Josine Blok
2 Fehling (1989) 243-5 thinks that Herodotus was not at all the upper-class figure
he is usually taken to have been. I do not think that this argument is of any help
in understanding the structure of the Histories; a dependence on different kinds of
literary genre seems to be more to the point.
3 E.g., 1.164; 3.45; 3.97; 4.121; 4.145.2; 4.202; 5.15; 5.98; 6.16; 6.19; 6.32; 6.137;
7.114.1; 8.33; 8.36; 8.40; 8.142; cf. Dewald (1981) 121.
' I have argued elsewhere that Herodotus uses the Greek myth of the Amazons
to explain the nomoi of the Sauromatae, rather than to identify the Scythians as the
origin of the Amazons, which is the usual interpretation of this passage (Blok (1995)
86-9). See also Ch. 9 in this volume.
+-=......c., _J,-*m.-
228 josINE BLOK
as when Cyno the servant woman saves the royal child Cyrus from
destruction by his own grandfather (1.110-13). Cyno's role in fact
provides an example of Herodotus' tendency to illuminate impor-
tant people and events by focussing on small and apparently
insignificant ones (van der Veen (1996) 23-52). Conversely, women
whose agency is destructive, or who are cast in a negative light, indi-
cate that something is rotten in the society to which they belong
(Pheretime fulfulling a long tradition of strife and murder in Cyrene
and Barce, 4.160-2, 202-5, and the unpredictable power of the
Persian queens, a component of dynastic autocracy; cf. Lateiner
(1989) 139). The individuals who take fundamental decisions in the
Histories are situated within this cultural context, moulded by Herodotus'
understanding of it.
This assessment of the historical perspective created in the Histories
forms one strand of this essay. The published contributions that I
shall discuss are mainly those that take this structural coherence of
Herodotus' historiography as a starting point. My aim is to eluci-
date what the analysis of women's role in Herodotus' work has con-
tributed to our understanding of the Histories. The debate on the
relationship between narrative and historical 'reality' in the Histories,
which seems to have become the overarching question in Herodotean
scholarship,5 has been stimulated by discussions on the representa-
tions of women. Among the factors contributing to this interest are
Herodotus' stories about the power and sexual freedom of women
in faraway societies. These stories have fanned the imagination of
readers from antiquity to the present, but, simultaneously, they have
recurrently evoked doubts, and hence questions, about the truth of
it all. Since Herodotus' account of Babylonthe Babylonian queens
Semiramis and Nitocris (1.184-5), and the practice in the same city
of selling and prostituting the daughters of citizens (1.196) is clearly
unreliable,6 why should one believe his narrative about the battle of
Salamis?' Another such factor is the discrepancy between Herodotus'
5 In the Arethusa volume on Herodotus (1987), the emphasis has shifted almost
entirely towards the narrative side of the Histories. The contributors to the volume
discuss specific episodes using cautionary phrases such as 'whatever may really have
happened, Herodotus tells that ...'. Yet any assessment of historical narrative is ulti-
mately concerned with a narrative about something, an assumption which is implic-
itly taken for granted in much of the Arethusa volume.
6 Bollinger (1993); Beard and Henderson (1997); from a different point of view
Lloyd (1976) 289-91.
' See also Ch. 15 in this volume.
WOMEN IN HERODOTUS' HISTORIES 229
Tourraix (1976), Dewald (1981), and Lateiner (1989) fall into this
category. In the second case, the emphasis shifts towards the text
to the Histories as an account (probably oral in origin, later com-
mitted to writing) that is essentially the creation of a Greek author.
Here, Herodotus himself is seen first and last as a writera story-
teller. From this perspective, the relationship between his text and
the historical, outside world is more or less incidentala matter
requiring a separate, altogether different kind of judgment. Although
the critics belonging to this latter group will not deny that some ref-
erences to real, historical events were included in the Histories, they
consider this hardly relevant to what they see as the core of Herodotus'
creation. This position, though based on widely differing theoretical
points of view, is here represented by Pembroke (1967), Rossellini
and Said (1978), and Gray (1995) on the one hand and, occasion-
ally, Fehling (19892) on the other.
The two positions, at least in their most radical versions, are
difficult to reconcile. They seem each to be defended by critics who
focus predominantly on the ethnography/cultural history contained
in the first five books of the Histories, with an occasional reference
to the last part. Scholars focussing on single episodes, particularly in
the last three books (here represented by Munson (1988)), appear to
be little troubled by a pull towards either extreme. Ultimately, the
common aim of most critics is to look for a balance between text
and eventfor a means to connect Herodotus' role as creator of his
narrative with the historical events that he considered worth recording.
1
8 For the Masistes story, see also Chs. 9, pp. 207-8 and 13, pp. 310-13 in this
volume.
WOMEN IN HERODOTUS' HISTORIES 231
suited his fancies about Xerxes, is not a question Wolff wants to dis-
cuss. His approach to the stories of these royal women helps to reveal
the structural coherence of the Histories as a narrative; that is, to our
understanding of Herodotus' views and the ways in which he has
moulded his material accordingly.
Although Wolff's article was apparently unknown to him, Alexandre
Tourraix (1976) was equally struck by the queen's agency in the
Candaules story, but he expanded the argument in several ways.
First, he connects the Lydian story not only to its counterpart con-
cerning Xerxes and his queen, but also to about fifty other stories
in the Histories which reveal a similar pattern. According to Tourraix,
episodes such as those of the Athenian tyrant Pisistratus marrying
the daughter of Megacles (1.60), the Corinthian tyrant Periander
keeping alive the memory of his dead wife Melissa (5.92), the suc-
cession of Cyrus to the royal throne through his mother (the Median
princess Mandane, 1.107-8), Cambyses gaining power over Egypt
through the daughter of pharaoh Apries (3.1-3), and, negatively, the
male Babylonians losing power through the killing of the women of
their city (3.150), demonstrate that in monarchical societies power
exercised by men is only legitimate and lasting if it includes the fem-
inine and is transferred through it. The feminine may be represented
by a goddess (see for instance Athena's protection of Peisistratus at
Pa Ilene, 1.62) or another kind of feminine power, but most often it
is incorporated in the wife, sister, or daughter of the predecessor.
There is a strong tie, implicit but effective, between the person of
the queen and royal power itself (Tourraix (1976) 370-1). By acting
as the indispensable intercessors between men's generations, women
were to perform a role that was at once dynamic and consolidating.
Woman, or femininity, is the guarantee, mortal or immortal, of the
solidity of Power, particularly in its monarchical forms: she thus fulfils
two complementary and fundamental functions, by simultaneously assur-
ing both the transmission and the permanence of Power. (Tourraix
(1976) 369, tr. J. B.).
Thus Tourraix perceives not only a common structure in the open-
ing and closing scenes, as Wolff had done, but also an intermittent
series of similarly structured events throughout the Histories. The
recurrence of this pattern again demonstrates the strong composi-
tional coherence of the Histories. Episodes such as the ones on royal
succession should be understood, not as digressions, but as instances
signifying the meaning of the whole.
WOMEN IN HERODOTUS' HISTORIES 233
" Cf. Lateiner (1989) 186: `... social structure determines a nation's political fate,
236 JOSINE BLOK
define the limits of human behaviour. Women are the ones who
guard this tradition (Dewald (1981) 119 n. 30), and Lateiner (1989)
does justice to these relationships by placing 'the subject of women'
between 'limit, transgression, and related metaphors' and 'moral prin-
ciples in history'. These are in fact Greek ideas;'2 in this context it
is only fitting that in Herodotus' Egypt, the alleged opposite of
Greece, 'women are not dedicated to the service of any god or god-
dess' (2.35)." But Herodotus seems to have forgotten about this when
applying the same scheme (religion = very ancient = women's first
priority) to several Greek oracles and cults: they originated in very
ancient Egypt and with Egyptian women (e.g., Dodona and Siwa,
2.51-8;14 cf. Leto's oracle, 2.152, 155; the Thesmophoriae, 2.171;
temple of Athena at Lindus, 2.182). Nevertheless, women, being the
embodiment of social and religious tradition, thus transfer historical
culture into the actual events. This connection between the past and
the present is particularly exemplified by 'women who act' through-
out the Greek and barbarian world. Herodotus' rendering of women's
historical agency, according to Dewald, is due to the fact that his
descriptions are not yet defined by the conventions of a genre (Dewald
(1981) 91). However, other critics of Herodotus' text argue that the
very opposite is the casean argument to which I shall now turn.
although Herodotus has not yet found the theoretical and abstract terminology to
express it so concisely'.
2 On the Greekness of the idea of women's influence 'long ago', see Pembroke
(1967) and below, pp. 237-9.
" As hiratai gyre oudemia is translated by A. D. Goldey (Loeb-ed.). According to
Lloyd (1976, ad loc.), Herodotus means to say that in Egypt women could not per-
form the functions of a Greek hiereii: sacrifice and various tasks concerning the con-
ditions of and around the temple.
14 Cf. Zografou (1995); Lloyd (1976) ad loc.; compare Fehling (19892) 65-70, who
points out the implausibility of this passage.
WOMEN IN HERODOTUS' HISTORIES 237
. .;
1
Conclusion
.
242 JOSINE BLOK
Parian envoys visit the whole territory of Miletus, finding most oikoi
completely wasted but collecting the names of those whose lands are
well tilled. Having returned to the city, the Parians appoint the own-
ers of the well-tilled lands to be the new rulers of Miletus because,
they say, these people would probably take as much care of public
affairs as they did of their own (5.29). This view seems to have been
a common one in the Greek world; in Athens it was voiced on the
stage by Creon, speaking to his son Haemon, in Sophocles' Antigone
'The man who acts rightly in family matters will be seen to be right-
eous in the city as well' (661-2)." There is hardly a political theory
in classical Athens that does not take the oikos as a point of depar-
ture for understanding the pais as a community and a state.
It seems that Herodotus used this perspective on the oikos as a
model for the pais when shaping his history. The novelty of his
approach may be found in his application to history of a model that
was being scrutinized, debated, parodied, and applied in many
other
contexts and genres. The model included much to guide his selec-
tion of ethnographical features: genealogy (of peoples and individu-
als), manners of livelihood, burial, sacrifice, sexual customs, and
gendered division of labour. It enabled him to understand the rela-
tions between men and women as mutually dependent, even though
each sex had priorities and weaknesses of its own. It led him to
expect that the most influential interviews would take place behind
closed doors. It even provided him with a good entry into the larger
theme of the Persian Wars which, because it was inspired by Homer's
epic tale of Troy, included domestic relationships. He applied this
model widely in his history, and the efforts of modern critics to dis-
cern where and how he did so bear testimony to his versatility. Few
historians followed his example in antiquity, but his audience prob-
ably found his writings not only exciting and enjoyable, but perfectly
comprehensible.
" On the influence of dramatic styles in Herodotus, see Lateiner (1989) 20-34
and Ch. 6 in this volume.