Alcestis and Hercules in the Catacomb of via Latina

Author(s): Beverly Berg

Source: Vigiliae Christianae, Vol. 48, No. 3 (Sep., 1994), pp. 219-234
Published by: BRILL
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 Vigiliae Christianae 48 (1994), 219-234, ? E. J. Brill, Leiden

ALCESTIS AND HERCULES IN THE CATACOMB OF

VIA LATINA'

BY

BEVERLY BERG

A numberof non-scripturalsubjectsare depictedin the fourth cen-

tury catacombof Via Latina. Philosophersgracethe walls and ceiling
of one section, and Ferrua,the excavatorof the catacomb, has iden-
tified puzzlingpaintingsin two burialalcoves as Tellus, a personifica-
tion of the fruitful earth, and a medicinelesson.2 Yet it is only in the
penultimatechamber,N, and the final chamber,0, that cult figures
from the pagan world indubitablyappear. The demi-god Hercules
dominatescubiculumN, and in one panel appearsclaspingthe arm of
Minerva,whilein the corridorleadingto O Ceresand Proserpinastand
guard. Since 0, which was designedfor a single burial, also contains
scripturalscenes, and thus presumablyhad a Christianoccupant, it is
aroundthe decorationsof cubiculumN that controversyhas centered.
All the figurepaintingsof cubiculumN depictscenesfrom the story
of Alcestisand the laborsof Hercules(figures1-6).3Both tales had been
widely utilized in pagan funerary monuments. Why, in the
predominantlyJudeo-Christiandecor of the catacombof Via Latina,
have Herculesand Alcestis intruded,following the story of Jonah in
cubiculumM and precedingthe raisingof Lazarusin cubiculum0?4
The question, as defined in an articleby Engemanntreatingthe con-
troversy, has centered on the religion of the occupants of chamber
N-were they pagan or Christian?5Ferruasupposedthat an extended
familycommissionedthe decorationsof the final sequenceof rooms in
the catacomb,and that while some membersof the family were Chris-
tian, otherswerepagan, and thus chose paganthemesto decoratetheir
own burial chamber, N.6 Fink, on the other hand, argued that the
messagesof the Herculesand Alcestis paintingsharmonizedwith the
Judeo-Christianspiritof the other cubicula,and "educatedChristians
are here undoubtedlyin evidence."7
Theseviewpoints,I believe,need not conflict, if we bearin mindthat
220 BEVERLY BERG

the cubiculumgives evidenceabout at least two people, the patronwho

commissionedthe decorationof chamberN, andthe artistwho executed
the paintings.In this study I will attemptto distinguishthe role of the
patronfromthat of the painter,assigningto the patronthe initialchoice
of pagan subjects, and to the painterthe desire to align this material
with Judeo-Christianartisticthemes. This may suggestthat the patron
was paganand the painterChristian,but I do not believethat certainty
concerningthe religiousaffiliationof eitherpartyis possibleto attain.
The patron tolerated the Judeo-Christianambiance of the adjacent
cubicula, while the painter did not consider pagan cult images an
abomination.8
Within the cubiculumthere is absolutelyno evidence of Christian
worship,but the appearanceof Herculesneed not indicatethat he was
the objectof the patron'sdevotion.Hercules,in my analysis,is present
first becausehe resurrectedAlcestis, and the patron wishedto make a
statementaboutthe reunionof man and wife beyonddeath,and second
because the painter found the theme of Hercules' labors artistically
fruitful. Herculesgracesno other known Christiancatacomb,but his
presencehereis hardlymore discordantthan that of Orpheusin Chris-
tian contexts.9 Both were demi-godsin origin, who like Christ had
visited the land of the dead.
The paintingswere executedin a period when paganismand Chris-
tianity sometimesclashedin the imperialcourt and the Roman senate
house-the period of Julian's apostasy and the first removal and
restorationof the statueof Victory.'1 The decorationsof cubiculumN,
however,tell us that in two areas,that of figurepaintingand of beliefs
aboutthe hereafter,the paganand Christiantraditionscould open into
each other just as the cubiculadepictingJonah, Hercules,and Christ
raisingLazarusopen into one another. Thereis certainlyno evidence
here for any syncretisticcult, but the separationin worshipof Hercules
and Christdid not precludeparallelismin funeraryart'2or in hopes for
the survivalof the dead. Fourth century Romans could be ignorant
neither of the deeds of Hercules nor of Christ. Neither patron nor
paintermay have receivedChristianbaptism,yet both wereat home in
an increasinglyChristianizedworld.
The decorationof the tomb chamberwas chosen to celebratethe
devotion of a wife to her spouse and to displaythe painter'sartistry,
ratherthan to makea statementabout the divinity,Christianor pagan.
Rather than hypothesize about the religious affiliations of the
 ALCESTIS AND HERCULES IN THE CATACOMB OF VIA LATINA 221

occupants, this study will explore the attitudesof the patron toward
deathand the hereafter,and the artist'sabilityto createa balancedhar-
mony which links the paintingsof N both with one anotherand with
paintingsin adjacentchambers.
CubiculumN is a richly decoratedchamber,whose charmsinclude
red cornerpillars, false marbling,paintedpeacocksand goats, and on
the ceiling cupids reaping. The chamber has two arcosolia, each
designed for a double burial. Each arcosoliumcontains three major
figure scenes, disposedin a semicircularlunetteand flankingpanels.13
All six of these scenes appearto be by the hand of a single artist, but
the scenes in the right arcosoliumare on the whole more successful.
Thesethreerighthandscenes(to whichI will returnlater)areeasilyiden-
tifiable illustrationsof the legends of Alcestis and Hercules, based
rather closely on pagan prototypes. They form a carefully balanced
compositionalunit, and are thematicallylinked with paintingsin the
adjacentcubicula.All of these characteristicslead me to believethat in
his work on the right arcosoliumthe painterwas following his artistic
bent largelyunconstrainedby any overridingdemandsof the patron.
The case is otherwisefor the scenes of the left arcosolium,which I
believewerepaintedfirst. Thesescenesare moreoriginal,but somewhat
awkward,and do not form such a tightly knit unit, either composi-
tionally or thematically,as those of the righthandarcosolium. The
painter'slesser success on the left I would explain by the constraints
imposedupon him by his patron.Whilesome cubiculain the Via Latina
catacomb(B or M, for example)are paintedwith a medleyof scriptural
scenes that would be appropriatefor any Christianclient, chamberN
with its mythologicalscenesmust have constituteda specialorder.The
unusualprecautionstaken in sealingthe innermosttomb cavity of the
left arcosoliumagainst violation indicatethe personalinterventionof
the patron in choosing the mannerof burial.
The scene in the lefthandlunetteof Admetuson his sickbed(fig. 1)
was specificallyordered,I believe, by the patronratherthan chosen by
the artist. For normallythe legendof Alcestisis used to commemorate
the death of a woman, both on sarcophagiand in a pagan catacomb
burial.14 The centralscene on the sarcophagipresentsAlcestis on her
deathbed. On a coffin from St. Aignan dedicated by the deceased
woman's mother, specialprominenceis given in this scene to the grief
of Alcestis' parents.15 On the other hand, a sarcophagusfrom Ostia
dedicatedby a bereavedhusbandemphasizesthe role of Admetusin its
222 BEVERLY BERG

Fig. 1. Catacombof Via Latina,cubiculumN. Left arcosolium,centrallunette.Admetus

on his sickbedlistensto the vow of Alcestis;five men and one womanlament.

sculpted scenes.16 In the Via Latina cubiculum the lefthand central

lunette depicts a man lying on his sickbed, while a woman solicitously
bends over him and six other figures lament. Clearly it portrays the last
moments of the man buried beneath, and so would have been commis-
sioned by the bereaved widow, who intended that her own body would
one day lie beside that of her husband, the arcosolium being designed
for two occupants. Taken in conjuction with the opposite lunette
illustrating Alcestis' return from the dead, the left lunette can also be
identified as a portrayal of the legendary Admetus stricken with a fatal
illness, at the moment when his wife Alcestis tells him of her willingness
to die in his place. I The wifely figure is given great prominence, stand-
ing in the center over Admetus' bed and somewhat bulkier than the
other mourners. The Roman husband could not escape death like
Admetus, but the patron here commemorates her own loyalty during
her husband's illness-she too would have sacrificed life itself to save
him. Viewed in this way, the initial motivation for depicting the legends
of Alcestis and Hercules sprang not from any devotion to the cult of
Hercules but from a woman's devotion to her husband. 18
The painting of Admetus on his sickbed is flanked by a panel showing
Hercules and Minerva clasping one another by the forearm (fig. 2). The
pose, which is rare for Hercules and Minerva, is based on the scene of
dextrarum iunctio depicted on both pagan and early Christian sar-
 ALCESTIS AND HERCULES IN THE CATACOMB OF VIA LATINA 223

Fig. 2. Catacomb of Via Latina, cubiculum N. Left arcosolium, left panel. Hercules and
Minerva, dextrarum iunctio.

cophagi.19This handclaspbetweenman and wife is a symbol of their

loyaltyin the face of death, and harksbackalso to theirmarriagevows.
Although adopted by sculptorsfor Christiansarcophagi,the scene is
unknownin catacombart, in which depictionof the deceasedin any
exceptthe orant pose is somewhatrare.20 The painterof cubiculumN
has avoided portrayingthe deceaseddirectly, but by posing Minerva
andHerculesin the stanceof a devotedcouplehe has createdan emblem
of the supportbetweenman and woman.21 Just as the adjacentlunette
focuses attentionon wifely fidelity, so this panel suggestsallusivelythe
bond between the deceasedcouple. The choice of Minervamay also
indicatethat the patronpridedherselfon her learning.Athenaplays no
role in Euripides'Alcestis, but was Hercules'helper in his canonical
labors.
224 BEVERLY BERG

It is interestingto comparethese scenesof fidelitybetweenman and

womanto the decorationsof a burialalcove, also designedfor a couple,
on the lefthandside of chamberI of Via Latina.22The centrallunette
of this arcosoliumshows the risen Christ seated in majesty between
Peter and Paul. Flankingpanels portraya male orant on one side, a
female orant on the other. These frontal figures, their hands raisedin
worship, representthe deceased.Two more panels depict scenes from
the Old Testament.In one, Moses removeshis sandalsin the presence
of the Lord. The other illustratesa passage from Job (19,17), "I am
repulsiveto my wife." Job's wife extends a piece of bread on a spit
toward him while turningaway her head and holding her nose at the
stench of his loathsomedisease.
In this alcove the central focus is on the divinity rather than the
deceased. The orants are separatedby the lunette from one another,
alone beforethe majestyof God. Mosessuggeststhe qualityof humility
beforeGod. Job and his wife mayrepresentloyaltyin adversity,but cer-
tainly not maritalhappiness.In cubiculumN the artist, using pagan
myth and the dextrarumiunctio pose, has been able to place the
emphasison maritalfidelity, a themewhichhad not been developedin
the scripturalartisticrepertory.The figuresof the devotedAlcestisand
herhusbandare centralto the left lunette,and the depictionof Minerva
and Herculesreinforcethe message. In the right lunette Alcestis has
passedthroughdeath to find her husband,while in the alcove of I the
deceasedcouple have found God ratherthan each other beyonddeath.
Whiletwo of the threescenesin the left arcosoliumof N werechosen
for their portrayalof fidelity, the third panel shows Herculeswith an
opponent(fig. 3). Artisticallythe scene balancesthat of Herculesand
Minervaclaspingone another'sarms, in that here Herculesholds the
hand of his fallen enemy. This opponenthas been variouslyidentified.
Schumacherand Fink both chose enemies whom Herculesmust lift
from the groundto kill, Antaeusand Alcyoneus.23 Hercules,however,
does not appearto be strainingin orderto toss his opponent,but rather
to be lifting his club in sign of victory with one hand, and graciously
extendinghis other to his foe, who is no longer in dangerof his life.
Deathis the one majoropponentof Herculeswhom he did not kill-no
man can slay death. I would identify Hercules' opponent here as
Death.24 The artist has portrayedthe victory and pact by which Her-
culesreleasedAlcestisfrom the powerof Death. The paintingis closely
connectedto the opposite lunette in which HerculesreunitesAlcestis
 ALCESTIS AND HERCULES IN THE CATACOMB OF VIA LATINA 225

Fig. 3. Catacombof Via Latina, cubiculumN. Left arcosolium,right panel. Hercules

triumphsover Death.

and Admetus, for in Euripides'play Alcestis it is when presentingthe

risen wife to her husbandthat Herculesexplainshe ambushedDeath
"beside the very tomb, seizing him with my hands."25The bow and
quiverwhichare depictedbesideDeath are perhapsa learnedreference
to a passagein the Iliad, in which Dione tells Aphroditethat Hercules
once woundedHades with an arrow.26
The scene of Hercules' victory over Death is not particularlysuc-
cessful. It is awkward,and has causedconfusionof interpretation.The
same artisthas achievedmuch greatersuccesswith the paintingsof the
right arcosolium,for which he has chosen scenes familiarfrom pagan
prototypesdepictingHercules'labors and the returnof Alcestis from
the dead to Admetus. The reunion of Alcestis and Admetus appears
226 BEVERLY BERG

both on Greekand Romanpaganfunerarymonuments,signifyingthat

the deceasedhopesto overcomethe estrangementcausedby death.27In
cubiculumN the scene of lamentationand partingof the left lunetteis
balancedby the scene of resurrectionand reunionon the right(fig. 4).
The impliedparallelbetweenthe story of Admetusand Alcestisand of
the deceasedcouple is not, of course, exact. Admetusavoided death,
whileAlcestispassedthroughdeathto rejoinherhusbandin this earthly
life. When the lunettepaintingsare interpretedas scenes from the life
of the deceasedcouple, the husbandon the left approachesdeath, and
the reunionon the rightwill take placenot on earthbut in the beyond.
Nonetheless the prototype developed for the Alcestis legend in the
paganfunerarytraditionwas far moresuitablefor conveyingthe notion
of the reunionof the couplein the afterlifethan any imagein the scrip-
tural repertoryof fourth centurypainters.

Fig. 4. Catacomb of Via Latina, cubiculum N. Right arcosolium, central lunette. Her-
cules with Cerberus brings Alcestis from the mouth of the underworld to Admetus before
the palace.

The reunionof Alcestisand Admetusis livelyand well-composed,the

artist'smost successfulscene. His treatmentis based on depictionsof
Alcestis'returnon paganmonuments.28 Rathercomically,the artistof
cubiculum N has added Cerberus to the scene.29 Hercules, with
Cerberuswell in hand, is at the center of the lunette, Alcestis and
 ALCESTIS AND HERCULES IN THE CATACOMB OF VIA LATINA 227

Fig. 5. Catacomb of Via Latina, cubiculum N. Right arcosolium, right panel. Hercules
and the dragon of the Hesperides.

Admetus on either side. Admetus sits before the yellow curtains of his
home-these curtains appear also in the left lunette. Behind Alcestis is
the mouth of a rocky cavern, suggesting that the land of the dead from
which she arises is an underground place like the catacomb itself.
Hercules and Cerberus can also be seen as the center of the larger
triadic unit of the three figure paintings of the right arcosolium of N.
Just as Hercules dominates Cerberus, symbol of death, in the lunette,
so in the two flanking panels he faces dangerous serpents, rather
passively confronting the dragon of the Hesperides on the right (fig. 5),
and actively battling the Hydra on the left (fig. 6). The artist is in his
element here. Although the original patron of cubiculum N will have
228 BEVERLY BERG

Fig. 6. Catacombof Via Latina, cubiculumN. Right arcosolium,left panel. Hercules

overcomesthe Hydra.

specified that a reunion lunette on the right balance the lamentation

lunette on the left, the right arcosolium was designed to hold eventually
the remains of a second pair of occupants, and the artist seems to have
completed the decorations according to his own fancy, using his
painterly sense of composition to the full. As with the scene of Alcestis'
return, the two renditions of Hercules' labors are inspired by sarcophagi
reliefs.
Our artist was not the first to think of combining the story of Alcestis
with Hercules' canonical labors. The Velletri sarcophagus gives the
sequence of Hercules' twelve labors on the sides and back of the chest,
while the stories of three who returned from Hades, Alcestis, Pro-
 ALCESTIS AND HERCULES IN THE CATACOMB OF VIA LATINA 229

tesilaos and Proserpina,are depictedon the front.30 A provincialsar-

cophagusfrom Yugoslaviapresentsthree scenesacrossits front. From
left to rightwe see HerculesabductingCerberus,rescuingAlcestis, and
visiting the garden of the Hesperides.31Thus the sculptor flanks the
storyof AlcestiswithHercules'finaltwo labors,whichboth also convey
the idea of triumphover death.
The Via Latinapainteralso wishedto group his subjectsaroundthe
idea of masteringdeath, but he has mergedCerberusinto the Alcestis
sceneand addedthe battleof Herculesand the Hydra,one of the hero's
earliest labors, on the left. This grouping gives the adventuresan
increasedsignificance.The serpentinenatureof Hercules'opponents,
Hydra and dragon, is emphasized,and a parallelis createdbetween
them and Cerberus,symbolof death. This ties in nicelywith the legend
of Admetus,for accordingto ApollodorusAdmetussaw a room full of
serpentsas a portentof the death sentencealotted him.32
The prominenceof the serpentsand theirconjunctionwiththe hellish
Cerberusmust also be related,as Fink has pointed out, to the role of
the serpentin Genesis.33Our artist can not have been ignorantof the
story of Adam and Eve, for he was a memberof a workshopwhich
regularlyillustratedScripture.The cubiculum N paintings are very
similar in style to the paintings of the adjacent chamberswith their
Judeo-Christianiconography, and clearly come from the same
workshop, if not the same hand.3 The seated Admetus in the right
lunetteof N is particularlyclose to the irateJonahin M, and the paint-
ing of Herculesbattling the Hydra is reminiscentof Samson and the
lions in L. 35While the choices made by the patron of N of themes of
fidelity and resurrectionneed not indicate any awarenessof Chris-
tianity,it is otherwisefor the artist.He could hardlypaintserpentswith-
out thinkingof Adam and Eve, who appearin the adjacentcubiculum,
M, 36 besidea tree drapedwith a serpent,very similarto the serpentand
tree of the Hesperidesin N.
The originof this serpent-draped treeis pagan,and it appearsas early
as the classical Greek period in depictions of the garden of the
Hesperides.37Laterartistsadaptedthe prototypefor the biblicaltree of
knowledge. By choosing to place the labor of the apples of the
Hesperidesin N the artist opposes Hercules'triumphover the dragon
to Adam and Eve's loss of eternallife. Herculesgains immortalfruit
just as he overcomesdeath in the adjacentlunetteby rescuingAlcestis
and tamingthe hellhound.The messageis then reinforcedby coupling
230 BEVERLY BERG

the Hesperides labor with the labor of the Hydra. Yet I do not believe
that any Christianization of the Hercules figure was intended by the
painter. A parallel between the hero's actions and Christ's grace is sug-
gested, but there is no identification of their persons. The painter is
thinking not as a worshipper but as an artist. It was his patron who
initially specified that he depict the story of Alcestis, which involved
Hercules. When the painter came to complete the right arcosolium his
strong sense of thematic balance and continuity led him to add the two
labors of the Hydra and of the Hesperides, which would not only com-
pliment the lunette they flank, but also echo the Adam and Eve panel
in cubiculum M. His message is one of hope for the deceased rather than
of veneration for Hercules.
Fink has well suggested that the scene in the final chamber of the
catacomb, 0, of the raising of Lazarus, was chosen as a Christian
restatement of the message of triumph over death presented in
cubiculum N through the return of Alcestis. 38 The painter (or painters)
of cubiculum O has presented an artistic medley which serves as a sum-
mation of the pictorial material of the entire catacomb. This chamber
combines mythological and Judeo-Christian material. Yet the painter
has a sense that pagan divinities should not mix indiscriminately with
scriptural scenes. Large figures of Ceres and Proserpina, done, I think,
by the artist of cubiculum N, grace the walls of an entrance corridor
leading from N, and the two goddesses appear again, seated, on the ceil-
ing of 0.39 These pagan goddesses of death and renewal serve as a
bridge from the mythical world of N to the Judeo-Christian world of
0, yet are relegated by their positions to peripheral status. The Judeo-
Christian scenes are largely derived from similar scenes in earlier sec-
tions of the catacomb, particularly chamber C. 40The workshop respon-
sible for the last phase of the catacomb decoration has in its final
chamber, 0, displayed its proficiency in both pagan and Judeo-
Christian material, and demonstrated a discreet sense of the harmony
between the messages conveyed by both funerary traditions. At the
same time homage has been done to the previous generation of painters
who decorated the earlier phase of the catacomb.
Cubiculum O is designed for a single burial. The deceased appears
twice in the chamber, as a Christian orant, and in a charming portrait
tondo showing a pensive young girl. 41 Such portrait tondos are frequent
in pagan bural chambers, but this is the only example in the Via Latina
catacomb. Ferrua believed the same family commissioned both chamber
 ALCESTIS AND HERCULES IN THE CATACOMB OF VIA LATINA 231

N and chamberO.42 It is temptingto hypothesizethat the girl buried

in O is the daughterof the patron who chose to commemorateher
maritalfidelityin the sceneof the vow of Alcestis,but preferredJudeo-
Christianscenes to allude to the triumphover death of her daughter,
who had made a commitmentto Christianity.
In this study I have avoided any dogmaticposition on the religious
affiliation of the occupants of cubiculum N. As I reconstructthe
motivationof the patronwho chose scenesof Alcestis'storyto decorate
the chamber,she wishedto make a statementnot of piety towardHer-
cules or Christ,but of her own loyalty to her spouse, and her hope to
be reunitedwith him in the hereafter.The paganartisticfunerarytradi-
tion providedparadigmsfor expressingthis themewhereasthe Christian
scripturalrepertorydid not, for in the artof the catacombsthe emphasis
was shifted from the deceased to the divinity. The painter of the
cubiculum,at home both in the paganand Christianartistictraditions,
has been able to harmonizethe mythologicalmaterialwith the Judeo-
Christianambianceof the adjacentchambers.

NOTES

I began this research at the library of the American Academy in Rome in the summer
of 1989 while participating in a seminar directed by Eleanor Winsor Leach on Roman art
in a social context, under the auspices of the National Endowment for the Humanities.
I would like to thank Prof. Leach, the NEH, and the American Academy for their help.
2 The catacomb of Via Latina is fully presented and illustrated by Antonio Ferrua, S.J.,
Catacombesconosciute;unapinacotecadel IV secolo sotto la ViaLatina(Florence1990).
This is an updated version of his Le pitture della nuova catacomba di Via Latina,
Monumenti di antichita cristiana, ser. II, vol. 8 (Vatican City 1960). For the philosophers
of room I see Catacombe, 94-96 and figures 96-103, for Tellus, 82-83 and figures 1, 77
and 78, for the medicine lesson, 101 and figure 111. Ferrua discusses the divergent iden-
tifications which have been proposed for Tellus on 132, n. 6. He originally identified the
figure as Cleopatra, but now follows Margherita Guarducci, "La morte di Cleopatra"
nella catacomba della Via Latina, Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di
Archeologia 38 (1966) 259-281. Ferrua discusses the variant identifications proposed for
the medicine lesson in Catacombe, 132, n. 7. In any case neither scene appears to be scrip-
tural, although Josef Fink, Bildfrommigkeitund Bekenntnis;Das Alte Testament,
Heraklesunddie HerrlichkeitChristian der ViaLatinain Rom(Cologne1978)19-27,sug-
gests the "medicine lesson" represents the death of the Old Testament king Asa.
3
Ferrua, Catacombe, 110-119 and figures 122-130. Good illustrations of cubiculum N
can also be found in Andre Grabar, The Beginnings of Christian Art (London 1966) 37,
92, 208, 228 and 234.
4
Ferrua, Catacombe, Jonah, 107-110 and figures 118, 120 and 121; Lazarus, 124-125
and figure 137.
232 BEVERLY BERG

5 Josef Engemann, Altes und Neues zu Beispielen der Katakombenbilder, Jahrbuchfur

Antike und Christentum 26 (1983) 128-151, on 141-151.
6
Ferrua, Catacombe, 136-139, and in Una catacomba di diritto privato, La Civilta Cat-
tolica 1960, III, 473-480.
7
Fink, Bildfrommigkeit, 31. Fink's discussions of the paintings of cubiculum N occur
on 29-34 and 94-98 of this book, and in Herakles als Christusbild an der Via Latina,
Rivista di archeologia cristiana 56 (1980) 133-146.
8
Sister Charles Murray, Rebirth and Afterlife: A Study of the Transmutation of Some
Pagan Imagery in Early Christian Funerary Art, British Archaeological Reports, Interna-
tional Series 100 (Oxford 1981) 31-33, gives the Greek text and an interpretation of a letter
of the fourth century bishop Epiphanius. In her reading of the letter, which I believe is
correct, Epiphanius defends himself for tearing down a pagan image in a Christian
church. Yet even Epiphanius, in Ancoratus 85, published in Opera, ed. Karl Holl, vol.
I, GCS (Leipsig 1915) 105, cites the very legend which appears in cubiculum N, that of
Alcestis, as a pagan example of resurrection. The passage was brought to my attention
by Walter Schumacher, Die Katakombe an der Via Dino Compagni und Romische
Grabkammern, RAC 50 (1974) 331-372, on 338.
9 For a
thorough discussion of the appearance of Orpheus in the catacombs see Murray,
Rebirth, 37-63 and 114-121.
'0 In my dating of the decoration of the Via Latina catacomb I follow the chronology
of William Tronzo, The Via Latina Catacomb: Imitation and Discontinuity in Fourth
Century Roman Painting, Monographs in the Fine Arts 38 (University Park, PA 1986)
5-22. Tronzo dates chambers N and O to the period 350-370 (p. 17). He contrasts the fer-
vent Christianity evinced by the paintings of the earlier cubicula (A-C) with the more
eclectic final phases of the decoration (pp. 65-78).
" Ferrua, Catacombe, figure 27, shows how N opens into O, with pagan and Christian
scenes both visible to the viewer. Such an arrangement is unique. Ferrua, La catacomba
di Vibia, RAC 47 (1971) 7-62, and RAC 49 (1973) 131-161, has shown that in the complex
of small catacombs of Vibia and the Four Orants burials of pagans, including priests of
Mithra, and of Christians both occur. Yet in this complex those burial chambers which
have pagan paintings are separated by a network of corridors from those with Christian
paintings. The figure of Alcestis appears painted among the blessed in the tomb chamber
of Vibia herself. Vibia was pagan, but the artist appears conversant with Christian por-
trayals of the banquet of the blessed.
12 This is the view taken
by Marcel Simon, Remarques sur la Catacombe de la Via
Latina, Mullus Festschrift Theodor Klauser, Jahrbuch fur Antike und Christentum,
Erganzungsband 1 (Munster 1964) 327-335. Simon's view that the occupants of cubiculum
N were likely, but not certainly, pagan, is close to mine.
3 For illustrations see
Ferrua, Catacombe, figures 122-130.
14 For the sarcophagi see Peter Blome, Zur Umgestaltung griechischer Mythen in der
romischen Sepulkralkunst. Alkestis-, Protesilaos-, und Proserpinasarkophage, Mit-
teilungen des deutschen archaologischen Instituts, Romische Abteilung 35 (1978) 435-457,
on 435-445. For the catacomb see Ferrua, Un mausoleo della necropoli scoperta sotto S.
Pietro, Rend. Pont. 23-24 (1947/49) 217-229. The paintings, dating from the second or
early third centuries, are now in poor condition, but enough remains to show that com-
positionally they are not closely related to the scenes in cubiculum N of Via Latina.
5 Blome, Umgestaltung, 437-439.
 ALCESTIS AND HERCULES IN THE CATACOMB OF VIA LATINA 233

16
SusanWood, Alcestison RomanSarcophagi,AmericanJournalof Archaeology82
(1978)499-510,and Blome, Umgestaltung,441-445.
7 Alcestis'vow is mentioned,althoughthe sceneis not staged,in Euripides,Alcestis 15-
18. The vow of Alcestis is depicted on two of the sarcophagistudied by Blome,
Umgestaltung,435-437.Oneis in VillaFaustina,Cannes,the otherin VillaAlbani,Rome.
The scene,whichappearson the left front side of the sarcophagi,is completelydifferent
in compositionfromthe paintingin Via Latina.Nor is theremuchsimilaritybetweenthe
catacombsceneandtwo Pompeianpaintingsnow in the NationalArcheologicalMuseum
of Naples,whichshow Admetusat the momentwhenthe oracleis readannouncingthat
he must perishor find a substituteto die in his place.
'8 Ferrua,Catacombe,119,judgesthe themeof wifelyfidelityto be the primarymessage
of the chamber,as I do, whileotherscholarshave emphasizedthe laborsof Herculesor
the idea of resurrectionmuch more.
'9 According to Janet Huskinson, Some Pagan Mythological Figures and their
Significancein EarlyChristianArt, Papersof theBritishSchoolat Rome42 (1974)68-97,
on 86, a gold-glassmedalliondepictingHerculesgraspingthe handof Minervamay have
been found in a catacombof the late fourthcentury.The dextrarumiunctiois studiedby
Louis Reekmans,La "dextrarumiunctio" dans l'iconographieromaineet paleochr-
tienne,Bulletinde l'Instituthistoriquebelgede Rome31 (1958)23-95.On its use in Chris-
tian art see also Antonio Quacquarelli, Le nozze eterne nella concezione e
nell'iconographiacristianaantica, VeteraChristianorum 22 (1985)5-34.
20 ClaudeDagens, A propos du cubiculumde la "Velatio", RAC 47 (1971) 119-129,
arguesthat a marriagesceneis representedin a lunettein the catacombof Priscilla.This
was first proposedby O. Mitius,Ein Familienbildaus der Priscillenkatakombe mit der
altestenHochzeitsdarstellung derchristlichenKunst(Fribourg1895),andis, I believe,cor-
rect. The scene, however,is not modelledon the dextrarumiunctioprototype.
21
Simon, Remarques,334, interpretsthis scene as MinervawelcomingHerculesto
heavenafter his labors, as does FrederickPerezBargebuhr,ThePaintingsof the 'New'
Catacomb of the Via Latina and the Struggle of Christianityagainst Paganism,
AbhandlungenderHeidelberger AkademiederWissenschaften,Philosophisch-historische
Klasse, 1991-2.Abhandlung(Heidelberg1991)56. This interpretationwould harmonise
with my own.
22
Ferrua,Catacombe,99-101and figures104-110.
23
Schumacheropts for Antaeusin Katakombe,336, and in Reparatiovitae, Romische
Quartalschrift fur christlicheAltertumskunde undKirchengeschichte 66 (1971)129ff., on
131 ff. Fink arguesfor Alcyoneusin Bildfrommigkeit,29-30. Simon, Remarques,329,
suggestsGeryon,while Bargebuhr,Paintings,48-51, proposesCacus.
24 I knowof no prototypefor sucha scene,whichappeatsto be unique.JeanBayet,Her-
cule funeraire,Melangesd'archeologieet d'histoirede l'Ecole francaise de Rome 39
(1921-22)219-66,attributesthe frequentappearanceof Herculeson funerarymonuments
to his triumphsoverdeathandachievementof immortality,but givesno examplesof Her-
cules'battlewith Deathin art eitherin this articleor its continuation,MEFRA40 (1923)
19-102,althoughhe discussesthe literarytexts on 64-68.
25
Euripides,Alcestis 1142.
26
Homer, Iliad V, 395-404.
27
BernardAndreae, Studien zur romischenGrabkunst,Mitteilungendes DAI (R),
Erganzungsheft 9 (Heidelberg1963),discussesfuneraryscenesof the returnof Alcestison
234 BEVERLY BERG

35-37,listingsixteendepictionsknownfromthe Romanworld,includingthat of the Via

Latinacatacomb.
28 A sarcophagusin the Uffizi gallerywhichshowsthe theft of Proserpinaon its front
and on its rightside HerculesreturningAlcestisto earthis perhapsthe closestparallelto
the Via Latinapainting.On this coffin see Helmut Sichtermannand GuntramKoch,
Griechische Mythen aufromischen Sarcophagen, Bilderhefte des DAI (R) 5/6 (Tiibingen
1975)57 and plate 147,2. The rockycavernmouthis shown, and Herculesand Alcestis
are posed as they are in Via Latina,but Admetusdoes not appear.The reunionscenes
whichoccuron the rightfront of all five sarcophagidiscussedby Blome,Umgestaltung,
do includeAdmetus,but he is standingandgraspingthe handof Hercules,whereasin Via
Latinahe is seated.A wallpaintingin the secondcenturypagantombof the Nasonii,now
obliterated,does showAdmetusseated,and HerculesaccompanyingAlcestisbackto life.
If an old drawingby Bartoliof this frescois accurate,it was quite close to the scenein
Via Latina,exceptthatan additionalfigure,probablyAthena,is present.Bartoli'ssketch
is reproducedin Andreae,Studien,plate51. Andreaearguesthat the scenerepresentsthe
reunionof LaodameiaandProtesilaos(43-44and 121-122),but Schumacher,Katakombe,
340, is surelycorrectthat this lunettedepictsAlcestis'return.
29 Schumacher,Katakombe,341, points out that, whereasthe artistof Via Latinahas
mergedthe theft of Cerberusdirectlyinto the Alcestislunette,in the tomb of the Nasonii
the two episodesare linked, for the Cerberussceneappearsin the friezedirectlyabove
the returnof Alcestis.
30 On the Velletrisarcophagus see Andreae,Studien,11-87,and MarionLawrence,The
VelletriSarcophagus,AJA 69 (1965)207-222.Hercules'battlewiththe Hydrais depicted
in cubiculumN very similarlyto the Hydrascene on the right side of the Velletrisar-
cophagus(Andreae,Studien,plate 14).
31 Peter F.B. Jongste, The Twelve Labors of Hercules on Roman Sarcophagi, Studia
archaeologica59 (Rome 1992) 136 and figure87.
32 Apollodorus, Bibliotheca I, 104-106.
33 Fink, Herakles,136-137.
34 Tronzo,Catacomb,32 ff., demonstrates that the paintingsof cubiculaD-O, whether
their subjectmatteris scripturalor non-scriptural,come from a single workshop.The
style and decorativemotifs are close throughout.Ferrua,Catacombe,137-138,argued
that cubiculaI-O werecommissionedby a single familyand N and O wereparticularly
closely related.
35
Ferrua,Catacombe,irateJonah, 110 and figure 121; Samson, 105 and figure 114.
36 Ferrua,Catacombe,Adamand Eve, 105-106and figures116-117.The sceneappears
frequentlyin catacombart.
37 Foran exampleof the treeof the Hesperidesdrapedwitha serpenton a classicalGreek
alabastron see Frank Brommer, Heracles: The Twelve Labors in Ancient Art and
Literature,ed. and trans. ShirleySchwarz(New Rochelle,NY 21986)50 and plate 44.
38 Fink,Bildfrommigkeit, 36 and98. Forthe Lazarusscenesee Ferrua,Catacombe, 124-
125 and figure 137.
39 Ferrua,Catacombe,119-122and figures131-133.
40 Tronzo,Catacomb,65-70, demonstratesthe derivationof scenesin O from scenesin
C.
41 Ferrua,Catacombe,orant, 126 and figure 140;portrait,128 and figure 143.
42
Ferrua,Catacombe, 137.
Linfield College, McMinnville, OR 97128 U.S.A.