Historical Society of Nigeria

IMPERIAL CRISES AND THEIR EFFECT ON THE STATUS OF ISLAM IN YORUBALAND IN THE
NINETEENTH CENTURY
Author(s): E. DADA ADELOWO
Source: Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, Vol. 11, No. 1/2 (DEC. 1981-JUNE 1982),
pp. 128-137
Published by: Historical Society of Nigeria
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 IMPERIAL CRISES AND THEIR EFFECT ON THE STATUS OF ISLAM
IN YORUBALAND IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:
by
E. DADA ADELOWO
Departmentof ReligiousStudies
University
of ¡fe
Introduction
This paperis an attemptto examinethestatusof Islam in Oyo and itsenvirons1 inthe
throes.Originally,
era of politico-constitutional thelocus ofauthorityrested withthe
Alaafinwho,in fact,could be called an emperor forthere was, at the of
apogee Oyo
civilisation,what could be called an empire.Under normalsituation,and human
beingsbeingwhattheyare, inan heterogeneous community therecould notbutexist
some rebellion-prone people.Oyo power was laterchallengedbysomepeople,Afonja
in particular, and thesubsequentstruggleforhegemonymade tremendousimpacton
thestatusof Islam in thisperiodand theraisondetreforthepresentmonarchicalset-
up in Ilorin.However,itwould be expedientto examinethestatusofIslaminthearea
coveredbythispaperbetöretheemergenceoftherampagethatatlectednotonlyOyo
as the headquartersof the Old Oyo but tne whole of the Old Oyo Empire2
The Inceptionof Islam in Oyo and its Environs
Concerningthe inceptionof Islam in Oyo and its environs,a studentof history
obviouslyfindshimselfin a subtlesituation.The exact date of thebeginningsof the
religionin thearea could hardlybe fixedwithprecision3 sincetheinçeptionofIslamin
almostall partsof Yorubaland was 'unplanned'and 'unannounced'.
The earlyhistory ofIslaminOyo and itsenvironsis notknownindetail.However,it
is apt to note tnattne proximityof thisarea to the MuslimNorthand thefactthat
Old Oyo laterbecamean emponumvisitedbymanytradersfromdifferent partsofthe
worldcombinedto influencethe influxof Islam into thispartof Yorubaland.
The peopleofOyo and itsenvironshad contactwiththeMuslimNorthbothinwar
and peacetimethroughtheactivitiesofsoldiers,immigrants, emigrants and,above all,
traders.This varied interactioneffectedintermingling of people, ideas, concepts,
- whichfavouredthe influxof
aspirations,religionsand culture an intermingling
Islamfromtheneighbouring Muslimareas intoOyo and itsenvironsand Yorubaland
at large.It is thecommonbeliefthatthepeopleofthispartofY orubalandconstituted
thefirstset of Muslimsin Yorubaland.4
The inceptionof Islam in Oyo and its environswas creditedto one priestfrom
-
Nupelandwho,accordingto Johnson,admonishedAlaafinAjiboyede(1562 1570)
as earlyas the Igboho period5.
The earliestMuslimgroupsin thearea wereslaves. TheywerenominalMuslims
sincetheywerenot allowed by theirtraditionaloverlordsto practiseIslam openly.
This was because thetraditionalfeligionwas regardedas theheritageleftbehindby
the forbearsand whichshould not be allowed to disintegrate;whereasIslam was

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ImperialCrisesand theireffecton theStatusofIslamin Yorubaland 129

regardedas a newfaithentirely broughtbyunfamiliar peoplewhohailedfromdistant

places.
BeforethefalloftheOld Oyo Empirein 1835,evidencesshowthattherewasa tinge
of Islam. AjayiagreedwithAkinjogbinthatbeforethefalloftheOld Oyo, therewere
alreadya fewMuslimsin majortowns6likeOyo, Ikoyi7and Iseyin.Moreover,during
thisperiod,therewereitinerant and ubiquuitousMuslimpreachersministering to the
littleMuslim communities,preparingamulets forand tryingto influenceleading
rulersand warriors
In Saki, Tede, Aha, Sepeteri,Ighohoand Kisi in Oyo North,therewerecases ofthe
influxof Muslimdivinersintothe king'scourtand in thehousesof military officers.
They were said to be a source
veritable of powerfor kings and military and
officers
formedpartof the nucleusof the Muslimcommunityin each of theseplaces.
By the nineteenth century,8 therewas also an Ifa divinationchart which,if the
omensthatpointedto itwerecorrect,enjoinedtheinquirerto educatehischildin the
Muslimway and severalpersonsreportedly embracedIslam.
It is also in Crowther'snarrativethatOyo MuslimsfromIseyinand Dada9 playeda
prominent partinthedestruction ofhistownOsoogun in 1821l0.Furthermore, several
Yoruba recaptiveswere Muslimson arrivalin Sierra-Leonein 1820s11.Thus we sec
thatIslam reachedOyo and itsenvironsbeforethefallof theOld Oyo in 1835.This
viewcan be further ascertainedbythefactthatas thecareeroftheMuslimpreacher,
al-Salih Alimi,shows,Islamwas alreadywellestablishedat a few" centresevenbefore
Afonja's rebellioin12.

Islam Vis-A-Vis the TraditionalSocietyand Power Politics

The existencein the societyof the Muslimcommunitieswas bound to createsome
tension.This was easilythecase whenMuslimsbecameover-zealousand vehemently
aggressivein thecause of propagatingtheirreligion.For example,in Igboho,trouble
broke out shortlybefore the collapse of the Old Oyo11; between the Muslim
community ofthetownand thefollowersofthetraditionalreligion.Therewas a time
in the town whena Muslim group organisedthroughAlufa Ya, pulled down the
shrinesand destroyedtheparaphernaliaofthetraditionalreligion.This was regarded
as an act of vandalismand desecration.In consequence,the Muslimconvertsin the
townwereruthlessly persecutedbytheprovoked,die-hardfollowersofthetraditional
religion.A certainAlufaGidi was markedforan organisediconoclasminthetown.In
Oyo the headquartersof the area, and some other towns in the area, Alufa
Kokewukobeere,togetherwithhis retinue,was persecutedin consequenceof ardent
approachto Islamand thepracticeoforganisediconoclasm.The priestsofSango, the
Mogba, weresaid to featureprominently in thisattack.
The Islamicferment whichwas goingon at theearlyperiodofIslaminthearea was,
doubtless,significant.The area, and especiallythemetropolitan
townOyo, witnessed
a fairlyintensiveamount of Muslimevangelisationand reformist preaching.
In Oyo, therewere"no less thanfiveholymen,two or threeof whomwereArab
Emirswho spreadthedogmasoftheirfaithamongsttheinhabitants, publiclyteaching
their-childrento read the Qufan"14 Two of these active Muslim preacherswere
particularlynotable. The firstwas an Arab, Muhammad Ibu Haja Gum^o15who
stayedrightin the court of the Alaafin. More notablewas the second Muslim,Al-
Salih, otherwiseknownas Alimi16especiallyin Oyo. He travelledextensivelyin this

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13 g Journalof theHistorical
SocietyofNigeria

to Oyo, Iseyinand Saki.17He sojournedin Oyo and itsenvironsfor

area, particularly
some years18.If he did not preachIslamicreform, he so movedand taughtin thearea
that he was greatlyreveredfor his religiousnessand learning.Accordingto some
tradition,he was laterdrivenout of Oyo by theAlaafin19but he was undauntedand
continuedhis travelin the northernpartof the Old Oyo.
The intensiveand reformist Islamicactivityperpetuatedconsiderableconcernand
aggravatedthehiddentensionbetweentheMuslimsand thetraditionalauthoritiesin
the Old Oyo. Lander was informedeverywherebetween 1825 and 1826 that so
intensiveand successfulwas the Muslimactivitythatthefollowersofthetraditional
religionwere more than alarmed. Consequently,theywent,all in a body,to their
monarchthreatening himwiththeloss of his Empireifhe persistedin toleratingthe
religiousprinciples broached by Malams20
The upshotoftheIslamicferment in Oyo and itsenvironswas violent.The Alaafin
massacredsuchofthemalamsas could be gatheredintothepalace.21OnlyIbu Gumso
managedto escape naked to Sokoto22.This gorysituationgeneratedterrorin the
mindsoftheMuslimsand renderedthemdisgruntled withtheentiretraditionalset-up.
However,theyonly had to be painstakingand wait fora favourableturnof event.
ImperialCrisesand the Status of Islam
Apartfromtheoppositionstagedbythevotariesofthetraditioinal religion,therewere
some otherforcesin the Old Oyo militating against Islam whichalmost shattered
Islam to extinctionin Oyo and its environs.
The firstin theseriesofcrisesin theOld Oyo was therumpusbetweenOld Oyo and
Apomu whichcan be dated back to 179323.This time,AlaafinAole (1805-1811)
attacked Apomu, a town in the presentIfe Division,and consequentlybroke his
coronationoath.The rampagethatensuedafterthisonslaughtadverselyaffectedboth
the Old Oyo and the statusof Islam in the area.
Next in the series was the ascendancyof Ilorin which was creditedwith the
leadershipofAfonja,AlufaAlimiand themilitary virtuousity oftheFulaniand Hausa
slaves.The politicalconstitutional rumpus in theOld Oyo soon reacheda climaxwith
the rebellionof governorAfonja.24
In theeighteenthcentury, Oyo reachedtheapogee of itsstrength, and inthesecond
half was one of the most powerfuland wealthyKingdomsin Africa.25Afterthis
period,Oyo began to witnessa periodofdisintegration. The collapseoftheOld Oyo
with the resulting movement of populations, wars and political rivalriesamong
successorStates, dominated the historyof the Yoruba people ofOyo and itsenvirons
in thenineteenth century beforethe advent of British
rule. The crisiswas so tensethat
it had significantconsequences for the people of the area and Yorubalandat large.
While the Old Oyo was in the arena of politico-constitutional throes,governor
Afonja, the Are-ona Kakanfo, rebelledagainst the authority of the Alaafininabout
17972*.The rebellionwas signalledby thetributewhichhe withheldto Oyo and the
arbitrarysnatch of independence.27 During this time,his forceswere in no way
significant.Theseforceswerestationedat Ilorin,28 hishometown,whichhe madethe
base of his rebelliousoperations.
Importantfor our work here was the way the rebel cast about for supportto
strengthenhis forces,at least,numerically.He badly neededa forcethatcould match
tnoseof hitoverlord,Alaafin,ifhe was to maintain,intact,theindependencehe had
arbitrarily grantedIlorin. More crucial,however,was the advancingforceof Ojo

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ImperialCrisesand theireffecton theStatusofIslamin Yorubaland 13 1

Agunbambaru,a son ofBasorunGaha29.He movedinfromIbaribawitha formidable

armyand set offforllorín-10. Afonjawas drivenby thisforceto a crucialand subtle
situation.He neededall resourcesto equip hisarmyand endeavouredto forcealliance
withtheMuslimsand theHausa, mostlyslaves,in theOld Oyo. In thisregard,hewon
thesupportof al-Salih Alimia man who was familiarwithOyo and itsenvironsand
was well knownand respectedamong the people in thispartof Yorubaland.
The allianceof Afonjaand al-Salih,to use thewordsofGbadamosi,"was a master-
strokeofconsiderablesignificance"11 At leastintheinterim, hesuccessfullywithstood
Alaafin's forces which were under the leadershipof Ojo Agunbambaru32.More
important,however,especiallyfor our concernin thispaper, was thatthe alliance
producedand emphasiseda crucialchangein theoriginalcharacterof therebellion.
The politicalnatureofthecrisiswas stillextantbutwas now integrated withreligion.
Thus the original politico-constitutional rampage became diluted with Islamic
ferment and the agitationof the time.11As religionbecamean issue in therumpus,
local Muslims,14 fromthepointofviewof religioin,threwin theirlotwithAfonjaand
his allies against the Alaafin. Among themwere Muslim priests,amulet-makers,
divinersand traders.Most significant of all werethe MuslimHausa slaves recruited
fortheirskillsin thecare ofhorsesand withoutwhothesizeofthecalvarycould notbe
substained.The supporterstroopedinto Ilorinfroimnearbytownsand villagesand
settledat Oke-Suna quarter,constituting a sizeable MuslimforceforAfonja.
Alimi was the most respectedand most feared Muslim priest.Afonja's own
celebratedmilitaryvalour, allied with Aliroi'sfamous magic powers," made the
rebelliousarmyvirtuallyformidableand invicible.Later,a wealthyYoruba Muslim
traderjoined Afonjaprobablyforpersonalratherthanany religiousreasons.Butthe
leadingYoruba Muslims,as a minority group,stucktogetherand whenSolagberu
settledat Oke-Suna he was able to winthesupportof fellowYoruba Muslimforce.
Thus therewas a muslimforceunder Solagberu, whichformedpart of theentire
jamaaìS of Alimi.
As timewenton. Alimiinviteddownto Ilorinhistwosons,AbdulSalam and Shitta.
He took this decision on the insistenceof Afonja, his host.37Later, when the
oppositionagainst Ilorin became increasingly terrible,Ilorinsolicitedand won the
supportof the Sokoto Jihad38fighters. It was largelythroughthistwo-foldMuslim
support,internaland external,thatAfonjawas able to executehisrebellion,making
himselfand his followersat Ilorinfreefromthe overlordshipof the Alaafin.
The successof Afonja,however,was transient.It ws hisaspirationto establishhis
own politicalauthorityat Ilorinand probablybeyondto theterritories oftheAlaafin;
but no less ambitiouswerethevictory-flushed jama 'a of Alimi.Thejama 'a of Alimi
struggledheroicallyforpoliticalhegemony.Thus theerstwhileunionofthereligious
zealots was strained.
Afonjasoon discoveredthathe was no longerin controlof thesituationin Ilorin.
The loyaltyof the jama 'a became increasinglychannelledtowards Alimi. They
behavedwithindisciplineand committedexcesseswhichestrangedthenon-Muslim
friendsofAfonjawho wereseekingpowerwithinthetraditionalOyo systembutwere
confronted withan Islamiccommunityat Ilorinwitha newideologychallengingthe
very foundations ofthatsystem.He refusedto embraceIslamorevento relinquishthe
paraphernaliaof the traditionalreligion«0. Afonja was regardeda kqfìr,an infidel,

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13 2 Journalof theHistorical
SocietyofNigeria

who was notqualifiedto possesstheallegianceof the Muslims.He triedto torcethe

jama'a to submissionbut theyturnedagainsthimand destroyedhim41.
The fallof Afonjadid not immediately ensurethesupremacyoftheSokoto forces
underAlimiand histwo sons. The local Muslim forceswhich,undertheleadershipof
Solagberu,had championedAfonja's cause were stillconsiderable,and coulddrawon
reinforcements more readily than the Jihad fighters fromSokoto. Afterthe fall of
Afonja,the local forcesbegan to resent the growingpowerand raidsof theSokoto
forces.Equally odious were the religiouspuritanswithinthe followershipof Alimi
who ridiculedthe Muslim followersof Solagberu for the bida42 presentin then
practiceof Islam. This internalreligio-political dissensionsoon burstout and thetwo
sidesresortedto war. In theensuingbattle,theSokoto Jihadfighters provedstronger
and victorious.TheykilledSolagberuand firmly establishedtheirpoliticalhegemony
in Ilorin.Alimidied soon afterthedeathof Afonja.It was Solagberuwhohad triedto
assertYoruba Muslimcontrol.
From Ilorin,the Muslimforce,underAbdul Salam, launcheda seriesofwarsnot
onlyagainsttheOld Oyo butalso againstthesurrounding areas. The militancy ofthe
UorinJihad reachedits apogee in Yorubaland when, sometime between 1821 and
1830,AlaafinOluewu was made to come over to Ilorin to the
perform ceremony
knownas "tappingthe Koran"43in orderto assertits politicalsupremacyover its
formeroverlord,the Alaafin.
It was Abdul Salami who succeededin keepingIlorinindependentand withthe
supportof his brotherattemptedto expand Ilorinpowerand Musliminfluencenot
onlyin theOld Oyo butalso in Yorubalandat large.He eventuallywontheblessingof
Sokoto Caliphateand becamethefirstEmir44. Ilorinthusdeveloipedfroma rebellious
provinceof Oyo intoa frontier post of Fulani Jihad.The firstobvious effectof this
rebellionwas theestablishment of Ilorinas a Muslimcitadel.Ilorinwas formerly a
smallvillageand, in thecourse of therebellion,attracteda largenumberof Muslims
fromwithinand outsidetheOld Oyo. The Muslimlaterbecamethedominantpower
in Ilorin.The resuscitatedmonarchyinOld Oyo was unableto regaintheloyaltyofthe
rebelliouschiefseven in the face õf Fulani menacefromIlorin.45
On theirpart, the Fulani, by the process of "divide and rule" made general
reconciliationimpossible.They presentedIslam,notas a radicalforcesubverting the
Yorubawayoflife,butas thenewenlightenment that the leaderscould use intheirnew
State-building operations.Several not only became allied withIlorinbut werealso
attractedto Islam. Notableamongtheseneophyteswas PrinceAtibawho spentsome
timeat Ilorinthinking, itis said, oflearningwisdomfromtheMuslimsbeforehecame
to realisethatFulani wisdomwas uselessto him.Meanwhile,largenumbersofpeople
weredesertingthecapitaland thesurroundings to resurcitate theformer gloriesofthe
monarchy.They also wentsouth to seek refuge in Ilorin or else to fleesouthwards.
Several of the war leaderswentto find new homes and new ambitions to thesouth.
Atiba46himselfambitiousto revive the former glories of the monarchy,also went
southto a villagecalled Ago-Oja near his mother's home. There,initiallyas a friend
and ally of Ilorin,he organised a task force like the jama 'a and establishedsome
authorityover the Epo district47. When Alaafin Oluewu died in war in about 1835,
Atiba soughtthesupport of the risinggeneration of war chiefs and theOyo Mesi48to
get himselfappointed Alaafin so as to make a new start at Ago-Oja,49He was
eventuallyenthroned as the Alaafin of Oyo in about 1837.50

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 13 3
ImperialCrisesand theireffecton theStatusofIslamin Yorubaland

Populationmovementsand theirimpacton thtstatusof Islam

The fall of theOld Oyo producedseriousand complexpopulationmovements.The
emergenceof llorín as an independentnon-provincetown to be reckonedwith
politicallyhad meanttheevacuationof MuslimleadersfromOyo and itsenvironsand
someotherpartsof Yorubaland.The integration ofa religiousissueintotheoriginally
imperial conflict a
encouraged significant number ofardentMuslimsfromOyo and its
environsand some otherpartsof Yorubalandto fleeand join, at llorin,theforcesof
both Alimi and Solagberu in an attemptto send the Alaafin to his knees.Those
Muslimswho came fromOyo and itsenvironsincludedHausa and Fulani,some of
whomwerein servileposition51.Most oftheMuslimshad fledfamoustownssuchas
Igboho, Igbeti,Kisi in Oyo Northand Ikoyiin Oyo South. Severalothertownsand
villagesweredestroyedand evacuated.Accordingto Ajayi,overfifty thousandpeople
wereinvolvedin the whole exercisein the Old Oyo.
Some of thedispersedMuslimsand otherstook asylumin llorinor in townsand
villagesthatcame underllorinhegemony.Othersbeganto livein hilltop settlements
in theUpperOgun area or in themajortownsofIbarapa and Epo, southernprovinces
oftheOld Oyo Kingdom,whichcould be defendedagainsttheattackof llorin.These
included Iseyin and Oke-Iho. Some people found a new lease of life among
neighbouring Yoruba people like the Egbado, Egba, Ife,Ijebu, Ijesa and Ekiti.The
dispersalof the people in this part of Yorubalkandwas so widespreadthatAjayi
describedthe situationas OYO DIASPORA.52
The fallof old Oyo coupled withtheconsequentdisarray,produceda depletionin
thestatusquo oftheMuslimsnotonlyin termsof Islamicand Arabiclearnings.This
was simplybecausethefleeingofthepersecutedMuslimsnecessarilyincludeda lotof
the moreardentand knowledgeableones.53The loss was almostpermanentbecause
thedispersedMuslimssettleddown in theirnew abode, whichas previouslynoted,
passed intothe hands of new overlords.
Furthermore, as religionbecamean issueintherevolt,theoverzealousMuslimsand
the Jihad fightersconstitutedinevitablyan extremelyserious and fundamental
challengeto thepoliticalascendancyof Oyo. In addition,thesuccessoftherebellion
encouragedtheMuslimsto use theirnewcitadelof llorinas thebase fromwherethey
launchedincessantwarsand raidsagainstvarioustownsand villagesin Oyo and its
environs.The moresuchsuccessfulraidstherewere,themoretheMuslimsand Hausa
slaveswereinstigatedto nse inreoellionand ilee to llorín.The situationcreateda deep
and painfulsorein themindsofthesurviving adherentsofthetraditionalreligionand
thustheywerereadyto revenge.Theyopposed and fellupon theMuslims,local and
alien, in order to uphold the disintegratingpower of the Alaafin, the royal
preponderanceof Oyo and the desecratedtraditionalheritageleftbehindby their
ancestors.The reactionwas widespreadand protracted.54 It was due largelyto thefear
of llorin,a fearwhichechoed down to thelate 1820'sand beyond.The flightof the
Muslimsin Oyo and itsdistricts to llorinas wellas theirpersecutionat thehandsofthe
conservativefollowers of the traditional religion were concurrent.The two
develoipmentscrippledIslam, both in size and stature,in Oyo and itsenvirons.
Some Muslims,includingthe firstpaarakoyi,ťesufuAlanamu,and othersfrom
theroyalhouseworshippedsurreptitiously55 and wereable to surmounttheproblems
generatedby both thecollapse ofthe Old Oyo and theresultant politicalascendancyof
llorin.

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 134 Journalof theHistorical
SocietyofNigeria

The Muslimsin thearea had to battlewitha problemmoredimensionalthanthat

emanatingfromthe numericaland intellectualdepletionof theirranks.Hemmedin
theirlocalitiesand deprivedof some of theirleaders,theyfailedto summonthe
necessarycourageto sustaintheirfaith.Moreover,a thickcloud ofsuspicionwas cast
over the Muslims by the non-Muslims.In this connection,the followersof the
indigenousreligionwereprominent. Theywerefoundinand aroundthecapitalcity,
Oyo56The Muslimswere suspectedas secretcollaboratorswith llorinor as being
subversiveoftheestablishedorder57. Theywerealso heldresponsiblefortheraidsand
devastationsin thearea ana Yorubalandat large.Thus theywere under irksome
restraint"58.As a matterof fact, the proclivitywas to restrictthe operations,
enthusiasm* dynamismand,above all, thezeal oftheMuslimsinOyo and itsenvirons.
Anothereffectemanatingfromthe rebellionwas that Muslimestablishment fell
alongsidethetownsthatweresacked,desertedand destroyed.59 As townslikeIgboho,
Ikoyiand Oyo fellor werescattered.Faced withsecurity problems,theyfledto nearby
areas whichcould affordprotection.Wheretherewas congenialatmosphere,they
forgednew settlements.
By 1836,then,thepictureof Islam among thepeople of Oyo and itsenvironswas
largelya sombreone,showingconsiderabledepletionand disequilibrium.In pointof
truth,Islam in thispartof Yoruba country,afterthecollapse oftheOld Oyo in 1835,
made serious essays to recreateitself,outgrow strong,almost invinciblelocal
discrimination, recoverand reorganiseitselfand, above all, build its statureand
strength.
Regardingtheresurgence ofIslaminthearea afterthecollapseoftheold Oyo, Islam
had fouravenuesopen to it. First,therewas thebasic Yoruba attitudeofa religious
toleration61whichfindsitsfinestexpressionin thesociologicaland religiousviewof
thepeoplethatYoruba oba was"thefatherofall'*2(Yoruba: Oba, baba gboghogbo)
This mightalso be theproductofYoruba's conceptofGod's universality. The Yoruba
use thetitle4oba'forGod and earthlyking.This idea is wellexpressedbythewordsof
Idowu in his article."The religionof the Yoruba" in Gangan. In thearticle,Idowu
says: "In the religionof theYoruba, God is thepriusof til things".The idea helped
Islam a good deal in the period of resurgence.
Secondly,we mustnot¿osesightofthefactthatreligion is basicto theexistence
ofthe
Yoruba.The peopleof Oyo and itsenvironscould notwithhold, forlong,thereligious
vacuumgenerated byiconoclasm whichwasa product oftherebellionoftheearlynineteenth
century.
Thirdly,thedepletion whichIslamsuffered inthearea was to someextent, an immense
accessionto llorín,and accessionfromwhichIslamin thisarea,and Yorubalandat large,
was laterto gainimmense supportoncellorinitself
gotsettledand becamewellestablished.
The samellorinwhichhad beenso richly fedbytheYorubaand Hausa Muslimsbecame,
inspiteof itschangeof politicalmasters,a nourishingsourcefortheregeneration of
Islam in Oyo and its districts,and in Yorubaland as a whole.
Finally,theverydisruption intowhichtheMuslimsofOyoand itsdistricts wereforcibly
thrown waslaterto proveadvantageous.ThefleeingMuslimrefugees fromthesackedtowns
intheareaand Yorubalandat large,became,as itwere,agentsofIslamicdissemination in
theirnew domiciles.This facteventually aided theworkof Islamicrehabilitation61and
entrenchment64 thatwas subsequently embarkedupon bythoseof theMuslimjama a to
whomtheirfaithwas an issueof ultimate solicitude.

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 ImperialCrisesand theireffecton theStatusofIslamin Yorubaland 13 5

NOTES

1. Fordetails aboutthelocation ofOyoanditsenvirons seeAdelowo, E.D."IslaminOyoAndIts

DistrictsInTheNineteenth Century" (Ph.D.Ibadan, 1978);Iff.
2. Idem
3. See Abdullah Muhammed ibnMassanih: Shifarubafìtahrir fuqaha'Yoruba.
4. Thepeopleofthispartof Yorubaland werefound mostly concentrated intheNorth Westof
Yorubaland.
5. TheIgboho period inOyohistory datesbacktothesixteenth century.
6. SeeAjayi,J.F.AdeandCrowder, M.(eds.)History ofWest Africa Vol.2, London, 1974,p.142.
Healsonoticed thatthere werea fewMuslims inOgbomoso, IwoandKuwointhisperiod, See
themapbelow.
7. Thebeginning ofIslamherewasnotunconnected withIfaprediction. Fordetails, seeAdelowo,
E.D. "IslaminOyo...."op.citp.45.
8. SeeGbadamosi, G.O.44The Growth ofIslaminYorubaland" (Ph.D.Ibadan,1971),ch.1.See
alsoAdelowo, E.D. "IslaminOyo...."op.citAppendix I, pp.535-544.
9. Dadais nowcompletely desolate andis nowknown asAhoro Dada.Itsprang uptogether with
TakuandAgbaakin inOyocountry.
10. Ajayi,J.F.Ade'SamuelCrowther ofOyo' Africa Remembered : Narratives byWest Africans
from theEraoftheslaveTrade(ed.)P.D.Curlin, Madison, 1967.
11. Peterson, J. Province of Freedom: A History of Sierra-Leone 1787-1870,Evanston, 1969,
p.164.
12. Gbadamosi, G.O.44The Growth ofIslam....",op.citpi2
13. Interview withtheMuslim Jama'a ofIgboho, August, 1975.
14. Lander, R.Records - Vol.1.p.279
15. Idem.SeealsoClapperton, H.Journal ofa SecondExpedition intotheinterior ofAfrica from
theBightofBenintoSocatoo,London, 1929,p. 230.Hedescribes IbnGrumso, whom hemet
inSokoto,as "aninfluential andtrusted official".Lastmakes nomention ofhimq.v.Last.M.
SokotoCaliphate, Longmans, 1968.
16. See Ahmad, b. AbiBakrTa'HfAkhbar al-qurun minUmara biladllurin Hemaywellhavebeen
calledal-Salih becauseofhisreputation forIslamic andArabic knowledge as wellas hispiety.
17. Schacht, J. "Islamin Northern Nigeria", StudiaIslamica, vití,1957. Thisdocument only
mentions hishaving beentoIkoyi.
18. Bakn, Ahmad , AbiTa*lif....op.cit.
19. Interview withthepresent Alaafin andtheagedcourtiers inOyo,December, 1973.
20. Lander, RandJ,Journal ofan Expedition to explore thecourse andTermination oftheNiger,
VolsI andII. London, 1838;pp.277-279.
21. Idem
22. IdemIbnGumsoinformed Lander thatheowedhislifetooneofthewives oftheAlaafin, who
planned hisescape.
23. Gbadamosi, G.O.4TheGrowth ofIslam...." op.citp.18
24. He wastheAreOna Kakanfo in theold Oyo.See Forde.D. andKaberry P.M.(eds.)West
African Kingdoms in theNineteenth Century, Oxford, 1971pp.39-44; AjayiJ.F.Adeand
Growder, M.(eds.)History ofWest Africa ....pp.129-166.
25. Forde,D andKaberry, P.M.(eds.)West African Kingdoms.. IntheNineteenth Century, Oxford
1971p.39
26. Thiswaswithin the"first phaseofAfonja's revolt"touseAkinjogbin's phrase, q.v.Akinjogbin,
I.A. 4The Prelude to theYorubaCivilWarsof the19thCentury" Odu,1 (newseries), 2,
January, 1965.
27. SeeJohnson, S. TheHistory oftheYorubas, Lagos,1973,p.193.Hewasnotalonehere. Opele,
theBaaleofGbogun alsowithheld tribute,q.v.ibid.
28. Thecityanddistrict ofllorín laytothesouth eastofoldOyo.SeeJohnson, H.A.S.TheFulani
Empire ofSokotoIbadan, 1967.p.141.Seealsothemanbelow.
29. SeeJohnson, S. TheHistory.... op.citp.94
30. Johnson infers thaiOjo opposedAfonjabecausethelatter's father was"oneof thosewho

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13 6 Journalof theHistorical
SocietyofNigeria

swelled'* ofhisfather,theBasorun Gaha.Be tnatas itmay,

Oyabi'sarmyfortheoverthrow
Ojo's armyemerged to subdueAfonja'sarmy. Concerning theplightofBasorunGaha,what
weknowis thatheleftan indelible blackmark behindinthehistoryoftheoldOyoEmpire.
Hewasbelieved to be a callousandferocious primeminister whohadanignominous disease.
ThustheYorubadeclare tilltoday.Eniba laya kose 'kaBi o barantiikuGahasoooto(He
whois brave, lethimcommit wickedacts;youremember thedecaseofGaha,allthetruth).
31. SeeGbadamosi. G.O.'TheGrowth ofIslam....
p.22
32. SeeJohnson, S. TheHistory ....op.cot.p.194
33. Fordetails seeAdelowo, E.D."IslaminOyo...."op.citp.74
34. Muslim slavesweremobilised inthisregard.SeeJohnson S. TheHistorypp.193-194;Ajayi,
J.F.AdeandCrowder, M.(eds.)History op.cit.p.143
ofWestAfrica....
35. Idem
36. Thisliterallymeans community.
37. Interview withthepresent Alaafin ofOyoandthepresent ParakoyiImole,Oyo,AlhajiAsiru,
December, 1974.
38. Jihad meansholywar.Somescholars
literally regard ofIslam.See
thisas one ofthepillars
Gibb,H.A.R.Mohammedanism Oxford, 1968,p.45.ForJihadinAfrica seeBalogun, I.A.B.
TheLifeandWorks of'Uthman DanFodioLagos,1975,pp.25,30,80-83etpassim
39. SeeLander, R.Journal ofExpedition.... op.cit.pp.96-97
40. AjayiandCrowder, History ofWest op.cit.p.145
Africa....
41. Johnson, S.TheHistory- op. cit.p.200.See alsoBakn,Ahmad Akhaar....
Ta'lif Itisvery hard
to agreewithH.A.S.Johnson thatAfonja assuredly embraced Islam. Thepopularthesisisthat
he diedan adherent of thetraditional religion.No wonder thathediedat thehandsofthe
al-muminin.SeeJohnson, H.A.S.TheFulani...Empire ofSokoto, Ibadan, 1967pp.141-143
42. Bid'aisanArabic wordwhich means
literally "innovation*.
43. SeeJohnson, S. TheHistory.... pp.258-289.Thisimplies conversion toIslam.
44. AjayiandCrowder (eds.),History ofWest Africa....op.cit.pl44
45. SeeJohnson, S. TheHistory.... op.cit.pp217-219
46. Interviewwiththepresent Alaafin, December, 1973.
47. Thiswasformerly a districtunder theOldOyoEmpire.
48. In AjayiandCrowder (eds.),History of West Africa,op.cit,Ajayirefersto"theOyoMesi"as
"theOyoMisi.Thismight be an offspring of dialectal
influence. Thecorrect formis "the
OyoMesi",thecouncil ofeldersinOyo.Thismeans theOyothatknowthenormal procedure
aboutthesystem ofenthronement orcoronation inOyoOpinions differ
aboutthenumber of
officersthatconstitute thecouncil.However, thepopular thesisis thattheyareseven:The
Osorun (Basorun), Agbaakin, Samin.Alapinni, Lagunna, Akinniku andAsipa.
49. Thisisthepresent siteoftheNewOyo.Seethemapbelow.
50. SeeAtanda, J.A. TheNewOyoEmpire: Indirect RuleandChange in WesternNigeria,1894-
1934:London, 1973,p.40
51. ThereweremanyHausaslavesandmendicants inOyoandYorubaland suchastocall
atlarge,
fortha protest.
52. SeeAjayiandCrowder (eds.),History ofWest op.citp.147.
Africa....
53. Oraltraditions collected at Oyo particularly at Parakoyi'squarter andAafin Iseyin,Igboho,
SepeteriandIgboho.
54. Lander, R. Records....op. cit.pp.277 -279. Lander observed that insomecitiestheywere
roughly handled bythepeople".
55. Interviewwiththepresent Parakoyi Imole,AlhajiAsiru, December, 1973,November, 1975.
56. Lander, R. Records....pp.279-280.Lander statedthatthemalams were lookeduponwith
thegreatestsuspicion**.
57. Richard andJohnLander Journal... op. citVol.1 p.68He,forexample, notesthati4thevery
prevalentnotion wasthatthefellatahs are....spicesfromSokoto**
58. Lander, R andJ.Journal ....Vol.1 op.cit.p. 1 38
59. Lander andClapperton record thestories ofwoeanddevastation causedbytherebellion,q.v.
Lander, R. Journal ofExpedition , pp. 96-97. Clapperton, Journal ofExpedition....
op. cit.
p.204

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ImperialCrisesand theireffecton theStatusofIslamin Yorubaland 137

60. Fordetailsaboutthecollapseofthesetowns, seeJohnson, op. cit.chs.7-14

S. TheHistory,
61. Thisis thebasisof religious
co-fraternityoperating in Yorubahousesandcommunity. The
phenomenon isoneto be appreciated andtreasuredinsofaras Yorubaland
iscitadelofmulti-
ofreligions.
plicity
62. TheYorubaoba is usually thepatron ofall thereligions
embracedbyhispeople.Hisstatus
compels himt^ be syncretistic.
It is inthiswaythathecouldenjoytheallegiance ofalland
sundryinhisdomain ofdiversity
Irrespective orheterogenei
tyoffaiths.
63. Thiswasbetween 1837and1859.
64. Thiswasa programme between 1860and1895.

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