web 2.0 applications (blogs, wikis, and virtual
worlds) and the interactive distributed 3D virtual
environments (3DVEs) have changed far beyond
the traditional methods of e-Education. More-
over, the rapid development of electronic social
networking has changed the “cyberspace” in a
rapidly growing communication system, bringing
various facets of the “networked collectivity.”
The new technological infrastructure that virtual
environments support, can transform the existing
distributed networks, into habitable and navigable
3D virtual locations. Indeed, these collaborative
works in simulated sharing experiences can be
supported by participants with the average age,
showing the emerging relationship between hu-
man and computer communications.
The pedagogical value of 3D environments in
recent years became even more useful for distance
learning courses were segregated spatially and
temporally users are being engaged in cooperative
or collaborative tasks. These sessions are coex-
isting in common virtual spaces and interact via
synchronous or asynchronous communication
formats, which often offered (bulletin board,
written text, dialing voice, etc.). Previous studies
(Duncan, Miller, & Jiang, 2012; Dickey, 2005;
2011; Pellas, 2012; Pellas & Kazanidis, 2013) on
students’ cognitive performance with the utiliza-
tion of virtual worlds have shown that during the
teaching process learners can achieve more easily
the coordination of prior knowledge in order to
revise antecedent beliefs and new representations
of learning in collaborative settings. Even though,
all those findings have shown the need of using
new teaching methods that may be applied in any
innovative learning environment. However, the
262

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
abundance that delighted is difficult to derive a
common pedagogical model, which implement
and incorporate the designing process.
In this view, it is necessary to present innovative
methods that it can be established an evaluation
framework with educational terms for each virtual
environment. Frequently this can recapitulate
the expanded use of ICT in Higher Education in
conjunction with modern pedagogical theories
that emphasized to the inquiry-based learning;
problem-solving or decision-making processes
influenced most strongly across the range of
teaching and learning process and tend to change
the traditional way of (e-) educational practices.
It is necessary to be underlined “the transfer of
knowledge” through virtual environments, in a
contemporary practical-teaching framework for
collaborative e-learning processes, suggesting the
primarily carried out study between distributed
users. They usually employed in a learning activ-
ity or a project, giving a more social interactive
dimension to their experience.
The advantages of cooperation in this effort
focused on conducting effective trainings, acquir-
ing new social skills and intercultural relations,
and finally increasing their self-esteem. It should
be noted that through collaborative interactions
and involvement on users’ cognitive mechanisms
during the learning cycle, there is always some
“warranty” that produced before the learning
outcome.
Within the field of e-Education, this belongs
in this work expresses questions to instructors
and researchers of:
• Which learning trends should be followed
in a CSCL script based on the PI model
held in persistent virtual environments in
order to become more effective for knowl-
edge’s acquisition?
• How can educators and scholars con-
duct innovative course delivery methods

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
(blended or online) in order to be used
technologically-advanced environments as
“educational platforms” in collaborative
learning processes?
METHOD
The Project is Setting
The present study was implemented in distance
learning courses for students of the Secondary
education in “ICT and Informatics courses”. These
courses took place over a period of 4 weeks, and
involved at least two (2) instructors and over ninety
(90) students, spread across more than 4 online
working groups of five (5) to six (6) participants
of each team. In the first collaborative experience,
students required to work in a scenario that repre-
sents a real problem of a business or organization
(collaborative learning through case studies).
Secondly, the proposed method is currently based
on the experience of a collaborative learning
activity. The design methodology of a collabora-
tive practice consists of five well-separated and
structured processes and sub-processes (phases):
inquiry-based definition, design, implementation,
testing, and documentation and distribution of
exchangeable virtual objects.
This study explains the theoretical-instruc-
tional design-based collaborative practices that a
progressive inquiry-model can offer. The design
of each objective in this procedure includes sev-
eral interrelated processes appropriate learning,
which students required to complete individually
(e.g. reading) or collaboratively (e.g. exercises,
texturing and scripting), in order to achieve the
teaching goal. Also, some phases discussed at a
group level necessarily. At the beginning of course
it was shared a document explaining to students
the process of teamwork that must be followed
to achieve objectives. An “expert” with a special
interest in design and analytical goals is the instruc-
tor’s responsibility (as coordinator) which takes
a team member. The success of the coordinator’s
role depends on the degree of integration of the
processes undertaken, including:
• Planning and identifying the cooperative
goals.
• Setting and monitoring virtual meetings and
lectures in well-structured environments.
• Organizing and management of joint work-
ing in the virtual environment.
• Monitoring of process integration, infor-
mation about team members for any delays
or possible insolvency of the collaborative
process.
• Mediating and supporting team members
when it’s necessary.
• Preparing the final version of the product
at the end of the phase.
• Ensuring stability and cohesion of the ini-
tial workplace.
• Delivering the final assessment and report
on the operation of the collaborative team.
The above circumstances describe how
all members together must study as a team to
implement various learning tasks containing all
significant events that occurred during the coop-
erative interaction. This plan typically achieved
via asynchronous - synchronous communication
tools. All interactions among users take place via
the FreeSWITCH module. This Groupware tool
supports asynchronous and synchronous commu-
nication of distributed students via the Internet.
The platform is a groupware system based on the
web where users can share information on common
workplace, as well as concert and coordinate their
actions. A FreeSWITCH module server manages
a number of shared workspaces (places where
they’re shared information), which are accessible
to members of a group through a common browser.
The FreeSWITCH server module manages many
common workspaces for different groups, where
263

users can belong to different shared workspaces
(e.g. there is a workspace for each project which
includes a user).
A workspace in virtual worlds can contain
different types of information, which typically
represent data objects organized in a hierarchi-
cal structure. These objects can be of different
types, such as folders, links to web pages, files,
graphics, sex work, discussion areas, or objects
specified by the user (address book, calendars,
etc.). A FreeSWITCH module keeps members of
a group for the actions of their partners in a shared
workspace and provides detailed information on
their previous cooperation. The main objective
of this area of cooperation is to enable students
to interact to form cooperation groups. Indeed, it
can be used for discussions, involving all students,
in order to complete the project, and as well as
to exchange information between instructors and
students. The second workplace is personal space
for each cooperative group, which records the data
and constructs and interactions between members
of the team that designed the integration of col-
laborative processes.
The Decision Processes for the
Formation and Consolidation for
Synthesizing Students’ Groups
In this section discussed the main overarching
question. This can be addressed on: how can be
better structured and organized a team-based
learning activity with a progressive inquiry script
held in virtual worlds?
In particular, it was needed to be investigated
the factors that must determine the achievement
of a group, namely to the processes that take
place, governing and influence the formation.
Thusly, it can be observed the establishment and
consolidation of a group as a unique dynamic
process guided by the following two goals and
inspired through this study:
264

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
• The exploration of different processes in-
volved the creation of teams cooperatively
aimed at the acquisition of learning. More
specifically when or how these processes
affect the formation of a group, and then
the extent to ensure the sufficient creation
of teams that work effectively at the level
of cooperation and learning must be also
configured.
• The establishment of the educative func-
tion and structure of learning groups, iden-
tifying by the distinction of group learning
and social goals, relationships between
members, their interactions and roles that
define the nature and temperament of the
group.
• The implementation the composition of
the group suggested via four phases con-
sisting of well-defined processes (Figure 2)
aimed to involve students in activities that
lead to the creation well-organized learn-
ing groups.
The instructor in this case plays a pivotal role
and identifies four specific virtual workspaces
representing the four processes. The overall idea
of the approach explained to students at the begin-
ning of collaborative practice, as it is described
in Table 1.
Theoretical Foundations and
Decision Processes According to
the Progressive Inquiry Model
The organization of activities in a virtual environ-
ment should be done on this trail that users can
deal with it, like an ecosystem in which cyber-
entities interact without limits. In this way they
try to lead an economy of time and fatigue other
users to achieve main objectives. The central
question of a learning activity is the cognitive
framework that can provide effective ways, means,

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
Figure 2. Sythenizing students’ groups
Table 1. Organizing a CSCL script
Collaborative Instructor’s Triggers
Organization in a
CSCL Script
1. Team’s Synthesis a) Familiarization and
preparation of new teams.
b) Starting a new phase of
collaboration.
2. Introduction to the a) Providing the necessary
Topic information to students.
b) Analyzing the project.
3. Negotiation with the a) Each team must know
Prior Knowledge about the collaborative efforts
and the scope of the learning
process in an environment.
4. Coordination of a) Students’ introduction to
Teams the virtual world.
b) Operational structure for
the collaborative production of
learning.
Students’ Triggers
a) Providing information about
the team building to the instructor.
b) Referring some evidences
about each member of the team.
Constructing a theoretical
framework with valuable
information from their previous
knowledge, collaboration efforts
in interactive environments
In the negotiation phase, students
need to provide alternative
options for better solutions about
the project or even more for the
effectiveness of their team.
a) Collaboration between users to
solve problem-based activities.
b) Better cooperation in the
production of efficient metaphors.
Team’s Formation
a) Continuing and fulfill update the
learning process.
b) Initial positive and negative
principles of the process should be
concerned.
a) Sense of security for each student
to develop personal triggers.
b) Distribution of students’
experiences from previous processes
a) Understanding the functional and
multimedia sources or artifacts.
b) Distribution of the knowledge field
that was already appearing.
a) Acclimatizing in a virtual space
where they need to collaborate and
learn innovative e-skills.
b) Affecting new affordances from the
virtual world.
265
 
Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script

experiences and needs of supply, treatment and
the construction of new knowledge. Inasmuch as,
Table 2 presents a methodological framework for
describing the procedure of a learning progression
in a virtual world, with the assistance of the pro-
gressive inquiry model (Muukkonen, Lakkala, &
Hakkarainen, 2009). Thus, a didactic goal-relevant
taxonomy should include (see Table 2):
1. Hypothetical-deductive strategy for the ini-
tial reception of knowledge (see Phase 1).
2. Modeling for teaching general issues of the
original concerns (see Phase 2).
3. Organization of declarative knowledge and
application of a conceptual strategic ap-
proach (see Phase 3).

Table 2. A socio-cultural framework

Initiatives for Designing a
Methodological Framework
Phase 1: Distribution of a New
Knowledge Field in a Virtual World
Phase 2: Creating the Contextual
Background
Phase 3: Describing the Situation of the
Learning Progression
Phases of the Progressive Inquiry Model
A. Distributed expertise is a central concept
of this model. The progressive inquiry
model intends to engage the community
in a shared process of knowledge
advancement, in order to convey,
simultaneously, the cognitive goals of
collaboration.
B. Diversity of expertise among
participants, and interaction with experts’
cultures by promoting knowledge
advancement.
C. Acting as a member of the community
that shares cognitive responsibility for the
success of its inquiry. This responsibility
involves not only completing tasks or
delivering productions on time, but
also learners taking responsibility for
discovering what they need to be known,
(e.g. goal setting, planning, and monitoring
the inquiry process).
The process begins by creating the main
context of the inquiry to central conceptual
principles of the domain or complex real-
world problems. The learning community
established by a joint planning and setting
up common goals. It is indispensable to
create a social culture that supports the
collaborative sharing of knowledge and
ideas that are in the process of formulation
and improvement.
An essential issue of the progressive
inquiry is setting up research questions
generated by the students to the direct
problems. Seeking questions (how or
what) is especially valuable in this
process. Students come to treat studying
as a problem-solving process addressing
problems in order to understand the
theoretical constructs, methods, and
practices of scientific culture.
Decisions Processes in a CSCL Script
Students’ decisions process in a CSCL
script: Introduction to the virtual world -
Students must understand metaphors and
affordances from the interactive virtual
world.
Instructor’s decision processes in a
CSCL script: Presenting and discussing
new concepts, scope of introduction and
describing activities that will follow.
Students’ decisions process in a CSCL
script: Transferring the knowledge field in
the VW, and exploiting the differences of a
traditional and a 3D classroom.
Instructor’s decision processes in a CSCL
script: Reinforcement students’ views for
learning with sharing artifacts, tools, and
facilitating the learning progression.
Students’ decisions process in a CSCL
script: Using functional artifacts and
tools that a client viewer provide or
even instructor can construct for the
implementation.
Instructor’s decision processes in a CSCL
script: Presenting different tools, teaching
units that are emerging from a traditional
classroom.

continued on following page

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Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
Table 2. Continued
Initiatives for Designing a
Methodological Framework
Phase 4: Explaining Novel Gaits of this
Framework and Designing Further
Actions
Phase 5: Initial Evaluation Efforts
Phase 6: The Students’ Engagement with
the Learning Materials
Phase 7: Implementation of the
Scaffolding Process
Phases of the Progressive Inquiry Model
D) It is also notable for students to explain
phenomena with their own existing
background knowledge by “constructing
their own theoretical foundations,” before
using information sources. This serves a
number of goals:
a) Making visible the prior (intuitive)
conceptions of the issues.
b) Trying to explain to others, students
effectively testing the coherence of their
own understanding, and fill the gaps and
contradictions in their own knowledge
more apparent.
c) Creating a new 3D socially engaged
culture in which knowledge treated
as essentially by evolving objects and
artifacts. Thoughts and ideas that presented
are not final and unchangeable, but rather
utterances in an ongoing discourse.
E) Critical evaluation addresses to the need
assessing the strengths, and weaknesses of
theories and explanations that produced,
in order directed and regulate the
community’s joint cognitive efforts.
Critical evaluation can assist the
community members to rise above its
earlier achievements, creating a higher-
level synthesis of the results of inquiry
processes.
F) Students also guided to be engaged in
“searching deeper knowledge” in order
to find answers to their personal queries.
Furthermore, searching for relevant
learning materials, students have an
excellent opportunity for self-directed
inquiry and hands-on practices in order
to grasp the differences between various
concepts and theories.
G) Generating various questions are a
part of the process of advancing inquiry;
learners may transform initial and
unspecified questions into subordinate and
more questions, based on their evaluation
of producing new knowledge. This
transformation helps to refocus the inquiry.
Directing students to return to previously
stated problems, to make more subordinate
questions and answer them, are ways to
scaffold the inquiry.
Decisions Processes in a CSCL Script
Students’ decision process in a CSCL
script: Participating in collaborative
activities.
Instructor’s decision processes in a CSCL
script: First evaluation internal (individual
or team-based) as students need to find
more information about the project.
Students’ decisions process in a CSCL
script: Learning basic e-skills (navigate,
play with media sources, texturing or
scripting virtual objects) – Organization in
action-groups.
Instructor’s decision processes in a CSCL
script: Conducting of activities-first
interaction with objects and learning how
to use brainstorm-based functions (like IM
or 3D VoIP).
Students’ decision process in a CSCL
script: Exploiting and exploiting the
initial students’ workflow-Organizing
and presenting heterogeneous group for
learning competencies.
Instructor’s decision processes in a CSCL
script: The instructor of a course must
decide how many learning materials should
be offered to the students and how much
they should search out for themselves.
Questions stemming from true wonderment
on students’ part that can easily extend
the scope of materials beyond what
an instructor can foresee or provide
suggestions.
Students’ decision process in a CSCL
script: Presenting their projects (assessment
activity) -Commemorate the instructor’s
assessment and prompt feedback for further
reuse.
Instructor’s decisions processes in a CSCL
script: Feedback from the instructor-
Sending comments to students via IM or
voice chat-Continuing activities for the
exploration and construction of 3D models
for the lessons.
continued on following page
267
 
Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script

Table 2. Continued

Initiatives for Designing a
Methodological Framework
Phase 8: Final Knowledge Fairs and
Reports
Phases of the Progressive Inquiry Model
H) Constructing new theoretical
assumptions may be raised from the
questions and scientific knowledge that
participants attained. This process includes
final summaries and conclusions of the
community’s inquiry. If all productions
shared database in a collaborative
environment meaningfully organized,
participants should have an easy access to
prior productions and theories, making the
development of conceptions and artifacts a
visible process.
Decisions Processes in a CSCL Script
Students’ decisions process in a CSCL
script: Manipulation and configuration
collaborative tools of the VW and
construction of appropriate 3D artifacts.
There should be development of students’
(and instructor’s) social meta-cognition
(Salomon & Perkins, 1998): students
learning to understand the cognitive value
of social collaboration and gaining the
capacity to utilize socially distributed
cognitive resources

4. Refinement of procedural knowledge in a a synthesis of old and union attitudes to beliefs

learning substance and meaning (see Phases
4 and 5).
5. Development of meta-cognitive strategies
and solutions through guided reflection
strategies and exploratory missions (see
Phases 6, 7 and 8).
DISCUSSION
New technologies have an appreciable momentum
in this effect that might be further exploited in the
teaching process, depending on the subject area
contributing among to the enhanced quality and
improvement of teaching practice in a direction
where students will investigate, discover, and learn
how to set goals for each lesson. The instructor’s
target for the ultimate achievement of a learning
goal is not only to observe the learning procedure,
but also to help students interact with multiple
learning materials collaboratively with other peers.
The aim of the current pedagogical process as
it outlined above is the formation or stabilization,
of students’ behaviors, according to predetermined
goals or applicable norms in a social group. The
educational process always carried out in a specific
socio-cultural context, where students attempted
of new generation demands of society with the
individual’s needs.
Similarly noteworthy, the utilization of pro-
gressive inquiry model can provide:
1. The knowledge contained within this en-
vironmental framework, the abstract or
general nature. It is necessary to obtain that
knowledge applied and learned in collabora-
tive environments, authentic contexts, i.e.
in contexts that include knowledge through
empirical conditions.
2. The new knowledge in communities requires
social interaction and teamwork.
3. The learning process is accomplished
through the interactions among members.
4. The instructor should continually offer new
opportunities for students in order to become
shareholders of learning communities within
and outside the classroom.
5. Links between knowledge and action should
be provided. Thereof, learning is an integral
part of everyday life. Obviously, learning in
problem-based situations through students’
experiences seemed to be significant for the
knowledge’s establishment.

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Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
In any occasion it is necessary to find the pillars
that consist the proposed process as an effective
learning progression that has two aims, firstly
to enhance the teaching skills of the teacher and
secondly the design of the teaching acts so that
knowledge is essential, comprehensive, users’
understandable and engrossing. Effective learning
(or meaningful learning) can be based on:
1. The relevant prior knowledge to correlate
the previous with new knowledge,
2. The substantive material the new knowledge
should be associated with older or newer
technology should include assumptions,
concepts, proposals and substantive sense.
CONCLUSION
From the aforementioned reasons, it can be fi-
nally concluded the necessity of designing and
implementing learning procedures in a virtual
environment because 3D environment can offer
multi-sensorial communication, thereby it must
meet the needs of contemporary learning theories.
It is necessary to have an instructional framework
to bring greater knowledge transfer, suggestive
ways of presenting educational content and better
learning outcomes. The current model underlined
by giving to students full control and an increased
sense of responsibility for the development of
the learning process by providing an educational
tool for teaching, learning and self-study with the
simultaneous consolidation of the concepts of
programming, covering all types of learners learn-
ing (visual, auditory, kinesthetic) in the presence
of sound, integrated programming environment
and visualization.
By evaluating the implementation of collabora-
tive learning in a virtual world, it can be stressed
that a collaborative distance learning process has
significant advantages compared with the indi-
vidual training version of the web, but also with
the classical approach to education. These include:
1. A significant increase in the participation
of students of Higher education.
2. The satisfaction of participants from the
process and higher motivation.
3. The best combination of features and pre-
sentation of personal interaction among
learners. It has also been conducted that
cooperative distance learning increases
academic performance in several cases.
This study contributes to the development
of a sense of community among participants
in the process, not something that exists
in online personal training methods. This
often happens by transferring situations
that occur in natural classrooms, the on-line
environments.
Another crucial issue of lack from a single
theoretical framework or coherent theory in the
field of collaborative learning with computer
support was already emphasized positively by a
growing literature body (e.g. Lehtinen, 2003; Lip-
ponen & Lallimo, 2004). In conclusion, despite
the problems with the synthesis of research results
and theoretical diversity, the example of CSCL is
an extraordinarily considerable improvement on
the previous examples. In particular, elements of
the approach, such as:
1. The emphasis on development and meaning.
2. The focus on social interaction and
communication.
3. The examination of tools and mediated nature
of cognition.
4. The emphasis on learning as opposed to the
first years of technological infrastructure
paved the way for a better quality and more
complete study of collaborative learning
with computer support.
Although, it is also crucial to observe some
educational implications that are depicted through
the utilization of the PI model. These are:
269

• The social interaction among participants:
Learning is primarily a social process and,
therefore the students’ engagement in col-
laborative learning situations can create a
collaborative and productive atmosphere,
as regards the essential part of learning.
• The meaningful activities: It is a common
conviction nowadays that students’ en-
gagement in collaborative activities seems
particularly useful both in their personal
lives and practices followed in real life.
• The configuration and reconstruction of
new information with the existing knowl-
edge: Usually prior knowledge may be in-
complete or incorrect. At this point, it is
necessary to recognize that instructor’s and
students’ prior knowledge can play a piv-
otal role to address these difficulties.
• The use different learning strategies:
Learning strategies are noteworthy because
can help students to understand and solve
problems deeply. Each strategy has, how-
ever, some initial difficulty of enforcement,
but the results can provide is manifold.
Particularly insightful is the fact that, despite
the socio-cultural origins of the field of collabora-
tive learning with computer support, dialogue has
not yet been systematically exploited from a study
in the social nature of cognition and interactive
elements. This particular interactive approach
(discursive approach) of intelligence has a long
history within the socio-cultural psychology.
The contribution of social-cultural frameworks
in virtual worlds enhances the phenomenon of
collaborative computer-supported learning, but
it is not limited to the above.
In all these circumstances a collaborative pro-
cess requires an adequate theoretical framework
for describing the interactions which include both
social interaction with others (present or not) and
natural, artificial or mental tools (present or not).
Given the fact that social interaction engraved
270

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
on everything around the world, the theoretical
framework that delineated by the socio-cultural
psychology can contribute as a catalyst effect
for each study and thereby it can promote and
further evolution of collaborative learning with
computer support.
FUTURE-DRIVEN RESEARCH
DIRECTIONS
The students’ engagement for social interaction
and collaborative learning in virtual worlds is
an issue that must concern many researchers
and instructors. Virtual worlds are being used
as educational platforms by many educational
institutions, like colleges, libraries or even urban
services. Generally, virtual worlds can be used
as an educational platform by many educational
institutions, like colleges, libraries and urban
services.
It should be also noted that the essential e-
learning process may now enter the e-learning 2.0
as a term emerged after the advent of Web 2.0 and
the term is used to describe new ways of thinking
about e-learning. The e-learning 2.0 is based on
models of cooperation and the theory of social
constructivism, uses virtual classrooms in real
time (real time virtual classrooms) in combination
with virtual (learning) environments. This mode
of e-leaning can based on the models of coopera-
tion and more generally to socio-cultural theories
can use also “blended” virtual and face-to-face
classrooms in real time. These developments
highlight the need for a strong first development
of a methodology that can utilize both virtual
worlds and other services of Web 2.0, which al-
ready are known and co-ordinate students to use
new possibilities that are offered. It is necessary,
to identify principles, to provide essential fields of
use and reinforcement needs, to identify research
questions and directions.

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS
Avatar: The on-screen persona that represents
user’s alter-ego as he/she interacts in the VW
with others.
E-Learning 2.0: The term “e-learning 2.0”
is a “neologism” for distributed collaborative
learning through PCs & Web-based technologies
([D-] CSCL), using the Web 2.0. This defini-
tion has begun for the initial transformation of
conventional distance learning systems, which
are used widely through the Internet. Unlike that
of the application of “traditional” e-learning, the
impulse that gives us this new generation of e-
learning, focusing on cooperation and the social
production of knowledge. However, it is useful
to mention that e-learning and e-learning 2.0, is
a single bit of distance learning.
Engagement: The user’s state of action and
contemplation towards a set of stimuli or concep-
tually interrelated activities or events in a virtual
environment.
280

Unraveling a Progressive Inquiry Script
Open Simulator (Open Sim): Open Sim
standalone server is characterized as a multi-func-
tional server or multi-user 3D distributed virtual
environment platform. It frequently recapitulates
the “equipment” one of the most well-known simu-
lated virtual environments, like those of Second
Life (SL). The “open-ended” architecture of this
world can be used as a social virtual world or for
specific applications such as education, training,
and visualization.
Scaffolding: An instructional technique in-
volving the provision of supportive assistance
or learning guidance, particularly when they are
first introduced to new concepts and skills, with
the aim of limiting the complexities of the learn-
ing context. It comes from Vygotsky’s “Zone of
Proximal Development” (ZPD). This concept re-
fers to the gap between learners’ current knowledge
and also with the ability level (i.e. what they can
perform without assistance) and his/her emerging
or potential knowledge and ability level (i.e. what
he or she can be challenged to accomplish with
assistance in the form of scaffolding).
Virtual World: Three dimensional (3D) ar-
tificial immersive spaces or places that simulate
real-world spatial awareness in a virtually-rich
persistent workflow.
Web 2.0: The Web 2.0 goes beyond to the
limited computer-generated platform, where users
can perform on collaborative Web-based applica-
tions. Typical applications of Web 2.0 are social
networking media, such as wikis and weblogs or
other applications which are already well-known
like Facebook, Twitter or YouTube.
 281

Afterword

The Need for Implicit Cognition Research in the

Developing Field of Social Psychology in China

I have directed my school’s scientific research and foreign affairs for many years, participating in long-
term partnerships with American, Canadian, and French universities. I feel that an important sign that
a country is modernizing is that people become more important than physical objects. In recent years,
the governments of many countries have begun to emphasize “people-oriented” governance principals.
From an academic perspective, “people-oriented” governance demands psychology research. For
example, “a country located in eastern and central Asia and on the western Pacific Rim whose south-
eastern border reaches the ocean and northwestern border extends into the interior” is a statement of
geographical fact. However, if the country is China, this knowledge may fall within the scope of cognitive
psychology. Without human thought and consciousness, the natural world itself is essentially meaning-
less. For thousands of years, Chinese culture has emphasized the relationships between man and others,
environment and society. These relationships are not only the objects of social cognition but also of human
cognition more broadly. However, I believe that social cognition, especially implicit cognition, has not
yet received widespread attention in China. Though implicit cognition research began to be conducted
only recently in China, it is undergoing rapid development.
Dr. Zheng Jin is my colleague at Zhengzhou Normal University. He has been devoted to the study
of social cognition and language cognition for many years, despite his young age. He is the editor of
this book, which selectively discusses issues related to implicit cognition and gathers the latest research
findings in this field from more than ten countries. The contents of this publication cover many topics,
including implicit learning, implicit research methods, implicit attitudes and education information tech-
nology, and reflect the latest developments in the field of implicit cognition. This book is an important
resource for Chinese scholars who want to understand the research findings related to implicit cognition.
It is designed not only to help Chinese people who desire to study and apply implicit cognition theories
understand the cutting-edge research in the field but also provides a critical reference for the develop-
ment of cognitive psychology and social psychology in China. This publication is suitable for students
and researchers in the field of social psychology. In addition, the development of social cognition is a
key measure of the education standards of teaching colleges and plays a decisive role in discipline con-
struction. I sincerely hope that this edited book contributes to the improvement of Zhengzhou Normal
University’s international influence in the field of psychology.

Lizhu Jiang
Zhengzhou Normal University, China

282

Lizhu Jiang, professor at Zhengzhou Normal University, is also the vice-president of this university. She oversees the devel-
opment and administration of Foreign Affairs and Scientific Research schemes. She was also for many years involved in the
management of the Academic Committee. She appears frequently as a senior visiting keynote speaker at universities in America,
Canada, and abroad, including recent addresses in Australia and the United Kingdom.

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364

About the Contributors

Zheng Jin is an Associate Professor in Institute of Educational Science at Zhengzhou Normal Uni-
versity in China. He is also a collaborative researcher in the University of California at Davis since 2012.
He has been responsible for the coordination of several funded scientific research projects at National
and Ministerial level. In addition to his research into Implicit Cognition, he has published many articles,
book chapters, and conference papers on “psycholinguistics and perception” to understand Ecological
Models that link perception with actions in cognitive processing, perceptual and motor skill, and so on.

***

Albena Antonova is lecturer at Sofia University, Faculty of Economics and Business Administra-
tion in the field of IST Implementation and Application in Business and Economics. She works on
number of research implementation projects, related to knowledge management, e-learning, competence
development, and serious games. Her main research interests include knowledge management, serious
games, business and management education, service science, e-learning and TEL models and methods,
e-Business, technology entrepreneurship, open innovations, and innovations management and living
labs. She has more than 30 publications in the field.

Claudio Barbaranelli is full professor of Psychometry and researcher at the Department of Psy-
chology, Sapienza University of Rome. He is the director of the Psychometry Laboratory (http://dippsi.
psi.uniroma1.it/node/5669), where his research group is doing research on personality assessment and
measurement, implicit measurement, social-cognitive models, occupational health and stress, work safety
and security, and problem gambling. He is author of more than 100 articles in national and international
journals, 5 books, and 10 psychological tests.

Christina Bermeitinger studied Psychology at the University of Göttingen, Germany (2001-2005).

She changed to the Saarland University, Germany, where she received her Doctor degree in 2009. Since
November 2009, Christina Bermeitinger is head of the Allgemeine Psychologie Department at the
University of Hildesheim, Germany. Christina Bermeitinger is interested in cognitive psychology. Her
main research is on attention, memory, consciousness, motor preparation, spatial representations, and
emotional as well as motivational influences. Further, Christina Bermeitinger is interested in develop-
mental questions, movement sciences, and media-related topics. Christina Bermeitinger mainly uses
experimental designs and cognitive paradigms to study these questions.
About the Contributors

Leslie R. Brody is Professor of Psychology at Boston University, past Director of the BU Clini-
cal Psychology PhD program (1991 – 1996) and was the Marion Cabot Putnam Fellow at the Bunting
Institute, Radcliffe College (1994 – 1995). She specializes in how gender and culture impact emotional
functioning and how gender roles relate to mental and physical well-being. Most recently, she is working
on gender role behaviors as predictors of health in women with HIV. Her books include Gender, Emo-
tion, and the Family (Harvard U. Press, 1997) and Daughters of Kings: Growing up as a Jewish Woman
in America (Faber & Faber, 1999).

Aoife Cartwright is a John Hume scholar and doctoral student at the National University of Ireland,
Maynooth. Her research involves the construction and validation of functionally understood implicit test
methodologies based on developments in the behavior-analytic tradition, with a particular emphasis on
the development of tests for the analysis of implicit homonegative prejudice.

Caroline M. Crawford, EdD, is an Associate Professor of Instructional Technology at the University

of Houston-Clear Lake in Houston, Texas, United States of America. Dr. Crawford earned her doctoral
degree from the University of Houston in Houston, Texas, United States of America, in 1998, with
specialization areas in Instructional Technology and Curriculum Theory, and began her tenure at the
University of Houston-Clear Lake (UHCL) the same year. At this point in Dr. Crawford’s professional
career, her main areas of interest focus upon communities of learning, communities of practice, the ap-
propriate and successful integration of technologies into the learning environment, and the instructional
design endeavours that support learner engagement and fulfilling professional understanding and imple-
mentation of the subject matter; the learning environment may be envisioned as face-to-face, hybrid,
and online (virtual or text-driven, open or protected) environments.

Francesco Dentale is Post Doc researcher of Psychometry at the Department of Psychology. He

is member of the Psychometry Laboratory, where the research group is doing research on personality
assessment and measurement, implicit measurement, social-cognitive models, occupational health and
stress, work safety and security, problem gambling. He is author of many international and national
publications focused especially on the implicit measurement of psychological constructs.

Chad E. Forbes is an Assistant Professor of Psychology at the University of Delaware. With a back-
ground spanning from molecular biology to complex social processes, Dr. Forbes utilizes behavioral
methodologies as well as Electroencephalography (EEG), Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging
(fMRI), lesion studies, and genetic approaches to investigate social phenomena. Specifically, he exam-
ines how priming negative stereotypes affects our perceptions as well as stigmatized individuals in our
society (e.g. minorities and women) to ironically engender situations that inadvertently reinforce the
stereotype. Dr. Forbes is currently funded by the National Science Foundation to develop a model that
outlines how and why minorities and women are more likely to leave academics and STEM (Science,
Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) fields, respectively, as well as how these phenomena can
be reversed. He has numerous publications on these topics in a wide array of journals, including Annual
Reviews of Neuroscience, Cerebral Cortex, and the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, and
was recently recognized as a “Rising Star” by the American Psychological Association.

365
 About the Contributors

Sabine Glock studied Psychology at the University of Saarland. After working as junior researcher at
the Department of Social Psychology at the University of Saarland for two years, she started to work at
the University of Luxembourg. In 2010, she received her PhD from the University of Saarland. Her PhD
thesis focused on smoking and the smoking self. Since 2014, she is a member of the School of Educa-
tion at the Bergische Universität Wuppertal, Germany. She is concerned with educational psychology,
particularly with educational decision making and factors influencing educational decisions. Her main
research interest is implicit cognition, particularly implicit attitudes. Her research focuses on the role of
implicit attitudes for smoking and alcohol consumption. Thereby, she also concentrates on interventions
that can influence implicit cognition in order to decrease smoking or alcohol consumption.

Lucija Jančec, PhD Student, works in a NGO (Non-Govermental Organisation) called “Naša djeca”
(English: Our Children) in Opatija and is external teaching assistant at Faculty of Teacher Education,
University of Rijeka in following subjects: Family Pedagogy, Pedagogy of Early Education and Teach-
ing, Methodology of Early Learning and Teaching, Research and Cognitive Integrated Curriculum I,
General Pedagogy. Her general interests are working with gifted children and children with disabilities
and their parents, but also research of the hidden curriculum in education, its interrelatedness with other
fields of research through interdisciplinary studies. Her study of the hidden curriculum is an important
feature in the raising of awareness of microelements in pedagogical work be it in institutions as well
as out of institutional life. She has been actively involved within various interdisciplinary parents and
experts groups.

Gwendolyn A. Kelso is a Doctoral candidate in Clinical Psychology at Boston University. She is

interested in the influence of social and cultural factors on psychological functioning.

Jordan B. Leitner is a postdoctoral fellow at University of California, Berkeley. Dr. Leitner inves-
tigates how self-regulatory motivations and social threats influence attention, memory, and behavior.
Specifically, Dr. Leitner aims to understand how self-enhancement and self-protective motivations
influence attention and perception of negative stereotypes and social rejection. Dr. Leitner also exam-
ines the intrapersonal and interpersonal factors that influence the self-regulation of behavior. To best
understand the implicit and explicit processes that contribute to these phenomena, Dr. Leitner employs
a multi-method approach, incorporating EEG/ERP methods with cognitive and behavioral techniques.
Dr. Leitner has published his work in Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Journal of Cognitive
Neuroscience, Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, and Psychological Science.

Daisuke Nakamura is a part-time lecturer at Aoyama Gakuin University, Tokyo, Japan. He has a
PhD in literature from the department of English at Aoyama Gakuin University. His current research
interests are individual differences in implicit learning, methodological considerations of consciousness
in relation to both natural and artificial language learning, and frequency effects on construction learning.
His research has been published in International Review of Applied Linguistics in Language Teaching
and Polish Psychological Bulletin.

366
About the Contributors

Pellas Nikolaos is a PhD Candidate at the Department of Product and Systems Design Engineering,
University of the Aegean, in Greece. He holds a Master’s degree in Education. His thesis was about
the utilization of social virtual worlds in e-Education. His research interests include the use of ICT in
e-Εducation with more emphasis on contemporary instructional formats with open-source virtual worlds
as “Metaverse” skins for collaborative learning tasks. He has extensive experience in the utilization of
virtual worlds in Secondary and Higher Education, and more than 17 publications in journals, book
chapters, and international (or national) conferences.

Anthony O’Reilly was awarded his MSc in Forensic Psychology by the University of Kent in 2008
and his PhD in Psychology in 2013 from NUI Maynooth. His research has thus far primarily focused on
the experimental analysis of implicit attitudes and the development of functionally understood methodolo-
gies for detecting the histories of verbal behaviour that underpin attitudes. More generally, his research
seeks to extend the functional understanding of the processes and histories that generate and maintain
attitudes and other cultural/verbal behaviour.

Andrew J. Pantos is an Assistant Professor of Linguistics at Metropolitan State College of Denver. He

earned his PhD from Rice University in 2010 and a JD from the University of Texas in 1984. Dr. Pantos
is a sociolinguist who focuses on language attitudes and their cognitive processing, identity, discourse,
sociophonetics, forensic linguistics, and issues of language and gender and sexuality.

Ineke M. Pit ten-Cate studied experimental Psychology at the University of Utrecht, The Nether-
lands and Pedagogy at the University of Nijmegen, The Netherlands. She has worked both clinically
and academically in different international settings and has been particularly interested in the processes
that underlie psychosocial (dys)function of children with chronic illness and physical disability and
their families. She was awarded her PhD in 2004 by the University of Southampton based on her thesis,
“Family Adjustment to Disability and Chronic Illness in Children.” Her studies have focused on chil-
dren’s developmental outcomes and brain-behavior links as well as the adjustment of (grand)parents and
siblings. Since joining the university in Luxembourg in May 2011, she has been involved in teaching
and research concerning the diagnostic competence of teachers in regards to the judgment of student
achievement and associated decision making.

Bryan Roche was awarded a PhD in Psychology in 1995 from University College Cork. His research
interests are in the experimental analysis of complex human behaviour, and in particular in the analysis
of language and cognitive processes. He employs the concepts of Relational Frame Theory in the de-
velopment of implicit testing methods, the analysis of human avoidance learning and anxiety, human
sexuality, as well as in the development of teaching protocols to enhance general cognitive functioning
(RaiseYourIQ.com). He was co-editor of the first major text on relational frame theory, Relational Frame
Theory, in 2001 as well as the follow-up text, Advances in Relational Frame Theory, in 2013. He is
author of over 70 research papers and book chapters.

367
 About the Contributors

Marion S. Smith, PhD, is an Associate Professor in the Department of Management Science at Texas
Southern University’s Jesse H. Jones School of Business in Houston, Texas, United States of America.
Dr. Smith’s areas of expertise include statistical analysis, programming, management and reasoning,
online, blended, and face-to-face understanding of the andragogical learning environment, storytelling
as a cognitive support tool within mathematical and statistics learning environments, and innovative
ideas revolving around the instructional integration of technological supports. Dr. Smith earned her
PhD from the University of Houston, her MBA from Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, and her BS from
Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute.

Sanja Tatalović Vorkapić, Ph.D., Assistant Professor, currently teaches students at Faculty of
Teacher Education, University of Rijeka in: Developmental psychology, Psychology of early learning and
teaching, General psychology, Emotional intelligence, Developmental psychopathology, Methodology
of quantitative research and Positive psychology. Her contemporary research interests include biological
basis of personality, personality of (pre)school teachers and child personality, contemporary issues from
developmental psychopathology and methodology of quantitative research, positive psychology (well-
being, optimism, life satisfaction, virtues) and its relationship with other fields through interdisciplinary
studies, and also study programs for (pre)school teachers. She has published numerous psychology related
articles and has been actively involved within various interdisciplinary research projects.

Michele Vecchione is researcher of “Psychometric Theory” at the department of Psychology (Sa-

pienza University of Rome). He is member of the Psychometric Laboratory, where the research group
is doing research on personality assessment and measurement, implicit measurement, social-cognitive
models, occupational health and stress, work safety and security, and problem gambling. He is the author
of several international and national publications focused on personality assessment.

Jurka Lepičnik Vodopivec is a full professor of Pedagogy at the Faculty of Education at the University
of Primorska. Her professional and scientific work focuses on teaching and researching communication,
education for a sustainable future, and media studies. Recently, she had engaged in the professional
development of preschool teachers, competences and ICT competences of preschool teachers and chil-
dren, and in hidden curriculum. She is the head of the Department for the Educational Sciences and the
Deputy Dean for the International Cooperation, Quality, and Development at the Faculty of Education
at the University of Primorska.

368
 369

Index

A E
Affective 5, 16, 18, 24-26, 30, 35-39, 41-42, 59, 72, E-learning 2.0 270, 280
84, 91, 105-108, 111, 117, 136, 139, 145, 148- Emotion 17-18, 61-62, 65, 76, 118, 121, 124-129,
150, 152-154, 161, 163, 182, 188, 190-191, 131, 136-137
210, 217 Empathy 210, 223, 226-230, 234, 242
Affective Priming 24, 35-38, 41, 145, 148-150, 152- Engagement 74, 86, 90-91, 94, 97-98, 122, 253, 256,
154, 161 258, 270, 280
Affective Priming Score 149, 161 Evaluative Processing 117
Affective Reactions 106-107, 117, 139 Explicit Attitudes 104, 107, 109-113, 117, 139
Affective Simon Task 107, 145, 161 Explicit Emotion 137
Affect Misattribution Procedure 145, 161 Explicit Knowledge 73, 205, 207-208, 212, 215
anchoring 20 Explicit Self-Enhancement Mechanism 184, 204
APE (Associative Propositional Evaluation) Model Explicit Self-Enhancement Outcome 204
117 Explicit Self-Esteem 189-190, 204
Associative Processing 107, 117 Explicit Stereotype Threat 118-119, 122, 124-125,
audio IAT 107-108 127, 129, 131, 137
autobiographical memory 183, 186-187, 194 Extrinsic Affective Simon Task 107, 161
autobiographical narratives 124-125
Avatar 280 F
B Female Gender Role 137
Foreign Accent 117
Behavioral Process Model of Personality (BPMP) Functional Analysis 182
2, 15
Big Five Model 225, 242 G
Big Five Personality Factors 15
Bloom’s Taxonomy of the Cognitive Domain 86-87, gender roles 119-120, 131-132
90-92, 95-96, 98, 103 generation problem 41-42
Go 161
C
H
cognitive domain 86-87, 89-98, 103
Conditional Discrimination 165, 169, 182 Hidden Curriculum 216-225, 228-234, 242
Higher Order Thinking Skills 86, 90, 98, 103
D
Dissonance 89, 93, 97-98, 103
 Index

I P
IAT (Implicit Attitudes Test) 1-2, 10, 15, 104, 107, Positive Priming Effects 28-29, 32-33, 38, 59
120, 145, 161, 163, 165, 172, 189 pre-activation 16, 18, 20, 25, 27, 30, 35-37
Implicit attitudes measures 154-155, 161 Prime 16-36, 38-43, 59-60
Implicit Coping 190, 193, 204 Priming 16-32, 34-43, 59-60, 69, 74, 113, 145, 148-
Implicit Emotion 129, 137 150, 152-154, 161, 186, 190
implicit knowledge 205-208, 212-215, 224 Psychometric Intelligence 61-62, 64-67, 74, 76-77,
Implicit Learning 61-67, 69-70, 72-74, 76-77, 84, 84
90, 216, 223-225, 228-229, 233-234, 242, 245- Public Service Announcement 151, 161
246
Implicit Measures 1-2, 4-6, 8-10, 27, 131, 139, 148, Q
154, 164, 174
Implicit Memory 18, 86-91, 97-98, 103, 113, 163 Questionnaire Based-IAT (qIAT) 15
implicit processes 73, 118, 123, 132, 186, 188-190,
193-194 R
Implicit Self-Enhancement Mechanism 184, 204 reduction problem 41
Implicit Self-Esteem 183, 186, 189-190, 193-194, Reflective–Impulsive Model (RIM) 15
204 Relational Responding 166-169, 172, 174, 176, 182
Implicit Social Cognition 104, 106, 117, 164-165 Response Priming 16, 18, 24, 26, 28-29, 31-33, 36-
Implicit Stereotype Threat 118-119, 124-125, 127, 38, 43, 59
129-131, 137
Individual Differences 5, 61, 84, 192 S
ISC (Implicit Social Cognition) 117
Scaffolding 280
K Self-Concept of Personality 1-2, 4, 8, 10, 15
Self-enhancement 183-194, 204
knowledge construction 205-206, 208, 211-212, 214 self-esteem 5, 8, 122, 163, 183-190, 193-194, 204,
Knowledge Justification 206-207, 210, 215 208, 262
Semantic Priming 16, 18, 22, 24, 26-27, 29, 31, 34-
L 37, 41, 59, 69
language attitudes 104-107, 111-113 Social Cognitive Theory 205, 210
Lay Epistemic Theory (LET) 205, 211, 215 Social Factors 205-212, 214-215, 224, 249
Lexical Decision Task 23, 26, 59 social neuroscience 183, 186-189, 192, 194
Stereotype 2, 17, 21, 23, 27, 105, 107, 112-113,
M 117-132, 137, 163, 191-193, 204, 221
Stereotype Threat 118-132, 137, 191-193, 204
motor level 39 stigma 183, 190-193
Stimulus Equivalence 164-166, 169-170, 182
N Stimulus Response Compatibility Task 145, 161
Negative Priming 16, 18, 24-25, 27-33, 35, 37-40, T
59
Negative Priming Effects 28-30, 32-33, 35, 37-38, Target 3-4, 18, 20-22, 24-36, 38-40, 59-60, 73, 76,
40, 59 109, 145, 161, 174-175, 209, 246, 268
Nonnative Accent 105, 117 task set 32
taxonomy 86-87, 90-92, 94-96, 98, 103, 266
O Temperament 227, 242
threat 24, 118-132, 137, 184, 188, 190-193, 204
Open Simulator (Open Sim) 280
Operant Conditioning 166-167, 182
Outcome expectancy 161

370
Index

U W
unconscious goal pursuit 183, 186, 194 Web 2.0 206, 214, 255, 262, 270, 280
Working Memory 61, 67, 71, 84, 191, 193
V
Virtual World 254-255, 258-260, 266, 269, 280
Vulnerability 2, 86-87, 89, 91, 93-98, 103, 129, 227

371