Abdurrahman - Arsitek Pesantren PDF

INFORMATION TO USERS
This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI
films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some
thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be
from any type o f computer printer.
The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the

copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality
illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins,
and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction.
In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete
manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if
unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate
the deletion.
Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by

sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and
continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each
original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced
form at the back o f the book.
Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced

xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6” x 9” black and white
photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations
appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to
order.
UMI
A Bell & Howell Information Company
300 North Zed) Road, Ann Arbor MI 48106-1346 USA
313/761-4700 800/521-0600
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
Los Angeles
THE PESANTREN ARCHITECTS
AND THEIR SOCIO-RELIGIOUS TEACHINGS
( 1850- 1950)
A dissertation submitted
in partial satisfaction of the requirements for
the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
in Islamic Studies
by
H. Abd. Rachman
1997
UMI Number: 9714238
UMI Microform 9714238

Copyright 1997, by UMI Company. All rights reserved.
This microform edition is protected against unauthorized

copying under Title 17, United States Code.
UMI
300 North Zeeb Road
Ann Arbor, MI 48103
© Copyright by
H. Abd. Rachman
1997
The dissertation of H. Abd. Rachman is approved.
Geori
/ J
rtvia-Tiw
Sylvia Tiwon
JL. 1K_.
Ismail K. Poonawala, Committee Co-chair
Michael G. Morony, Committee Co-j
University of California Los Angeles
1997
ii
7
* * deaneat
S & i'h 'w tfa tfa ,.
Sana, IRtfat. a*uC S ite ^xedmaM
iii
TA B LE OF C O N T E N T S
Dedication iii
Table o f Contents iv
List o f Illustrations V
A note on Translation and Transliteration vi
Acknowledgments vii
Vita X
Abstract xi
C hapter One Introduction I

1.1. Focus o f the study 1
1.2. Significance of the study 6
1.3. Content o f the discussion 17
1.4. Sources and method 23
C hapter Two Roots of Islamic Teaching 29

2.1. Ideological .basis: conceptual understanding 29
2.2. Models 36
2.2.1. Muljammad, model o f models and master o f masters 36
2.2.2. Walisongo, early model in Java 45
C hapter Three Santri Muslims in Eighteenth/Nineteenth Century Java 61

3.1 In the shadow of the Walisongo 61
3.2. The ulcana' faced with challenges 68
3.3. Thepesantren, and the santris’ network 77
Chapter Four Intellectual M asters of the Pesantren Tradition 97

4.1. Nawawi al-Bantam 97
4.2. Mahfuz
« * al-Tirmisi 141
Chapter Five Pesantren Strategists 166

5.1 KJialil Bangkalan 166
5.2 Asnawi 188
5.3 Hashim Ash'ari 211
C hapter Six Conclusion 251

Bibliography 259
iv
L IS T O F IL L U S T R A T IO N S
1. Kudus Minaret 44
2. Demak Mosque 59
3. The Tombstone of Malik Ibrahim 60
4. Map o f the Pescmtrens in Nineteenth/Twentieth-Century Java 76
5. Islamic Educational System in the Period o f Sultan Agung 82
6. Statistical Educational Institutions 83
7. An intellectual Genealogy o f the Renowned Javanese Kiyais 91
8. The Dome of the Mosque of Banten in West Java 96
9. Kiyai Hariri, the grandson of Mahfuz al-Tirmisi 140
10. Kiyai Dimyaif al-Tirmisi (d. 1934), younger brother Mahfuz al-Tirmisi 161
11. KH.R.Asnawi Kudus (1861-1959) 187
12. Hashim Ash' an (1871-1947) 210
13. Wahab Hasbullah

*
(1888-1971) 230
A note on translation and transliteration
All translations in this dissertation are done by the writer, except some cited texts
from manuscripts that have been translated into English by other scholars, and this will be
so indicated. The Arabic transliteration system used is that of the Encyclopedia o f Islam,
(1960), second edition, with minor substitutions of “j” for “dj” such as Jania 'a instead of
Djanm 'a, and “q” for “k” such as tarfqa instead of tarika. The use o f non-English words
is italicized except for words that are commonly used in English, such as the word
“Islam” and “Sunni.” However, some Arabic words and phrases will be written in Arabic
and Javanese Arabic, the so-called pegon, to keep their authenticity. Some kitab titles
will also be kept in Arabic. Many Indonesian-Javanese words are retained in their original
form and do not need diacritical marks, even for words of Arabic origin including personal
names such as Abdurrahman and Wahab.
VI
jgJLJt &XJI 1
My study at UCLA (1990-1996), was supported by many persons and
institutions. A generous scholarship from the Fuibright Foundation under the
management of the Institute of International Education (HE) for both my Masters
and Ph.D. programs from 1990 to 1992 and from 1992 through June 1996
consecutively, made it possible. My deep gratitude goes to all these individuals and
institutions. I would like to single out Ms. Laurie Stevens and Ms. Paula Carter of
HE San Francisco, whose assistance and friendliness to me and my family have made
my experience studying in the US more convenient and productive. I also thank the
Rector of the State Institute for Islamic Studies in Semarang, and the Dean of its
Tarbiyah Faculty, as well as the Department of Religious Affairs o f the Republic of
Indonesia, for allowing me to leave my teaching assignment and for giving me
continuous encouragement and moral support during my pursuit of knowledge at
UCLA
This study would never have been actualized without the assistance of
professors and colleagues, in the US and Indonesia. First of all, my deep appreciation
is sincerely extended to the chair o f the Islamic Studies program at UCLA, Professor
Michael Morony, my academic adviser and doctoral committee co-chair. Professor
Morony’s patience in showing me the important learning tradition since 1990, has
vii
always been inspiring. His patience, sincere direction, and openness reminded me of
my splendid nostalgia in the 1970s when my gurus in the pesantren community in
Java honestly introduced to me the basic understanding o f religious knowledge.
Indeed, I started the early formulation of this dissertation in Summer 1993, when I
took an independent study under his direction. My special thanks is also due to
Professor Ismail K. Poonawala, my doctoral committee co-chair, who since 1991
introduced me to quite rare and valuable primary sources o f classical Islam. Through
these texts, the transmission of knowledge in the early period of Islam was better
discerned. I owe a great debt as well to another committee member, the former
director of the von Grunebaum Center for Near Eastern Studies at UCLA, Professor
Georges Sabagh, who has been not only very enthusiastic in directing me to the
frameworks of the sociology of Islam since 1992, but has also been very generous in
granting me the position o f research assistant to undertake his sociological research on
the “Islamic movement” in Indonesia. My wholehearted thanks also goes to Professor
Sylvia Tiwon of the Department of South and South East Asian Studies at UC
Berkeley, an outside member of the committee, who since 1993 showed me the Malay
works from the seventeenth-century until the present. She has also been motivating
me with many critical questions and broader perspectives.
I would like also to extend my gratitude to the following persons and
institutions which have helped me in the research o f this dissertation. I am grateful to
Dr. Martin van Bruinessen who kindly offered his help and discussed this subject when I
vm
conducted a book survey in Koninklijk Instituut Voor Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde
(KITLV), Leiden, Holland, in September 1995.1 am also indebted to my close fellows
especially Mas Fajar Nugroho and his friends o f the Kudus Institute for Social
Services and Development (LSMK), in Central Java, Indonesia, who have helped me
in arranging my interviews with different ulamS' in Java and to obtain some primary
sources. Those ulamQ. ’ and Kiyais who have been important resources should be
acknowledged here. Those are Abdurrahman Wahid, Kiyai Sahal Mahfuz, Ustadh
Sha'ram AhmadX Ustadh Yahya 'Arie£ Kiyai Bakir Kudus, Kiyai Hanri, Kiyai Habib,
Gus Amak Haris Dimyati, Ustadh Mufad, Kiyai Minan Zuhri, and Ustldh Ni'am
Zuhn. It would be impolite o f me if I forgot to mention two companions in Los
Angeles: Nancy Joe Zinner and Mas Pandu Riono. While Nancy has sincerely assisted
me to express my dissertation draft in better understood English, Mas Pandu has
voluntarily helped me with my computer’s technicalities.
With both the wisdom and religiosity they practiced and the warm love and
care with which they treated me, my parents mean everything to me in my whole life.
Although my father, HaJjTMas' ud Irshad, died two years before I left Java in 1990,
my mother, Hajja Humaida, has been constantly encouraging my academic life. Last
but not least, I would like to personally thank my soul and my spouse, Ella Nurlaila,
who has undoubtedly sacrificed a great deal, but whose love is forever. My two sons -
Buna Rizai Rachman and Eric Fazlur Rachman-have always driven me to be
optimistic in building the future together. To them, this humble work is dedicated.
be
V IT A
April 16, 1960 Bom in Kudus, Central Java, Indonesia
1968- 1980 Madrasah Qudsiyyah Kudus,

Central Java, Indonesia
1987 Drs., Fakultas Tarbiyah, State Institute

for Islamic Studies “ SyarifHidayatullah”,
Ciputat, Jakarta, Indonesia
1985-1989 Lecturer, Fakultas Tarbiyah, State Institute

for Islamic Studies “Syarif Hidayatullah”,
Ciputat, Jakarta, Indonesia
1992 M.A., Islamic Studies, University of California

Los Angeles
1992-1995 Chair, the Muslim Intellectual Society

o f Indonesia (ICMI) in Los Angeles
1993-1995 Vice Coordinator, ICMI, USA
1996-2000 Consultant member of ICMI USA
Recent publications:
• “NawawT al-Bantam, an Intellectual Master of the Pesantren Tradition.” Studia

Islamika 3, no. 3, Jakarta, November 1996. pp. 81-114.
• Ulama' and Muslim Intellectual in Indonesia.” Jentera Times, monthly magazine in

Los Angeles, September 1996, pp. 22-23.
• “Sunnism and Orthodoxy in the Eyes of Modem Scholars”, PROGNOSA, monthly

news in Berlin, February, 1995. p. 18.
• “The Islamic Quest: a fascinating account of Muslim thirst for knowledge”. Al-TALIB,
MSA UCLA news magazine, March 1993, pp. 12,14.
• “The Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval Cairo”, (Book Review), JUSUR,

UCLA, January 1993, pp. 117-121.
ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION
The Pesantren Architects
And Their Socio-Religious Teachings (1850-1950,)
By
H. Abd. Rachman
Doctor o f Philosophy in Islamic Studies
University o f California, Los Angeles, 1997
Professor Ismail K. Poonawala, Co-Chair
Professor Michael G. Morony, Co-Chair
The roots of Islamic teaching, the santri Muslims of Indonesia together with the
intellectual masters of the pesantren tradition, and the pesantren strategists during the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries are the main subjects in this work. Their intellectual
biography including their historical background, socio-religious roles in society, as
well as their religious principles are elaborated. These 'ulam a' who were intellectually
linked to Hijazi education are Nawawi al-Bantani (d. 1897), Mahfuz al-Tirmisi (d.
1919), Khalil Bangkalan (d. 1924), Hashim Ash'an (d. 1947), and Asnawi Kudus (d.
1959). The supremacy of these ulam a' is demonstrated by the fact that their students
became the leaders o f the pesantren community all over Java, and that the latter not
xi
only glorified them as actual masters and leaders but used the works o f these ulam a'
as well until now.
It is shown that the pesantren ulama’ have been Sufi, Ash'ari, and SHafi'ifiqh
oriented. Closer examination of these dimensions reveals the philosophical and religious
connection between intellectual imitation (taqlid) and the function o f the ulama' as
role models in the society. The ulam a’ themselves based their behavior on the
example o f Muhammad and the Walisongo (fifteenth- and sixteenth-century
missionaries in Java). Through the notion of “cultural resistance” inherited from the
Walisongo, the pesantren tradition displayed its dynamism to flexibly absorb local and
foreign elements but still to stand uniquely on Islamic principles.
It is demonstrated that the ideology of the pesantren, conceptually, socially, and
politically combated colonialism in Java. Thus, the conventional assumption that
Javanese santris were politically quiet because they were Ash'an is not justified.
These conclusions are reached by employing primary sources written in Arabic and
Javanese by the pesantren 'ulama’ themselves.
It also explained that the roots of the dialogue between the traditionalists
represented by Sufi and santri Muslims and the modernists symbolized and affected by
Wahhabi ideas and those of Muhammad Abduh are found in the nineteenth century.
xii
Chapter One
INTRODUCTION
1.1. Focus of the study
“The Pesantren1 Architects and Their Socio-Religious Teachings” is challenging
but viable research. Its challenge rests on the fact that works about the pesantren can be
counted on one’s fingers so far. The only dissertation on the pesantren was written in
1980 by Zamakhsyari Dhofier, submitted to the Department of Anthropology and
Sociology, Australian National University, Canberra, under the title “The Pesantren
Tradition.”2 Dhofier used an anthropological approach to describe and analyze this
subject. This is probably the most comprehensive work on the topic and a useful
reference to discern better the elements and socio-religious life of the pesantren
leaders. However, Dhofier dealt mainly with contemporary pesantrens in the 1970s.
The roots of the pesantren tradition, and the major thoughts of pesantren
1 Technically, a pesantren is “a place where a santri lives.” This phrase denotes the most important
feature of the pesantren, Le. a total educational environment in the fullest sense. A pesantren is similar to a
military academy or a cloister in the sense that those taking part in its experience are completely absorbed.
A Pesantren or pondok consists of a teacher-Ieader, commonly a pilgrim (hajji), who is called a Kiyai, and
a group of male pupils, anywhere from three or four to a thousand, called santris. A pesantren generally
taught classical Islamic books. The Pesantren community also played an important role in introducing
sufi teachings. A Dutch scholar in the nineteenth century, Berg, recounted that morality and mysticism
were part of the most important subjects taught in this institution. See L.W.C. Van den Berg, “Het
Mohammedaansche Godsdientonderwijs op Java en Madoera en de Daarbij Gebnrikte Arabische Boeken."
in Tijdsehrift voor Indische Taal-, Land-en Volkenkunde 31 (1886), pp. 519-555. Besides, it was very
common that influential pesantrens offered tariqa teachings for non-resident-students during the holidays.
The latter activity was usually handled by a prominent sufi master followed by hundreds of aged men and
women.
2This dissertation has been translated and published in the Indonesian language under the title.
Tradisi Pesantren, Studi tentang Pandangan Hidup Kiyai, (Jakarta: LP3ES. 1982). The latter book
in Indonesian version will be referred to in this work.
forefathers were outside his discussion. Another research on the pesantren in 1970
was conducted by a German scholar Alois Moosmuller, in his work, “Die Pesantren
a u f Java ,” (Frankfurt, 1989). Collections o f the contemporary issues on the
pesantren and community development can be found in two works: Manfred Oepen
and Karcher Wolfgang, The Impact o f Pesantren in Education and Community
Development in Indonesia (Jakarta, 1988), and Dawam Rahardjo, Pergulatan Dunia
Pesantren (Jakarta, 1985).
Last but not least, “Kitab Kuning, Pesantren, dan Tarekaf written in 1995 by
a Dutch scholar, Martin van Bruinessen, is important for the subject being discussed
here. The terms kitab, not to be confused with al-kitdb, and kitab kuning will be used
interchangeably in this study. The kitab /tunings, the most popular and standardized
term among Javanese santris,3 are the materials offered in the pesantrens and
generally referred to the “yellow books.” This color is due to the condition of the books
that proved to be very old, and were usually improperly preserved. Most of those books
are found without date of publication.
3The word santri generally means a dedicated student in the pesantren. The term presumably derives
from shastri, a word from Sanskrit meaning a scholar specializing in scriptures. The term santri here has
a broad and narrow sense. In the narrow sense it means “a student in a religious school called a pondok or
pesantren." the latter name being constructed on santri as a root and so meaning literally "a place for
santris." In the broad and more common sense of the term santri refers to a member of that part of the
Javanese population who take their Islamic teachings and values seriously • who pray, go to mosque on
Friday and so on. Here in this study, santri is used in a wide and flexible sense, which means that santri
is not confined to someone who has been in a Pesantren, but to anyone who tends to be identified as a
santri, in which the concern with Islamic doctrine is the most important part of his way of life. Hence the
word santri has a more ideological meaning.
Bruinessen successfully continued the tradition o f the Dutch scholars, Van der
Chys and Van den Berg, who surveyed and collected the ki(5b kuning in the
nineteenth century. While Bruinessen focused his study on the historical development
of sufi tartqa in the archipelago, not merely in Java, and on the classification o f the
kitab kuning without touching their content and messages, the purpose of the present
study is to introduce a general description and the major themes o f the kitabs written
by the Javanese ulama'. To consider all works quantitatively is beyond the scope of
this study. Additionally, the aim here is to disclose the socio-religious life of the most
influential ulam a' in Java, including their historical background, their roles in society,
as well as their religio-intellectual visions with their thematic thoughts.
This study specifically will describe and analyze five major ulama' who were
assumed to be most influential in the eyes o f the pesantren community. There was the
encyclopedic and multi-disciplined student, NawawT al-Bantam (d. 1897), the hadTth
expert, Mahfuz al-Tirmisr (d. 1919), generally known as al-muhaddith, and al-
musnid, the most charismatic Kiyai ,4 Khalil Bangkalan (d. 1924), the da'? Kiyai, the
bulk of whose attention and involvement was to interact with the public through his
4The words Kiyai and alim, 'ulama (pi.) essentially have the same meaning, namely, those who
master religious sciences and are highly regarded by local people. However, the term Kiyai is more
prevalent in Java and usually referred to the santri community leader.
5The da i literally means a Muslim undertaking religious intensification activities to improve the
thought and behavior of the public to be in accord with ideal Islamic standards. The mission of the
da wa is obviously promoted in the Qur’an: “And there may spring from you a nation who invite to
goodness, and enjoin right conduct and forbid indecency. Such are they who are successful” (3:104).
effective and rhetorical language, Asnawi Kudus (d. 1959), and the “movement
Kiyai", Hashim As]}' arT(d. 1947).
Al-Bantam and al-TirmisT are classified as intellectual masters o f the pesantren
tradition, while the other three will be grouped into pesantren strategists. Even
though their pesantren socio-religious background and environment were typical, yet
their contribution to the pesantren tradition was different. The first group was
identified with their prolific works and their honored status as the Imam al~
Haramayn. Their works were employed not only by many Javanese santris but by
other Muslims in the Muslim world as well. Their significant heritage to the pesantren
tradition rested on their devotion to transfer their knowledge and to educate the
renowned pesantren founders in the Haramayn. Indeed, the latter three ulama' have
enjoyed their learning in Arabia under the first group’s effective tutoring. Although
the first two spent most of their lives dedicated to the transmission of knowledge in
the remote country o f Arabia, their position as intellectual masters of the pesantren
tradition was undoubted, since they persistently remained the inspirers and real qibla
of the pesantren founders. The second group, the pesantren strategists, apparently
founded their own pesantrens in Java and Madura after their graduation in the Hijaz.
Their actual involvement in the pesantren community made them very respected and
important models for other pesantren’s leaders. Additionally, they masterminded the
institutionalization o f an organized pesantren community on the national level by
establishing the Nahdat a l-ulam a' (NU) the movement of the ulama ’, in East Java
in 1926.
The selection of those five ulama' was based on their different ethnicity and
on geographical considerations. Java and Madura have been culturally diverse. While
Java was divided into three provinces and Madura was across from Java on another
island, their habits and ways of religious thought were more various. To trace the
mainstreams o f their religious thoughts which they came to share by learning the
formative thoughts o f their selected ulama' is thus essential. Another criteria to
decide which ulama ’ to include in this study is the range o f influence which goes
beyond their period until the present. In addition, their qualification of Islamic
knowledge, being widely witnessed by the community and shown by their important
available kitabs, and their important socio-religious roles, because of which the
santris regarded them as heroes, should deserve to be taken into consideration. To
employ this method means willingly to “understand” how the santri majority view their
own history. This study might thus be called “a view from within”. Some ulama' and
santri scholars who have been interviewed for this selection were K.H.M. Sahal Mahfuz,
• «
Abdurrahman Wahid (the grandson of Hashim Ash'an), Kiyai Minan Zuhri (the grandson
of AsnawTKudus), and some other pesantren leaders such as Kiyai Hariri (the grandson
of Mahfuz al-Tirmisi). However, should there be an inaccuracy found in this selection, the
academic responsibility is entirely upon the writer.
Indeed, “the figures being witnessed” in the above qualification were more
dominant in laying out this study. The power o f spoken language, communication,
and interaction seems so outstanding in the santri community that their leaders have
been identified and glorified ever since the time thanks to their actual appearance. In
other words, oral tradition played a very significant role in the community. As a
factual illustration, one could consider how powerful in the community was the
position of Wahab Hasbullah (1888-1971 A.D.), the most important student of
Hashim Ash'an, who left no single written work when he died. Hasbullah, one o f the
NU founding fathers, was a man of bom leadership, whose public speaking ability has
always been remembered. IBs lack o f written work was excusable, since his
involvement in the community for more than half a century was regarded as a “buku
besar”, a grand reference, for the future santris.6 To the latter, such reference has
been much easier to comprehend and model, for the power of spoken language shown
in his leadership has remained visible for decades.
1.2. Significance of the study
The development of Islam in Indonesia provides an interesting picture of a unique
experience, one no less dramatic than the continuous events in the Middle East, and no
6 Among the santri scholars, Wahab’s lack of writing has been by no means viewed as a defect
This situation is best depicted by a santri scholar as follows:
“Kiyai Wahab had no chance to write a book in the sense of a book which was written in small
letters such as A, B, C, or ^ 1 However, Wahab successfully wrote a grand book in huge letters
which has been easier to read by everyone. The grand book was his life together with his principles
and struggles. The grand book was his dedication to Islam, people, and country. The easiest book
belonging to him is his involvement in the NU with his promotion of the Ahl Sunna wa-l-Jama a."
See Humaidy Abdussami, Biografi Lima Rais 'Am NU, (Yogyakarta, 1995), pp. 24-25.
less spectacular in its long term impact on the present and future of Islam itself even
though its silent dynamic has not received sufficient media attention so far. Moreover, in
spite of the fact that the number o f Indonesian Muslims exceeds that of the entire Muslim
population of the Arab Countries (88% of the Indonesian population of 195 million), and
there is now a growing air of pride and self-confidence among both young Muslim
intellectuals with modem secular education and the 'ulama ’, Islam in the archipelago is a
relatively neglected field of research and study by Islamicists. This neglect is even more
serious in the field of Islamic learning in Java.
Anyone who tries to understand Indonesia should familiarize himself with the
Javanese elements. The reason is that the Javanese role in Indonesian socio-cultural and
political life cannot be underestimated. For example, after Indonesians declared their
independence in 1945, most socio-political activities have been centered on that island.
The two leading Javanese figures, Soekamo and his successor Soeharto, ran the
presidency for more than half a century. It is almost inconceivable then to expect the
Indonesian people to elect a president who is not from Java. If there is a better non-
Javanese candidate for the presidency, he must successfully convince the current Javanese
president of a peaceful succession and the Javanese people at large. This illustration seems
rather overstated, yet this would be understandable if one were to take a moment to fairly
analogize why and how the WASP (White Anglo-Saxon Protestant) has been so dominant
in US socio-political life. This analogy is by no means to suggest that the Javanese has
been similar to the WASP, nor to denote that their political systems are identical, but
merely to argue that a stronger influence of a certain community in a diverse nation, such
as Indonesia and the US, has become an undeniable part of human historical experience.
To discern the predominance of Islam in Indonesia, specifically in Java, is not less
significant. The investigation of the past by focusing on the important process of
transmitting knowledge at the hands of the influential Javanese ulania' means
understanding better what has been actually going on in Indonesia lately. Not only has the
research on this subject been very limited so for, but the main works available, especially
those of Geertz and his students, have been beset as well with a dichotomous approach
which contrasts modem and traditional Islam, resulting in a superficial picture which does
not do justice to the actual substance of Islam in Java. Geertz’s most important study of
Islam, The Religion o f Java, written in the 1960s, and often referred to by researchers,
was subsequently challenged by a Japanese scholar, Mitsuo Nakamura,7 and by at least
two American anthropologists as well, Robert W. Heftier8 and Mark R. Woodward.9
Geertz, according to his critics, identifies Islam only with the sources and approach that
modernists employ, and associates anything else with an aboriginal or Hindu-Buddhist
background.10 His research raises the unanswered question of why the victory of Islam
See Mitsuo Nakamura, “The Crescent Rises over the Banyan Tree,” a PhD. dissertation submitted to the
Department of Anthropology, Ithaca: Cornell University, 1976.
8See Robert W. Hefner, Hindu Javanese, Tengger Tradition and Islam, (Princeton : Princeton University
Press, 1985).
9See his main work in Islam in Java, Normative Piety and Mysticism in the Sultanate o f Yogyakarta.
(Tucson; The University of Arizona Press, 1989).
10The term Hindu or Hinduism and Buddhism are used here in this study to refer to religious belief
in early Java. Those do not represent specifically the two religious beliefs and practices as universal
was so entirely conclusive. Moreover, Geertz fails to assess the supremacy of Islam in
Javanese culture, and does not regard Islam in Java in the larger Muslim tradition.
The significance o f this study, therefore, lies in several areas. As mentioned, even
though Indonesian Muslims exceed the number of the entire Muslim population of Arab
countries, Indonesian Islam is a relatively neglected field of study. In particular, for
unknown reasons the nineteenth century issues have been so far overlooked by
Indonesianists. This period is, as a matter of fact, crucial, but there has been little
research.11 The lack of research both by Western and Indonesian scholars is even more
obvious in the area of education. Understanding the process of the transmission of
knowledge then becomes more significant in connection with the course of Islam in the
Malay-Indonesian world.
Since Java is located on the periphery of the Muslim world, there is a tendency
among Islamicists to leave it out of any discussion of Islam. Further, it is assumed that the
region has no single stable core of Islamic tradition. Islam in this region has long been here
and there judged as syncretic or “impure Islam”, since it is distinct from Islam in the
centers in the Middle East and deeply infused with local traditions. Such judgment should
be cautiously reexamined by considering that complex syncreticism was unavoidable but it
religions. Rather the two religions hint at a pre-Islamic complex of beliefs found in Java. This
complication was generally composed of a combination of animism, Hinduism, and Buddhism.
11Only two relevant works both written by Dutch scholars are available. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka in the
Latter Part o f 19th Century, Leiden: Brill, 1931, and Karel A. Steenbrink. Beberapa Aspek tentang Islam
di Indonesia Abad ke 19, Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1984, which give a general description of Islam in
nineteenth-century Indonesia.
was, indeed, subordinated to Islam. The relation o f early Javanese d a is or the so-called
WalTs with their abundance of Neo-Platonic and Gnostic elements added to the Islam of
the Qur’an and the hadlth appears at first sight problematic. However, it must be
understood that if the Qur’an and the hacEih are at pains to teach what the relation o f God
to the world is, and what man needs to be saved, the purpose of the Walts was to
elaborate a theoretical explanation of the modality of the relationship between the Creator
and creation, the inner, hidden life of the Divine Being, and the distinguishing
characteristics of the saints, the men of God. Therefore, the WalTs ’ incorporation of many
non-Islamic elements was a wise approach. The latter strategy is absolutely needed in any
Islamic transmission. The Qur’an requires such a cautious and prudent method. “Call men
to the path of your Lord with wisdom and kindly exhortation”.12 This sort o f finding is
somewhat unusual compared to the concepts of numerous scholars who support Geertz.
That the Javanese religion is syncretic and only superficially Islamic as assumed by Geertz
was, therefore, not based on the observation of the long process of Islamization in Java,
nor on the research of primary sources written by Javanese Muslims. Because of the
complexity of this subject, local influences on Islam will also be assessed in this study.
The notion of “cultural resistance” developing in the santri community is, as a
matter of feet, disregarded by scholars so fer. Such a conception which is one of the
striking features of the pesantren culture seems to be even depreciated. That this
community has been in the forefront to maintain such an approach could be seen since the
12Qur’an. 16: 125.
10
period of the Walisongo13 until the present In accelerating the development of a society
they have always respected the indigenous culture and tradition. Their way is in accord
with the Islamic nature which is more tolerant to a local culture. This is also the case of
the renowned Walisongo’%extensive persuasion to Islamize throughout Java island over
Hindu-Buddhist power in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. What happened was not
an intervention but more an acculturation and a peaceful coexistence. This is an expression
of “cultural Islam” in which the ulama', as agents of social change, are widely
understood to have triumphantly maintained and appreciated the local tradition by
subordinating it to Islamic values.
The idea of “cultural resistance” has been reflected in the pesantren intellectual
tradition as well. The subject taught in such institutions was the universal literature
nurtured and transmitted from generation to generation, and directly linked to the unique
concept of Kiyai leadership. The content of the teaching, the antiquated (seen from the
modem perspective) textbooks provided the continuation of “the right tradition”, al-
qadm al-salih, in preserving the religious sciences as handed down to the Islamic society
by the great ulama ’ in the past.14 Educationally, the function of the materials given in the
pesantren was to provide the students with access, not only to the past’s legacy but also to
13 The Walisongo were usually associated with the early Javanese sufism. Wdli, more or less, could be
translated as “saint”, while songo in Javanese means nine. The Walisongo were the nine prominent
saints who are popularly believed to have converted Java to Islam in the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries. The Walisongo will be discussed in the last part of chapter two.
14See Abdurrahman Wahid, “Principles of Pesantren Education,” in Manfred Oepen & Wolfgang
Karcher, Op.cit., pp. 197-203.
11
direct fixture roles, mainly to live a “Javanese Muslim oriented life”, namely a way o f life
which emphasizes peace and harmony with God and society.
In line with the essence of “cultural resistance” modeling remained significant in
the pesantren tradition. Modeling has long been an important element of Javanese
philosophy. The strength of modeling was in line with the Javanese value system
under which paternalism and patron-client relations have had strong roots in the
society. It is assumed that there was an ideological and philosophical connection
between modeling and taqlTd15 in the community. The teaching of taqlTd, which the
five major ulama’ in the fourth and fifth chapters promoted correspondingly,
demonstrated, surely, the importance of modeling in the santri community.
The pesantren community has been unmistakably a part of Sunni society or Ahl
Surma wa-l-Jama'a which can be defined as the majority o f the Muslims who accepted
the authority of the Prophet’s sunna and the authority o f whole first generation of
Muslims, as well as the validity of the historical community. Sunnism in this case was
characterized by the tendency of people to use the Qur’an and the sunna of the Prophet as
primary sources for solving any ideological debate and for guiding their way of life, rather
than using logic to win the authority of hadTth such as the Mu tazilis. Sunnism was also
identified by the tendency of people to use the power o f the majority, jam a’a, to stay
away from disintegration of the umma. In the last respect the Sunnis validated both the
15As generally understood, taqlTd is the Islamic legal term denoting strict adherence to the
principles set earlier especially by the four madhhab founders.
12
Umayyad and ’Abbasid leadership, without claiming their rulers as Sunni Muslims. This
Jama a was different from the Shi'is whose leadership was primarily referred to Ali’s
progeny. The order of the first four Caliphs was then considered to be the order in their
excellence. The Sunnis distinguished themselves from the Mu'tazilis who usually
conducted more reasoning by leaving some hacSths which were considered irrelevant and
weak, da 'lf. In some cases, such as the issue of anthropomorphism, the latter eliminated
some hactiths opposing their doctrine, although the hadiths were reliable, sahih.
Consequently, while the Mu'tazilis were widely influenced by the ideas of philosophers,
the Sunnis were completely impressed by those of the As/tab, and the sa la f al-salih,
and the reliable ulama ’ in the medieval period as well.
The prominent ulama’ leadership as a focus of discussion is indispensable, since
their position in Javanese socio-religious life has been unchallenged, and has both socio-
historical and religious grounds. One o f the important aspects of Indonesian society is its
cultural plurality with Kiyais or ulama' as informal and effective leaders in Javanese
Muslim society. The latter used their pesantrens for religious and social consolidation.
Nineteenth-century Java shows that the Kiyai leadership in the pesantren was
unique in the sense that it maintained premodem characteristics such as an intimate leader-
disciple relationship based on a belief system rather than the patron-client relationship
prevalent in the community at large. Santris accept their Kiyai's leadership because of
belief in the concept o f Javanese “berkah” or “barakd' which is based on the doctrine
13
'that outlined the special status o f an alim and a W ali16 Nawawi al-Bantani, for example,
accepted the hand-kiss from almost all Javanese people living in Mecca as an attribute
to Islamic learning, not to himself personally, and never refused an inquiry on the
subject o f the Divine Law.17The Pesantren community regards kissing an alim 's
hands as obtaining “baraka,” and as part of the implementation of the surma.1*
However, they understood that such physical veneration should not interfere with
Islamic faith that requires oneness o f God, since Allah alone they worship in toto.
Since Islam became the prevalent religion in Java, the Kiyai has enjoyed high social status.
The movement of Diponegoro in the first quarter of the 19th century could be included in
this leadership. The ulama' are accustomed to be physically involved in social
engineering.
More interesting is the role of the ulama' in Javanese tradition in transmitting
knowledge, developing the curriculum, and responding to demands from outside
16In the pesantren tradition the santris must emulate their KiyaTs religious observances meticulously,
undergoing initiation periods involving the sacrifice of physical comfort, executing whatever task the Kiyai
orders and being unceasingly loyal to him. This total obedience to the wishes of the master, originating in
Middle Eastern mystical practices as well as in the indigenous pre-lslamic “gunT-aspirant relationship,
finds its culmination in the peculiarly Indonesian doctrine of sainthood (#£//). The Javanese concept of
sainthood retains a certain worldly function for holy men (many of whom had distinguished public service
records) who were then retained in ah advisory capacity by kings and princes.
17Snouck C. Hurgronje, Op.cit. p. 271.
18According to the §hafi'ites, the hand-kiss has been recommended not only to an 'alim. but also to
a zahid (ascetic), shanf (respectable because of his religiosity), the eldest, a baby, and a friend
coming from a trip very far away. See Sha'raru AhmadC al-Faraid Saniyya, (Kudus: Menara
Kudus, 1401 A.H.), p. 9.
14
especially under the Dutch rule.19 The exclusion o f pesantrens which are usually located
in remote and rural areas might also be seen as a little kingdom under unchallenged Kiyai
command.20
Most of the writers on Indonesian Islam so far have been non-Islamic studies
scholars21 who misjudge and underestimate the role of Islamic teachings in Javanese life.
The Kiyai with his Ash'an theological denomination was largely stereotyped as a
“primitive figure” with a traditional dress, the sarung, who simply thought about the
world hereafter and was silent on any oppression made by the colonists. The K iyai7s
community was often misjudged and viewed as more a quiet Javanese than a
revolutionary Muslim, who laid more stress upon thinking than upon acting: to have the
right ideas about the relation between God and the world and about the place of man in
the universe was considered much more important than what Allah had ordered His
19This aspect of Kiyai leadership was important as it shows the Kiyai maintained a peer relationship with
both the community leadership and other Kiyais. In the respect of educational function, one very important
feet emerges, Le. the preservation of the Islamic tradition that it was the 'ulama who are the keepers of
religious science par excellence. This role could not be delegated to other groups in the Islamic community
because of the belief that "'ulama are the inheritors of the Prophets” (Satiih Bukharf al-ilm. p. 10). The
Kiyais were, then, the only true interpreters of the two basic sources of Islam: the Qur'an and the Prophetic
surma. This role of validating religious teaching was the basis on which a Kiyais knowledge had been
transferred from generation to generation in the pesantren.
:oThe masses of Javanese were dependent on the Kiyais for guidance and even for decisions on certain
matters such as property, marriage, divorce, inheritance, and the like. This situation, combined with the
Kiyais' aloofness from the colonial government, gave them vast moral and religious authority, and marked
them as a separate learned class.
:1 It is interesting to note that Mark R. Woodward, an anthropologist who dismantled the Geertzian
paradigm, criticized Geertz by using an Islamicist’s approach and terminology. Marshall Hodgson,
for example, is said to have inspired him to see the underlying unity of Islamic cultural axioms
extending from the Middle East to Southeast Asia. See Woodward, Op.cit.. p. 2.
15
servants to do. The implication is that a Javanese Muslim was viewed by such scholars as
more a Javanese than a revolutionary Muslim
The latter point of view had been noted by an outstanding scholar, Snouck
Hurgronje. hi the first decade of this century he warned his colleagues in the Netherlands
East Indies Civil service that Indonesian Islam, which seemed so static, so sunk in a torpid
medievalism, was actually changing in fundamental ways, but these changes were so
gradual, so subtle, so concentrated in remote and (to non-Islamic minds) unlikely places,
that although they took place before their very eyes, they were hidden from those who did
not make a careful study of the subject.22
To this point, it could be suggested that the studies on Javanese issues have been,
so far, politically oriented, since most of them were written by the colonial officials. In line
with political interpretations, the links between Javanese-Indonesian Islam and Middle
Eastern Islam have been ignored and sometimes seen as merely political. Not much
attempt has been made to provide a critical analysis of how Islamic teachings were
transmitted by way of the networks of the Javanese ulama' 23and how the transmission
affected the course of Islam in Java leading to the undisputed charismatic leadership of
~ Snouck C. Hurgronje. The Acehnese, (Leiden, 1906), p. 280.
23It is noteworthy to compare two available works written by Azyumardi Azra and Fred R. von der
Mehden. While Azra focuses his study on the issues of reforms and networking in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries, Fred Mehden deals with especially economic and political interaction in the twentieth
century. See Fred R. von der Mehden, Two Worlds o f Islam, M iami: University Press of Florida, 1993.
and Azyumardi Azra, “The Transmission of Islamic Reformism to Indonesia: Networks of Middle
Eastern and Malaya-lndonesia 'Ulama’ in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” a Ph.D.
dissertation submitted to the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. New York: Columbia
University, 1992.
16
ulama ’ in Javanese Muslim life, and the establishment of their, educational institution, the
pesantren, which remained very special for their disciples. Using the tools of socio-
intellectual history to study the K iyai’s scholarly activities offers a fresh perspective on a
wider Javanese Muslim picture.
13. Content of the discussion
How was Muhammad’s teaching (d. 632) about Islamic education understood in
nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Java? How did Javanese Muslim scholars
consider and apply these doctrines? What was the effect of the scholarly network of
Javanese ulama’ in Java and Arabia on Javanese Muslim education? What was the
significance of Islamic teaching among Javanese Muslims in general? What was the
content and substance of the ulama" s teaching? How did the complex social system of
Javanese life under Dutch colonial rule affect the transmission of knowledge? These are
the main questions which will be pursued in order to illuminate Islamic teachings launched
by the architects of pesantrem in Java, Indonesia, in the second half of the nineteenth
century and the first half of the twentieth century.
This study will examine the continuity and change of the Javanese Islamic
educational system and the role of Muslim scholars in these trends, in a period which was
characterized by the difficult intervention of the Dutch colonial government in Javanese
life on one hand such as the growing image of hajiphobia within the Dutch administration
resulting in the restricting policies on the hajj procedures,24 and the rise of self-identity
24Early in the nineteenth century the Dutch made the hajj difficult by taxation and passport restrictions,
and various weakening regulations continued through the century. However, the development of better
17
and respect among the Javanese on the other.23 It will interpret the social, cultural, and
ideological significance of Islam’s regard for knowledge, specifically elucidating how
Islamic teachings undertaken by brilliant 'ulama' in nineteenth and early twentieth century
Java played a central part in the religious experience of nearly all Javanese Muslims. The
nineteenth century was a period of both transition and transformation in which a direct
elaborate network developed unquestionably between Javanese and Middle Eastern
ulama’26 Therefore, by using the tool of socio-cultural history and focusing on the
transmission o f knowledge activities among Javanese Muslims with the emphasis on
Kiyais as social and religious reformers, this study will contribute to a wider portrait of
Javanese Muslim scholarship through their socio-cultural and educational life.
transportation and growing stability in the Dutch East Indies led to significant growth in the number of
pilgrims. Their numbers increased from some two thousand a year at mid-century to between seven
thousand and eleven thousand by the end of the century.
:s At least two major events should be noted as background to explain the people's struggle. Diponegoro
(1785-1855) was a symbol of Javanese Mujahidin due to his struggle against the Dutch colony. He was
usually considered as the first "national" fighter who was able to encourage and consolidate the Indonesian
people to use their own power. The battle of Diponegoro (1825-30) involved 'ulama with their Santris on
Diponegoro's side. By this battle of SabTl Allah, Javanese Muslims not only had Kiyais as their effective
leaders and teachers but also glorified Diponegoro as another leader, a physiol and revolutionary
commander against the colonists. The same revolutionary but local reaction opposing the colonists was
propelled by the Naqshabandiyya tariqa movement in 1888. The revolt which happened in Banten was at
least driven by both economic and religious motivations. This assumption is based on the fact that the
uprising mainly involved pesantren and peasant elements.
26 Even from the seventeenth century onward, worldwide scholarly networks centered in Mecca and
Medina increasingly showed a significant role in transmitting Islamic knowledge to the archipelago by way
of their Malay-Indonesian students. Azra in his dissertation has shown that Malay 'ulama such as Nur al-
Dm al-Rarim (d. 1068/1658), Abd al-Rauf al-Sinkilf (1024-1105/1615-93), and Muhammad Yusuf al-
MaqassarfX1627-99), were part of International Muslim networks in Madina and Mecca, who later went
bade to Indonesia and played a very significant role in transforming Islamic knowledge by becoming
channels for the two distant and different worlds, also by offering new and fresh understanding of Islam to
their people (see Azyumardi Azra. Op.cit. pp. 346- 416.
18
Highlighting the function of Islamic teachings at the hands of the ulam a’, the
research will deal with the transmission of religious knowledge here as both a highly
personal and institutional process, one dependent on the relationships between individual
scholars and students. Flexibly located in Javanese Islamic boarding schools, mosques, and
dwellings, religious education was never exclusively for the elite but was open to all.
The ideological background motivating Javanese Islamic teaching-leaming is
another interesting dimension to pursue. Religion in Java was a main factor encouraging
and inspiring men of learning to respond to religious and cultural developments. Indeed,
this prime mover had successfully sent Javanese students to the center of Islamic
countries: Mecca 27 and Medina, and in turn, made them authoritative leaders guiding
Javanese social and religious life.
Even some leading Javanese 'ulama’ such as Nawawf al-Jawi al-Bantani, a
Javanese alim with the nineteenth century epithet sayyidu ulama*al-Hijaz, became a
renowned teacher both in Mecca and Medina. After spending 30 years learning and
writing28here, he taught at the same place from 1860 to 1870. His works such as Marah
Labfd, a sizeable Qur'anic exegesis consisting of two volumes, written in Arabic, has been
extensively used in Muslim countries.
27 After visiting Mecca, the 19th century Dutch scholar, Snouck Hurgronje suggested that by the late 19th
century, education in the Hijaz was dominated by Mecca's Masjid al-Hararn, which was an actual
university, supervised by a government-appointed rector who allowed only designated ulama to have their
haiaqa.
28One of his popular works widely used by the pesantren community, Safinat al-Naja was completed in
two months during his study under the supervision of a Meccan 'alim, Shaykh Dahlan.
19
NawawT is a model of the Javanese master both in Arabia and Java whose
influence undoubtedly contributed to the rise and development of typical Sunni Javanese
'ulama,' the so-called Kiyais and their santris. Since he was a part of the international
ulama’ in Arabia, he became a popular source of pride among the Javanese santris. His
future students proved to be leading ulama ’ who initiated the founding of pesantrens and
Muslim organizations such as Nahddt al- u la m a The latter organization was founded by
a beloved student ofNawawI^ Hashim Ash'arT(1871-1947) in 1926. The founder was one
of the prominent stiff masters in East Java and also the founder of a great traditional
pesantren, Tebu Ireng, which was established in 1889.29
A fascinating anecdote widely transmitted by Javanese ulama ’ on the informality
of the educational process concerns a Kiyai who left a major influence on the
development of Javanese Muslim education. He was Kiyai Khafil Bangkalan, Madura,
who was educated in Mecca in about the 1860s. Although he had no membership in a
tariqa, he was widely known as a Wall!30 He usually taught Arabic literature, fiqh and
tasamvuf. Khalil’s impressive acquaintance with his teacher, NawawT aI-Bantan£ and his
acquisition of knowledge was described as a process initiated in heated discussions and
29That al-GhazalT (d.1111 AD.) with his predecessor ai-Junaid became models of nineteenth-century
Javanese Sufis is easy to hypothesize. This was not only suggested by the feet that Hashim Ash'arl and al-
BantanT were die hard followers of GhazaE but also Hurgronje’s observation that during the later pan of
the nineteenth century, al-Ghazal?s works were the primary texts on sufism . See Hurgronje, Mekka, p.
271.
“ His tomb has been visited by large numbers of Indonesian Muslims from throughout the archipelago
until the present for religious veneration called "ziyarat al-qubur li-l-awliyai. To some visitors, this visit is
worthwhile by imagining that they are interacting face to free with the highly respected Muslim spiritual
teacher.
20
emotions. We are told that before meeting his teacher, KhaEI was fooled by his friends and
told that he should meet an unidentified Javanese alim (the future teacher) in Mecca to
show them that Kbafil was exceptionally good in Arabic grammar, literature and Islamic
jurisprudence. Khafil who liked debates and had never been beaten by anyone else in his
life, proved to be dumbfounded in front of the unfamiliar teacher. This polemic took place
several times until Khalil realized that he was being involved in a series of unequal
discussions in which he was clearly faltering. Angry at his joking colleagues and deeply
impressed by the new inspiring figure, who was al-Bantitn£ Khalil had no choice but
merely requested sincerely to be his novice.
The transmission of knowledge in this community then emphasized a teacher’s
fame and expertise over that of formal educational institutions. Therefore paying special
homage to teachers and going near and far in quest of learning will be understood as
educational practices which have a very strong religious justification/1These practices
occurred everywhere from any open space to Islamic boarding schools and mosques
which were not only centers of worship but also venues for introducing Islamic
knowledge.
31Basically Muslims considered Islam as a religion that definitely places knowledge in a very special status
(Qur'an, 58: 11 :"Allah will exalt those who believe among you and those who have knowledge, to high
degrees"). The Prophet advocated seeking knowledge from the cradle to the grave and searching for it even
if you are bound to go to China. (The fjadtth was quoted by al-Ghazalfin his Ihyd 'Ulurn al-Dtn, L p. 32). It
is also a significant fret that the Prophet's first experience of the wahy of the Qur'an started with the divine
command "read" iqra! (96 VI) The following verse confirms that by the pen, al-qalam, Allah taught man
what he did not know. The latter sura, to Muslim educators, assuredly signifies the importance of reading
in the process of teaching-learning in a wide sense. Indeed, in Islamic teaching those who acquire
knowledge are more respected than those who merely worship God all the time. The superiority of the
learned man (ai-'alim) over the worshipper (al'abid\ is like Muhammad's superiority over the least of
Muslims. Among Muslims the last teaching is so popular that they consider seeking knowledge to be an
integral part of performing worship.
21
A critical attempt to discern the santri life in nineteenth-century Java is, therefore,
not less important. Dhofier has anthropologically shown the typical santri of the twentieth
century by introducing the wandering ones who are trying to attain the highest standard
possible in acquiring religious sciences.32 The roots of this tradition are unquestionably
traceable at the place and period which are going to be discussed in this study. While the
20th century santris are characterized by Dhofier as moving from one pesantren to
another, the prominent 19th century santris as indicated above even ventured further to
the heart o f the Islamic world, Mecca, for teaching-learning. The dynamic picture of
santris was in keeping with the basic nature of the pesantren itself which connoted the
importance o f santris as the seekers of knowledge. It is notable, that the words santri
and pesantren are conjugationally from the same root. The fact that the santri educational
system was named pesantren and not associated with its teacher’s name might have
justified the unique position of the student as a subject and object of Islamic education.
The characterization of a santri as an active student in the whole process of the
pesantren education has been overlooked by many scholars for an existing image, that
the pesantren and traditionalism have been completely identical. Because of this definition,
stress has been always placed by scholars to view the institution from the side of the
pesantren's traditional techniques of learning such as repetition and memorization, as
well as the Kiyai's traditionalism. It is also generally forgotten that the achievement of
santris was not a formal diploma in the modem sense, it was rather shown by their
32See his whole work in Zamakhsyari Dhofier, Op.cit.
22
accomplishment in acquiring knowledge in an effective and actual meaning such as their
preparedness to transfer their knowledge to other santris.
In sum, this study attempts to elucidate the teachings of Javanese Muslims and
their scholarly networks through socio-historical, cultural, and ideological perspectives.
The scope and design o f the discussion are as follows. After the introduction in the
first chapter, both the ideological and historical background o f Islamic learning will be
discussed in chapter two. Modeling with the presentation o f the undisputed models
among santris, Muhammad and the Walisongo, will be discussed in the same chapter.
The networking o f Javanese 'ulama ’ is covered in the third chapter. Chapter four and
five are the core subjects of this study, where the most influential ulama ’ in Java will
be presented. The last chapter, chapter six, will submit the major findings of this
study.
1.4. Sources and method
It should be noted that the primary source for Javanese historiography is the
Babad Tanah Jawi which is used rather abundantly here. There is no other Javanese work
of literature with which the outside world became acquainted as early as the Babad Tanah
Jawi, the so-called Javanese State Chronicles. This extant written semi-historical legend
was composed at the beginning of the seventeenth century in the courts of Java. The
Babad Tanah Jawi consists of many stories; in order to be understood many of them
necessitate a certain degree of familiarity with ancient Javanese literature. However there
23
are some Indonesian, Dutch and English translations made o f a small part of the entire
Babad. j3
A picture of the past as that in the Babad normally consists of a complex of
myths. The Babad shows the writing styles of palace poets whose objectivity is sometimes
doubted. Nevertheless, since there is more than one Babad from the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries, it is still worthy to refer to and compare them. Besides, the historical
value of any local writing usually remains indispensable. This historiography then deserves
to be treasured as a priceless legacy by the Javanese and to be utilized further with new
methods as has been done by Indonesian and foreign scholars. Before modem
Indonesian scholars produced local historiography, British, Dutch, and Australian
scholars pioneered the study back to the early period of the 19th century. At present,
American and Japanese scholars have also conducted some new researches through
different approaches.
It is quite interesting that many important figures who engaged in writing the
Babad in eighteenth and nineteenth century Java especially in Surakarta palace seemed to
be associated with a pesantren educational background. The court poets knew first-hand
the classical literary prowess of the Sunni Islamic masters of the provinces.34 This fact,
33 Some of the translated works are, for example, as follows: in Indonesian language, see Ramlan.
Babad Tanah Jawa, (Kuala Lumpur Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1975), and in English, see P.B.R.
Carey, Babad Dipanegara, an Account o f the Outbreak o f the Java War (1825-1830), Kuala
Lumpur: Art Printing Works Sdn. Bhd., 1981, and in Dutch, see W.L. Olthof, Babad Tanah Djawi.
(Leiden, 1941).
34 Nancy K. Florida, Writing the Past, Inscribing the Future, (London, 1995), p. 14.
24
the link between the two worlds has been, indeed, once again outside the Geertzian
framework and observation.
The main resource used to tackle this study is, however, the primary sources
written by the pesantren 'ulama' themselves. The writers and their penmanship will then
become both the references and object of this study. Pesantren anecdotes which prove to
be inspiring should be useful for this writing and positively support the oral history
through interviews and learning the popular stories developed in the pesantren
community. A small number of anecdotes can be found in chapters four and five of
this study. The presentation of the anecdotes is unavoidable, since the pesantren
tradition has been generally understood as being enriched with such imaginary and
entertaining tales or events. The world o f the pesantren is even popularly said, “a
world of anecdote.” However, this condition is again useful, because the tradition of
oral history, which is another useful source contributing to this writing, has a greater
function in the community
Since the relevant manuscripts are both in Holland, at Leiden University and in
Indonesia, my travel to these two main places for library and field research has been
extremely valuable. Martin van Bruinessen, who kindly offered his help when the writer
conducted a book survey in Koninklijk Instituut Voor Taal- Land- En Volkenkunde
(KTTLV), Leiden, in September 1995, reported that hundreds of Arabic fatabs and
manuscripts written by Malay ulama' and widely used by Javanese ulama' are now
25
collected at his institute.35 Bruinessen’s*collection has been, fortunately, an important
source for this study.
My background of being bom and raised in Javanese 'ulama’ society, as well as
my personal academic interest contributes to undertaking this research. For twelve years
(1968-1980), I studied in a Javanese Islamic boarding school, the madrasa. This practical
experience was enhanced by theoretical knowledge that I gained in the State Institute for
Islamic Studies, Jakarta horn 1980 to 1987, as both a student and a full-time teacher, and at
UCLA from 1990 until the present as an exchange student with Fulbright sponsorship.
Additionally, I am officially assigned to teach at the same state institute in Indonesia once I
graduate. This contract more or less has stimulated me as well to accomplish the study.
In summer 1995, I took a field trip to Indonesia to collect relevant references,
and to conduct some interviews with the older generations of Javanese ulama'. In my
motherland, I also observed the older Islamic boarding schools, such as Tremas pesantren
in East Java and Maslakul Huda pesantren in Pati, Central Java. The directors of the
pesantrem concurrently, Kiyai Habib and Kiyai Sahal Mahfuz, provided useful
information on the architects of Javanese pesantrem. Since the period of writing in 1994
until present, I have made three trips to Java to update the kitab collection and to
further discuss with some other ulama'. My writing on al-Tirmisi in chapter four, for
example, would have been unfinished, had Professor Georges Sabagh not funded the trip
35 See his article on “Kitab Kuning. Books in Arabic Script Used in the Pesantren Milieu,” Bijdragen tot
de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 146, (1990), pp. 226-269.
26
to assist undertaking his sociological research on the “Islamic movement” in Jogjakarta,
and to accomplish my own survey in July 1996.
Those who spend most o f their life observing the society fer study and armed with
the methods of social science might be expected to reach new conclusions. The feet that
Weberian theory on charisma is employed in this research to obtain broader nuances o f the
Kiyai leadership is not, indeed, uncommon. For instance, after intensively conducting
several interviews with Abdurrahman Wahid, the influential pesantren thinker and leader,
Martin van Bruinessen noted the crucial personalistic and charismatic role of the Kiyai in
the full Weberian sense of the term.36
Therefore, Max Weber’s theory on charisma and Durkheim’s principles of
sociology of education are employed here to tackle some portions of this research.
However, the present researcher would not blindly apply their theories as a whole without
any scrupulous observation. As generally understood, Weber also explained the
construction of historical dynamics in terms o f charisma and routinization to answer
the paradox of unintended consequences. For the charisma of the first hour may
incite the followers of a warrior hero or Prophet to forsake expediency for ultimate
values. But during the routinization o f charisma, the material interests of an increased
following are the compelling factor.37 Such material interests in terms of Javanese
36See Martin van Bruinessen “Pesantren and Kitab Kuning : Maintenance and Continuadon of a
Tradition of Religious learning”, in Mizan, 5, No. 2, (1992), pp. 27-48.
37See Gerth and Mills, From Max Weber. (New York, 1946) p. 54.
27
Muslim social life should be looked at in a broader perspective, since Javanese
Muslims like other Muslims all over the world, believed that material and spiritual life
could not be separated. In addition, both the pesantren and Kiyai became significant
elements in establishing religious and worldly charisma. Khalil Bangkalan (d. 1924
A.D.), the most charismatic Kiyai ever in Javanese society, for example, has been
regarded as a spiritual leader who could pray for the benefit o f his pupil’s wealth.
After all, Weber’s idea of charisma is a worthwhile tool to show the inherent
charisma attributed to Javanese Kiyais and to offer larger nuances in viewing leaders'
characteristics, the impact of their charisma, foundations and instability, the revolutionary
nature, and the genesis as well as transformation of charismatic authority. These
components are unquestionably helpful to show the complexity of Javanese elements with
the focus on its Muslim leaders and their daily social life, as well as their major teachings.
Needless to say, as an observer and partisan, I have greater opportunity to deal
with the unique transmission of knowledge such as the personal and close relationship
between teachers and students. My educational background in Islamic studies, familiarity
with the targeted area and the actual functioning and nature of religious educational
institutions, as well as my knowledge of theoretical perspectives have been certainly
valuable in carrying out this study.
28
Chapter Two
Roots of Islamic Teaching
The general ideological background of Islamic teaching as well as some
elements of early Islamic transmission of knowledge will be discussed here. To reveal
the ideological background o f the teaching is as important as to disclose the historical
sequence of Islamic teaching itself since both the ideology and the process of
teaching-learning have been viewed as an entity. Modeling which remains an
important part in shaping Sunni intellectual tradition will be pursued. This modeling
is focused on the persons of the Prophet and the Walisongo in Java, both of whom
have been unquestionably the real and ideal exemplars, as well as a qibla o f the
Javanese Muslims.
2.1. Ideological basis: conceptual understanding
Highlighting the origins of Muslim education should be accompanied by
understanding the innate motivation of the Muslim teaching-learning process throughout
history while emphasizing the early period. As a matter of fact, there has been a strong
linkage between the learning and its prime mover, since Islam is a religion that distinctly
places knowledge in a very special status. Allah would exalt to high degrees those who
believe among Muslims and those who have knowledge.38 It is also a significant fact that
the Prophet’s first experience o f the wahy of the Qur’an started with the divine command
38Qur’an, 58:11.
29
“read,” iqraf9 The following ayat confirms that by the pen, al-qalam, Allah taught men
how and what one did not know. This verse thus absolutely signifies the importance of
reading as an intellectual activity and o f writing which is attributed to al-qalam, in the
process of teaching-learning in a wide sense. To many Muslims the Qur’an itself is not
only a book of guidance, huda lil nruttaqTh, but also an inspiring summons to undertake
an intellectual pursuit. The words, ya qilun, and ya 'lamun, which mean to reflect and to
have knowledge are, for instance, quite ubiquitous in the Qur’an.40
Life-long education has high value among Muslims. Additionally to struggle in the
quest for knowledge is mandatory for every male and female Muslim.41 According to the
39Qur’an, 96: I- 5. Iqra' means “to recite” as well. However, Indonesian ulama would rather
translate it “to read”. (See Indonesian ulama's tafsTr mAl-Our'Sn dan Terjemahannya, on al-'alaq,
Jakarta, 1971). As other Indonesian 'ulama, NawHwTal-BantanT, interprets it as “ to read the Qur’an
by proceeding with basmalah, in the name of Allah.” See NawawT al-Bantlnf, TafsTr Marah Labld,
H (Beirut, 1887), p. 454. The way Nawawi suggested is exactly like other major Sunni 'ulama
especially the §hafi'ites who considered reading basmalah as sunna at the beginning of every
Qur’Snic verse except in that of al-Faliha and al-Tawba, since basmala is a part of the verse which
obliges one to read it, while in the second, basmala is forbidden to read due to the historical
background of the revelation of al-Tawba, which essentially declared Muslim battle against the
mushrikln. the idolaters, who broke the promise made by the two groups. By translating iqra ’ as "to
read” the issue of ummi (meaning illiterate or formally uneducated) with regard to Muhammad
would not pose a new problem. Is it possible that an ummi could read?. At least there are two
elements which enable a person to read: basar meaning eye-sight and basFra i.e. power of mental
perception or acuteness of the mind. The latter is more potential. Most mufassirun such as al-Tabari.
Ibn Katiur, and even the modernist mufassir, Muhammad lAbduh, agreed that the Prophet has been
given a capability to read by Allah. Also, so far among Muslims scholars there have been different
interpretations over whether Muhammad was an ummi (in the sense of being unable to react) or not
However, the historical fact on the event of HudaybTyya (the agreement between Muhammad and
Meccans) in 628 shows that the Prophet himself wrote his name, Muhammad bin 'Abdallah. as
insisted upon by the Quraysh. (A note from the lecture of Professor I.K. Poonawala, UCLA. Fall
1992).
40The word in different forms can be found at least 49 times in the Qur’an, while ^
occurs more than 450 times. This calculation is based on the various derivations of the two words,
however, they all come from the two mentioned roots.
41The hadith is quoted by al-GhazalTin IhycF 'Ulum al-DTn, (Cairo, 1969). H, p. 89.
30
Prophet the ink of students is equivalent to the blood o f martyrs on the Day of
Judgment.42 Therefore, both actors in learning, teacher and student, have been viewed as
“selected people” in the community and have been highly motivated by this religion to
develop and practice their knowledge. This is in accord with the Qurtlnic verse, “It is not
right that all of the faithful should go to war at once. A band from each community should
stay behind to instruct themselves in religion and to admonish their people when they
return, so that they may take heed”. 43
In line with the central position of the learned, the teacher and students of the
Qur’an were guaranteed by the Prophet as the best creatures.44 This teaching was
followed by Muslims’ strong tendency to study the Qur’an in the centuries after the
Prophet’s period. Indeed through the centuries the Qur’an and hadith became the main
curriculum for Muslim education. The curriculum had given rise to new disciplines of
knowledge, especially ilm tqfsir al-Our'an and ilm al-hadith. These two religious
sciences contributed to and enriched the civilization of the religio-scholaiiy community in
Islam. The trend could be seen from the fact that so many Muslim scholars, mufassirun,
muhaddittiun, as well as mu'arrikjjun or historians lived from the eighth century onward.
How Muslims attempted to sustain the authentic hadith could be seen from their
Ibid., I, p. 5.
43Qur’an, 9: 122.
44The complete hadith narrated by I Ithman bin Afian is : : The

best among you is those who learn and teach the Qur’Sn”. Ibn Hanbal, AI-Musnad, I (Cairo. 1313
A.H.), p. 69.
31
complicated way of transmitting the hadith from one generation to another. It is
noteworthy that the students of hadith could be found not only in the period o f Ahmad
bin 'Air bin Hajir al-'AsqalSni (d. 852 AH./1448), but in the nineteenth century Middle
East and Java as well under Mahfuz al-Tirmisf s tutoring (d. 1919).
Indeed, in Islam those who acquire knowledge are more respected than those who
merely worship God all the time. The superiority of the learned man, al- alim, over the
worshipper, al-'abid, is like Muhammad’s superiority over the least of Muslims.45
Among Muslims this last hadith is so popular that they consider seeking knowledge to be
an integral part of performing worship.
The supreme value of religious knowledge and its transmission in Islam was thus
never questioned. The Prophet guaranteed that those who were on the way to pursue
knowledge would be much facilitated by God on the route to paradise.46 Muhammad’s
disciples had successfully transformed and implemented his teaching about the great spirit
of seeking knowledge. This religious motivation was also found as well in the tradition of
rihla^ A major tradition which is called al-rihla f i talab al- 'ilm, “travel for seeking
knowledge”, was the evidence of such extensive curiosity among religious scholars. The
rihla was initially conducted by students of hadith. The zeal for collecting hadith sent the
famous Bukhan (d. 870) for sixteen years of travel, out of his home in modem Turkistan,
not only to Baghdad- the greatest center of learning in his day- but into the heart of
4S Muhammad bin Tsa al-Tinnidh£ Suncm, VQ, on the section of Kitab al'Ilm, as quoted by al-GhazSlu
Op.cit., Ip . 7.
46Narrated by al-Bukharf in al-GhazalC Ayyuha al-Walad (Cairo: Dar al-I'tisam, 1983), p. 33.
32
Arabia, and on again to Egypt and Syria. Although he rejected thousands of hadith which
he heard, eventually he arranged 7397 hadilhs in his work, Sahlh BukharT*1
Rihla> as a matter of feet, was not only a scholarly tradition, but it was a
requirement for acquiring knowledge as well. Imam al-Haramayn ai-Juwayni (d. 1085
AX).), a prominent Sunni theologian, gives criteria which represent a highly dynamic
tradition of seeking knowledge in premodem times. The requisites are a quick mind, zeal,
a poverty, foreign land, a professor’s inspiration, and a long life.48
However such rihla could never be divorced from the framework of this writing,
namely seeking knowledge which is stimulated by religious values. Again Prophetic
traditions prove such a relationship: “He who departs in the search of knowledge is on
God’s path, Sabll Allah, until he returns, i.e. he gains the same merit as he who offers his
life in the war of faith. The angels spread their wings over him and all creatures pray for
him, even the fish in the water.”49 It is Islam that absolutely urges its followers to acquire
knowledge as far as they could, even as far as China.50 This hadith teaching was relevant
47 To the mind of pious Muslims, it is interesting that Bukh&ri did not insert a single hadith in his
book without first washing and praying two rak’as. His famous SahTh collection is arranged in 97 books
with 3450 babs (chapters). See S. Khuda Bukhsh, “The Educational System of the Muslims in the Middle
Ages”, Islamic Culture, 1 (1927), pp. 449-450. Also compare J. Robson, “Al-Bukharf, Muhammad bin
Ism ail” in Encyclopedia o f Islam, I, Leiden (1960), pp. 1296-1297.
48Quoted by George Makdisi in The Rise o f Colleges (Edinburgh, 1981), p.l. A nearly similar medieval
poem in Ta lim wa Muta 'allim, by al-Zamuji, presents another condition for pursuing knowledge, namely
“an investment or sufficient sustenance”. See G.E. von Grunebaum, Instruction o f the Student: the Method
o f Learning, (New York: King’s Crwon Press, 1947), p. 30.
49Goldziher quoted the traditions consecutively from al-TirmidhT and Ibn Maja, See Goldziher, Muslim
Studies, II ( London: 1971), p. 165.
50The hadith was quoted by al-GhazsUi,/Ay5* L P- 32.
33
to the situation in seventh century Arabia due to the progress of the Chinese civilization at
that time. China was an old and well-developed civilization. In other words, the Prophet
mentioned the distant country no matter where was it located on purpose as a unique
illustration thanks to the high value of knowledge.
On another occasion, the Prophet was even aware of education for political
“intelligence” when he instructed his scribe, Zayd, to learn the Kitab al-Yahud as a
safeguard against Jewish deceit. Zayd was able after two weeks study to write to the
Jews and to read what they wrote to the Prophet.51
The Prophet’s two commands concerning al-Sm and al-Yahud are
intentionally introduced to emphasize that there was a symbiotic connection between
knowledge and the progress as well as the endurance of Islamic civilization in
general. This historical experience could be further interpreted that, as the followers
of Muhammad, Muslims should always improve their power internally by
intellectualizing the community, learning other people’s language, habits, and
civilization and, in turn, release themselves from any intimidation as they had
experienced in the Meccan period.
The Jews in Medina failed to deceive the Prophet. They were eventually
expelled from Medina once they were suspected of plotting with the Meccans, the
Muslim’s enemies. Their secret alliance with the Meccans and with Abd Allah bin
Ubayy, an influential Medinan figure, who was discontented with the arrival of the
51 Baladuri, Futuh al-Euldan (Beirut, 1958), p. 474.
34
Muslims in the city in 622, obviously ruined the prior pact, the so-called “SahJfa
M edind\ or the Constitution of Medina, o f different tribes and religions to defend the
city against any outsiders’ aggression. The Muslims in Medina, in many cases, were
increasingly educated following an intensive interaction with the Prophet a few years
before and after their emigration to the city. It seems that they were too strong to be
defeated by enemies once they were successfully consolidated by such a strong and
effective leader. Again Islamic learning functioned to strengthen both Muslims’
religiosity and their awareness of socio-political dimensions.
No doubt Muslims were powerfully motivated by the Prophet and his
teachings, including the Qur’an. That is not to neglect here the importance of other
elements contributing to the rise of the new star under the Islamic flag. Nevertheless,
it is obvious that Islamic civilization was characterized by its discipline of high
learning in its early period. From the above description, it could be concluded that the
roots of Muslim learning can be traced back to the very beginning of the rise of Islam
itself. Its nature is characterized by its informality. Educational practices were everywhere.
The Qur’an and hadith became the most important and inspiring “curriculum”. The
advent of religious sciences in Islam responded to a religious and cultural demand in the
sense that during the first four centuries o f Islam, the religion had effectively encouraged
and inspired men of learning. The result of such a kind of education is that the
transmission of knowledge would rather emphasize teachers’ feme and expertise over that
of a formal educational institution and demanded the very active role of wandering
35
students. Therefore paying special homage to teachers and going on a journey, rihla, in
quest of learning in distant lands should be understood in that context, besides those
practices undoubtedly had a very solid religious ground and justification.
2. 2. Models
2.2.1. Muhammad,
• 7 model of models and master of masters
Among the Muslims, Muhammad was largely known as an educator. To
understand this point better, Dr. James E. Royster from Cleveland State University,
who has done an intensive research on the role of Muhammad as a teacher, exemplar,
and as an ideal man, discussed Muslims’ impressions o f their Prophet. In his
introduction he stated that probably no man in human history has been more
thoroughly emulated than the Prophet of Islam. This fact, often unrecognized by non-
Muslims, must be understood in order to assess properly the continuing influence of
Muhammad among those acknowledging him as a Prophet. To Royster, Muhammad
has taught the truth by mouth and demonstrated the truth in his life. His conclusion is
not less important:
Muhammad as teacher, exemplar and ideal man fulfills in Islam a role that
can hardly be overestimated. From him hundreds o f millions of Muslim
derive both meaning for personal existence and means for character
development and spiritual achievement. In terms of continuing influence
Muhammad, the prophet o f Islam, must be placed high on the list of those
who have shaped the world. Surely it would be markedly different had he not
been.52
52James E. Royster, “Muhammad as a Teacher and Exemplar”, The Muslim World, 68. no. 4
(1978), pp. 235-258.
36
Royster’s quotation here signifies that Muhammad was a teacher not only for
his contemporary Muslims but for all Muslims in the present time as well. In other
words, the teacher was Muhammad, and the students have been all Muslims in the
Muslim world. While the Prophet was an actual teacher to his Companions, to the
other Muslims he has become an “imaginary educator.” However, all Muslims
learned the same teaching subjects from the Qur’an and the sunna. The two materials
have been proven to be continuing manuals for Muslims’ life as well: “I have
bequeathed you Muslims two things, you will never go astray as long as you lean on
them: the Qur’an and the h a d iljfP That he was a teacher is also testified by some
Qur’Jnic verses. Among others, “(Abraham and Isma il prayed:) Our Lord! And raise
up in their midst a messenger from among them who shall instruct them in- Scripture
and in Wisdom and shall make them grow.”54
The education being discussed here is, of course, not a formal education, but
it is rather a flexible one which means any attempt to develop mentally or morally by
Muhammad’s teaching for religious propagational purposes. Before the establishment
of mosques, a house was the only place for Islamic teaching. The house o f al-Arqam
was decided at the beginning o f Islam to be the center for the activities of the new
religion, and there the Prophet explained the doctrines of the belief and many people
^ <1D fltw u l* a Jb !jlirtTTL* uSJifjA

See Ibn Hanbal, Op.cit.UL, p. 17.
54 Qur’an, 2:129. Some other associated verses are 62:2 and 3:164.
37
embraced Islam.55 Muhammad used to sit at the mosque in Medina surrounded by
his followers and used to instruct them by repeating what he said three times until
they memorized it. He appeared to be an effective preacher and teacher as well as an
enthusiastic promoter o f learning. He always introduced knowledge by considering
the degree of his audience’s intelligence. Besides, he advanced his teaching with
wisdom and kindly exhortation. In this respect, the Qur’an advised the Prophet to
reason with them in the most courteous manner.56
Muhammad’s concern for literacy can be seen early, for instance, after the
Muslims’ victory at Badr in 624, when he asked some literate prisoners to teach the
children o f Medina how to write. He also assigned his companions to be teachers such
as Ubajda ibn al-Samit, who was appointed an instructor in the school of Suffa in
Medina for classes in writing and in Qur’anic studies. The Suffa or al-Zilla (being a
raised platform with a roof over it) was one section o f the mosque constructed by the
Prophet at Medina and was devoted to educational purposes, especially for teaching
reading, writing, memorizing chapters of the Qur’an, and tajm d (how to recite the
Qur’an correctly).57 Hamid AllSh refers to the Suffa as the first Islamic
“university.”58 This dwelling was also designed for the lodging of newcomers and
55Al-Taban7 Tarlkh al-Umam wa-l-Muluk, HI (Leiden, 1881), p. 2335.
56 Qur’an, 16:126.
57Ahmad D. Munir, “Muslim Education Prior to the Establishment of Madrasa”, Islamic Studies,
26,4, Winter (1987), p. 322.
58Royster, Op.cit., p. 240.
38
those of the local people who were too poor to have .a house of their own. The Suffa
offered education not only for the boarders but also day scholars, and casual visitors
attended it in large numbers. The number o f the boarders in the Suffa differed from
time to time, and Ibn Hanbal’s record shows that at one time there were seventy
people living by laboring in their spare hours.39 In the same mosque, the Prophet used
to settle all legal questions.
The Suffa was not the only school at Medina. There were at least nine
mosques in Medina even at the time of the Prophet, and no doubt each one o f them
served at the same time as a school. The people living in the near vicinity sent their
children to these local mosques. Quba was near Medina, where the Prophet
sometimes went and personally supervised the school in the mosque of that place. 60
He also urged people to learn from their neighbors. This encouragement,
unquestionably, made them more responsible to transmit their knowledge, as their
Prophet suggested to present to others anything they got from him although it was
only a single verse.61
The active teaching-learning society was a portrait of a religious society which
considered their religion as an essential element in fulfilling their basic spiritual and
59Ibn HanbaL Musnad, m , p. 137.
60Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-'Ilm. p. 97, as cited by M. Hamidullah, “Educational System in the Time of
the Prophet” Islamic Culture, 13, no. 1 (1939), pp. 48-59.
Narrated by al-Bukhari in his Sahih, on the section of al-Anbiya Vt, p. 496 (See al-Ghazali. Avyuha
al-Walad, p. 34).
39
intellectual needs. Leaving aside the question of whether or not the Suffa was a
regular residential school, at least this much might be said, that the Prophet devoted
much time to teaching. In addition, many hadiths narrated by pious SahabTs
apparently showed that the Prophet had taught various people of different ranks,
sexes, and ages. Compare the social status ofA 'isha, the most active hadith reporter
among the wives, with that of Abu Hurayra, one of the ahl al-Suffa, for instance,
both of whom were very popular and reliable in recounting many hadiths in the Sunni
tradition. The hadtths that indicate that the Prophet taught the different Ashab
directly were quite numerous. Those could be found in most hadith collections and
usually began with phrases such as:
u'jVI tJA <■»!& jl ,<UI , <111 jl iair.
The material Muhammad presented was essentially the tenets of Islam. This
teaching mission was not easy since his community in Medina was more diverse.
Besides, the material was broad and complex including all aspects of life, namely
Islam which offered them principles to devote to Allah and to be harmonious with
society and the environment.
While Muhammad has been considered an honest teacher by the Muslims,
Allah is viewed as the Master o f the teacher. In many cases, the Prophet convinced his
people that the real teacher is Allah. He said that he was not the most brilliant among
them, but his bestowed intelligence was merely derived from Allah’s instruction.62
62Ibn Hanbal. Musnad, V. p. 4.
40
This is analogous to the fact that Adam won over* the angels by his knowledge from
Allah.63 Therefore, Muhammad always educated people not to be arrogant and
encouraged them to seek consultation.64
The Prophet consistently prayed so that Allah educated him and made his
education excellent. The way he taught was absolutely prudent and learned. His very
gentle manner has been largely known and based on an historical account that he
always consulted his Companions in many circumstances. His saying “Those who do
not pay homage to the older and do not love our younger generation are not part of
our Muslim community”65 reveals how he wisely treated his students. He loved his
listeners and treated them as his beloved children. Had he not done so, it is hardly
understandable how thousands o f Qur’anic verses could be smoothly transferred to
the heart of the Sahabts and the following generations.
That Muhammad inspired his students to be “self-confident” and “self
esteemed” for the sake of Allah, to the truth, could be noticed when he gave a special
epithet “the gate of knowledge” to one o f his students, 'Ah bin Abi Talib.66 In the
ninth year of the Hijra, cAli was further authorized to go to Mecca and deliver the
63 “And Allah taught Adam all the names, then showed them to the angels, saying: Inform me of the
names of these if you are truthful”, Qur’an, 2:31.
64Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, L, p. 190.
65 U j i - o flj U jg£jijj fi (j»J

The hadith was cited by al-Ghazali in his Ihyd,' IL pp. 194, 196.
66The original text of the hadith is ^ ,4*3 ,J: “I am the city of knowledge,
while ‘Ali is the gate”. (Al-GhazklT, Ihyal II, pp. 188-190).
41
Qur'Snic message to the people on the Prophet’s behalf.67 This means that in his
teacher’s eyes, 'A ll was perfectly transferring the essential tenets of the Prophet.
While to understand Muhammad’s message was something, an act to make it known
to the public was another. Again thi.s dynamic process could have never occurred,
unless both the teacher and the student possessed an important position and an active
role in the system o f education.
In many cases what had been said and practiced by Muhammad was not only to
become a surma but to be a model of teaching-learning in the future as well. For
instance, his saying that ulama ’ are the heirs of the Prophet, indeed, no Prophet
bequeaths any wealth but knowledge”68had significance in the educational field. Among
others the teacher, an Slim, possessed an important position in the system of education as
a central agent who determined the plan and the execution of the entire scheme of
education. The alim in Shfi tradition is even more vital. The title of alim cannot be
separated from the inherent nature of an Imam himself. Teachers scaled the heights of
social and moral prestige in the community, but their achievement in educational
administration was something unprecedented in the history of education and all the more
significant in a system which had a religious bias but was otherwise thoroughly secular in
its organization.69 So prestigious was the status that a student’s authority derived from
67Ibn Hisham. al-STra al-Nabawiyya (Beirut, 1992), IV, p. 190.
68The hadith is narrated by Ibn Hanbal, Abu Dawud, aI-TirmidHI7 and Ibn Maja (See al-GhazabT
AyyuhS al-Walad, pp. 33-34).
69A. Ghafur Chaudhri, Some Aspects o f Islamic Education (Karachi, 1982), p. 3.
42
that of his teacher, and not from the venue in which his education had transpired. This
means that no institution, not even the future madrasas, could ever establish a monopoly
over the inculcation of the Islamic religious sciences. Any open space- the floor of a
mosque, a sufi cell, the desert, bookshops, kuttab or literary salons, a private house or
living room, generally offered a suitable site for instruction. This suggests also that
education in Muslim societies cannot be considered in isolation; rather, it must be seen as
one element in the broader continuum o f Islamic piety and worship as discussed earlier.
43
1. Kudus Minaret (G.W J . Drewes, An Early Javanese Code o f Muslim Ethics. The
Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1978, cover page)
44
2.2.2. Walisongo, early model in Java
Among scholars, so far, there is a disagreement as to who played the main role in
introducing and spreading Islam throughout Indonesian archipelagoes. Even the period
when this occurred is still open to debate. Some scholars such as Van Leur suggests that
Arab merchants took a very important part in Islamizing Indonesian society,70 while
others such as Anthony Johns asserts that the process of Islamization was mainly
conducted by sufi agents.71
Van Loir is convinced that economic and political purposes were important in the
conversion of the Malay-Indonesian people to Islam. The native rulers who were willing
to further the growth of trading activities in their kingdoms accepted Islam so that they
could win the support of Muslim traders with their economic resources. In return, the
rulers provided the traders with protection and trade concessions. With their conversion to
Islam, the rulers of the states in the Malay-Indonesian archipelago were able to participate
more extensively and profitably in the international exchange covering the region from the
Red Sea to the China Sea. Also, by converting to Islam and enlisting the support of the
traders, the rulers were able to legitimize their rule in Islamic terms and, at the same time,
resist the influence of the Hindu Kingdom of Majapahit.72
70J.C. van Leur, Indonesian Trade and Society (The Hague: van Hoeve. 1955), pp. 72-110-6.
71A.H. Johns, “Sufism as a category in Indonesian Literature and History”, JSEAH, 2 (1961), pp. 10-
23.
72 Leur, Op.cit., p. 72.
45
Johns suggested that sufism was the most visible picture in the Islamic world from
the 13th century onward, and this was also applicable in 13th century Java. Islam would
have never been “the religion of Java” unless sufism that tolerated Javanese tradition and
modified it under the banner of Islam had been embraced by Javanese nobles and many
people on the northern coast of Java.73
It is not intended here to justify one of the two disputing ideas above but merely to
suggest that it is possible to reconcile these two positions. If one considers van Leur’s
opinion above on the role of traders in introducing Islam, the Walisongo were by no
means excluded. Van Leur gave more emphasis to the early traders’ connection outside
Java as the main factor in the Islamization of the archipelago. However, the Walisongo
were unique Javanese agents in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries who combined
spiritual and secular aspects in introducing Islam In other words, to consider that
merchants and sufi agents in Java came at the same time is sensible, but it is also
reasonable that merchant and sufi existed in one individual. For example, Sunan Kudus,
one of the most respected of the Walisongo in Central Java, was undoubtedly a very alim
sufr and a prosperous trader. It could be further elaborated that newcomers from the
Middle East were indeed merchants, but some pious successful merchants who were not
engrossed in worldly trade and used their wealth to be close to Allah are not hard to find.
Most scholars assume that the advance of Islam in the archipelago was not evident
until the thirteenth century. It is possible also to theorize that commercial activities
73 Johns, Op.cit., p. 13.
46
between Arab, Persian, and Indian merchants with the residents had occurred earlier, but a
massive interaction in the manifestation of socio-religious and cultural socialization did not
happen until the thirteenth century, hi other words, despite the feet that no Islamic
communities o f note appeared until the thirteenth century,74Arab and Islamic merchants
had contacted and visited Indonesia as early as in the eighth century as indicated by al-
Mas'udT and affirmed in the conclusion of the Indonesian Historians seminar in the early
1960s.75 Most scholars who consider the thirteenth century a milestone in the early
introduction of Islam to the archipelago took the establishment of two Islamic empires,
Pasai and Perlak on the northern coast of Sumatra as historical evidence. Still, they
ignored an important clue that Islam was embraced by the indigenous population both in
Sumatra and later on in Java through commercial contact between the Arabo-Persian-
Indian arrivals with local traders who were not related to any political kingdom authorities.
Even if the “thirteenth century argument” is acceptable, it still raises another question as
to whether the Islamic kingdoms could be firmly incorporated without any long process of
struggle beforehand. In other words, the establishment of the kingdom necessitates a
74Those who maintain that Islamization in Indonesia must have happened prior to the thirteenth century,
usually base their argument on;
1)If an Islamic Empire was undoubtedly found in that century such as the Pose Kingdom in Sumatra
which was ruled by Sultdn ai-MHik al-Saleh and visited by Marco Polo in 1292. it is highly probable that
Islamization occurred long before that century. Since Islamization in Indonesia is typically slow but sure,
the establishment of the new kingdom then needs a very long process.
2)The earliest surviving Muslim gravestone on which the date is clear is found at Leran in East Java and is
dated AH 475 (AD 1082). This was the gravestone of a woman, a daughter of someone named Fatima binti
Maimun which was written in Arabic.
75Saifuddih Zuhri is one of the historians, who attended the seminar in March 1963. See his book.
Sejarah Kebangkitan Islam Perkembangannya di Indonesia (Bandung: Al-Ma'arif Bandung.
1979), p. 175-176. See also al-Mas'udi, Muruj Al-Dhahab (Beirut, 1968), p. 73.
47
socio-cultural, and economic process. This is intelligible, since Indonesian-Malay values
are characterized by oneness and harmony between the rulers and society which is called
in Javanese “Manunggcding Kawula-Gusti” The establishment of the two empires, then,
would not have happened, unless the local Muslims had supported the rulers, which
presupposes the existence of a Muslim population.
The Walisongo were usually associated with the aforementioned early Javanese
sufism. It is generally understood that the term and function of the Wair'vs an important
element in the sufi worid. W&lt, more or less, could be translated as “saint”, while
songo in Javanese means nine. However, it is noteworthy that the word sunan applied
to the Walisongo is more common than the word IPa/ritself. People tended to name them
Sunan, such as Sunan Kudus rather than the unheard FKz/TKudus. The Walisongo were all
popularly called Sunan. This term is usually understood to stem from the Chinese word
“Suhunati,7<s which means a wise man because of his acquired knowledge or a very
venerated figure in Javanese society. However the expression also can be referred to the
Arabic “Sunan” stemming from “sunncT which unavoidably signifies the surma of the
Prophet. This interpretation with a religious connotation might be more applicable
although conjugationally it is not accurately spoken by the Javanese, since the word
sunan is a plural form o f surma. This means that the local people attributed the word
sunan to the Walisongo by having the image that the Walisongo were a symbol of
76Among Chinese Indonesians in Java, the word Suhunan steming from Suhu was usually used to
refer to a respected person. Most of the Suhus possess a traditional medicine to heal local people.
48
religious leaders, who were always responsible for the implementation o f the
Prophet’s surma. Their consistency to the Prophet’s teachings and their position as
agents o f the Prophet’s surma by Islamizing any non-Islamic elements are another
evidence of their position as the sunan bearers. That the Walisongo were largely known
as propagators of Sunni Islam is unquestionable. Indeed, this interpretation was relevant
to the basic idea of Javanese santris who followed and glorified the celebrity o f the
Walisongo due to their status as pious Muslim leaders who had some religious-
spiritual superiority.
It is sometimes assumed that Java has no single stable core of Islamic tradition.
Islam in the region has long been here and there judged as syncretic or “impure Islam,”
since it is distinct from Islam in the centers in the Middle East and infused with immense
local traditions. Some writers still accuse the da Is of being propagators of syncretistic
Islam. These scholars make the Saints’ heritage, such as minarets and temples, as historical
proof of a transparent combination between Hindu and Islamic elements. Some of the
Saints’ traditions such as not to slaughter cows among Kudus society in Central Java, and
to use “Wayang”77 shadow puppets to socialize Islamic values, are also viewed as related
evidence. It is worth mentioning that some Walls were respected not only by Javanese
Muslims but by some local Chinese as well. In Kudus, Central Java, for instance, until
77This is a shadow-play, in which a dalang, a puppeteer sitting on a mat in front of the screen uses leather
or wooden puppets to dramatize stories from the Javanese versions of the Indian epics, the Mahabharata or
the Ramayana, or mythological versions of the history of the kingdoms of pre-colonial Java. In addition
there is another Wayang called “Wayang Wong” namely the same stories performed by real people as
characters on the stage.
49
recently every year on the tenth of Muharram local Chinese donated lambs and cows
to the Muslim societies, who themselves were th e ' Ashura commemoration organizers
and living near the tomb o f Suncm Kudus, to participate in the Ashura' (10)
celebration.78
The above allegation could be refuted by reconsidering that complex
syncretism was an unavoidable interactive process o f religion and culture, but it has
been subordinated to Islam.79 The relation o f sufism with its abundance of Neo-
Platonic and Gnostic elements to the Islam o f the Qur’an and hadith then appears at
first sight problematic. However, it must be understood that if the Qur’an and the
hadith are at pains to teach what the relation o f God is to the world, and what man
has to do to be saved, the purpose of the Wafts was to elucidate how to elaborate a
theoretical explanation of the modality o f the relationship between Creator and
creation, the inner, hidden life o f the Divine Being, and the distinguishing
characteristics of the saints, the men of God, khaftfatullah fi- al-ard. Therefore, the
Wafts’ incorporation of many non-Islamic elements is a matter of approach, and
wisdom. The latter is absolutely needed in any Islamic transmission. The Qur’an
78Chinese Muslims in Java can be found since the fifteenth century. Even Some Wafts were sometimes
presumed to have Chinese origins and connections. The Asljnripin Java was more familiar under the
name “Sura”, and in Aceh “Asan-Usen” (from Arabic Hasan-Husain). Historically 'Ashura1was the day
of Husain’s martyrdom on the tenth of Muharram, however, it is interesting that in Kudus, Java, the
traditional 'As/riZra’ceremony was merely to remember Sunan Kudus by replacing the cloth covering the
shrine and giving out food especially rice with buffalo meat or lambs which they called “Nasi Slametari" to
thefiiqcarcC
79 Johns Op.cit, pp. 10- 23.
50
requires a cautious and prudent way in tackling such a mission: “Call men to the path
of your Lord with wisdom and kindly exhortation”*0 The learned Walisongo
understood that anything done by force would be futile and this is relevant to the basic
teaching of Islam which emphasizes “no compulsion in religion”81
It is well-known that the mosque o f Demak, generally agreed to be the first
mosque in Java, was built prior to the establishment of Demak kingdom. The
inauguration of the mosque was initiated by Sunan Kalijaga on the first day of Dhu-
1-Qa'da in 1428.*2 The arrangement o f the mosque before the “Demak State”
founding,83 is similar to that o f the Quba mosque in Medina, built by the Prophet
once the Muslims resided in the city. To the mind of a majority of Muslims, the
mosque has been the actual embodiment of the other world, in which its establishment
should be prioritized over anything else related to the worldly orientation.84 With this
analogy, it could be understood if some of the Javanese ulama ’ justified what had
“ Qur’an, 16: 125.
81Qur’an, 2:256.
82M. Ramlan, Babad, Op.cit., p. 21.
83 It is well known that the mosque of Demak, built in 1428 AD. was prior to the founding of the
kingdom of Demak. By the early sixteenth century Demak, the first Muslim kingdom in Java, was
founded. About 932/1524 the third ruler of Demak, Pangeran Tranggana, adopted the Muslim title of
SulCan together with a new name, Ahmad 'Abd al-'Arifin. The new title and name were given to
Tranggana by Shaykh Nur Allah or Sunan Gunung Jati, one of the celebrated Walisongo, when he visited
the Shaykh, who was believed to have been educated in Pasai and had made the hajj to Mecca several years
earlier.
84 The hadith is ly J-V'u>i>ik U J.iiJjifi.:The best place (in the world) is the
mosque, while the worst is the marketplace. See al-Ghazair/Aya* L, pp. 79-70.
51
been done by Sunan Kalijaga with the Demak mosque as corresponding to the sunna
o f the Prophet.
Thanks to the concept o f emulation, taqlTd has become a considerable part of
Javanese santri religiosity. It is noteworthy that the ideas o f Ghazalian sufism were still
the most dominant in this early period. The Admonitions o f Seh Bari, a Javanese
manuscript which was presumably written by Sunan Bonang (died in 1525), one of the
Walisongo, apparently quoted a lot of Ghazalian thoughts by explicitly mentioning the
latter such as:
Imam GhazalT said: Shaykh Sufi (a proper name)! You are an infidel
according to the four schools, because your doctrines detract from the attributes
of the Lord. Because you attribute non-existence to or minimize the attributes of
the Lord your words have been branded as heretical You will have it that they are
to be interpreted as a mystic utterance, but the mystic would not speak in this vein.
For/ with the mystic it is as expressed in the words: La ya 'rifu 'abdiyyatahu la
yanzuruha fayadhkuniha (he does not know o f his servantship, does not see it or
have remembrance of it), i.e. The mystic is unconscious of his own being,
oblivious of his own speech and sight and has no knowledge of the Lord (as a
separate being). This is the meaning of the words: realized, overpowered,
replaced, blotted out as regards existence, speech and sight, as it is only by the
mercy and the grace of the Lord that one is granted annihilation. That is what the
mystic is like, and not what you said, detracting from the attributes of the Lord
because you are tainted by the heresy of the Mu'tazila.85
Modeling has long become an important part o f Javanese philosophy. The
power of modeling was in line with the Javanese value system under which
paternalism and patron-client relations have had strong roots in the society. The Walis
were always faithful to their mission as successors of the Prophets to be involved
85G.W.J. Drewes, The Admonitions o f Seh Bari (The Hague, 1969), pp. 75-77.
52
physically in a social engagement, to introduce, clarify, and solve community
problems, and to give a model o f ideal and religious society. Indeed, this was a blessing
in disguise due to the fact that the masses needed spiritual leaders who could support,
protect, and guide them to the righteous path of life. Therefore, the Watts imitated by the
future ulam a’, generally known as Kiyais, became a symbol of integration between
the religious local leader and his community. The people felt at home due to the
WafiS ’ effective and protective leadership, as well as their religious scholarship.
Not less important modeling was an attempt o f Mawlana Malik Ibrahim (d.
1419 in Gresik, East Java), to institute a unique educational venue in Java, the so-
called “pesantren” in the future. To anticipate and accommodate socio-religious
questions and membership recruitment, Ibrahim used a pesantren system. It was not
difficult for him to establish a pesantren, considering loyal people were on his side
and wealth was part of his assets as a traveling merchant. It is reported that during the
daytime, he brought people to cropland, while at night he taught them the basic
subjects especially the Qumn and the hadith in his simple institution. Owing to the
da 'wa of this kind he was usually called as the father or a guru of the early
pesantren in Java.86 At the same time he was also a spiritual father of other
Walisongo. It is quite conceivable that his invention of such an educational institution
was inspired by Hindu education in seclusive temples he had noticed in India and
86 Zuhri, Op.cit., p. 263.
53
Java. It is probably from this phenomenon that the development of pesantren was
later on defined as merging elements o f the Hindu, Javanese, and Islamic culture.
Last but not least was the case o f Sunan Kalijaga. He was the architect o f the
typically Javanese kabupaten, the regional government.87 The kings of Demak, for
instance, were inspired by Sunan Kalijaga to communicate with their people in the
alun-alun ,88 On the right or left side o f the kabupaten lies a mosque. This position is
another wise sign o f living in a harmony between kings or future regents and ulamzt’.
The famous term is “Sabdho Pandito Ratu” which means the oneness of the ulam a'
and prince’s command.89 This unity is theoretically for the benefit of religion and
people.
In line with the W alisongo’s principles in holding the sunna and setting up
kind models, they are believed to be in the forefront to implement the shan 'a and to
make a standard model. The maintenance of the Islamic tradition that it was the ulama'
who were the keepers of religious science par excellence brought them to the status of the
only true interpreters of the two basic sources of Islam: the Qur’aft and the Prophetic
sunna. This role of being the validating power of religious teaching was the basis on
87 Ibid., p. 313.
88The center of the region or small city is the alun-alun, a large compound where the public could
get together. Facing the alun-alun stands the kabupaten where the bupati, a regent, lives and works
at his office. These two side-locations are normally interpreted as a symbol of an active interaction
between kings and people. This combination is expressed in a popular Javanese saying: "Kawulo lan
Gusti Noto."
89This more or less coincides with the Q uranic verse: “Believers, Obey God and obey the Apostles
and those in authority (ulf-l-amr") among you,” See Qur’an, 4~:58.
54
which the future Kiyais’ knowledge would be transferred from generation to generation
in the pesantren tradition.
As other Sunni ulama' at large, the Walisongo would punish any individual
who deviated from the straight path and who, in turn, would interfere with public
religiosity. This could be seen when the oldest Walisongo member, Maulana Malik
Ibrahim, was in charge in punishing Siti Jenar once they judged him as endangering
the status of the sharl'a90 Ibrahim considered what was going on with the unusual
WalT, Siti Jenar, as a harmful case which could misguide the public. His conclusive
word against the presumed deviant was: “If you are in fact Allah, you believe in the
law o f the Prophet and would certainly be willing to die.”91
Siti Jenar was one of the prominent Walts, whose ideas resembled those of Ibn
Arab! about wahdat al-wujud. He explicitly stated that God was in himself. He even
criticized those who were gravely praying at night and noon but failed to find the true
a ■
»
**
God. Siti Jenar represented sufism which is regarded as sufi per se oriented, while the
majority of the Waits introduced sufism together with fiqh teachings, therefore according
to them he deserved to be executed. However the Walts proclaimed that he was a non
90Siti Jenar was supposedly cursed to Heath by an assembly of the Walts for teaching the secret mystical
truth (ngelmu gaib) that Allah and His creation, including man were One. When Siti Jenar was first
summoned to the Walls, he told the emissaries, “Know, you two, that Siti Jenar does not exist, now it is
Allah who appears; report this.” Before the other celebrated Wal£Sunan Giri, Siti Jenar declared, ‘There is
no Friday, there is no mosque, only Allah indeed exists. There is nothing other which now has existence.
See Rinkes D.A., “De Heiligen van Java II, Seh Siti Jenar voor de inquisite,” in Tijdschrift van het
Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen 53 (1911), p. 17-56.
91 Santoso, Babad Tanah Jawa (Surakarta, 1979), p. 186.
55
believer in the eyes of the people but a believer to Allah. Moreover, his death is often
viewed by people as it being caused by his utterance similar to the incriminating words
spoken by al-Hallaj, a mystic and martyr who was executed in Baghdad in 922. Since the
Malamati tendency was widespread from the central Islamic lands, Iran, and eastern lands,
it is not impossible that this influence was also present in Java.
The sufi movement in the Indonesian context was, in fact, almost identical
with the Islamic world during the period of five hundred years from the thirteenth to
the eighteenth centuries, so that it is hardly an exaggeration to speak of a sufi period
in Islamic history.92 The influence o f the Walisongo thus has been proven through the
centuries in Java. The later struggle of jihad associated with sufism is as a matter of fret
typical in the Islamic world. The Islam that arrived in the archipelago was then
unquestionably sufi Islam. However, from the religious practices growing and strongly
developing in the archipelago through the centuries, one could assume that agreeable
interaction between Sunnism and Shx'ism had greatly and equally contributed to the
emergence of the unique Islamic community in the region. The term “Imam, ” for instance,
has been standardized among the Javanese Sunni Muslims so that the four founders of
madhhabs were never mentioned by local people unless the word “Imam” was
courteously uttered in advance. In addition, the place of the ulama' in Javanese santri life
has been so special that it resembled that of an Imam, which was highly venerated in the
92 See Johns, Op.cit., p. 10-23.
56
Shi'i world. It is thus not an exaggeration that Sunni Islam in Java has been claimed to be
“culturally Shi'L”93
One might readily trace Shi'i philosophical and operational elements in Java.
Belief in the arrival of the Imam Mahdi has been traditionally and historically
predominant in Java. The Prophet’s descendants generally known as hablbs, were
always special in the eyes of Javanese santris. What happened in Sumatra was similar.
Margaret J. Kartomi disclosed evidence of substantial Shi'i elements in the coastal
Sumatran towns such as the TabutI ta'ziya or tabuik osen festival which was held
annually to commemorate Hussain’s violent death.94 Hurgronje suggested that the
carnival originated during either the first or the second wave of Shi'i influences in
Indonesia, namely in the fourteenth through the seventeenth centuries 95 The
translation of a major piece o f Shi' i literature, the Hikayat Muhammad Hanafiyya,
into the Malay language from Persian approximately in the fourteenth century was
another significant proof of Shi'i influence in the island.
Suffice it to conclude that the da'wa IsWaniyya, Islamic transmission,
conducted by the Walls was an excellent and complicated venture, but it was
93See Abdurrahman Wahid, Warta NU, December, 1995, p. 14. However, The term “cultural” and
“ideological” should be carefully pondered due to the later development, which indicated that both
Modem and Santri Muslims resisted Shi'i influences especially in the ideological and political
domain.
94See Margaret J. Kartomi,. “Tabut- a Shi'i Ritual Transplanted from India to Sumatra”, in M.C.
Ricklefs, Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Indonesia (Melbourne, 1986), pp. 141-162. The Tabut
here was yet relatively more complex than the ShFi rituals, including performing arts and the
literature of the Hikayat Muhammad Hanafiyya.
95Hurgronje, TheAcehnese, Op.cit. pp. 202-205.
57
implemented through a simple avenue, the way which does not interfere with local
traditions and habits, namely the da 'wa which was uncomplicatedly attained and put
into daily life by the awamm. These efforts probably can be translated in a “modem
term” as a model o f “development from within.” This pattern has fascinatingly shown
the brilliance o f Javanese sufism to flexibly absorb local and foreign elements but still
to stand uniquely on Islamic principles. The Walisongo, the actors o f the da wa, the
gurus of Javanese ulama', were typically mediators of people and rulers, and of
kings and God. They were undoubtedly enduring models for the mystical dimension
of early Javanese santris.
58
2. Demak Mosque (Nancy K. Florida, Writing the Past, Inscribing the Future.
London, 1995, p. 331).
59
$ HBflngafflgj
3. The Tombstone of Malik Ibrahim (G.W.J. Drewes, An Early Javanese Code o f

Muslim Ethics. The Hague: Martinus NijhofF, 1978, p. ii)
60
Chapter Three
Santri Muslims in Eighteenth/Nineteenth Century Java
Three major subjects — the influence o f the Walisongo teachings through the
centuries, the struggle of the Javanese ulama ’ against the colonists and their attitude
toward the contemporary issues, and networking among the pesantren community -
will be elaborated here. Some historical clues after the period o f the Walisongo until
the emergence of the Javanese 'ulam a' in the nineteenth century would help explain
the continuity and change o f scholarship. With this historical background, a more
complete portrait of the pesantren architects in the following centuries is expected to
be clearly disclosed. In other words, the types of socio-religious and cultural
dimensions which existed and shaped the nature of the five major pesantren
architects will be pursued in this chapter.
3.1. In the shadow of the Walisongo
To suggest that the Islamic teaching in Java in the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries was under the shadow o f the Walisongo is not an exaggeration. Even almost five
centuries after the period of the Walisongo, their influence remains transparent today. The
current national leader of the Nahdat al- Ulama' (NU), who is one o f Indonesia’s
outstanding Muslim intellectuals, Abdurrahman Wahid, the grandson o f Hashim Ash'ari,
is believed to be the descendent of Jaka Tingkir (d. 1582 AD.), the spiritual disciple of
61
Sunan Kalijaga, and the Sultan of Pajang in 1568 A.D.96 In line with Wfchid’s
genealogy, the first president o f the Republic of Indonesia, Soekamo, in a speech he
delivered at Demak in 1958, claimed himself to have blood lineage from Kalijaga.97 The
current Indonesian president, Soeharto, assured that the complete restoration of Demak
mosque in 1987 was neither a waste of money nor a luxury, but an integral part o f the
nation’s development. Indeed, the president saw the repairs as part o f an effort to build
up the nation’s “spiritual capital” into a source of working capital that would powerfully
propel all aspects of national development.98
The strong influence of the Walisongo all through the centuries seems intelligible
due to their tremendous success in Islamizing Java peacefully and their reconciliation with
local values and habits. Their peaceful victory which characterized their period, fifteenth-
sixteenth centuries, as “zaman kuawalen”, the sainthood period, was best articulated in
the Babad:
Now at that time in Java’s land

All had become Muslim
There was none who did resist
All the mountain hermits [ajar]
The ascetics [mewasij and acolytes [geguntung],
the devotees [manguyu] and disciples [cantrik]
Many converted to the faith
And the royal Buddhist and Sam te monks \sogata sewa],
the Hindu priests [resi-resi]
Were exchanged forJuqaha1\swy&cs
Great and mighty pundits
96 Saifiillah Ma'sum, Menapak Jejak Mengenal Watak (Jakarta, 1994), p. 116
97 Solichin Salam, Sekitar Walisongo (Kudus: Penerbit Menara, 1974), p. 46.
98 Kompas, March 22, 1987. Cited by Nancy K. Florida, Op.cit., p. 324.
62
Excellent learned ulama'
Mystic zahid and mungahid [mujahid\
M ufti and sulaha>
Great and mighty hukanef?
The Walisongo's approach was continuously emulated by the institutionalization
of pesantrem, pietism as the way of the santri life, and apparent understanding of the
indigenous culture. One o f Jaka Tingkir’s sons, Pangeran Banawa, who was assumed to
have lived in early seventeenth-century Kudus, Central Java, spent his entire life being a
tariqa master.100 Despite his royal ancestry, he preferred a religious life over political
involvement in the monarchy of his family. His preference for living in the religious
city, Kudus, and his specialization of tariqa, indeed, coincided with how the founder
of the city, Sunan Kudus, enriched himself so deeply with Islamic knowledge that he
was named "Wall al- iim '\ the master of knowledge.
A century after the Walisongo's time, in the seventeenth century, the influence of
the Walisongo was strengthened by Sultan Agung who ruled Mataram Kingdom in Jogja,
central Java, from 1613. to 1645. Sultan Agung, the greatest ruler in Java after the
Majapahit and Demak period, was also known both as Sultan Abdurrahman and as
Khafifatullah Sayyidin Panotogomo mg Tanah Jawi, meaning, Khalifatiillah the
safeguard and guide of the religion in Java island. He promulgated the new Javanese-
Muslim lunar year in Saka 1555 (beginning in March 1633 A.D.). This therefore became
99 BabadJaka Tingkir, XIII: 19-20, in Nancy K Florida, Op.cit., p. 320.
100 Ma'sum, Op.cit., p. 58.
63
the first year of the new Javanese Muslim system. The Muslim year 1043 A.H. began on
the eighth of July, 1633, A.DV and the new Javanese Muslim year consequently began on
the same day.101 With this new Islamic-Javanese calendar, the names of HijrTmonths and
days such as Muharram, and Ahad smoothly became daily Javanese utterances.
Sultan Agung was a devout commander who secured an intimate relationship with
the group of 'ulama '. Together with them, every Friday, Agung reportedly attended
Friday prayer and conducted mushawara by listening to their religious
recommendations.102 The latter activity corresponded to their honorable position in the
court as members of the highest-rank-advisors. In this case the ularriS' not only
functioned as spiritual and religious advisors, but they were also involved in the process of
decision making on different important matters. Agung understood that a wise king is the
one who receives moral and religious support from the ulama'. This religious
concept is in keeping with the hadith cited by al-Ghaz5lTin his Ihya• 'Ulum al-DTn :
“There are two important groups in my umma. If they behave well, the umma would
be in peace, while if they are corrupt, the umma would be demoralized. Those two
groups are rulers and Islamic jurists ( WawKT).”103
Sultan Agung could serve as an example of the early Javanese orientation
toward HijSz
• legitimacy. In 1641 he obtained authorization for new title “Sultan •
101 M.C. Rickelfs, Modem Javanese Historical Tradition (London, 1978), p. 232.
102 Zuhri, Op.cit., pp. 535-534.
103 Al-Ghazali; Ihya? 'Ulum al-Din, I, p. 7. IhycPand Bidaya (both on sufism) written by Al-Ghazalf
has been long and unquestionably introduced to the Javanese santris since the Walisongo period.
64
cAbduUah Muhammad Maulana Matarani” from the ruling S haflf of Mecca after he
sent an ambassador to Mecca to request the title in 1639. A few years beforehand,
the fourth ruler from Banten, Pangeran Ratu (1596-1651), sought the same epithet, as
well as the explanation o f certain kitabs, and even the dispatch o f an expert in the law
to enlighten Banten.104
Agung’s political agenda was to unite the Indonesian archipelago under the
Islamic banner. He successfully established his sovereignty over the entire Javanese
speaking heartland of Central and East Java, and Madura, as well as over some o f the
outer islands such as Palembang in Sumatra. In addition, he created an alliance with
Banjarmasin, Kalimantan, and Makasar. 105 Due to his remarkable success, many people
regarded him as “Ratu%fir\ the Just Ruler, in accordance with the religious belief of the
local people about a forthcoming messiah, the Imdm MahdT.
Sultan Agung supported the development of works of art which had the shape of
living creatures, but in a form that was styled into the illustration of Qur’anic verses. He
also organized the Sekaten celebration which was performed in the month of Maulud.
These attempts were a compromise between Islam and Javanism as it had been launched
by the Walisongo earlier. Literature was also developed by him, especially the Babads.
104 M.C. Ricklefs, A History o f Modem Indonesia (Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 1981).
p. 44; also see Bruinessen, “Pesantren and Kitab Kuning”, Op.cit., pp. 27-48.
105 Ricklefs, A History, Op.cit., pp. 40-44.
65
At that time the court chronicler, Pujangga, was Tumenggung Jayaprana who was
presumably the author of Babad Tanah Jcnvi.106
Again, the heritage of the Walisongo in a socio-religious dimension has always
been extensive. Their celebrity as influential religious leaders was continued by the benefit
of the 'ulama”s status in the eyes of Javanese santris through the centuries. Since Islam
became the prevalent religion in Java, the Kiyai has, indeed, enjoyed high socio-religious
status. There were at least two kinds of ulama ’ after the period of the Walisongo. One
kind held a strategic position in the government, such as those who lived under Sultan
Agung’s sovereignty. This position was obtained either through intermarriage with the
royal family or through any position offered by the kings to the qualified ulama’.
However, the majority of the ulama' were those who were fully independent from any
ruler and lived in rural areas. Eighteenth-century Java witnessed the same perpetuation of
the Walisongo’s approach and mission at the hand of those 'ulama’. Even early
nineteenth-century Madura similarly testified to the significance of the Walisongo in a
Muslim social life. It is reported that prior to the birth of the baby Khalil Bangkalan (1819-
1925 A. D.), his father, H .' Abd LatEF, a K iyai in Bangkalan, prayed to Allah that the
baby might become a prominent WalT such as Sunan Gunung Jati, one of the
Walisongo in West Java. To the mind of santris, du'a apparently continued to be an
essential part of their religious life. They believed that making a du'a was always useful,
106 G. Moedjanto, The Concept o f Power in Javanese Culture (Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada
University Press, 1986), p. 24.
66
since the Qur’an comprises a large number o f the teachings of du'a. The Prophet
Abraham, for example, prayed in Mecca that a Rasul should be sent from the local people
in Mecca’s vicinity. The santris believed that Allah ultimately answered the du'a by
sending the last Prophet, Muhammad, after thousands of years.107
While the Javanese Muslim ruler tended to be the patron of Islamic
knowledge, the academic tradition in society was quite apparent. In the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries, the Javanese tradition of traveling for study continued to
flourish with the emergence of a new class o f Muslim scholars and sufis which spread
all over Java, particularly in the north coastal region. Wandering santris went from
one pesantren to another in search of knowledge from a more celebrated master. That
this tradition flourished was perhaps the result o f cross-cultural fertilization with the
Islamic tradition in which talab al-'ilm was a principle feature of the classical
educational system and contributed much to the unity of Islam. It is noteworthy that
the tradition of the pursuit of knowledge in seventeenth- through nineteenth- century
Java was evinced by a local account written in the first quarter of the nineteenth century,
the Book o f Tjentmi. 108 In addition, this chronicle confirms that Islamic law,
theology, and tasawwuf had been the most favorite subjects of the santris. More
interesting, such subjects, written by influential Sunni ulamZt' in the medieval period,
107The complete du 'a is: “Our Lord! And raise up in their midst a messenger from among them who
shall recite into them Your revelations, and shall instruct them in the Scripture and in wisdom and
shall make them grow. Indeed, only You, are the Mighty, Wise.” (Qur’an, 2:129).
108 S. Soebardi, “S’an/rr'-Religious Elements as Reflected in the Book of Tjentini”, in Bijdragert tot de
Tall, Lcmd-en Volkenkunde, 127 (1971), pp. 331-349.
67
were translated into the Javanese language. For example, Ihya*'Ulum al-DTn was
translated into Javanese and abridged by Kiyai Muhammad Saleh Darat (1820-1903),
the master o f pesantren architects, and was titled “Serat M unjiyaf’.109
3.2. The 'ulam a' faced with challenges
When the Dutch arrived in Java in the first quarter the seventeenth century,
they initially did not interfere with the Islamic educational system o f the indigenous
people. Rather, these new colonists allowed the system to continue as it had been
established by and during the Mataram sovereignty. However, their step-by-step
offense and pressure were eventually unstoppable especially after the signing o f the
Treaty of Giyanty on February 13, 1755.110 The Dutch attempted to suppress the
Muslim influence in Java, exercising their power outside Jogjakarta and Surakarta.111
The political circumstances and regulations created by the Dutch, indeed, discouraged
109The abridgment was made by Darat in Javanese prose and written in Arabic script In 1936.
Kiyai Haijadarsana of Purwakerta, Central Java, edited that work in modem Javanese verse and
published it under the title: “Punika Serat Munjiyat” with no publisher mentioned. (See Soebardi.
Ibid.).
110 The Treaty was between the VOC, Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (Dutch United East
India Company) and Sultan Hamangkubuwana I, the ruler of half of Central Java. The colonists
recognized Mangkubumi as the Javanese Sultan. Alter this pact the colonists seemed to play their
policy of divide et empera or divide-and-rule. The Diponegoro battle was partly triggered by such a
policy. It could be hypothesized later on that the dichotomy between the modernist and traditional
Muslims in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Java was sharpened by the colonists. The
establishment of the NU after the Muhammadiyah, for instance, was sometimes rumored to be Dutch
policy to battle the modem Muslims by backing up the NU.
111 Muhammad Yunus, Sejarah Pendidikan Islam Indonesia (Jakarta. 1983), p. 227. Yunus
mentioned some Dutch intrigues with the loss of Muslim institutions as follows: the colonists'
cancellation of the position of religious institution and structure in the government such as that of
the penghulu, a religious functionary who had authority under the colonists to deal with daily
religious affairs. The Dutch involvement in controlling the zakat. sadaqa, and waqf land, indeed,
offended Muslim feeling. See Yunus, Op.cit., pp. 227-228.
68
the development of Muslim institutions, especially the pesantrens. The Dutch were no
different from the British, who controlled Java from 1811 to 1816. The colonists’
suspicion toward Muslims was quite keen as was indicated by the East India
governor, Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles. The latter considered Muslim leaders,
especially the hajis as the greatest opponents o f every colonial government:
Every Arab from Mecca, as well as every Javanese, who had returned
from a pilgrimage thither, assumed on Java the character of a saint, and the
credulity of the common people was such that they too often attributed to
such persons supernatural powers. Thus respected it was not difficult for them
to rouse the country to rebellion The Mohammedan priests have almost
invariably been found most effective in every case o f insurrection. Numbers of
them, generally a mixed breed with the Arabs and the inlanders go about from
state to state in the Eastern islands and it is generally by their intrigues and
exhortations that the native chiefs are stirred up to attack or massacre the
Europeans, as infidels and intruders 112
In short, it could be suggested that both colonists neither facilitated the
progress of Javanese socio-religious life, nor freed their religious practices they had
been offered by the Mataram Sultanate. Eighteenth/nineteenth century Java was then
characterized by the difficult intervention of the Dutch colonial government in Javanese
life on one hand, and by the rise o f self-identity and respect among the Javanese on the
other. It is worthwhile to note that the more oppressive the operations shown by the
colonists, the more positive the response from the Muslims by seeing their religion as the
prime mover to free themselves from such insults.
u‘ Stamford Raffles, The History o f Java, II (London, 1817), p. 3.
69
Indeed, the principles of Javanese Muslims to stand up to and oppose the
colonists dates back to the period o f Sultan Agung, a figure who was undeniably
supported by the santri community. In 1614, in the second year o f Agung’s reign,
the Dutch sent an ambassador to greet him upon his accession. To the colonists’
surprise, he courageously warned the delegate that the friendship which they both
desired would be impossible if the V.O.C made any attempt to conquer the land of
Java.113 In fact, until the end o f Agung’s control of the state, his battle against the
colonists never ceased. His ideology of resistance was strengthened by religion, as
shown during his major fight confronting the foreign domination, when he was
backed up by 7000 Muslim mujahidun. The latter were reported to be invulnerable
once they were spiritually and physically trained by the militant ulam a' in the
countryside before they went into combat.
Similar circumtances occurred at the beginning and end o f the nineteenth
century. Diponegoro (1785-1855) was another symbol of Javanese Mujahidun due to his
major struggle against the Dutch colony in the battle of Diponegoro (1825-30). He
gained tremendous support from the Javanese ulama' together with their santris. 114This
connection is not that uncommon since Diponegoro himself also had the chance to obtain
a pesantren education beforehand. Dipenegoro’s anticolonialism based on a religious
113. Ricklefs. A History, Op.cit., p. 42.
114 Diponegoro was supported at least by 186 men of religion. Among those loyalists were 108
Kiyais, 31 fiajis, 15 Shaykhs, 12 religious officials, and four religious teachers from Mataram, Kedu.
and Bagelan. See P.B.R. Carey, Op.cit., p. XLV).
70
summons was unquestionable, as even the enemy was aware of such a religious mood. In
1827, the Dutch Minister of the Colonies, C. Th. Elout (1767-1841), drew the Dutch
Icing’s attention to the feet that the influence of religion had played a crucial role in the
course of the fighting In nearly every battle, groups of ulama’, dressed in their distinctive
white turbans and tabards, had taken part, and their exhortations had served to stiffen the
resolve of Diponegoro’s other troops.115
In another part of Java, West Java, the same struggle took place. The serious
uprising in Cilegon, Banten, the home city of NawawTal-BantanT the most knowledgeable
pesantren master, in July 1888 was largely associated with the movement of sufis, since
the participants consisted o f so many haps and Kiyais. Moreover, the followers of the
Qcidiriyya and Naqshabartdiyya were among those who attacked the Dutch colonists in
this major battle.116
The partnership and solidarity of the santri community in the “holy wars” could be
explained by considering the absolute role of the Kiyais especially during this critical time
and the santris’ uninterrupted loyalty to their masters as part of their devotion to their
religion. The Kiyais had authority to issue a fatwa that to defend their homeland was
incumbent on every believer. Moreover, to drive away the colonists was identical with
driving away any harm, , a legal concept widely transmitted to the santris.
This ideological foundation was quite familiar to the Javanese Muslims, the majority of
115 Ibid.
116 Martin van Bruinessen, Kitab Kuning, Pesantren dan Tarekat (Bandung, 1995), p. 27.
71
whom were Shafi'i. Some works written by popular Shafi'is such as aI-Ghazal£ al-Bajtlri
(the eighteenth-century Muslim jurist) and widely used by Javanese 'ulama’ and santris,
justified that al-amr bi-l-ma ru f is a fard kifaya and remains as important as jihad, to
struggle or fight as a religious duty:
JS Arf US j* * 4 * II
^ .I j ^ jjd a j i i j
“Al-Jihad is considered afa rd kifaya, a collective duty, for Muslims in every year
and it is as essential as performing religious duties, seeking religious knowledge,
accommodating basic needs (for public welfare), and amr ma 'ru f"
Thus, some Muslims refused to serve non-Muslim rulers, and apparently none
disowned the principle of jihad when it appeared necessary and when a charismatic leader
was promising. All o f the details above demonstrate that there was a close relationship
between religion, education, and a life threatening situation. In feet, there was a seeming
cause and effect among these elements. This is seemingly conceivable, since such elements
were never separated and were conceptually viewed as an entity in Islam, the religion
which promoted the totality o f individual’s religiosity, fi-l-silm i kqffa.
It is notable that the Kiyais were not the only party being forced to respond to the
colonists’ challenges. Ahmad Khatib Minangkabau (1852-1915), the inspirer and master
of Indonesian modernist Muslims was not on good terms with Snouck Hurgronje, when
117 The Arabic phrase is quoted from Sayyid Abu Bakr, sfcarh l'ainat al-Talibln, IV,
(Bandung, no date), pp. 180-182 in the section on Jihad. The mission of the da'wa is obviously
promoted in the Quran as well: “And there tnay spring from you a nation who invite to goodness,
and enjoin right conduct and forbid indecency. Such are they who are successful” (3:104).
72
the latter was in Mekka in 1885. That Khatib, a mufti g/-Shafi' i in Mecca from Sumatra
Indonesia, disliked this Dutch scholar, means that he was also religiously anti- Dutch.
However, his hatred was rather in disguise shown in his indirect speech by using religious
elements and symbols rather than actual political jargon. 118
Young Hashim Ash' aiT( 1871-1947), the strongest pesantren Kiyai in the future,
had a chance as well to audit Khatib’s class in Mecca. Despite being a die-hard Shafi' i,
Khatib introduced to most of his students the works of Muhammad Abduh, (1849-
1905) not to follow but to criticize, on the contrary. Still, Hashim was reported to
appreciate ‘Abduh’s writings on tafsir and his summons to urge Islamic resurgence in
the Muslim world. ‘Abduh’s idea to abandon the madhab system was strongly opposed by
both Khatib and Hashim.
HowcAbduh’s reform ideas affected Indonesian Muslim reformists could be seen
in a popular illustration about the two renowned modernists as follows. Once Ahmad
Dahlan (1869-1923), the founder of the Muhammadiya organization, and Surkarti (1872-
1943), an Indonesian modernist who was the founder o f the Arab modernist organization
called Al-Irshad, sat face to face on the same train in early twentieth-century Java
without knowing each other. To pass time, Dahlan then read one of the volumes of Tafsir
al-Manar written byeAbduh, and this awoke interest on the part of Surkarti who could
not imagine a native reading such a scholarly work. They struck up a conversation and
118Karel A Steenbrink, Beberapa Aspek Tentang Islam di Indonesia Abad ke-19 (Jakarta. Bulan
Bintang, 1984), p. 146.
73
promised each other that they would work for the spread of ideas like'Abduh’s in then-
own community, namely Arab and Indonesian.119
The students who went back from the Middle East seemed to be at least two kinds
of scholars: those who opposed the ideas o f Muslim reformists and those who promoted
them. Ahmad Dahlan who was totally affected by Abduh’s ideas and taught by Ahmad
Khatib, in 1890 and in 1903, was inspired to purify his religion by labeling as harZDn and
shirk the local habits beset with Javanese Hindu-Buddhist traditions. Dahlan by no means
appreciated the blooming tariqa practices in his place, Central Java either. His attitude
against tariqa was in line with the feet that in the last part of the nineteenth and the
beginning of the twentieth centuries, Mecca was dominated by WahHabTinfluences.
Because of this, Ahmad Khatib and Dahlan were especially against the Naqshabandiyya
tariqa which was much practiced in the archipelago. Nevertheless, it should be borne
•
in mind, that Mecca’s complete seizure by a fanatic Wahhabr,' Abd al-Aaz ibn Sacud,
did not take place until October 1924. The latter fact shows that the five major
ulam a’ presented in this study, whose intellectual activity in Arabia was in the
nineteenth century, should have never been restrained by the Meccan authority. It is
also reasonable, why in the later part o f the nineteenth century, young AsnawTKudus
(1861-1959) was courageously involved in a series of debate in writing on general
religious matters with Shaykh Ahmad Khatib Minangkabau, the mufti of Mecca.
119Dalier Noer, The Modernist Muslim Movement in Indonesia 1900-1942 (Oxford, 1973), p. 76.
74
Asnawi was credited by an influential m ufti from Egypt, Sayyid Husain Bek, at the
end of the polemic.
It is interesting to note that in this period, the tariqa still remained the
exclusive source of many charismatic leaders o f the peasant movement to fight against
the colonial government. In the eyes o f the Dutch colonial government, the tariqa
movements were extremely threatening. It is largely ignored that the type o f tariqa
which attracted thousands o f santris in Java was mainstream sufism. It was tariqa al-
Oadiriyya wa al-Naqshabandiyya, established by Ahmad Khatib Sambas (d. 1875)
from Kalimantan Indonesia, which became the real qibla of the major tariqa in the
archipelago. This tariqa has always been side by side with the pesantren community.
Even an influential pesantren master, Khalil Bangkalan (d. 1925) was responsible for
the development of such a tariqa. His name could be found in the silsila of that tariqa
in twentieth-century Java. His biography which will be discussed below suggests that
this figure as well as his disciples were imprisoned by the colonists due to their
suspected movement. In other words, the tariqa and the pesantren community which
was Shafi'i and Ash'arPoriented proved to be in the forefront to combat colonialism.
Indeed, their counteraction seemed to have broader dimensions which involved
ideological, cultural, educational, and institutional components.
75
15
lfloT«0^Mrr -- w
TaOuirano J t ‘’" o g *
'!■'. Bofor: Nnatno il-IUtk
t ‘
A damt: P— n tn a d-Hada .
5 T U k a d q ri: Paaaatna Suriaiaya, daa Opanuf
« Clnboa: P— n t w BnaWt, P— n tw <3vwia(ta
7 Bnnfunun; P— a tn a Batoacan
8 Bnbaa. Ikgal, dan P— alaay
0 Kabu— a
10 300 kilomatar
11. P— n t n a Kaiiwua|t> 26 I'amongaa
l l ! MunUlan: P— n t w Wataeoafnl daa P—n tnn Ibgalnjo 27 Mojokacto
18 Paaaatna Krapayak, Yofyakaita 28 Sadayn
14 KlaUn: Paaaatna Tbaapunart 29 • Pi
.1 6 .flamarmtig: P— ntian HUM 80
16 P i n n t e a T b p la iS T W if e 31 O P— n tn u kacfl
,17-D ainak: faaan tn a llian 'aaa - 32
IS '' flurakaxtai Paaaatna Jana—in daa Pa— baa Kalloao 33
19 PkU: Paaaatna Maalakul Huda 34
SO faaantnn Tnaiaa, Padtaa ■36
21 N aaattau f — m . Raaahant 88
82 Paaantâa Ooator, Poootofo 87
2 8 ' Kadbi:' Paaaatna Lbboyo, Paaaatna FI— , Pa— aan Purwsaari 38 Paaaatna Aaambafu, S tu bonds .
24 Jomhang: Paaaatna TWbutnna. Paaantraa Dm— yar 39 Baayu— ifl: Paaaatna Ham—lam Blok A(un(, dan
™” 13Paeaatnn T— bnkbana, Paaaatna Ka|— Paaaatna Danioaajab. Baoyuwaaci
40 Ba— aa
4. Map o f the Pesantrens in Nineteenth/Twentieth-Century Java (Zamakhsyari

Dhofier, Tradisi Pesantren. Jakarta: LP3ES, 1982, p. 3)
76
3.3. The pesantren, and the santris’ networks
Although the roots and embryo o f the pesantren was, as pointed it out earlier,
traceable since the period of the Walisongo, this educational institution in a modem
sense could only be found in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Since the focus
of this study is not the history of pesantren, it is not the place here to disclose the
growth and development of the pesantren throughout the centuries. Neither is there
room here to explicate all the elements o f the pesantren tradition, since such a study
has been much elaborated by Geertz and Dhofier.120 Considering the fact that this
study deals with the major thoughts produced and shaped in the later development of
the institution, it is thus sufficient to highlight the general description o f the pesantren
by focusing on its development in the two centuries.
As the previous statements indicated, the colonists continued to impose some
restrictions in almost all aspects of Javanese life, ft was only the independent
ulama' in the pesantrens in the countryside who were still able to become true rulers
in their own kingdom. However, these ulam a' still had to be aware at the colonists’
power which, in turn, could endanger the existence of their institutions. The colonists
tended to suspect that the indigenous religious and educational institution served to
train “the militant fighters” against them. In line with this, the nature o f the
pesantrens itself contributed to self-reliance and to the defense o f their dominion
against any outsiders’ offense. The pesantrens in the period discussed could be seen
120See Clifford Geertz, The Religion o f Java. (Cambridge, 1960) pp. 177-198, and Dhofier Op.cit..
77
as a unique educational system, but could also be viewed as an autonomous
community under charismatic Kiyais, namely a part of the Javanese population who
upheld their Islamic identity seriously. In other words, their way of life as the Javanese
Muslims with a Mecca-oriented standpoint was more transparent than their own origins
which were usually accused o f being Javanese syncretic Muslims. This biased allegation
was generally based on an assumption that the Javanese lived far away from Islam in the
centers in the Middle East; their version o f Islam was infused with immense local
animistic traditions.
It is noteworthy that the inclination of the Javanese Muslims to make Mecca
the real qibla took hold during the Walisongo period in the fifteenth through the
sixteenth century. Both the Walisongo and their loyal disciples, who were usually
designated to become future Walls, regarded Mecca as the holy city where the Ka'ba
was faced at the prayer time. It seems at this time that the concept of qibla was not
limited solely to the reverence for the holy city, but it also extended to the transmittal
o f the standardized Islamic knowledge written in Arabic by influential Sunni ulama'
living in the Arabian vicinity before the sainthood period. Sunan Bonang (d. 1525), for
example, was assumed to have successfully conducted the transferring o f the
teachings of the Shafi'i madhhab and those o f al-Ghazalfby introducing his work in a
Javanese manuscript.121
121 Walisongo's Sunni ideas especially on sharPa and mysticism could be seen in the manuscript
translatedbyG.WJ. Drewes, Op.cit.
78
So far there has been no specific investigation of the relation between court
chroniclers and the pesantren educational system. It is quite interesting that many
important figures who wrote court chronicles seem to have a pesantren educational
background. The late-eighteenth-century poet laureate o f the Keraton Surakarta,
Yasadipura I, studied at a pesantren in Kedhu-Bagelen. He later joined his king,
Pakubuwana EL, at the Tegalsari, Ponorogo, pesantren of Kiyai Agung Iman.122
Ronggowarsho (1802-1873), the most renowned Javanese poet, who worked for the
same palace, was educated in the same pesantren for four years. Like his predecessor, he
continued to combine tradition, Javanism, and the elements of Islamic teachings. This
could be seen in his works, such as Wirid Hidayat Jati, Suluk Saloko Jiwo, and
Pamoring Kawulo-Gusti.123
It is worth mentioning that, although the Javanese poets worked mainly for their
kings, their respect for the 'ulama', from whom they acquired their knowledge, was not
less important. A very popular book written for the benefit of the eighteenth century
Javanese Surakarta monarchy, The Book o f Cabolek,12* indicates this respect and the
unique superiority of the ulama':
122 Nancy Florida, Op.cit. p. 14.
123 Simuh, “Wirid Hidayat Jan.” in Ahmad Rifa'i Hasan, Warisan Intelektual Islam Indonesia
(Bandung: Mizan Bandung, 1987), pp. 63-75.
124 The book is comprised of didactic stories dealing with mystic powers and the miraculous deeds of great
men such as Sultan Agung of Mataram, Mangkubumi, and others. The most notable clue to recognize the
period of writing of the book is provided by a note on the title page of the printed version of the Serat
Cibolek published by Van Dorp in 1885. T1k memo refers to Paku Buwana IV or Sunan Bagus, a ruler of
Surakarta kingdom in 1788 who died in 1820.
79
Let me tell you, my dear younger brother Mlayakusuma
that you are the only one to think
(that) a bupati is better than a santri
but in fact
a santri is superior to a bupati.
Even a hypocritical, inferior
and bald-headed santri
is better than you.
A man has more respect as an ulama' than if he were a bupati,
because he is a minister of God.
Which is more exalted, a minister of providence

or a minister of an early king,
this dear younger brother, is the comparison.
Ketib Anom Kudus
is in every respect suited to be
a minister of the Supreme Soul.
Even were there ten (ministers of a king)
one ulama', dear younger brother, would be superior to them ..
In their heart, dear younger brother, the ulama'
are the best people of the world.123
The significant position of the ulamZf, santri religious life was in a
conducive atmosphere to gain support and legitimacy from the so-called “pious
ruler”. Agung offered tanah perdikan 126 to the santri community so that they
successfully developed their educational institutions to as many as three hundred
pesantrens. Additionally, these pesantrens were at least divided into a large and
125 S. Soebardi, The Book o f Cibolek, (The Hague: Maitinus Nijhoff 1975), p. 42.
126The tanah perdikan, free land with certain privileges, was always associated with a religious
location where the state tax and any burden was excused by the ruler. In the future tanah perdikan
was enlarged into a special village with its certain religious functions such as to keep shrines, take
care of pesantrens, and to see to mosques. See Steenbrink, Op.cit.. pp. 165-172.
80
master pesantren, a takhassus pesantren with specialization o f specific Islamic
knowledge, and a tariqa pesantren.12T Thanks to the dynamic process of Muslim
education before the nineteenth century in Java together with such a major increase in
pesantrens, it is probably not an exaggeration when Muhammad Yunus, who
specialized at the history o f Muslim education in Indonesia, considered the learning
activity during the Mataram period as the “golden age” o f the Islamic educational
ng
system. He provided the scheme o f the schooling system as follows
127 A. Adaby Darban, “Kiyai dan Politik pada Taman kerajaan Islam Jawa", in Pesantren 5, no. 2
(1988), pp. 32-38.
128 See Muhammad Yunus, Op.cit., pp. 226-227. Yunus did not provide explanations in the boxes,
but he elaborated them in other pages. The details inside those boxes were then a summary and
modification from the writer.
81
5. Islamic Educational System in the Period o f Sultan Agung. (Muhammad Yunus,
Sejarah Pendidikan Islam Indonesia. Jakarta, 1983, p. 226-227.)
The Takbassus Pesantren

with specific Islamic knowledge and tariqa.
To study a specific subject in depth and to learn a certain tariqa
especially Qddiriyya,
al-Naqshabandiyya. and Sfiatiriyya.
(Highest Level)
The large and general Pesantren.

Subjects: fiqh, tafsir. fiadith, tawfifd, astronomy. Arabic
grammar and structure, and tasawwuf.
(High Level)
The District Pesantren with elementary kitabs.

Subjects: fiqh kitabs with emphasis on a/-Shafi'T madhhab such as
Path al-Qarib, and the foundation of akltiaq such
as Bidaya al-Hidaya written by al-Ghazali.
(Middle Level)
The Qur’anic classes in different places

for 7 year- olds and up.
The goal: to provide santris with ability to completely
recite the Qur’an in its entirety.
__________(Elementary Level)__________
From the above description, one could conclude, that from the period of the
Pkdlisongo in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries through the period of Sultan Agung in
the seventeenth century there was no disparity between court and pesantren community.
As the fruit of their harmonious relationship, eighteenth-century Java witnessed some
prolific writers working for the Sultanate with their apparent pesantren educational
background.
82
Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Despite the evidence that there was no better support from the colonists or the
Sultan to rectify the quantity and quality of Islamic traditional education in nineteenth
century Java, the massive growth o f Islamic institutions occurred anyway. A dynamic
picture of Islamic education in Java might be representatively explained in a chart o f 1831
Java below, provided by a Dutch official:129
6. Statistical educational institutions.
District Number of Institutioas130 Students
Cirebon 190 2.763

Semarang 95 1.140
Kendal 60 928
Demak 7 519
Grobokan 18 365
Kedu 5 —
Surabaya & Mojokerto 410 4.762
Gresik 238 2.603
Bawean 109 —
Sumenep 34 —
Pamekasan 97 —
Besuki 500 —
Jepara 90 3.476
Total 1.853 16^56
129 The chart is an official Dutch Governmental report provided by Van der Chys. See his writing in
"Bijdragen tot de Geschiedenis van bet Inlandsch Onderwijs in Nededandsch-Indie, Tijdschrift voor
Indische Tool, Land-en Volkenkunde 14 (1864), pp. 228-231.
130 Van der Chys did not specify the types of educational institutions here. However, he gave a clue
that most of them belonged to the santri community who offered the teaching of the QurSn in those
institutions. The latter were unquestionably part of the pesantren educational system. It became a
habit that a pesantren alumnus was driven to practice his knowledge, once he came back to his
neighborhood after a few years’ training in the institution.
83
Another official report in 1886 by Van den Berg, indicated that the number of
educational institutions had risen to 14.929 with 222.663 students.131 As seen here, there
was a huge difference in the number of students between the two periods. This
development could not be separated from the fact that Javanese Muslims were more
educated in the blooming Islamic institutions and learned by the hardships imposed by the
colonists since the two centuries before. In other words, education had made them more
self-respecting and self-reliant and had, in turn, inspired them to be resistant to the current
situation of oppression.
The blossoming of Islamic learning centers, which seemed to be beyond the
control of any governmental administration was also in line with the large growth of the
local population, hi 1831, for example, the indigenous population o f Java by region was
reported to reach 7,148,912, while about one half-century later, in 1880, the number was
as much as 19,540,874.132 The major increase of the population that affected the quantity
of the educational institutions, and the number of hajjis as well, must have been ensued by
the better quality of santri religiosity. However, another important factor should be noted
that at this time there was a strong tendency among the Javanese Muslims to revive their
religion for self-identity and self-resistance. Again the increase o f Islamic activities such
as establishing branches of tanqas, undertaking the hajj, and battling against the colonists
could be taken as sufficient indications.
131 See Van de Berg, L.W.C., Op.cit, pp. 519-555.
132Peter Boomgaard, Children o f the Colonial State (Amsterdam, 1989), p. 166.
84
There is almost no informative source on the certain development of a particular
pesantren before the nineteenth century. In the latter period, the pesantrens depicted
their more vivid picture by having successfully responded to their internal and
external challenges. It should be noted that the pesantren functioned more as a
“cultural and educational institution,” by continuing the tradition o f the Walisongo,
rather than a political one. Nonetheless, the relation of the two elements, as happened
earlier, cannot always be divorced. It should be remembered though that the struggle
o f the pesantren community in cooperating with a devout Sultan against the colonists
should be viewed as more a community inspired by their effective religious leader than
as an institution.
The nineteenth century pesantrens had a different panorama. The background
of Tebu Ireng pesantren's establishment in 1899, for instance, reflected the symbiotic
relationship of the ideological, cultural, and educational dimensions. None denies
that what H3shim Ash’aif (1871-1947) had in mind prior to the founding o f his
pesantren, Tebu Ireng, was mainly to transmit his knowledge he attained in both Java
and Arabia, yet it is undeniable that the development of his career and institution in
the short and long term would have a political dimension. It is noteworthy that there
had been a sugar factory, Pabrik Gula Cukir, about five miles from Tebu Ireng
pesantren. The factory was founded by the Dutch in 1853. In this period sugar was
the most important source o f foreign exchange for the colonists. The factory, indeed,
had become a symbol of modernization and industrialization which were associated
85
with the colonial government.133 The establishment o f Tebu Ireng pesantren vis-a-vis
the foreign factory could be seen as an attempt of the pesantren community to
challenge the hegemony o f the Dutch. This master plan, in fact, had been followed
by a series o f non-cooperative actions, autonomy, and rejections against the colonists
by both himself and his santri community.
One could assume that the political motivation against the colonists shown by
Ash'art’s pesantren was the manifestation of the highest level o f self- consciousness
and self-respect among the pesantren community. Hashim’s grandfather, Kiyai
Usman, for example, was the founder and director of Gedang Pesantren in East Java,
and was a tarfqa leader as well in the mid-nineteenth century. This celebrated
pesantren recruited hundreds o f santris from all over Java, however, its entire
orientation was that of a typical Javanese modest religious institution with its
promotion of one’s religiosity. It was the same case with another prominent pesantren
in the south eastern part o f Java, Tremas, which was established by the grandfather of
Mahfuz al-TirmisT Kiyai Haji ' Abd al-Manan (d. 1282/1865) in 1830. Tremas
pesantren was initially aimed at introducing the early reading o f the Qur’an and the
basic understanding of religious knowledge especially tawhfd and fiq h with the
emphasis on practical and daily worship.
The phenomenon of the three pesantrens above suggests that pesantrens
were freed by both internal and external problems in the nineteenth century. By the
133 Dhofier, Op.cit., pp. 100-101.
86
end o f the century, the pesantren as both an institution and a community was able to
show its political strength. The latter could not be split from the fact that from 1830
the Dutch colonial government introduced forced cultivation, the tanam paksa, on a
large scale. As the pesantren majority was located in the countryside, the colonists
new policy must be bitterly felt by the community. The forced cultivation order was
even followed by a worse experience for the Javanese, since the colonists
strengthened their policy by using coercion.134
The nineteenth century was a period when a direct elaborate network developed
unquestionably between the Javanese and Middle Eastern ulamcT. Worldwide scholarly
networks centered in Mecca and Medina increasingly showed a significant role in
transmitting Islamic knowledge to the archipelago by way of their Malay-Indonesian
students. This networking, as a matter of fret, had been established in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries. The invisibility of the Javanese ulamS' in Arabia before the
nineteenth century was mainly caused by the lack of prominent scholars who taught and
wrote such as those who lived in that century. Further research is needed on independent
Javanese ulama' who traveled to Mecca to study and lived there prior to the period of
Saleh Darat, in the eighteenth century. Azra in his dissertation showed that Malay
'ulcariS' such as Niur al-Dm al-Ririm (d. 1068/1658 ), Abd al-Rauf al-Sinlalf (1024-
1105/1615-93), Muhammad Yusuf al-Maqassan (1627-1699), and Muhammad Arshad
Al-Banjari (1710-1812), were part of international Muslim networks in Medina and
134R.E. Elson, Javanese Peasants and the Colonial Sugar Industry (Oxford, 1984), pp. 1-35.
87
Mecca, who, when they went back to Indonesia later, played a very significant role in
transforming Islamic knowledge.133 More significantly, the names of most islands in
Indonesia were represented by the scholars’ last names.
Another development is the worldwide network of Muslim scholars, which was
increasingly facilitated by the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, a waterway which
channeled a huge amount of traffic through the Middle East. Some studies show that the
number of Indonesian pilgrims to Mecca was much greater after the opening of the
canal.136 So many Malay ulama' went for the hajj and lived in the Haramayn for a couple
of years in order to deepen their Islamic knowledge, that a special village named
“Perkampungan Melayu”, the Malay Village, was created to accommodate them. The
role of this Malay village in strengthening the sense o f ukhuwwa Islamiyya among the
Javanese should not be underestimated. Hurgronje who stayed in that area in the 1880s
witnessed the largest and most active location in the entire city. He wrote:
... Here lies the heart of the religious life of the East-Indian archipelago,
and the numberless arteries pump thence fresh blood in ever accelerating tempo to
the entire body of the Muslim populace in Indonesia. Here the threads of all mystic
societies of the Jawah run together, from thence they draw the literature used in
their religious schools, here....they take part in pan-Islamic life and effort.tj7
135 Azyumardi Azra Op.ciL, p. 346-416.
136 The hajj activities will be discussed in a more detail in the next chapter under NawawT al-
BantSnf
137Snouck C. Hurgronje, Mekka, p. 291. Hurgronje spent about six months in Jedda and another half
year in Mekka in 1885 disguised under the name of 'Abd al-Ghafiar, thereby pretending to be a
Muslim—no non-Muslim was allowed to visit Mecca. He would perhaps have stayed longer if he
had not been ordered to leave, accused of being involved in the loss of a stone of historical value.
See Dalier Noer, The Modernist Muslim Movement in Indonesia 1900-1942 (Oxford, 1973), p. 27)
88
The hajj event, indeed, substantially united the ukhuwwa Islamiyya among the
santris. While the message o f the hajj was Islamic brotherhood and universality, the
journey by ship for the pilgrimage from Java took about two months, a time span
which enabled the Javanese hajjisto become a family based on Islamic brotherhood
and on common origins. The number of the Javanese Hajjis in the nineteenth century,
increased in the ensuing decades no matter how much restriction they freed from the
colonial government. Their numbers increased from some two thousand a year at mid-
century to between seven thousand and eleven thousand by the end of the century. There
must have been some factors which pushed the blooming number of the hajjis such as the
opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, which diverted the main South East Asia-Europe
sailing routes to the Red Sea, and growing stability in the Dutch East Indies as well.138
In addition to the Middle East and hajj network, the networks among the
Javanese ulama' were established through different webs and channels. Tartqa
membership was probably the most solid affiliation Tanqa membership has been quite
crucial in Java considering the fact that it was strengthened by the disciples’ devotion
and struggle to elevate the quality of their piety under a sufi master. SuBsm and tanqa
were hardly separated and were rooted in Javanese daily life, since it had a strong
model in the Walisongo. The leading tartqa master for the Javanese was Shaykh.
Khatib Sambas (Ahmad Khatib al-Sambasi d. 1878), the founder of the combined
138 Ricklefs.,4 History, p. 123. Also see FredR. von der Mehdens, Op.cit, p. 3.
89
tanqa al-Oadiriyya wa al-Naqshabandiyya, from Kalimantan, Indonesia, who
remained in Mecca as a preeminent teacher until he died in 1875. He wrote Fath al-
Arifih, Triumph of the Gnostics, which became the most popular and significant
literature on sufi practice in the Malay world. The tariqa o f that type was the true
qibla of the large pesantrens whose tariqa activities were usually conducted in certain
days and months, which were different from regular classes.
Al-Qjadiriyya wa al-Naqsbobandiyya tariqa not only consolidated its
membership through their particular religious practices, but also expanded its
influence all over Java.A bd al-Qadlr from Semarang Central Java, for example, who
was an influential organizer of that tariqa successfully attracted and enrolled vast
numbers of adherents. In 1883 A.D., 'Abd al-Qadir had 28 delegates, the badal, from
different places in Java on the North Coast. He even sent an emissary to the royal
family o f Yogyakarta Sultanate to propagate. This tariqa membership, which was
not alone in Java, should have played a considerable role in forming socio-religious
life, especially among the commoners who needed a solid networking for physical
and spiritual protection.139
139 Bminessen, Kitab Kuning, Pesantren dan Tarekat, p. 105.
90
7. An Intellectual Genealogy of the Renowned Javanese Kiyais
Ahmad Khatib al-SambasT (d. 1878 Kiyai Saleh Darat (1820-1903 A.D.),
A.D.), Sayyid Abu Bakr bin Sayyid
Sayyid Ahmad Dimyatfof Mecca Muhammad Shaft (d. 1892 A.D.),
Sayyid Ahmad Zaini Dahlan of Kiyai 'Abd Allah, ai-TirmisI’s father (d.
Mecca, 1896 AD.),
_____ Al-NahrawTof Egypt_____ M. Sa'id al-Hadranu, a M ufffa/-Shafi'I
in Mecca (d. 1911 AD.).
u
NawawT al-BantanT Mafud al-Tirmisr
(1813-1897 AD.) (1868-1919 AD)
H U u
Khad Bangkalan (1819-1925 AD.) 'U ' Asnawi Kudus (1861-1959 AD.)
li
Hashim Ash' an (1871-1947 AD.)
~ u
Major Pesantren founders and leaders throughout Java
from the early twentieth century until the present including:
Mbah Ma sum (1870-1972 AD.), Bisri Shansuri (1886-1980 A.D.),
Kiyai Munawwir (d. 1942 A.D.), WahSb IJasbullah (1888-1971 A.D.),
Bisri Mustafi'(1915-1977 A.D.), As'ad Samsul 'Arifin
Detail Main teacher -Intellectual linkage Secondary teacher
91
However, the intellectual and academic activities, the most striking features of
the networking. Javanese wandering students in both Java and Arabia, were abundant, in
which their relationship with their masters was never separated by time or location, but
was a life-long association. More importantly, there was a tendency among pesantren
leaders to strengthen the guru-santri ties by adopting the santri as a son in law. This kind
of marriage was quite common in the pesantren tradition, thanks to the promising
santris, who were expected to raise the quality of the pesantren in the future.
Besides, there was another intermarriage among the pesantrens’ families. This
wedding means that the tie o f the two pesantrens was getting more strengthened,
since the relation was built not only on the religious element but on kinship as well.
Moreover, the family was regarded as the fountainhead of the progress, prosperity,
and power o f the santri culture. Intermarriage among Kiyai families and the Islamic
focus of its kinship formed part o f the pesantren culture.140
The pesantren tradition has a historical and ideological continuum. In line with
this, their tradition of seeking knowledge in distant places had never ceased. This
habit was even augmented once the colonists tightened their control over their
subjects especially in the nineteenth century, when prominent and wandering santris
adventured further to the heart o f the Islamic world, Mecca, for teaching-leaming.141
140See Zamakhsyari Dhofier, “Kinship and Marriage among the Javanese Kiyai in Indonesia”.
Cornell Moderen Indonesia project. No. 29, April (1980), pp. 47-58.
141 After visiting Mecca, the nineteenth century Dutch scholar, Snouck Hurgronje suggested that by the
late 19th century, education in the Hijaz was dominated by Mecca’s Masjid al-Haram, which was an actual
university, supervised by a government-appointed rector who allowed only designated 'ulama :o have their
halaqa. (See Hurgronje, Mekka, pp. 270-290).
92
Even some leading santris such as NawawT al-BantanT(d. 1897), and Mahfuz al-TirmisT
(d. 1919), successfully became distinguished masters both in Mecca and Medina. Their
kitabs, all written in Arabic, have been extensively used in Muslim countries, not to
mention in thousands o f pesantrens in Java. Al-BantanTand al-TirmisT whose last names
referred to their homeland in West and East Java, respectively, occupied a special place
in Javanese santri intellectual tradition due to their role as model Javanese masters in
Arabia. Their influences undoubtedly contributed to the rise and development of typical
Sunni Javanese society, the so-called Kiyais and santris. They were part of the
international 'ulamcT in Arabia, and they have continued to evoke national pride among
the Javanese santris until now.
While NawawTwas not from the family o f a pesantren director,142 Mahfuz al-
TirmisTwas a renowned alim from East Java, whose father, Kiyai Abdullah (d. 1896),
was one of the forefathers of Tremas Pesantren. Mahfuz and his younger brother,
Dimyati, were sent to Mecca to further their Islamic studies. Like NawawT Mahfdz
i * *
proved to be such a promising student that he was promoted to be a teacher in Masjid al-
Haram. He enjoyed his intellectual life in the holy city. When his father asked him to be a
teacher in Java, he insisted that his brother be in charge.
142However, that NawawT was bom and raised in the pesantren milieu was unquestionable. He
definitely participated in some pesantren institutions as well before he went to the Hijaz. Refer to the
discussion on NawawT al-BantahTin the next chapter.
93
In addition to al-BantanT and Al-TirmisT there was another type of scholar that
graduated from the same institution in Mecca in the nineteenth century, but preferred to
go back to the archipelago to pursue an academic profession by teaching and writing
prolifically. Those scholars were Ahmad Rifai'Kalisalak (1786-1875), K.H. ‘Abdullah al-
Tirmisf(d. 1314/ 1889), Kiyai Saleh Darat (1820-1903), the productive kitab writer in
the Javanese language, and Ihsan Muhammad Dahlan Kediri (the writer of the two-
volume Siraj al-Ialiblh, died in 1952). Saleh Darat was definitely the main guru of
Javanese pesantren gurus such as MahfvEz al-Tirmisf (d. 1919) and K.H.R. Asnawi
Kudus (1861-1959), before they went to the higher level of education in Arabia in
the first half of the nineteenth century. It is highly probable that Saleh Darat and
“Abdullah al-TirmisT contributed a great deal by encouraging those promising santris
to pursue knowledge in Mecca as they had already done.
Again, modeling happened everywhere in the community. Additionally, the
transmission of religious knowledge in society at the hands o f those Kiyais was both
highly personal and institutional, dependent on the relationships between individual
scholars and students. Flexibly located in Javanese pesantrens, mosques, and dwellings,
religious education was never exclusively for the Javanese rulers but was open to all.
However it should be stressed here that most educational activities were still subordinated
to the mother of the religious educational system called the pesantren. In other words,
any Islamic educational process should have constituted an integral part of a such wider
traditional Islamic educatkm.
94
It is noteworthy that most pesantren founders and leaders in the following
century, the twentieth century, have been educated by the two notable masters: Al-
BantanT and al-TirmisT Even the most respected pesantren master, Khalil Bangkalan (d.
192S), enjoyed a special training in the second half of the nineteenth century under the
direction of al-BantanT Hashim Ash'an (d. 1947), who was oriented by Khalil
Bangkalan before the former left for Mecca in the last decade of the nineteenth century,
and favorably became a promising student of the two masters: al-BantanTand al-Tirmisil
was indeed the most influential pesantren leader in Java in the future. It could be
hypothesized that the more respected teachers they met to pursue Islamic knowledge, the
more distinguished position they gained in the santri community. It was the same case
with Asnawi Kudus (1861-1959) who was instructed by al-Tirmisf and many other
ulamcT in Mecca in the 1890s.
Although the Kiyais and their santris’ relations seemed quite informal, indeed
there was a strong intellectual networking among the five ulamcT mentioned. While
Al-BantanT and Al-TirmisT decided to spend their intellectual lives in Arabia, their
three main disciples: Khalil Bangkalan, AsnawT and Hashim dedicated themselves to
serve the pesantren community in their home country. That the future santris
respected and glorified the latter three ulamdns involvement in the community, and
that the “more organized big pesantren” was inspired and designed by them on a
national level under the name of the NU, the Nahdat al-'ulania\ should prove that
their intellectual connection was not confined to matters of time and place.
95
Suffice it to say that nineteenth-century Java*was characterized by a more intense
quest for learning in Arabia by bright Javanese students. Their status in Mecca and Medina
as teachers after they succeeded in mastering the core of Islamic knowledge undoubtedly
contributed to create an extremely favorable atmosphere o f Javanese intellectualization
among the future Javanese Kiyais with their educational institutions: the pesantrens. The
majority of renowned pesantrens in Java was intellectually linked to those who enjoyed
education in the H ijat under the two masters and their three main students.
Q
The Dome o f the Mosque o f Banten in West Java (Mizan, 5, No. 2, Jakarta, 1992,
cover page)
96
Chapter Four
Intellectual Masters of the Pesantren Tradition
4.1. NawawT al-Bantanf(1813-1897)143
4.1.1. Biography
Bom in 1230/1813 in Banten West Java, and raised in a religious Muslim
family, NawawT was usually known later as a man of religious knowledge. He died in
1314/ 1897 in Mecca where his tomb is found next to that of Khadija, umm al-
ntu mirim, the wife o f the prophet, located in Ma la144. Every year on Thursday o f
the last week of Shawwal, the haul145 ceremony was held in his neighborhood of
Tanara,146 Banten, West Java by large numbers of people.
The atmosphere in the family, indeed, contributed to NawawT s high learning
tradition. He obtained his first lesson from his father, Umar ibn 'A rabt a district
penghulu147 (a religious functionary who had authority under the colonists to deal
143NawawT al-Bant3hf"who was unquestionably the author of TafsTr Marah LaSid, has been
confused in the UC library computer system with Abu Zakariya al-NawawT al-DimashqT (d.
675/1276). According to its erroneous record, the author of Tafsif Marah LabTd is al-Nawawf al-
DimashqT. This mistake is another reflection of the lack of visibility of Javanese 'ulamd'.
144 According to Chaidar, a santri researcher who visited NawawTs tomb in 1976 and 1977, Ma la
is a few miles east of Masjid a l-H a rd m in Mecca and was at the crossroads of Masjid al-Haram and
Mina. See Chaidar. Sejarah Pujangga Islam Syech Nawawi Al-Banteni Indonesia (Jakarta: Sarana
Utama-Jakarta, 1978), p. 51.
145 The haul or veneration ceremony in memory of a respected person is very popular among the
Javanese santri. Until now, not only 'ulamd>acqwK reverence through this ceremony, but some
aghniya» rich people, and devout people also get the same treatment
146As a matter of fact NawawT mentioned Tanara as his baladan, namely his village and his own
rural community. See Nawawt Nihayd al-Zayn, (Cairo, 1938), p. 3.
97
with daily religious affairs including Islamic marriage). His mother, Zubaidah, a
Tanara citizen, was also reported as religious, caring, and loving. It probably would
have been different had NawawT been educated in a family in which Islamic
knowledge and values were not appreciated. Like other Javanese Muslims, NawawTs
father was responsible for the first and early education o f his children. Together with
NawawTs brothers, Nawawi learned the subjects o f 77m al-kalam, nahw, tafsik, and
fiqh. The father’s cultivation more or less would shape NawawTs habits. Further
education that NawawTgot was from an 'alim in Banten, Hajj Sahal, and later on he
moved together with his brothers farther East in Karawang meeting with Raden Hajj
Yusuf.
NawawTs prestige as an alim was not achieved without his own continuing
efforts.148 Since childhood, he was a serious and active student, otherwise he would
have never memorized the entire Qur’an.149 He was never satisfied with knowledge
he acquired. NawawT left the country for Mecca when he was fifteen. According to
147 As reported by Hurgronje, a penghulu was a qadi, a mujh, a marriage organizer, a zakai officer,
an administrator, and a nazlf or director of a mosque, (Hurgronje, Kumpulan Karangan Snouck
Hurgronje, Indonesian version by INIS, Jakarta 1992, pp. 83-88). It is noteworthy that the function
of penghulu has changed over time. Today its function is greatly reduced to manage marriage
affairs as Javanese generally assume.
148 Some ulama in Java were viewed as gaining knowledge without standard efforts such as through
formal education. They were believed to get knowledge by “’ngelrnu laduni," (in Javananese),
knowledge that came down instantaneously from AllSh.
149 In the pesantren tradition, to be a ftffjiz al-Qur'm is ubiquitous. That NawawT was one of the
hujjS? was witnessed by Hurgronje (See* Hurgronje, Mekka, p. 269 ). Even today some santris under
15 years old have finished memorizing the Qur’an under a Kiyai's strict observation. It was
remarkable that some santris could learn to finish the 30 juz in less than two years (personal
interview with some Javanese huffaz in July 1995) .
98
the nineteenth-century Dutch scholar, Hurgronje, who met and interviewed him in
person, Nawawfand his brothers made the pilgrimage to Mecca while they were quite
young.150 Only NawawTremained in Mecca about three years. In the Hijaz he was
educated by:
• Sayyid Ahmad bin Sayyid “Abd ai-Rahman al-Nahrawi7in Mecca.151
• Sayyid Ahmad Dimyati, in Mecca.
• Sayyid Ahmad Zaini Dahlan, in Mecca.
• Shaykh Muhammad Khatib Sambas al-Hanbali, in Medina.
From Medina, NawawT also traveled to Syria and Egypt to further his
studies.132 His dissatisfaction in obtaining knowledge and his feeling that seeking
knowledge was his main obligation were basically part of his character, however, this
state of being is in accord with the hadith, which most Javanese Muslim children
could recite by heart: “to seek knowledge is incumbent to every male and female
Muslim” (Talab al- ilmi fandatun ala kulli muslimm wa muslimatiri).153

• •
150Chaidar, Op.cit. p. 5.
151 As admitted and explained by NawawT in Fath al-Majld (Semarang, no date), pp. 2-3, 'Abd ai-
Rahman was a very special teacher to him. NawaWTcalled him both ShayfchF and SayvidC Al-
NahrawC which is associated with the teacher’s last name, is a place in Egypt
152 Chaidar, Op.cit. p. 5 So far no specific names in Egypt and Syria have been mentioned as
NaWhwTs teachers by any writers. However, it is highly possible that NawSwT audited some classes
openly offered by different 'ulama>in the two places. The nature of Islamic education in this period
enabled active students to meet different teachers in different locations.
153 Ibn Maja, Muqaddima, p. 17, as cited by al-Ghazali, Ihya\ n, p. 90.
. 99
In about 1833, NawawT went back home to West Java with extensive
knowledge of Islamic science. Seeing Nawawfas a young and sympathetic “5lim who
had just come back from the holy city, the youngsters in his community were greatly
interested in getting to know him more closely and in studying with him. No activities
are reported o f the young NawawTother than learning and teaching during these two
decades. At this point NawawThad the chance to cultivate his knowledge through
teaching at houses and mosques. He also taught students at his father’s pesantren.
However, NawawTdid not feel at home in his own neighborhood. He decided
to go back to the Haramayn permanently in about 1855, as indicated by C.
Brockelmann.154 NawawT might have felt that living in the Haramayn was more
promising and, indeed, it has been an obsession for many Javanese Muslims to die
there. Javanese Muslims called Mecca, as generally known in Arabic, al-Mukarrama,
the venerable city, and Medina al-Munawwara, the enlightened one. In nineteenth
century Java, these had become a central world for every Muslim. The Ka’ba has been
a real qibla and deeply regarded as a link between Allah and his creatures, while
Medina, where Muhammad is buried, was a symbol o f the holy and peaceful city of
the Prophet.
154 C. Brockelmann, “al-NawawT’, The Encyclopaedia o f Islam, VII (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1990), pp.
1040-1041. See also Sri Mulyati, “§ufism in Indonesia: An Analysis of NawawT al-BantanTs Salahm
al-Fudala,” an M.A. thesis, submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research (Montreal:
McGill University), 1992, p. 28.
100
In Javanese cosmology, as in Southeast Asian cosmology in general, the
center of the cosmos, the link between the world and supernatural phenomena plays a
very important role.155 Even other places such as graves of respected dead persons,
mountains, caves, and forests, have been considered as both sacred and central for
obtaining knowledge, ngelmu, and inspiration. After Islam became the religion of
Java, those functions were soon Islamized, however, the wise Walisongo and their
followers did not mean to overthrow them, rather they substantiated, modified and
colored them with Islamic values. Hence, it is understandable if most Javanese
ulamcT still view such places as being worthy sites for making du a. Without saying
that there was a karama in certain places, NawawThimself, for example, refers to
karama, and khariq-al- ada when he interprets the word hunalika. 156 The two
words, as a matter o f fact, are key words in the Sunni ulam a" s arguments against
modernists who denied the sacredness of such vicinities.157
Some situations might have encouraged NawawTs departure to Mecca. He
lived in a period that was characterized by the difficult intervention of the Dutch colonial
155 Bruinessen, Kitab Kuning, Pesantren dan Tarekat, p. 42
156 Nawawf Tajslr Marah Labid (Beirut, 1887), on the verse 3, p. 96. The complete sentence is :
“Zakariyya made du'a va. a. place where Mary sat and Zakariyya saw the karamat, the miracles, or at
the time when Zakariyya observed the khariq-al-'adat an event beyond common usage, in her
presence.”
157Sha'rarii Ahmadf a prominent Javanese 'alim in Kudus, Central Java, and one of NawawTs
admirers, denoting the word hunalika argues that if God denied the importance of such a place. He
would have never have included that word in this verse, (personal interview in summer 1994).
101
government in Javanese socio-religious life on one hand and the rise of self-identity and
respect among the local “oppressed” on the other.
Early in the nineteenth century the Dutch made the hajj difficult by taxation and
passport restrictions, and various weakening regulations continued through the century.
However, the development of better transportation and growing stability in the Dutch East
Indies led to significant growth in the number of pilgrims. Their numbers increased from
some two thousand a year at mid-century to between seven thousand and eleven thousand
by the end of the century. This is true especially after the opening of the Suez Canal in
1869, which diverted the main South East Asia-Europe sailing routes to the Red Sea.158
At least two major events should be noted as background to explain the people’s
struggle. Diponegoro (1785-1855) was a symbol of Javanese Mujfihidm and a reflection of
Javanese self-reliance due to his major struggle against the Dutch colony. He was usually
considered as one of the main “national” fighters who was able to encourage and
consolidate the Indonesian people to use their own power. Although Diponegoro came
from the neighborhood of the Keraton kingdom, which was usually suspected by
ulama\ the battle of Diponegoro (1825-30) involved ’ulama1 with their santris, loyal
students, on Diponegoro’s side. This connection is not that uncommon since Diponegoro
himself also had the chance to get a pesantren education beforehand. By this battle of
Sabil Allah, Javanese Muslims not only had Kiyais as their effective leaders and teachers
158 Ricklefs, A History, p. 123.
102
but also glorified Diponegoro as another leader, a physical and revolutionary commander
against the colonists.
In another part of the archipelago, West Sumatra, there was also a major struggle
launched by the hajfis (pilgrims) and 'ulama' called thePerangPadri (1822-1837) led by
Imam Bonjol. Although the Dutch finally terminated these two religious movements after
a long period of battle, the colonists undoubtedly sustained major pain.139
Javanese believed in the power of legacy. From the father’s lineage, NawawTwas
the descendent of the famous king Maulana Hasanuddm,160 the son of Maulana Syarif
Hidayatullah (one of the celebrated Walisongo). Hasanudm forcefully and successfully
repelled Dutch domination in the archipelago in the seventeenth century. This
statesmanship linkage more or less affected NawawTs world view as well. Therefore,
NawawTs migration to Mecca could not be separated from the political situation in his
period.
However, NawawTs travel to Mecca for good might also have been urged by his
own inspiration as a man of knowledge to secure more intellectual freedom in the center
of the Islamic world. In his mind he would not repeat his father’s career as a penghulu
living on the earning of other people. In this case Hurgronje wrote:
But NawawTis no man’s father-confessor. It is only natural that the man

should rejoice in the difficulties caused by Aceh to the government, and in
159 Some important generals from the Dutch side were killed in the Perang Padri such as De Cock.
Van Der Capellan, Cochis, and Michiels. In 1826 Diponegoro defeated the Dutch in most of the
battles in Java through Diponegoro’s guerrilla tactics: hiding in forests and attacking the Dutch
unexpectedly.
160 Chaidar, Op.cit., p. 9.
103
conversation, disagree with those pensioned officials who hold that the Java lands
must necessarily be governed by Europeans. The resurrection of the Banten
Sultanate, or of independent Muslim state, in any other form, would be acclaimed
by him joyously whether or not the insurrection followed according to the Holy
Law or took the form of undisciplined fanatical bands. For himself however, he
would seek no political role, nor counsel such to others. It would however be
impossible for him to do as was once done by his father, and is now done by his
brother, H ajj Ahmad, in succession to his father serve the infidel government
even as penghulu. 161
That Nawawf was man of knowledge is unquestionable. His intellectual and
mental journey to the Hijaz, the center of the transmission of Islamic knowledge, was
the best choice he ever made. He believed that knowledge was everything and with it,
indeed, Allah will better the quality of a human being. Especially, as he later indicated
in his kitab, those bestowed with knowledge and wisdom from God are the most
excellent creatures162 What he wrote is basically what he experienced academically.
Through his scholarly life by continuous teaching and prolific writing his name has
remained famous and alive.
4.1.2. NawawTas a teacher
In the 1870s, from Mecca NawawT was invited to attend a panel discussion in
al-Azhar University, Cairo. Thanks to his kitSbs being widely used by contemporary
Muslims, Muslim scholars asked him to present an honorary lecture in a panel
discussion. Besides, they wanted to see him in person, so that they could get more
perspectives and details about his works.
161 Hurgronje, Mekka, pp. 270-271.
162 See NaviiwTs muqaddima in his Nasa'ih al-'Ibad (Bandung, 1960), p. 3.
104
In addition to accepting the invitation, NawawT with his heavy schedule was on
the way to seventeen other countries. He was accompanied by Muhammad Yusuf, his
loyal student. Approaching al-Azhar university, they took a little rest and the teacher
instructed the pupil to exchange costumes to “confuse” people. Wearing a particular
privileged dress belonging to the teacher, the student looked like a very respected
Tilim. Contrarily, with his typical Javanese modest profile, the teacher in the student’s
clothing looked like a humble and miserable pupil. Further, the teacher ordered the
student to act later as if he were Nawawi and to give an introductory speech.
Entering the forum, everyone including many leading ulama' passionately
welcomed the imitation NawawTby kissing his hands in generous homage.163 The
pretended NawawTwas then honorably seated in a designated chair, while the real
NawawThad no reserved seat offered to him.
The time for the presentation now began. At the teacher’s instruction that the
student would be in charge first and should make the speech very short, the student
did so. He concluded his ta 'aruf with the excuse that he was not in a good condition
due to their unending trips and, therefore, asked his companion to talk on his behalf.
The disguised original NawawT then amazed his audience with highly academic and
eloquent Islamic messages so that one of the audience mumbled : “Masha Allah, his
163To look up to an 'alim is very common in the Islamic world. The way people pay respect varies
from shaking hands by lowering their shoulders (especially in the Javanese Pesantren tradition) to
kissing hands, the commonest way. The Pesantren community also regards kissing an W/m’s hands
as obtaining “baraka.” However, this physical veneration should not interfere with Islamic faith
that requires oneness of God. Allah alone they worship in toto.
105
student was so good, I cannot imagine how wonderful it would be if the teacher
presented the same topic, super, (a jib ) ” Finishing the job as a main lecturer, NawawT
was sincerely adored with spontaneous public applause. However, people’s attention
was still fully paid to the “simulated teacher” with salutations and hugging.
Eventually, Nawaw£ the real teacher, was so concerned that the subterfuge might be
uncovered that he asked his student being surrounded by folk to stay away from the
public.164
The story developing from one Kiyai to another signifies the basic character of
the santris, namely to listen to the Kiyai without any hesitance in whatever situation
and whatever the reason. In addition, there is no room for argument in Kiyai-santri
personal relationships that always had been intimate and unique. A Kiyai, according
to the pesantren tradition, should emulate Nawawt who did not like to be praised,
since Allah alone deserves to be worshipped. It is a part of the Kiyai's habits that he
be a modest role model. The Kiyai and the santri should imitate the ideal figure of
Nawawi and his student, Muhammad YQsuf.
In the pesantren tradition the students are called santris. They must emulate their
Kiyai's religious observances carefully, undergoing initiation periods involving the
sacrifice of physical comfort (tiraqa), executing whatever task the Kiyai orders and being
unceasingly loyal to him. This total obedience to the wishes-of the master, originating in
Middle Eastern mystical practices as well as in the indigenous pre-Islanric guru-aspirant
164The story is translated and remodified from Chaidar, Op.cit., pp. 85-86.
106
relationship, finds its culmination in the peculiarly Indonesian doctrine of sainthood (Wall).
While the Middle Eastern concept denotes a pious, self-annihilating rejection of worldly
life, the Javanese concept of sainthood retains a certain worldly function for holy persons
(many of whom had distinguished public service records), who were then retained in an
advisory capacity by kings and princes.165
The anecdote above means a great deal. Although the Middle East was the
center of Islamic knowledge transmission, it was, surprisingly, not the real qibla in
the pesantren's tradition. With the emergence of Indonesian Muslim scholars, they
competed equally with the hegemony of the Middle East as a center of Islamic
intellectual transmission. Students who came back from Al-Azhar, the most
prestigious school in the Islamic world, had even been doubted. The pesantren
community generally suspected the way Al-Azhar graduates understood Islamic law,
a sensitive and dominant subject desired by the nineteenth century santris. Since the
four madhhabs were equally taught in that university, the capacity and intensity of
Islamic knowledge that the graduates attained were indisputable, however, their
commitment to the SHafi'ites needs to be reevaluated. This could be seen from the
way Hashim Ash^riT one of the prominent pesantren founders and students of
Nawawi, reacted to Muhammad ‘kbduh’s ideas. Hashim disagreed with ‘Abduh that
the four madhhabs were no longer needed in the Islamic world. To Hashim, the
165See Abdurrahman Wahid, “Principles of Pesantren Education,” in Manfred Oepen. Op.cit., pp.
197-203.
107
Qur’an and hatfiih have been absolute references for each Muslim, but, without
considering legal thoughts formulated by the madhhab founders, one would not have
a fine understanding of them.166
The story also justifies the status of NawawT as Imam al-Haramayn, who had
been teaching both in Medina and Mecca since the 1860s. That epithet could also be
found on the cover of his popular work, the two sizable volumes of Tqfsir Marah
Labfd on the interpretation of the Qur’an.
NawawTs influence even went beyond the locality he was from, because of the
books he wrote and his dedication in Mecca to Indonesian students coming from
different remote places. More important, his works became major textbooks in the
pesantrens, therefore, the pesantren community viewed NawIwT as a Javanese
Muslim hero in nineteenth century Arabia. In the latter part of the nineteenth through
the first half of the twentieth century, the pesantrens have always opposed any foreign or
colonial exploitation. The mission of the pesantren was very effective when it used
symbolic terms such as “a holy war to drive away the kuffar, the unbelievers”. NawawPs
teachings on that matter had shaped the political perspective among the pesantren
community to defend the island against the impact of foreign rule on the community.
Still another implication of the anecdote is that the pesantren community had
been given to humor. Other stories depicted how enchanting it was when Nawawf
was training his future student, Khalil Bangkalan, in the 1870s, and how his santris
166Hashim Ash'an, Oonun Asasi (Kudus: Menara Kudus, 1969), pp. 37-58.
108
chatted and teased one another. To them meaningful jokes are part of the inseparable
social life that means affection and intimacy between the Kiyai and students.
According to his disciple, cAbd al-Sattar, NawawTwas a modest man, a zahid,
m u ta w a d iand a helpful man.167 Hurgronje who personally interviewed him in
Mecca wrote:
NawawTdescribed himself as the dust of the feet of those striving for

science. He accepted the hand-kiss from almost all Javanese people living in
Mecca as an attribute to science, not to himself and never refused an inquiry
on the subject of the Divine Law. In social intercourse, he joined courteously
in the conversation, rather than dominating it, and never started any scientific
discussion without cause given by others. An Arab who did not know him
might pass a whole evening in his company without ever discovering that he
was the author of many learned Arabic works.168
To Nawawf to be humble did not necessarily mean to feel inferior. Rather, he
was convinced that this world should be occupied by more teachers and students,
since both were the real community, while others were a hamaj, a small fly.169 As an
educator, NawawT was loving and tender as well as affectionate. Had he been
otherwise, he would not have had so many students in a foreign country. In a
situation where students were free to select any teachers they preferred, his students
numbered no less than 200. They were all of the opinion that Nawawf spent more
than fifteen years teaching in the Hijaz. This means that the number of his overall
students should be about 3000 Muslims coming mostly from Indonesia. While he was
167 Chaidar. Op.cit., pp. 60-91.
168 Hurgronje, Mekka, p. 271.
1<S9Naw5wT Sharh Maraqi al-'Ubudiyya (Bandung: Ma'arif, 1359 AH.), p. 5.
109
teaching, particularly in the Ma'had Nashr al-Ma’arif al-Dmiyya in the Masjid al-
Haram, NawawT was known as a sympathetic teacher, who explained his lectures
clearly and deeply, and communicated well with his students.
Obviously NawawT was a “democratic” teacher. The aforementioned
anecdote about the discussion with his future student reveals that the former gave
opportunity to the student to express an opposing idea. Unlike authoritative
education that is “teacher centered,” NawawT believed in the potentiality and the
uniqueness of the individual. It is quite conceivable that this attitude was based on his
own experience as a wandering student from Java to major educational centers. He
always found a pattern of interactive transmission: teachers shared knowledge with
listeners and the latter cultivated their learning through further reading, debating
materials among friends (mudtiakara), and writing among talented students. Through
his writing he successfully showed that the pesantren heritage was not just a
“tradition of speech” without deeds and writing. It is true that the numbers of writers
in the pesantren milieu could be counted on one’s fingers such as Nawawi himself and
his predecessor, Arshad al-Banjari, Abd al-Hamid bin Muhammad Ali Kudus (the
writer of L ataif al-Ishdrat) 170, Ihsan Muhammad Dahlan Kediri (the writer of the
• ' ~ • • k
two-volume Siraj al-Talibm, died in 1952), Kiyai Saleh Darat (1820-1903), the
170 So far there is no reliable source disclosing the exact date of the biography of 'Abd al-Hamid bin
Muhammad ' A ll Kudus. He must have been the contemporary of Saleh Darat who wrote most of
his fdtabs in the latter part of the nineteenth century. (Personal interview with K.H.M. Sahal
Mahfuz, Kajen Pati Central Java, July 1995). The two kitabs mentioned above, unfortunately, do not
leave any date of publication either.
110
productive writer of kitabs in Javanese, Mahfuz al-TirmisC and Khalil Bangkalan, but
it is also true that through these ulam a' the tradition of classical kitabs were
appreciated, securely preserved, and even developed.
NawawT had great influence on his pupils. Among those who were
Indonesians were:
• K.H. Hashim Ash' arii Tebu Ireng Jombang, East Java (the founder of the Nahdat-
al- ulama ’ (NU).
• K.H. Khafit Bangkalan, Madura, East Java.
• K.H. Ilyas, Serang Banten, West Java.
• BCR Tubagus Mohammad Asnawi, Caringin, West Java.171
How NawawTimpressed his students was best recounted by Ash' arTs student,
Chaidar, who learned directly from Ash' ariT Teaching the main kitab on fiq h , Fath
al-Oanb, after every asr prayer, the latter kept illustrating the life of his teacher with
flowing tears showing pride and pleasant nostalgia. To Chaidar, this episode
completely indicates how deeply AshVTloved his master NawawT172 To adore a
teacher in Islamic learning tradition is part of getting the irshgdt ustadhm, in the
171 H. Rafiudm Ramli, Sejarah Hidup dan Keturunan Syekh Kiyai Muhammad Nawawi (Tanara.
1979), pp. 10-11, See also Chaidar. Op.cit S. Asnawi here is not to be confused with K.H.R.
Asnawi, Kudus, Central Java. Although the latter also studied in Mecca that was in a different
period, namely in the first quarter of twentieth century. As recounted by Minan Zuhri, Asnawi's
grandson, AsnawTstated that he never learned from NawawT Asnawi,who married the widow of
Nawawualso admitted that he did marry her because he was not the student of Nawawi. (Personal
interview with Minan Zuhri in December 1995).
172 Chaidar, Op.cit., pp. 6-7.
I ll
pursuit o f a master’s guidance. Ali ibn Abu Taiib’s poems, that had been very
popular in this community, legitimize this part of the requirement of seeking
knowledge:
1) The pursuit of knowledge is not carried on without six things

Which I shall indicate to you through words that are clear:
2) Ingenious acumen, fervent desire, patience, sufficient sustenance,
Guidance of a teacher, and length of time 173.
To the pesantren community the irshad is not limited during lifetime, but also
continues after the death of the teacher. They consider that useful knowledge is
eternal. This is supported by the hadiih: “Whenever a person dies, his deeds are over,
except for three things: perpetual charity, useful knowledge, or a good child who
makes supplications for his (deceased) parents” 174. The status of knowledge obtained
from a respected ustadh such as NawawTremains unequivocally special, due to the
unique status of a teacher and due to a common understanding developed in the
pesantren community that learning without a teacher’s guidance means learning from
an evil source.175 NawawT underlined the importance of the alim as a source of
Islamic knowledge by quoting the hacfilh: “(The value of) seeing an alim is more
173 Grunebaum, Op.cit., p. 30. Although Ta'lim al-Muta'allim Tarfq al-Ta'alum was written in the
early thirteenth century, it is widely used in the pesantren community, since it covers the main
codes of conduct in the Islamic teaching-learning process. Categorized as the kitdb of akhlsq, it
deals with major themes of Islamic education. Today the kitab is used in the Thanawiyya (junior
high school) level in the madrasas and pesantrens all over Java. See Bruinessen, Kitab Kuning, p.
163. In the fasting month of Ramadan the kitab has also been widely used in the pesantrens.
174 This hadith is reported by Muslim and much used by Sunnis. See, Sha'rani Ahmadi, al-Faraid
al-Saniyya (Kudus, 1401 A.H.), p. 15.
175This idea has been widely accepted by Javanese santris (personal interviews with some 'ulama in
Java, in summer 1994)
112
lovable (to the Prophet) than fasting a year”. An uncompromising warning from the
Prophet was also forwarded: “Whoever does not suffer when an 'alim dies is a
hypocrite, since there is no greater hardship than the death of an 'alim ." 116
The students of Nawaw^ in feet, later on became notable religious leaders
when they went back to the archipelago. His teaching also indirectly affected the
Islamic movements in West Java against the Dutch colonists. It is understandable that
the greater numbers of his students in the Haramayn were originally from his own
neighborhood, Banten, West Java.177 NawawTs involvement was noticed, because,
Hurgronje indicated that NawawTwas seen as dangerous by the Dutch because of his
influence on Indonesian pilgrims, and because the authorities believed that he inspired
them to rebel against the colonial government. The movement of Cilegon, known as
the peasants’ revolt of Banten, West Java, in 1888 was undeniably spurred by his
loyalists who had had the chance to see the teacher while they were making the hajj in
Mecca. The significance of the pilgrimage in nineteenth century Java was at least
twofold: giving religious knowledge and virtuosity, and having a political and social
impact in strengthening Islam in Indonesia. In this case, NawawT s public teaching in
Mecca and the fundamental message of the hajj, namely universal brotherhood and
the equal treatment of the people, were directly implemented.178
176 Nawawi. Sharh Maraqi, p. 5.
177 Ibid, pp. 10-11.
113
NawawT s standpoint against colonists could be seen from his explanation that
certain activities such as prostrating before statues, the sun, or other people are
considered riddd a l-a fa l, apostasy from Islam because of the act.179 Hurgronje’s
account o f NawawT s preference to stay away from colonists should be understood in
this context. Like other Muslims in the Islamic world, NawawT as a Muslim scholar
with a strong commitment to the fate of the Muslim tanma could hardly be imagined
to live under colonists without being aware of the suffering o f his people in the
distance. IBs other statement offers a better clue to this: “Among the bad characters
are to prioritize the rich over the needy and to get close to colonists, to be silent on
the inkar, (such as quietism on whatever colonists did) while Muslims have the right
and power to confront.”
4.1.3. NawawTs kitabs
NawawTwrote on at least nine different fields of knowledge: tafsvr, fiqh, usul
ai-dih, ilm al-tawhTd or theology, tasawwuf or mysticism, the life of the prophet,
Arabic grammar, hadtth, and akhlSq or Islamic moral conduct.180 The number of his
works, as many writers indicated, exceeded one hundred, although Bruinessen
collected only twenty-seven. Due to the vast number of his books, this discussion will
178 There are some studies on the fiajj of Indonesian pilgrims, such as: Bruinessen “Mencari ilmu
dan Pahala di Tanah Suci”, in Vlthnul Qur'an, no. 5 (Jakarta), 1990, pp. 42-SI; See also Dhofier.
“Profit Sosial Ekonomi Jama'ah Haji Indonesia,” Prisma, April (Jakarta, 1984), pp. 51-61.
179NawawT Sullam al-TawJiq (Bandung, 1987), p. 20.
180See C. Brockelmann, Op.cit., pp. 1040-1041. Also see Bruinessen's collection on Kitab Kuning,
Islamic books in Arabic script published in Southeast Asia, 1987-1988 (Leiden, 1988). While
Brockelmann categorized NawawTs works into seven subjects, Bruinessen divides them into nine.
114
be restricted to a general description and the major themes of his works. To consider
all his works quantitatively is beyond the scope of this study.
On TafsTr
One of NawawTs works highly admired by the Meccan and Egyptian ulam a'
is the Tqfsif- al-Munlf- li M a alim al-TanziL, or with its other title, Marah Labid
TafsTr al-NcnvawT. After the 985- page tqfsir consisting of two volumes was finished
in 1886 (R abi' al-Akhlr 1305 A.H.), he showed it to these ulam a’ to look over and
to give some comments on it. The kitab was finally published in Cairo in late 1305
A.H..181 Considering his high achievement in tafsTr, the ulam a' awarded him the
epithet of Sayyidu ulam a’ al-Hijaz. So by the end of NawawTs career as an 'alim in
the Hijdz, his epithet was so impressive that he expressed his gratitude to Allah for
this exceptional work by composing a collection of poems. One of the verses
declares: “Doubtedlessly, knowledge is a source of light which lights up the holder.
Wherever the owner is, he will be respected.”182
NawawTrepresents a non-Arabic speaker who wrote his tqfsir in an excellent
Arabic. Unlike Muhammad cAbduh (d. 1905), NawawT stood for “a new classical”
tradition of tqfsir, a tqfsir that still considers the works of medieval ulam a’ highly
181Although Brockelemann put 1305 for the date of the book’s publication, it is highly possible that
the book was published in late 1305/1887, not in 1886. The printing of the Kitab in Cairo was the
first publication which was followed by another edition in Beirut and in Indonesia.
182 See “Imam Muhammad NawSwTal-Bant§hir Ensiklopedi Islam Indonesia (Jakarta, 1992). p
423-424. Also a personal interview with Abdurrahman WShid, an Indonesian intellectual bom and
raised in a pesantren family. His grandfather, Hasfrim Ash'an" was the main student of NawawT
this interview was conducted in summer 1994.
115
but at the same time addresses contemporary conditions. While the first was more
influenced by the ideas of Mu'tazili thinkers, the second was completely impressed by
those of Sunni ulam a' in the medieval period such as by the works of Ibnu Umar
Kasir al-Quraisi (bom in 1300), 183 Jalalu-l-dm Mahalli (d. 864/1460), Jalalu-l-dln al-
Suyuti (d. 911/1 SOS), and the like. In addition, ‘Abduh apparently developed more
analytical strength, but NawawT relied in his works on references to the Qur’an, the
hacfiih, opinions of the Ashab, and the trusted salaf.
The portrait of a tqfsir cannot be separated from its author’s religious
denomination. NawawT was like a nineteenth-century GhazalT in Javanese society,
cAbduh was in contrast more or less a nineteenth-century Ibn Rughd who promoted
reason more than revelation. Interpreting hidaya God’s guidance, Abduh did not
forget to include hidaya al-'aql. To him, God bestows humanity with such a hidayat
that is better than anything else available to a creature. This hidaya al- 'aql is able
to correct the faultiness of senses and tendencies by reasoning. Eyes notice a huge
thing that becomes miniature at a distance, and an upright stick in the water looks as
if it were crooked. It is reason that can find and judge this defectiveness.184 NawawT
used a different approach rendering the hidaya as God’s prestigious and privileged
award in the manifestation of faith and al-dih al-haqq, 185 the rightful religion, to
183As witnessed by L.W.C. van den Berg, Tafsir Jalalayn, written by Mahalli and al-Suyuti, was the
standard tafsir used widely in Java.
184 MuhammadcAbduh, Fatiha al-Kitab (Cairo, 1382 A.H.), p. 37.
185NawawT, Marah Labid, p. 3.

C
116
certain people who deserve it in His eyes after they earnestly show their endeavor in
words and deeds. The other Sunni theologians, such as Abu-l-Iayth al-Samarqandi,
were also in agreement with NawawTthat the hidaya: and the taufftj, good fortune, is
sun'u al-rabb, God’s creation and qctdim, eternally pre-existent, in nature. The
consequence of the two different thoughts is that 'Abduh was more detailed in
“anthropological” issues, while Naw&wi was more interpretive on “theo-centered
questions.”
NawawT s major contribution to tafsfr is that he wrote a tqfsir while the
Islamic world did not reveal signs of revitalizing this Islamic classical tradition. In his
period there were only a few works of similar tqfsir produced. This situation was
partly caused by internal reluctance among Muslims to write tqfsir because of the
prophet’s reminder that whoever comments on something in the Qur’an based on his
opinion is making a mistake. Also hell will be the resting place of anyone who falsely
did tqfsir. Indeed, Nawawi himself was also in deep doubt for a long time before he
decided to write the tqfsir, although many gentlemen approached him to convince
him and to support his intention to write. NawawT realized the reminder of such a
hadilh, and finally worked on the tqfsir by humbly confessing that he did this simply
to continue the virtuosity of the sa la f in preserving knowledge so that everyone is
able to get benefit from it. He also cautiously recognized that he would never be able
to compete with the sa la f s works, but he believed that in every period there should
be enhancement and renewal, tajdld. Nawawi further prayed to God that his work
117
would be beneficial for his own hereafter. He fully realized that he was not free from
any human error. Therefore, he would accomplish the tafstr carefully and relied in all
his works on the explication of the Qur’an itself from other verses, the Prophet’s
hcuSih, the ashab's opinions, and the salafcd-salih186
Typical in NawawTs work is his special attention to the important value of
knowledge. For instance, interpreting the mother of suras o f the Qur’an, al-Fatiha,
he asserts that the sura contains at least four fields of knowledge. First is the tawhid’
oneness o f God, or theology. The divine attributes should be covered in the phrase al-
hamdu li Allahi rabbi al- alamin, al-rahmah al-rahim, and the Prophetic credentials
are there in alladhma an amta alaihim. The Judgment Day is articulated in the
yawmi-l-dih. The second is Islamic law with the ibada as the most important part.
Basically Islamic law consists of both material and physical rules that correspond to
life matters concerning the mu amalat, social life, and marriage. All this is contained
in the meaning of sirat al-mustaqifn. The third is the science of perfectness dealing
with Islamic morality. This includes istiqama, straightness, in the right path as
indicated in iyyaka nasta ih. The fourth is the history and the story of nations in the
past. The victorious who need to be entirely imitated were the prophets while the
losers and condemned were the non-believers. The former is included in alladHtha
an’amta alayhim, and the latter are in ghayri-l-maghdubi alayhim wa la-l-dallm .18'
186 Ibid., p. 2.
118
The other important feature of the tqfsir, as is also seen in his other works, is
that it emphasizes piety by conveying the teaching of the aqTda, creed, and yaqifi,
belief in God and His guidance. This accentuation is quite transparent here and there,
especially in the muqaddima, the introduction, and in the khatim a al-kitab, the
conclusion. He always calls attention to the Almightiness of Allah by praising His
majesty and mercy. Besides, NawawT never forgot to include a message of canr al
m a'ruf wa nahy 'an al-munfcar, as reminders to Muslim readers by reinforcing the
significance of God’s words and promises in attaining two ecstatic lives by following
the exemplary demeanor of the Prophets, the honest persons, the martyrs, and the
venerable ancestors.188 The message of amr al-ma ru f wa nahy an al-munkar, which
was mostly found in Sunni, M u'tazili, and Shi'i literature, signifies an encouragement
to Muslims to retain better identity in the eyes o f God and people.
Nevertheless, NawawTis realistic and sensible in the sense that one should
interact with God in an ordinary way. It is not appropriate, for instance, if someone in
a prayer requests God’s forgiveness for all mistakes committed by all Muslim brothers
187Ibid., pp. 2-3. The complete sura of the Qur’an is : 1) In the name of Allah, the Beneficent, the
Merciful 2) Praise be to Allah, Lord of the worlds: 3) The Beneficent, the Merciful: 4) Owner of the
Day of Judgment S) Thee (alone) we worship; Thee (alone) we ask for help. 6) Show us the straight
path: 7) The path of those whom Thou has favored; Not (the path) of those who earn Thine anger
nor of those who go astray.
188Those are the muflih’uh, those crowned with success who are released from God’s rage and
punishment who are the companions or the followers of the Prophets, see NawawiTMarah LaSid,
pp. 3-4.
119
or asks from the sky certain cash for the benefit of juqara'. This is neither logical nor
conforming to the shan 'a principles.189
Still another feature of his tafsir is that it is illustratively interpolated with
many interesting stories. The information on the asbab al-nuzul, the situational
reasons for the verse’s revelation, is abundant and comprehensive. All of this is
supported by the eloquence and elegance of his writing style, in which none denies
that NawawThas a strong background in Arabic literature and grammar. In line with
this his tafsTr is imbued with the richness o f linguistic explanation and the introduction
of different ways in the recitation of the Qur’an by seven Imams of reciters (the qira'a
al-sab 'a) as well.
On sufism and akhlaq
According to Hurgronje, “NawawT neither encouraged nor discouraged his
students from joining tariqa ”190 Despite this neutrality, NawawTis usually admitted
to have been an adherent of Sjtaykh Khatib Sambas (Ahmad Khatib al-Sambasi d.
1878), the founder of the combined tanqa al-Qadiriyya wa al-Naqshabandiyya.m
The latter was bom in Kalimantan, Indonesia, and remained in Mecca as a
preeminent teacher until he died in 1875. He wrote Fath al-A riftn, Triumph of the
Gnostics, which became the most popular and significant work on sufi practice in the
I89NawawCNashaih al-'Ibad(Surabaja, no date), p. 3.
190Hurgronje, Mekka, p. 270.
191Dhofier, Tradisi Pesantren, p. 87-89.
120
Malay world. The book provided practical guides for performing dhikr, an incessant
repetition of certain words or formulas in praise of God, which is the main part of
tanqa activities. This sufi master, in fact, influenced not only Indonesian pupils such
as NawawT but Malaysian followers as well. Haji Muhammad Shah and Haji Fadil are
some names to mention as indicated by al-Attas. Upon becoming a master in Johore,
Malaysia, later the former recruited about fourteen thousand loyal disciples in the
1940s.192
In considering NawawTs themes of sufism in his works, one cannot overlook
Sambas as Nawawi* s teacher. The intellectual and spiritual ties between master and
disciple in Islamic transmission have been, unquestioningly, always significant. Along
with this experience, it is difficult to follow Steenbrink’s suggestion that NawawTwas
among those who were against the tanqa practices.193This assumption is rather
inconceivable owing to the fact that NawawT wrote some books on sufism and
akhlaq, interchangeably and flexibly categorized. Had the latter books denounced
sufism and tanqa practices, Steinbrink’s premises would be fairly relevant.
The fact is that, like Sambas, NawawT subscribed to Ghazalian suTftm. He
recommended people to adopt an ImWn from Imam al-tasawwuf such as Imam Sa id
bin Muhammad Abu al-Qasim al-Juhaid. To him the latter was the prince o f sufism in
192Al-Attas, Some Aspects o f Sufism: as understood and practiced among the Malays, (Singapore.
1963), pp. 32-35.
193Karel Steenbrink, Op.cit., pp. 134-136, 143-147, 185.
121
the sense of both theory and practice.194 The “popular” sufi life style of piety and
modesty without being extreme against worldly life was the main feature of this
sufism. It was rather an equivalency of the two lives and of the two complementary
dimensions: the shari'a and sufism. Analogously, GhazaC himself did not belong to a
tanqa group, yet his thoughts on sufism, especially in Ihya? ulum al-dm, were
smoothly applicable in prevailing tanqa congregations at large in the Islamic world.
NawawT exclusively introduced his students to the works of those sufis with whom
ethics preponderates over the occult elements of mysticism. Hurgronje clarified this
further:
The mysticism practiced by NawawT himself is the moderate, ethical

sufism of Ghazalf in the more formalistic shape that it adopted in later times.
His literary activity again evidences this, for in 1881, there was a printed
commentary by him on GhazalTs Bidayat aJ-HidSyah and in 1884 a
commentary upon a mystic poem of Zain al-'Abidin al-Malaban.195
The 103-page kitab contains the essential elements of the cultivation of
spiritualism by introducing passionate pietism and the refinement of moral conduct,
adab, from the time when one is awake in bed at dawn until he goes back to bed. The
book also emphasizes the importance of keeping one’s physical organs away from
committing an evil act that might adulterate an ideal clean mind. Besides a vertical
relation between creature and God, horizontal intercourse of brotherhood and
194NawawT Nihayat, p. 7
195Hurgronje, Mekka, p. 272. Nawawi finished working on this kitab on Saturday night, the
thirteenth of Zu-1- Qida, 1285, (1868 A.D.).
122
harmonic social relations manifested in respecting one’s right and responsibility are
also studied in detail.196
That NawSwT was more a man of ideas, who was endowed with unusual
writing skill is confirmed through his works. NawawTwrites on sufism not without a
mission. Composing activity must have been driven by certain purposes. To
understand why he composed is best seen in his own explication that it was for the
benefit of the Muslim umma, for his life in the hereafter, and for earning a particular
credit from God as well. With his books he also expected that Muslims would share
the wisdom of Islamic knowledge for learning and practicing virtues so that they
would be guided by Islamic principles. The identical value of knowing and actual
performance results in getting close to God with His love.197
The socio-cultural dimension should also be considered that Nawawi again
like GhaZ&li has been highly respected by the pesantren community due to his repute
as an influential teacher and to his guiding and helpful books. In this society tanqa
practices were fundamentally flourishing. Had the aforementioned Steenbrink’s
hypothesis been reliable, the pesantren community which historically and ideologically
adored tanqa development would never have forgiven NawawT In fact, the later part
of nineteenth century in Java witnessed the prosperity of “popular” sufism, especially
196The writer found the kitab at KITLV library, Leiden University, in September 1995.
Unfortunately There was no date of publication on the yellow kitab.
197Nawawi Nasa'ih al-'lbad, p. 2, also Nawawi Sullam al-Tawfiq, p. x.
123
the Oadiriyya and the Naqshabandiyya. In April 1879, L.W.C. van den Berg, an
expert in Indonesian Islam working for the colonists, explained to the public of the
Science and Arts community for Batavian Studies that he had located no traces of the
Naqstjabandiyya tanqa in the archipelago. Four years later he corrected his own
statement by confirming in detail that the Naqshabandiyya practices had been
extensively carried out by Muslims in Aceh, Central Java, and East Java.198 In the
1880s the Dutch Consul for Jedda counted an average o f more than six thousand
Indonesian pilgrims making the hajj each year. As happened before, hundreds of
these pilgrims decided to stay longer or some to live in Mecca to study Islamic
sciences. Among the subjects that were taken, the Qadiriyya and the Naqshabandiyya
tanqas were the favorite choices. Perhaps some, as indicated by Hurgronje, preferred
to repeat the wird and dhikr (with certain recitation) rather than learning difficult
texts. The sufistic worship and practices had actually met the basic spiritual needs of
Indonesian pilgrims.199 Referring to this phenomena, since he was a former student
of the founder of the combined Qadiriyya and the Naqshabandiya, as was verified by
Hurgronje,200 it is not an exaggeration to say that Nawawi as the master in the Hijaz
through his actual teachings in public and through his published words more or less
contributed to the growth o f sufism among Javanese society.
198L.W.C. van den Berg, “Over de devotie der Naqsjibendijah in den Indischen archipeL” TBG 28,
1883, pp. 258-275.
199Martin van Bruinessen, Tarekat Naqsyabadiyah di Indonesia (Bandung, 1992), p. 103.
200Hurgronje, Mekka, p. 268.
124.
It is sufficient to consider some of NawawTs principles as to what he himself
said on this subject. NawawT emphasized the perfectness of the individual as a
creature who is in need of God’s guidance. He declared that many people in his time
ruined their faith by simply saying useless words. Unfortunately, they did not realize
that they were violating Islamic rules and committing a major sin by even losing their
status as Muslims.201 They were requested to conduct themselves in accord with the
shari'a (the law), and the haqiqa (the truth), the zahir (the visible) and the batin (the
concealed). While the sharTa and the tanqa are the bidaya, the starting point, the
haqiqa is the nihaya (the end). Because the latter is the fruit of the shari 'a and the
tanqa, it is called the haqTqa. In this case, the shari a is the batin o f the haqiqa. Both
are certainly needed so that the shari 'a without the haqTqa is fruitless, and the haqTqa
without the shari 'a is futile. A poem was quoted:
Tasawwuf is the way you purify yourself without any mud left,
And follow the truth, the Qur’ln, and the religion
It is, indeed, the way you see Allah submissively,
Repenting your sins all the time in deep grief202.
Additionally, NawawTused the metaphor of the shari 'a as a boat, the tanqa
as the sea, and the haqiqa as a jewel. The latter should be located in the sea, while the
depth of the sea is attained by means of the boat.203 No doubt, the edification of
spiritualism imbued with exemplary devotional practices that were adopted from the
201NawawTSullam al-Tawflq, p. 15.
202NawawT Shari} Maraqi, p. 4
203 Ibid., p. 5
125
salaf al-salih is the main feature of NawlwTs sufism. In line with this, he always
stressed the significance of love, mahabba, in a wide sense, namely to have affection
for God with IBs words; IBs Prophet with the companions, the ahl al-bayt, and with
the salihin •
NawawT also discussed the individual as a part of society being a center of
social interaction. Despite the fact that one should put forth his best effort to reach
God’s mercy, he cannot disregard his social life. In other words, NawawT reminded
that both haqq Allah and haqq al-adami should be equally honored. In terms of
friendship as part of social relations, “give and take” in a positive manner is highly
recommended. Involving oneself in an insecure situation for the benefit of his fellow is
even advised. Again NawawTcited a poem o f ' Alfibn Abi Taiib:
In fact, the true friend is the one with you

and the one who harms himself to befriend
And the one when an incorporated situation has to split both o f you,
He breaks up for your own good (and to get together sometime).204
Whether NawawT was a sufi in his daily habits or merely a sufT scholar and
supporter, probably could be seen in the concepts and themes of sufism he forwarded.
Besides his three kitabs mostly cited in this present discussion, there were other kitabs
on the same topics, i.e. Misbah al-Zulam, Oami' al-Tughyan, and Salalim al-Fudala,
as listed by Brockelmann.205 It is suggested here that NawawTs theoretical
204 Ibid, p. 91.
205Brockelmann, Op.cit., pp. 1040-1041.
126
knowledge in this area was unquestionable, and at the same time, NawawTs basic
appearance which Hurgronje characterized as that of a humble e8 Iim should be
considered. Considering this eyewitness’ record together with NawawTs own words,
it may be concluded that Naw2wTwas a sufi in both theory and practice. Let him
explain in his own words his modesty that is one of the main features of sufism in the
concluding part of his book of ethics:
If some mistakes and errors are found here,

wise readers are sincerely requested to correct them,
so that in the future none repeats my fault.
The truth is always the truth which should be served and followed,
while to err and to disremember is human.206
On Islamic Law
None denies that NawawTwas a Shafi'i scholar. He was an important guardian
of Shafi'ites to Javanese Muslims. IBs father’s hope that his son would be a great
Shafi'i by naming him after a Shafi'i scholar, Abu Zakariyya al-Nawawi al-Dimashqi
(d 675/ 1276), seems to be true.207 NawawT clarified the works of great Shafi'i
ulama' such as those of Muhammad Ramli, and of Ahmad ibn Hajar both of whom
he called both umdatan li-l-m uta 'akhirm mirt al- ulam a' a/-§hafi'i, pillars for
contemporary Shafi'i 'ulama\ 208 It is noteworthy that NawawT was continually
humble in promoting his works by expressing that his penmanship was nothing but
206NawawT Sullam al-Tawfiq, p. 140.
207As a matter of fact, al-BantariT admired al-NawawThere and there in his works.
208NawawT Nihayat, p. 3.
127
excerpts from different writers. Al-BantanTnot only explicated some of Shafi’Sworks,
but he also illustrated his works with Shafi’i anecdotes on the benefit of strengthening
the Shafi'ites. He recounted a fascinating anecdote about the supremacy o f Shafi'i
ideas:
An 'alim, Man' ush al-MaghribiT at his circle was skeptical. Major

ulama’ of the four madhahib came to his circle. He disagreed with one of
Shafi’i’s theories that if there are two provisions, a judgment does not have to
be made except to precede the second provision. As an example, if one speaks
to the spouse that if she enters the house she will be divorced, the divorce will
never happen without the entrance of the spouse. The alim said that there is
no evidence in Arabic tradition for such an argument. At this circle there was
Hamdan, a small boy, who suddenly said that what §hlfi'i said is absolutely
right. Due to his young age the people around bothered and scolded him.
However, the 'alim asked them to come down and to listen to what the child
said, since according to him, there is no enmity between righteousness that is
even coming from a little boy and themselves. The 'alim continued that the
people in his period should be grateful since they are different from the
ancient generation in which none dared to correct any mistakes coming from
the old, so the mistakes became an implemented shari 'a. The alim then
asked Hamdan to proceed with what he wanted to say. Hamdan said; “what
do you say in this poem”:
“If people seek help from us whenever they fear, indeed they will get
it with the noble life”
Indeed, they would need any help, after they are frightened, not
before. So what Shafi'i said is valid and testified in Arabic word. The Shaykh
smiled and was satisfied with the answer stating that the child was right.
Hamdan said to himself that he thought he was unable to answer their
question except he conceived as if Imam Shaffi had moved HamdSh’s tongue
to answer. How beautiful is the sh i'iri
“Allah has taken care of so many youngsters, that the old seeks help
from them” 209
209NawawT Sharh Maraqi, p. 4.
128
To NawawTbeing a Shafi'i was not without reason. Those who are not part
of ahliya al-ijtihad al-mutlaq ,210 are, indeed, bound to conduct taqfiU, to adopt the
legal decision of a madhhab. However, those who are qualified to be the mujtaHtd
mutlaq are not allowed to practice taqficL The madhhab of Shafi'i has been known as
more trustworthy and reliable, that of Malik as more adequate, that of Abu HarilFa as
more massive, and that of Ahmad bin Hanbal as more godfearing. Moreover, Shafi'i
was like a pearl showing up and overtopping in a happy life. The dalil for conducting
taqlid is there in the Qur’an (16: 43, and 21:7): “Do ask the followers of the
reminder, if you know not.” The need for a madhhab should be restricted only to the
four popular Imams. Therefore, it is not acceptable to adopt other than four such as
Imam Sufyan al-Thauri, Sufyan bin 'Uyayna, Abd al-Rahman bin 'Umar al-Awza'i.
Taqlid to the important ashab of the Prophet is not acceptable either, since none of
their madhahib were well collected and wholly retained. 211
To be muqallid or mujtahid was one of the sensitive and controversial issues
in the nineteenth century. To a certain degree, those who disputed against the
possibility of making ijtihad claimed that its gate had been sealed. Many important
'ulamZT through the mid-twentieth century engaged a direct or indirect discussion
defending the importance of taqlid for commoners. NawawT left a very important
210A great legist formulating independent decisions in legal madrasa, based on the interpretation
and application of the four usul as opposed to muqallid.
211NawawT Nihaya> p. 7.
129
principle of being a learned and critical muqallid. Had NawawTdiscouraged being a
muqallid, Javanese santris at large would never have glorified his reputation.
Whether there had been a direct debate between NawawT and 'Abduh, since both of
them were contemporary, it seems the two scholars had designed and contributed an
important frame-work in understanding Islam differently. While cAbduh was
concerned more with modem issues and offered few suggestions on fiq h , NawawT
paid more attention to issues of daily life, especially those in regard to fiq h . If the
labeling of “fiq h oriented society” has been applied to Javanese santri Muslims by
modem scholars,212 NawawTcertainly deserves to be the early pioneer and draftsman
of such a society.
Although NawawTlived in Mecca, an Islamic city under the strong influence of
Wahhabism,213 compared with Meccan scholars, he had a quite different view of
visiting shrines. NaWSwT did not discourage this activity, since he found the
legalization in Islam. He even encouraged Muslims to do special homage when calling
at the Prophet’s grave. Legally this veneration is istihbaban m u’akkada, strongly
recommended. Visiting the Prophet’s shrine was identical with having tawajjuh, face
212It seems Abdurrahman Wahid was the one who coined and used that term quite often.
213 The WahhSbites assumed that so many Muslims believed in miracles of the ow//ya*that they
could help even from their graves. Many visited the graves of salihun, the good worshippers, not to
get a lesson from their death or to pray for them but to pray to them and ask them for help. Many
ask Ibn' ArabTor' Abd al-QadirJilaiu or even the Messenger Muhammad for help just as when they
ask help from Allah. Muhammad ibnu 'Abd al-Wahhab detected these activities and sharply
condemned them as haram. He started a reform movement by calling people to the pure faith.
Aqlda, to the Qur’an and sunna, and to reject the innovations, bid'a, in Islam. Muhammad ibn' Abd
al-Wahhab himself was a HanbalH
130
to face meeting, with the Muslim leader and remembering his great achievement that
needs to be completely imitated. A special mood and ethics were requested in front of
the Prophet’s sanctuary, since the Prophet was still hearing and seeing anyone who
visited214. Not only praising the Prophet is suggested, but communicating with the
ashab is promoted as well. Especially Abu Bakr and 'Umar, who were buried next to
the Prophet, should be greeted with al-Salam 'alayk together with their common
epithets as al-faruq to 'Umar.215 In line with this, the idea of tawassul is
permissible. The latter is an activity of mentioning the Prophet’s name when one is
making du 'a. Performing five-time prayers, a Muslim even makes du d to those who
passed away: Muhammad, the prophets and the salihun. Therefore, according to
NawawTziyara al-qubur is considered part of the Prophet’s sunna.216
To NawaWTfiqh is a very significant kind of Islamic knowledge, because none
could communicate with God in ritual worship unless it is actually learned. NawawT
produced different works on fiq h . Sharh ' Uqud al-Lujaynis the most popular among
santris, for it deals with the very basic concepts of a man and wife’s life. Basically he
emphasizes that the best husband is the one who is the best in his family’s eyes, while
214One of the Santri arguments that the Prophet and Muslims who died could hear is the Qur’anic
verse: “And call not those who are slain in the way of Allah ‘dead.' Nay, they are living, only you
perceive not” (2:152).
215NawawTexplained that Muslims should salute the consecutive ashab with: Al-salam 'alayka ya
Aba Bakr, al-salam 'alayk ya khalifat Rasul Allah wa safiyyahu wa thaniyyahu f i al-ghar jazaka
Allah 'an ummat Rasul Allah khairan: Al-salamu 'alayka ycTamir al-Mu 'miriih 'Umar al-faruiq
alladhTa'azza Allah bihi al-Islam jazaka Allah'an ummati nabTyyihi khairan (NawawTNihava,
P- 219)
216Ibid., pp. 219-220.
131
the ideal wife is the one who takes care of family matters. NawawTs message is clear
for both: Their rights and duties are the main topics of the discussion. One may
criticize that on sexism, Nawawi gives more credit to males by quoting more hadfth
on female responsibilities, but NawawTs treatment of males with different
responsibilities should be equally pondered. NawawT was by no means a modem
scholar who emphasizes the equality of the couple as part of emancipation issues
developing later on. He also recommended the husband to be patient, kind, and sweet
to his wife even if the latter makes a mistake. To illustrate, he narrated an exemplary
story about ‘Umar bin al-Khattab who was so gentle to his family, even though he
was a commander in chief and believed to be both violent and discourteous before
becoming a Muslim.217
The other important books of NawawTare Sharh Sullam al-M unajaN ihaya
al-Zayn f i Ir$had al-M ubtadi 'in, Tawsih ala Path al-Qarib, and Sullam al-tawfiq
These books could be viewed as the standardized works of a Shafi'i scholar in which
practical matters of daily life and behavior as well as essential elements of ibada
were comprehensively and wisely addressed. This practical reason and its historicity
in fact have been the main reason whyfiq h became a popular subject among santris in
the nineteenth century and later. Specifically, the Shafi'i madhhab has been long
introduced and implemented in Java through the centuries since the Walisongo
period.
217Nawaw£ Sharh Uqud al-Lujayn (Bandung: M a'arif 1375 A.H.), p.5
132
On TawhTd
It is narrated that the Dahri218 reached its peak of popularity in the period
of Hammad, the teacher of Abu Hanifa (699-767 AT)., bom in Kufa). The
'ulama’ had agreed that the wujud of Allah does not have a location, âmnOd
was the only one o f the 'ulama ’ who could explain this position against the
Dahri. The latter asked the contemporary ruler to invite fjammad for a public
debate. Efammad agreed to have it on the following day. Hammad’s student,
Abu Han2a, 219 noticed that his teacher was a little nervous. The teacher told
him about the ongoing argument and that he had a dream the previous night:
he saw a very large house with a fruitful tree outside. A pig went out from the
house and ate the fruit, branches, and leaves until it left nothing except the
trunk, and suddenly a lion came out from the tree to kill the pig. Abu Hamfa
said to his teacher that indeed Allah had inspired him with knowledge of
ta'Sir. With this knowledge he understands that the dream is good to them
and bad to enemies. Abu Hanifa asked the teacher permission to continue the
ta'bir, the interpretation of the dream. According to Abu Hanifa the house is
the house of Islam, while the fruitful tree is the ulama', the trunk is his
teacher, and the lion that could defeat them is Abu Hanifa himself. With the
teacher’s permission, the student would talk at the debate. The teacher was
satisfied with the ta 'bir and asked the student to attend the debate together
with him. The time to debate came and everyone was sitting down by the side
of the teacher, while AbtT Hanifa stood up next to the teacher, with his hands
holding sandals belonging to him and to the teacher. On the stage (minbar)
the Dahri asked who would answer questions. To the Dahri’s surprise, the
218NawSwTexplained that the Dahris were a group who were affected by the philosophers and denied
the existence of God. They held the eternity of time (al-dahr) and the universe. They did not believe
in the Judgment Day. Because of this belief they will be in Hell, See NawawTy*a//r al-Majid, p. 7.
219 Living under two dynasties- ttw>Umayyads and' Abbasids, Abu Hamfe did not take part in any political
activity. When Yaad IbnHubayTa>an Iraqi governor under the Umayyad, Marwari Ibn Muhammad, tried
to promote him as a qatti, he seriously rejected it which caused him to suffer torture. The same thing
happened to him when he refused an offer of the 'Abbasid, al-Mansur, to be a qa3i in Baghdad. Abu
HanTfa devoted his life to studying Islamic law in-depth and to teaching. His teaching activity was more
intensive than his writing. Therefore, al-Fiqh al-Akbar I, which is commonly attributed to him appears to
be written by his pupils who directly and genuinely quoted his ideas. Among Islamic jurists, he was
considered to have contributed a very significant element, since he was the first jurist to codify Islamic law
by using qiyas, analogy, as the source. Applying Islamic law, he used some principles: Qur'an, surma, the
Ashab opinions, qiyas, istifcsah, and local tradition. While Ahmad Ibn Hanbal was conventionally admitted
as the founder of the term Ahlal-Sunna, as a matter of feet, before him Abu HariQa used the same term.
Ahl al-Sunna. This feet is commonly ignored For example, in his letter to Uthman al-Batti, Abu Haiufe.
while explaining his position toward evil Muslims against the Kharijite extremism, described his own view
as that of.4M al-'adl wa-l-Sunna
133
‘ young Abu HanSa said that the Dahri might ask any question and should let
anyone answer. The Dahri humiliated the youth by saying that so many old
persons, nobles, and people with honorary dresses and large sleeves had given
up, how dared the youth show up. Abu HariSa responded that Allah would
not award glory and high rank to the mentioned people but to the ulama’
instead. The Dahri then asked if the youth would answer the questions. Abu
Hanifa answered “yes” with the help of Allah. He also confirmed that Allah is
maufuid when the Dahri asked. Asked where is God, Abu Hanifa said that
“God does not take any place.” To answer why this happens, he explained,
“This situation also happens to your body.” Abu Hamfa asked back if the
Dahri had a soul in his body. Answering “yes,” the Dahri was confused when
Abu Hanifa asked where the soul was located, “if it is in your head, stomach,
or feet.” Abu Hanifa, then, held some milk asking if it had butter and where it
lies. Abu Hanifa explained that the existence o f Allah could be understood if
one looks at the existence of such a soul and butter that do not need any
space. The Dahri further asked what happens before and after Allah. Abu
Hanifa answered that there was nothing before and after Him. To explain this,
Abu Hanifa used fingers, by asking what does one find before thumb and after
little finger? Thus there is none before and after Allah. Eventually the Dahri
offered a conclusive question, namely “What is Allah doing right now?”.
Before Abu ffariiFa answered he said that the Dahri was odd; the latter as a
questioner should be off the stage, while the answerer should be on the
stage. Finally the Dahri fulfilled Abu Hamfa’s proposal and the young scholar
answered, “In the present Allah is paralyzing the mubtil, the false like you,
and elevating the righteous like me.” 220
Although the story apparently supports Abu Hamfa and his theological
*
position, NawawT was by no means a Hanafi. That the Ash' arites were among the
most popular to the Javanese ulama’ is indisputable, however, general Sunni
theologians such as the MaturTdites basically were accepted. NawawT was
unquestionably a Sunni theologian who supported most Sunni thoughts against the
Dahri, and the Mu'tazilites. To him the two groups including philosophers tended to
220NawawT"Fath al-Majid, p. 7.
134
use a more rational approach rather than the main sources of Islamic teaching: the
Qur’an and the hactilh.
One could understand that NawawT" was an Ash'arT from his kiidb Fath al-
^ i
M ajid. NawawTreferred to Ash'arTa couple of times by crediting him with the status
of master or al- Shaykh Abu al-Hasan ' Ali al-Ash’anT221 NawawT actually identified
himself as the follower of Ash' arTin terms of / tiqad, dogmatic theology.222 NawawT
indicated further that anyone who was not the ahl, the authority including himself,
was even required to exercise taqfid’ to imitate either al-Imam Abu Hasan al-Ash' arT
or al-Imam Abu Mansur al-MaturidP23
Like other Ash'arT writers, NawawT introduced the si/at of Allah containing
the wajib, the mustahil, and the mumkin. In this case, he could be categorized as a
221The most explicit indication is when NawawTnarrated a story as follows about why Ash'arTleft
his master, Jubba’i, one of the important Mu'tazili leaders: Asb'arTwas asking the teacher, “How
would you judge on the case of three brothers: The first brother died old and remained pious. The
second died old and became disobedient While the third, died a child before baligh.” Jubba’i.
answered: “The first would be in paradise, while the second would be in hell. And the child should
be in paradise. Agji'aiTasked further: “Will the child get the same place as his good brother does?”
Jubba’i answered, “No, since the child did not yet do good deeds as his obedient brother did.” “How
if the child argued that had God given me more time to live, I would get better a position, so that I
could compete with my devout brother,” Ash'arTdebated. Jubba’i responded , “Allah will answer.
Indeed, I knew if I let you grow up, you would become an unbeliever and go to hell forever, that’s
why the best alternative is to have you deceased when you are young for your own good and safety
from hell.” Agh'arT still contended, “What if the disobedient together with hell dwellers said, O
God, the best choice to us is to die young, indeed, we would be satisfied to get an even lower position
than that of the child’s. So you should not let us live until we grew up since you already knew that
we will be sinful after all.” “So what will be God’s answer?”, Ash'ari insisted, while Jubba'i was
silent and confused after Ash’afTtore down the rule that Allah has to make saloh or aslah (proper
and more proper). The case presenting the nnlnclriness of the hell residents shows that God is
unnecessarily making salah to them. (See NawawT Fath al-Majid, p. 39)
^NawawT Nihdyajt p. 3.
223Ibid. p. 7
135
Sifatiyya (attributist) theologian who understands that God has attributes that are
known from His acts; these attributes cannot be denied. Just as His acts show that he
is knowing, powerful and willing, so also do they show that he has knowledge, power
and will.224 Although NawawT was not the first to elaborate the Sifatiyya, it seems
that he was the one who successfully and concretely upheld and popularized it among
the Javanese santris. The popularity of this belief system was once again witnessed by
nineteenth-century Dutch scholars, Hurgronje and Berg. Until today, NawawTs
kitabs225 on theology have been widely used in pesantrens and madrasas.
Naqli and aqli reasons should both be applied. However, in the way NawawT
explains the subject, it is somewhat dichotomized as revelation and reason. In
addition, when there is polarity between them the first should be prioritized.
Presenting everyone’s duty, namely to be firmly convinced of anything that relates
the wajib, the mustahll, and the mumkin to the existence of God, NawawTdescribed
this obligation as a summons of the shari a, not a call of the aql. The three
attributes are ascribed to the Prophets as well and every m ukallaf'is obliged to bear
them in mind.
224 See Sfeahrastani, Al-Milal wa-l-Nihal, English Translation, by A.K. Kazi and J.G. Flynn
(London, 1984), p. 79.
225Besides Fath al-Majfd which is much referred to, there are some other kitabs written by NawawT
Tijan al-Durari, Nur al-Zalam, Al-Futufcat al-Madaniyya, Al-Thamar al-Yarii'a, Bahjat al-Wasa’il,
Kashifat al-Saja', and Mirqat Su 'ud al-Tasdlq. Most of these kitabs had no clue of a printing date.
See Martin van Bruinessen, Kited) Kuning, Islamic Books in Arabic, p. 18-19.
136
As in other works of NawawiT he never forgets to include a pious message of
behavior. Every Muslim is recommended to maintain the phrase “£ a ilaha ilia Allah”
internally and externally, so that one could reach the high degree of faith. To
strengthen this argument, NawawTquotes a hadith: “The phrase La ilaha iliaA llah is
the best mild-spoken reminder which I and earlier prophets ever pronounced. So
please you, Muslims, preserve it by evoking the meaning until it mingles with your
tongue and heart.”226
One o f the major themes in NawawT s kitdbs is the absoluteness of God.
However, NawawT does not belong to the Jabantes who denied that a deed is in
reality to be attributed to an individual, but should be ascribed to God instead, and
that consequently an individual has no power or responsibility at all.227 Like other
Ash'arT and Sunni writers, he placed himself in the middle between the two extreme
poles of the Qadarites228 and the Jabarites. Nawawi thus represented the nineteenth-
century Javanese 'ulama ’ who tried to refresh the medieval Islamic tenets on theology
and to leave what is going on in that remote country to the absoluteness of Allah with
the concept of lawakkal bi Allah.
226NawawT Fath al-MajiU, p. 49.
227There are two main groups of the Jabarites: 1) the pure Jabarites who do not allow any deed at all
to man, not even the power of fact; and 2) the moderate ones who admit that man has power, but
maintain that it is power which is in no way effective, see Shahrastani, Op.cit., P. 72.
228The Qadanties are usually used and referred to as the Mu'tazilites. However, they themselves
hold that the word Qadariyya is ambiguous, and say that it should be used of those who believe that
the qadar (determination) with respect to good and evil is from God. They thereby wished to avoid
the ignominy commonly attached to the name because of a tradition that the Qadariyya were the
Magians of this community’. Shahrastani, Op.cit., p. 41
137
Unfortunately, this situation has sometimes been used by modem scholars to
condemn the inability of Ash' arism as an ideology and as a force to free people from
colonialism.229 Ash'arism was not classified as a theology of liberation. However, it
should be emphasized that the issue of colonialism in the country was typical o f the
Islamic world in which there was no effective power to withstand colonialism among
Muslims. In line with this the Ash' arites and the Maturidites, for reasons that will not
to be discussed here, have been major trends as the “religion of Muslims” through the
centuries. It is noteworthy that Javanese Muslims were physically defeated but they
did not lose their faith. In this context, NaWSwTwith his ideas of Ash' arism should be
credited, since with the philosophy of submission to God they were religiously
independent. In Mecca, Nawawi was active in guiding an Islamic brotherhood called
“Javanese Territory.” This association was, as a matter of fact, suspected and
inspected by the colonists. It is interesting that NawawT prohibited Muslims from
getting along with colonists and judged this action as haram. However, he let them
relate socially with non-Muslim colonists for the sake of mutual benefit based on the
principle of the brotherhood of mankind, ukhuwwa bashariyya. 230
4.1.4. Conclusion
One might judge that NawawTproduced no more than a repetition of classical
229The most influential and public critics of the Ash'arites in Indonesia were Harun Nasution and
Imaduddlh Abdul Rachim who preferred to promote the Mu'tazilites.
230 See Republika, October 27, 1995.
138
works done by Sunni 'ulama' in the medieval period. However, it should be
understood that even in the past those ulam a' were also doing the same thing. What
happens is that a dialogue among the 'ulem a' in different places and duration was
unavoidable. The intellectual interaction was manifested diversely: from total
agreement that was disclosed by the later productive writer with his sjiarh, works of
long elaboration and development, to “baraka purposes” by rewriting and explaining
what NawawT s teachers and predecessors said. Evidently NawawT used some
anecdotes and favorable stories from cases that took place in the medieval period.
With these, the Javanese santri was easily convinced and deeply impressed, since the
ways were simple and in accord with prevalent public interest, especially to the
Javanese for whom myths cannot be split from the way they looked at life. Besides,
the characters were regularly used to glorify the santri’s heroes as their models.
Indeed, it should be credited too that the nineteenth century author in the colonists’
era had digested and refreshed the most important works by medieval ulama ". This
task could not be effectively accomplished, unless NawSwTwas a multi-disciplined
student who concentrated his attention upon the scholarly world of learning,
teaching, and writing with the result of his copious works. The available kitabs
comprising standard Shafi'i works in different fields are probably another reason why
NawawToccupied a special place in Javanese santri intellectual tradition.
139
9. Kiy> : Hariri, the grandson of Mahfiiz al-Tirmisi (Photograph by H. Abd. Rachman,
Saturday, June 29, 1996).
140
4.2. Mahfuz al-Tirmisi231 (d. 1338/1919)
In 1935 Kijai Iljas (1911-1970)232 went back to Indonesia from Mecca by way
o f India and Malaysia to make a comparative study on the Islamic educational system.
In India he visited some cities and universities, and important ulamti ’ as well. When
he was in Bombay in mid-1935 he met one of the influential ulam a’, Shaykh
Sa'dullah al-Maimani, a m ufti of Bombay. Surprisingly, Iljas received a very
distinguished honor from the Shaykh who invited him and his contingent for lunch.
Iljas did not understand why the Shaykb gave them more than usual attention.
Although, the Shaykh had servants, he preferred to serve his visitors himself. When
Iljas was about to leave for New Delhi, the Shaykb accompanied him to the train
station and entrusted him to another passenger and waited until the train departed.
Had the host been an ordinary Muslim, such special treatment was understandable to
Ojas and viewed as part of common Islamic brotherhood practices, but the latter was
an important mufti in the city. He kept wondering and telling himself that he did not
deserve the distinguished kindness from the important Muslim leader. This occurrence
continually came across Iljas’ mind week after week. Eventually two months later
the mystery was revealed when Iljas got to Calcutta and met Zainuddin, a Javanese
231Pesantren communities at large remember him as Mahfuz Tremas (in Javanese). However,
Mahfuz called himself al-Tirmisi (in Arabic as it was written in his own kitabs, especially on their
cover). This ascription was also used by his brother, Dimyati al-Tirmisi. (Interview with Kiyai
DimyatPs grandson, Amak Haris DimyatT, in Tremas, Pacitan, East Java, on Thursday, June 27,
1996).'
232Further discussion on Ojas will be found in the next chapter under Hashim Ash ari.
141
santri from Kediri, East Java, who lived in the city. Zainuddin told him that he always
received the same hospitality from al-Maimani and believed that the Shaykh would
offer the best service not only for them but for all other Indonesians as well. The
reason according to Zainuddin was clear, the Shaykh was the former student of
Mahfuz al-Tirmisi when they were in Mecca in the first decade o f this century. The
Shaykh just felt that he was obligated to express his gratitude to all Indonesians due*
to the fact that he acquired his own knowledge from Mahfuz al-Tirmisi.233
The same thing happened to Kiyai Habib, Mahfuz’s nephew. When he
participated in the hajj in the late 1950s, he was treated quite specially by Shaykh
' Abd al-Hanud, a Meccan resident who was a well-known Shaykh o f the hajj. Unlike
other pilgrims from Indonesia, Habib was entertained as a member of the Shaykh" s
own family and given favorable privileges. This personal and nostalgic description
denotes that although Mahfuz died in the second decade of this century, in fact, his
presence in Mecca as an alim was unforgettable.234
Once again the relationship between teacher and santris was quite personal
and went beyond geographical boundaries. The case would have been different, had
Mahfuz not been a grand master with certain academic and moral qualities. Mahfuz’s
connection with his students could be seen as an intellectual genealogy and should be
233H. Aboebakar Aceh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H A . Wahid Hashim dan Karangan Tersiar (Jakarta,
1957), pp. 90-91.
234Interview with Kiyai Habib on Thursday, June 27, 19% in Tremas, East Java.
142
stronger compared with that of other 'ulama ’ who did not have ijaza authorization in
ilm al-hadith as Mahfuz did. In addition, Iljas was socially a member of the
pesantren community. Such an anecdote might have increased the nobility of this
grand master in their eyes.
Despite Mahfuz’s importance, so far there is no adequately informative
biography of this Javanese alim in any language, not even in Indonesian. In his
translated dissertation, Dhofier mentioned Mahfuz in less than two pages, even
though he emphasized the greatness of Mahfuz in the Javanese santri community.235
Another source in Arabic was the same length but more informative.236 Mahfuz’s
grandson, Kiyai Hariri in Demak central Java, who was interviewed on this subject
did not even give significant clues. This is due to the fact that Mahfuz died when
Hariri’s father was in his early teens, qabla al-bulughP 1 The only technique to
reconstruct his biography, therefore, is through oral history and his own writings.238
Mahfuz was bom in Tremas, Pacitan, East Java on 12 Jum ada-l-uld
1285/1868 while his father, Kiyai Abd Allah, was away at that time in Mecca.
235See Dhofier, Op.cit., pp. 90-91.
236 Yasm al-Fadani, Bugbvat al-Murtd min 'Ilm al-Asamd (Mekka, no date) p. 14-16. Also see
'Umar 'Abd al-Jabbar, Sfr wa Tarajim (Mecca, 1982), pp. 286-287.
237Kiyai tfariri is currently the director of Pondok Bustan al’Usshaq al-QurSn in Beteng Demak.
Central Java. This institution emphasizes the memorization of the Qur’an in its education. This
interview took place on Saturday, June 29, 1996.
238 Those people whom the writer interviewed in June, 19% were: Yahya Arif in Kudus, Kiyai
Harm in Demak, Gus Habib, Gus Muhammad, and Gus Amak Haris Dimyatf The latter three are
Dimyati’s descendants in Tremas, Pacitan, Hast Java.
143
Mahfuz’s mother and uncles were first responsible for introducing him to religious
values and practices. He was subsequently educated in Java by Javanese ulam S' in
the early reading of the Qur’an and the basic understanding o f religious knowledge.
Mahfuz was able to memorize the Qur’an before he reached adolescence. As
a child, when he was only six, his father took him to Mecca in 1291 /1874. His
father introduced him to some important kitabs there. Mahfuz considered Abdullah
more than a father and a teacher. He was in Mahfuz’s words: murabbTwa ruhi: “my
educator and my soul.” When Mahfuz was a teenager in the late 1870s, his father
accompanied him back to Java and had him trained by a famous Javanese alim,
Kiyai Saleh Darat (1820-1903J239 in his pesantren in Semarang, Central Java. His
father died in Mecca in 1314/1896. and was buried in Ma la in the rear part of
Khadya’s shrine
Mahfuz came from a santri family, and mot of his eight brothers became
important ulama ’ in Java. It is worth mentioning that they were famous in different
fields. Mahfuz specialized in ulum al-hadith, Dimyati in forbid, Bakri in ulum al-
239 Unlike other important 'ulam fi.Saleh Darat,who was bom in Mayong Jepara, Central Java,
produced his writings all in the Javanese language. These include: Majrriu at al-Shariat al-Kafiya
li al-Awdmm in fiqh, Munjiyat Matika Saldng Ihya»'Ulum al-D7n in sufism, and Tarjamah SabTl al-
Abid aid Jawhar al-Tauhid in theology. That he was not included in this stuffy does not mean that
he was less important The main consideration not to include him is due to the fact that his
involvement in the pesantren tradition was not that evident especially in terms of his influence His
most important book, Al-Shari'at al-Kafiyat li al-Awamm on fiqh, is sometimes labeled as Javanese
fiqh. Mot only it was fiqh which was written in Javanese, it also discusses the Javanese people’s own
outlook, principles and habits.
144
OiiiSn, and 'Abd al-Razaq (d. 1958) in tariqa. The latter was *a murshid of the tanqa
with hundreds of disciples from all over Java.
When Mahfuz died in Mecca on Sunday night before Maghrib prayer in
Rajab 1, 1338 /1919, thousands of Muslims performed prayer for the funeral
procession and carried the body to a grave in the cemetery of Sayyid Abu Bakr bin
Sayyid Muhammad Shata’s family (d. 1310/1892) in Mecca.
The only surviving son of Mahfuz is Muhammad. His two daughters died
when they were less than five years old. As a child, Muhammad acquired a strong
recommendation from Mahfuz to learn and memorize the Qurtm. This wasiyya was
fulfilled by Muhammad until he became an authorized teacher in the field in Demak,
Central Java, with numberless scm tris. from the archipelago.
Moving to Mecca in the 1880s Mahfuz enjoyed learning in Medina, Mecca,
and Egypt and teaching mostly in Mecca where most o f his students came from
Southeast Asia and South Asia, especially from India and Indonesia. Unlike other
ularrta ’ in his period such as Kiyai Dimyati and Khalil Bangkalan, Mahfuz came to
Mecca for the second time without ever going back to Java. Like his predecessor,
Nawaw^ Mahfuz spent most of his life teaching in the holy city, where his religious
and intellectual leadership was secured. Here he married Mbah Muslimah from
Demak, Central Java after she performed the hajj in first decade of the twentieth
century.
145
It is noteworthy that to Javanese santris Mahfuz’s repute was strangely
greater than that of Nawawi al-Bantani. This is somewhat unusual since Nawawi’s
books were certainly more popular and ubiquitous. Mahfuz’s works had a more
narrow appeal among the santri majority because they concentrated on ilm al-
hadith, which was o f interest to only selected santris, while Nawawi’s popular works
in different fields were certainly read by everyone. However, both were
unquestionably the intellectual masters of the pesantren tradition and at their hands
many important ulam a' from all over Java were well trained.
Some reasons could be offered for why Mahfuz was more well-known. His
pesantren in Tremas .was older and more prestigious than that of Nawawi in Banten.
This was because his brother, Kijai Dimyati,240 successfully improved both the quality
and the capacity of the pesantren .241 IBs brother should have shared the fame with
him. While Mahfuz was known as a knowledgeable teacher in Arabia by his
“international” students and particularly by the santri community in the future,
Dimyati was obviously the most successful figure among his family in developing
240Kiyai Dimyati was known as knowledgeable and modest. To his son-in-law, for example, he used
the kromo language to communicate. Concerning his humbleness, he was once asked by other
ulama'why he let his santris play football, a game which was rather inappropriate to the religious
students. Kiyai Dimyati answered^ that they had been more respectful than himselt how could he
thus prohibit them. Citing the hadith about how the Angels used their wings to protect students who
are in the pursuit of knowledge, Dimyatfwould rather let them play.
241Tremas Pesantrenjwhich was established in 1830 by K.H. ’Abd al-Manan (d. in Shawwal 1282)>
was probably the oldest pesantren in Java in a formal and popular sense. The pondok was in a small
city called Pacitan, located in the coastal area in East Java. Pacitan was an intersection of East Java
and the southern part of Central Java. The pesantren was very familiar with its specialization of
fordid in the past
146
Tremas Pesantren from 1894 until 1934. The relationship between the two ulanidt ’
could be understood from the fact that Dimyati called Mahfuz akhi wa Shaykhi. my
brother and my teacher.242 At the same time, Mahfuz from the distance of Arabia
unintentionally popularized his neighborhood and his family’s educational institution
by mentioning his last name, Al-Tirmisi, on every book cover he wrote. To the
Javanese community, institution, familial linkage, and celebrity were not separate.
Another factor also contributed to his glorious reputation, namely his
specialization in knowledge which his contemporaries hardly ever possessed.
Mahfuz was sometimes exeggeratedly viewed as the nineteenth-century al-Bukhari (d.
870). It is true, however, that al-Bukhari was Mahfuz’s favorite model. That he was
the last link to al-Bukhari in the later part of the nineteenth century might have been a
sound proof that al-Bukhari was his imaginary teacher. As the last in the isnad, the
transmissional chain o f the hadith, and he was hence an outstanding musnid,243
Mahfuz obtained an ijaza that went back to great hadith collector, Imam al-
Bukhari.244 This ijaza was originally transmitted from al-Bukhari down through
twenty-three different generations until it went through the hand of Mahftiz.

• •
242Interview with Kiyai DimyatPs grandson, Amak Haris Dimyati, in Tremas, Pacitan, on
Thursday, June 27, 19%.
243The musnid should be defined as someone who is able to narrate the hadith with its complete
sanad. While the sanad is a route to the content of the hadith. See Hasan Mas'udi al-Hafiz, Minhat
al-Mugfth ( Semarang, 1338 AH), p. 6. v
244 The term “Imam," has been standardized among the Javanese santris so that the four founders of
madhhabs were never mentioned by local people unless the word “ImanT was courteously uttered in
advance. The santris accorded the same thing to other great knowledgeable and influential Muslim such as
al-Bukhari!
147
4.2.1. Mahfuz’s Kitabs
That Mahfuz was a prolific writer is undeniable. His descendent suggested
that Mahfuz used to write by the river so that the way he wrote was just like water
that ran through and never stopped. In addition, Mahfuz spent his time in a cave on
Mount Hira in the Meccan valley to get some inspiration, and to write more
productively, and to make a spiritual retreat as well to imitate how the Prophet
Muhammad got his revelation. He suggested that his brother, Dimyati should write
like him and sharply criticized him for wasting his time spending his life in teaching
per se. So productive was this author that he finished his complicated work on ilm
al-hadith, Manhaj Dhawi al-Nazar, a detailed commentary on Manzumat ilm al-
athar that was written by 'Abd ai-Rahman al-Suyutl (d. 911 AH), in four months
plus fourteen days. This three hundred and two-page kitdb was completed mostly in
Mecca in 1329/1911. Nonetheless he spent at some point writing in Mina and 'Arafat
as he himself acknowledged when he conducted the hajj at the same time.24S
It is interesting that between Mahfuz and his contemporary, Khalil Bangkalan,
there was a strange communication. The uniqueness of their interaction lies at the
intersection of a spiritual and intellectual communication between these two Javanese
u la m a Khalil Bangkalan, whose spiritual proficiency was well-known, was reported
to have cried in front of his students when he read and found some errors in
2AS Mahfuz al-Tirmisi, Manhaj Dhawi al-Nazar (Mecca: Dar al-Fikr, 1981), Third edition, p. 301.
148
Mahfuz’s book. Once the book was corrected by Mahfiiz, Khalil laughed and said,
“how lucky is the author when he gets his writing right.”246 The manner in which
Khalil reminded Mahfuz was from a distance and made without any letter, however,
this advisement was not unfeasible in the pesantren community especially among
these two ulam a’. This also implies that despite Mahfuz’s productivity in writing, his
colleague who lived in “different world” was at his side morally and intellectually.
Mahfuz’s kitabs that have been found by his descendants are:
1. *wfl three parts(small)
2. two parts
3. gA jjS iiioiaJi thirteen parts
4. i M <*£• g >1J*. four large volumes
5 ij* McLuUjio***!! i-Ai£ one part
6. oi»i jili.n^xi ju jjjlijtli one part
7. Ch' s*’A** jii- 1' j-ul' six parts
8. s*ij^jjawalt jj >3 eight volumes
9. »>» o*iJill thirteen parts
10 . £& fWfi sixteen parts
11 - fl*5 ô2Utjit '-it*—' two volumes
12 . oi*i fin ^ jjii*ilkli Sjje. one volume
13. fiA' g4ioW.i4K j.sla, one volume
246An interview in Kudus, Central Java, with Ustadh Yahya 'A rif in July 1996.
149
14. j5¥i illji g+u one volume
15. fic.î Jjj three volumes
16. lUj«ti (jU~j *Ajiuiolt4jUc two parts
17. jS (jc. three parts
18. j j - 1' c'3*- C3* fifteen parts
19. ja-J' ijj*: fourteen parts
20. oUEtS one part 247
As seenabove, all of his writings were in Arabic, ^
JuAj u l . on fiq h in four volumes with 2339 pages was the most popular. This
kitab was an original work that gives a major commentary on the fiqh of Ibn Hajar.
His other favorite kitab to both santris and international ulania ’ was on M ustalah
«
al-
hadith ji g+u
Consistent with his specialization of knowledge, Mahfuz wrote more kitabs on
M ustalah al-hadith than on any other subject. However, as other influential scholars
in his day, he was also a multi-disciplined student who successfully wrote, as seen in
the aforementioned list, on at least ten different fields of knowledge: fiqh, ufid al-
fiqh, ilm al-tawhTd or theology, tasawwuf, the life of the Prophet, hadith collections,
mustalah al-hadith and ilm al-mawarith (a sub-division of fiqh on the distribution of
247 Al-Tirmisi, Mahfuz, al-Minhat al-Khatriyya (Demak, 1415 A it), p.53. The terms “part” and
“volume” denote different things. While “part” refers to a small bundle consisting of twenty five to
fifty pages called kurrasa (fasicle) in Javanese and Arabic), “volume” refers to a large book which
sometimes contains more than five hundred pages such as c Je. j —
with 2339 pages.
150
inheritance), the science of Quninic recitation, and al-akhlaq. Surely because of his
works, Yasin al-Fadam (1335-1410/1917-1990), a present-day influential alim from
Indonesia who lived in Mecca and taught in Dar al-Ulum al-DTniyya and in the
Haram mosque, considered Mahfuz as 'allama, al-muhaddith, al-ntusnid, al-faqih,
al-usuti, and al-muqrr™
As indicated before, due to their complication, Mahfuz’s works were not as
popular as those of Nawawi to the majority of santris. In line with this, the pesantren
Kiyais were the scholars who were much more apt to refer to Mahfuz’s work on fiq h ,
Jie. j Ay* ,as a substantial reference, especially when
they engaged in a munQzara to discuss and issue Islamic judicial decisions relating to
daily social problems. It is noteworthy that presently some of his books have become
required textbooks in universities in Morocco and Saudi Arabia. In the mosque of
Masjid al-Haram, his book is still used for taHim, a gathering to pursue religious
knowledge.249
That not all of Mahfuz’s

• •
books are available is quite unfortunate. Some have
been repeatedly published in Egypt, Beirut and republished in Indonesia, while others
are still in the form of manuscripts. Still others no longer exist. In the late 1940s
when the political atmosphere was heated by the communist social movement,
248 Yasin Al-Fadam, Op.cit., p. 16. Referring to Mahiuz’s definition, al-faqih)which is one who
engages in fiqh,meaas literally one who masters ahkOm al-shar'iyya al-'amaliyya as a whole and in
details with utmost sound understanding. Mahfuz, Aluhiba dhi al-fadl, (no place and date) v. 2. p. 9.
249Muhammad S.H., Mengenal Pondok Tremas dan Perkembangannya (Tremas: Pondok Tremas,
1986), pp. 31-32.
151
Mahfuz’s books were saved by his descendants in Tremas Pesantren. At this place,
the communist rebellion showed their violence by killing many ulam a’. One of the
ulania ’ of Tremas, Kiyai Hamid Dimyati, was murdered. The assassination took
place in 1948 and was the real indication that the pesantren community had been
always viewed by its opponents as a potential threat against their social and political
interests. This was once again due to the pesantren's position, that had been
autonomous and stood up in favor of its nation and religion. A decade later there
was a natural disaster in this coastal area caused by a big flood. To preserve
Mahfuz’s books, Hanri’s father brought them to Demak, Central Java. Unfortunately
some books could not be rescued.230
4.2.2. Im portant Teachers
Indeed, the way Mahfuz got knowledge varied. He sometimes absorbed his
attention on what the teacher remarked in the circle of students in mosques. Most
often, he read the books in front of his teacher, waiting for correction and comment.
Either in the first or in the second case, he was absolutely a dynamic student. His
enthusiasm for enriching himself with Islamic knowledge could be best seen from the
different teachers he met. Fortunately, Mahfuz left a complete list of his important
teachers as follows: 231
250Interview with Kiyai Hariri in Demak, Central Java, on Saturday, June 29, 19%.
251 Mahfuz al-Tirmisi, Kijayat al-Mustafid (Beirut, 1987), fifth edition, pp. 7-8.
152
• K.H. Abd Allah (d. 1314 AH./1896 AD.), Mahfuz’s father. Under his father’s
direction, he studied Sharh al-Ghayah li ibn Oasim al-Ghazi, al-M anhaj al-
Oawlm, Fath al-Mu Tn, Sharh al-Manhaj, Sharh al-Sharqawi 'ala al-Hikam,
Tafsir Jalalayn, and many others such as morality and logic.
• Shaykh Saleh Darat or Muhammad Saleh bin Umar al-Samarani (Semarang, d.
1903). Under his guidance, Mahfuz learned primary kitabs such as Tafsir
Jalalayn and Sharh al-Sharqawi 'ala al-Hikam by going over them twice. It was
the same with Wasilat al-Talab, and Sharh al-M ardlni in astronomy.
• Muhammad Al-Munshawi (d. 1314 AH./1896 AD.) who was well-known as a
rrnqn, a reciter. In this teacher’s presence, Mahfuz practiced reading the Qur’an
with the popular recitation o f ' Ashim from Hafs’ line. Mahfuz also learned from
him the Sharh of Allama ibn Qasim 'ala Shatibiyya, although it was incomplete.
• Shaykh Umar binBarakat al-Shami (d. 1313 AH./1895 AD.) who was one of
the students of Shaykh Ibrahim al-Bajuri (d. 1277 AH./1860 AD.). From him
Mahfuz studied Sharh Sudur al-Dhahab.

• • * *
• Shaykh Mustafa bin Muhammad bin Sulaiman al-'Afifi (d. 1308 AH./1890 AD.),
with whom Mahfuz studied Sharh M uhaqqiq al-M ahalli a id Jam ' al-Jawami',
and Mughni al-Labib.
• Allama al-Habib Sayyid Husain bin Muhammad bin Husain al-Habshi (d. 1330
AH./1911 AD.). From him, Mahfuz learned some kitabs especially on Sahih al-
Bukhari.
153
• A m ufti al-Shafi' i in Mecca, Muhammad
•
Sa' id bin Muhammad
*
Babasll
•
al-Hadrami
a t
(d. 1330 AH/1911 AD.). With him he studied Sunan Abu Dawtid 275 AH./888
AD.), Tirm idhi(d. 279 AH./892 AD.), and al-N asal (d. 303 AH./916 AD).
• Sayyid Ahmad al-ZawawT(d. 1330 AH/1911 AD.). He learned Shark Uqud al-
Juman from this alim
• Shaykh Muhammad SharbmF al-Dimyati (d. 1321 AH/1903 AD.). Mahfuz studied
Sharh Ibn al-Qasih ala Shatibiyya with him. Mahfuz learned many kitabs in the
field of the recitation of the Qur’an. This teacher was largely considered as the
grand master in this discipline of knowledge.
• Sayyid Muhammad Amin bin Ahmad Ridwan al-Madani (d. 1329 AH/1911 A D ).
In Nabawi mosque, Mahfuz completely studied D alai, al-Ahzab, Burda, and al-
Muwattd.
• 9
• Last but not least, Sayyid Abu Bakr bin Sayyid Muhammad Shata (d. 1310
AH/1892 AD.). Undoubtedly this was the most influential teacher who shaped
Mahfuz’s personality and his future. Mahfuz called him U i^
J-SY’ : “my most honored master and perfect exemplar”. Indeed, Mahfuz was
adopted as his foster son and, therefore, became a member of his family. He
learned most Islamic knowledge from this important master. In addition, he
became a musnid of the hadith because o f this teacher by acquiring the ijaza on
various branches of knowledge.
154
4.2.3. HadUji specialist
It is indispensable to understand why Mahfuz preferred the science of hadith
to others. He suggested that the experts of different fields would argue that their field
o f knowledge is the best. The theologians would maintain that theology is the most
excellent since the oneness of God has been determined with the assistance of this
science, while jurists declare that the grandeur of the fiq h is unquestionable due to the
fact that with the fiqh worship practices, halal, haram, and anything relating to
Islamic law have been unmistakably defined. The mufassirun would persuade that the
supremacy of ilm al-Quntn rests on its central position to which all science refers.
Discerning the benefits of such sciences, Mahfuz concluded that ilm al-athar or the
science of hadith is absolutely, ala al-itldq, the most valued of all. Its focal place
lies in the fact that one could get back to the best creature, Muhammad, with this
science by recognizing the authenticity of his words and conduct. Besides, all Islamic
knowledge is indeed in need of it. In ilm al-tqfsir, for example, the hadith would be
regarded as the most superior interpretation of the Qur’an.252
In addition, Mahfuz indicated that in fact the honor of isriad science is quite
convincing for those who control knowledge. Indeed, its supremacy is never
questioned by those who have religious understanding, intellectuality, and common
sense. Starting his words in his important kiiab he wrote: “Praise be to Allah who
specializes this umma (unlike the other umma before Muhammad) with the science of
252Al-Tirmisi, Manftaj, pp. 172-173.
155
isnad?53 Citing the Prophet’s words, Mahfuz suggested that knowledge is a religion
and daily prayer is also a religion, so one has to pay close attention to where this
knowledge was obtained and how he observes this prayer. Everyone is absolutely
responsible in the hereafter. Isnad is part of religion, lacking this substantial device
one would say whatever he wants (out of control with no religious foundation).254 As
an hadith student, Mahfuz realized and reminded himself and others of the hazard of
transmitting false hadith by referring to the warning of the Prophet: “Anyone who
said what I did not declare (and ascribed it to me), he’d better prepare himself to be a
resident of the Hell.”255 Looking forward to the Prophet’s promises and keeping his
reminders in mind, Mahfuz was determined to scrupulously plunge into the science of
hadith and maintained it as his main object of study and the most excellent religious
science as well.
To convince his readers Mahfuz quoted some persuasive passages. Al-Shafi'i
suggested that one who is in the quest of hadith without sanad is like a night
woodgatherer carrying the wood and ignoring that there is a viper on it. Some
ulama ’ al-salaf stated that isnad is just like a sword, if one fails to bring it, how
could he win in the battle. Yahya bin Mum (d. 333 AH.) testified that the isriad that
253Al-Tirmisi, Kifayat, p. 5
254Ibid.
255 This hadith was very widespread among santris and narrated by al-Bukhari. As other hadith
narrated by al-Bukhaff, Mahfuz acquired the unbroken sanad back to al-Bukhafi, See
Mahfuz, a manuscript being prepared for publication by Mahfuz’s grandson, Kiyai Harm in Demak.
p. 1.
t* * • * *
156
is substantially exalted would push on individual to nearness to Allah and His reliable
Messenger236.
Like most other Muslim writers, Mahfuz wrote mainly for the benefit of his
religiosity. The clearest motivation of his collecting hadith is, however, the words
from the issuer of the hadith itself “Those who preserved forty hadith for the benefit
o f his religion, they would be gathered with Muslim jurists and scholars in the
Hereafter. Or they should get into any door of Paradise they like.”257 Because of this
promise too, some ulama \ who lived before and after Mahfuz, were prone to carry
out the same mission, namely to collect at least forty hadfths. For example, before
him the most popular one was Abu Zakariyya al-Nawawi al-Dimashqi (d. 675/ 1276),
whereas after Mahfuz

» •
was the muhaddith
% —
and the m usnid Yasin al-Fadani.238
It is noteworthy that Mahfuz obtained many ijdzas on different subjects from
the authors who mostly lived prior to the fifteenth century. The fields comprise ilm
al-tafsir, ilm al-hadith, ilm al-fiqh, ilm alâldt, ilm al-usftul, and ilm al-tasawwuf
wa-l-awrad. Such ijdzas with their unbroken chain of transmission could be located in
his work, Kifayat al-M ustafid.
It is interesting that Mahfuz attained an authentication on tafsir transmission
which was originally from al-Razi (d. 606 AH./1211 A.D.). Although al-Razi was an
256Al-TirmisC Kifayat, p.5.
257Al-Tirmisi, al-Minhat, p. 1.
258Al-Tirmisi Ibid., pp. 1-4.
157
encyclopedic Sunni scholar, his book on tafsir was not generally used by the santri
community. However, thanks to his resistance against any opponent of Sunnis, his
position was always glorious in the pesantren tradition. In line with this, Mahfuz’s
reliance on Razf’s tafsir should have given him more credit in the eyes of the
pesantren ulama’. Al-Razi was believed to be a mujaddid, innovator, of the
sixth/twelfth century after Al-Ghazali. The pesantren community, like other Sunnis in
the Muslim world, unquestionably believed in that hadith and made their own criterion to
identify the renewers of the centuries. Al-Ghazali, for example, is regarded as the fifth/
eleventh-century undisputed and ideal renewer. This is in keeping with a popular
hadith: “Indeed, Allah will send to this umma in every beginning, ra ’s, of a century a
person who will renovate their religion.”259
Relevant to Mahfuz’s specialization, it is important here to represent Mahfuz’s
series of reliable teachers back to al-Bukhari as an illustration. The authorization was
to teach and to transmit A l-Jam i' al-Sahih, the hadith collections by al-Bukhari and
to publish another ijaza to eligible santris as well. Mahfuz learned the whole content
of the collections in the presence of his main teacher, Abu Bakr bin Muhammad Shata”
al-Makki, waiting for corrections and comments. Mahfuz accomplished the same
task, as he said, at least four times. Beforehand, Abu Bakr performed the same
obligation in front of his main tutor. The list of the scholars from Abu Bakr’s teacher
back to al-Bukhari were subsequently: Ahmad bin Zaini Dahlan, Shaykh 'Uthman bin
259This hadith is narrated by Abu Dawuii, and others, as cited by Sha'rani Ahmadi, al-Fara 'id, P- 39.
• • I
158
Hasan al-Dimyafr Shaykh Muhammad bin ’Ali al-Shanwam, Isa bin Ahmad al-
Barawi, Shaykh Muhammad al-Dafri, Shaykh Salim bin ’Abd Allah al-Basri, the
latter’s father Abd Allah bin Salim al-Basri, Shaykh Muhammad bin Ala’ al-0m al-
Babill Shaykh Salim bin Muhammad al-Sanhur^ al-Najm Muhammad bin Ahmad al-
Ghaiti, Shaykh ai-lslam Zakariyya bin Muhammad al-Ansari, al-hajhf60 Ahmad bin
'Ali bin Hajar al-'Asqalani (d. 852/1448), IbfahTm bin Ahmad al-Tariuhi (d.
800/1397), Abu al-'Abbas Ahmad bin Abu Talib al-Hajar (d. 733 AH./1332 A.D.), al-
• • 4»
Husain bin al-Mubarik al-Zubaich (a place in Yaman) al-Hanbali (d. 631 /1233), Abu
• •
al-Waqt Abd al-Awwal bin Isa al-Sijzi (a nisbat for Sijistan), Abu al-Hasan Abd al-
Rahman bin Muzaffar bin Dawud al-Dawudi^ Abu Muhammad Abd Allah bin Ahmad
al-Sarakhsi (a place in Khurasan), Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad bin Yusuf bin Matar
al-Faribari, a place near Bukhara (d. 320/932), al-Imam al-Hdfiz al-hujja261 Abu
Abd Allah Muhammad bin IsmSjil bin Ibrahim al-Bukhari (d. 256/869).262
• «• obtained another authorization o f al-Bukhari’s hadith

Mahfuz * — transmission
from a different lineage that he conceived to be higher, but less hierarchical. They
were successively al-Sayyid Husain bin Muhammad al-Habshi (d. 1230/1814), his
father Muhammad bin Husain al-Habshi (d. 1281/1864), Shaykh Umar bin Abd al-
260Al-hafit. is one who is able to memorize a hundred thousand hadiths with their isnad. See Hasan
al-Mas'udi. Op. cit. p. 6
261Alhujja means someone who could memorize three hundred thousand hadiths with their sanad.
Hasan al-Mas'udi, op. cit p. 6
262Al-Tirmsi, Kifayat al-Mustafid, p. 12.
159
Karim al-' Attar (d. 1249/1833), Sayyid 'Ali bin 'Abd al-Barr al-Waria’i (d.
**
1211/1796), Abd al-Qadir bin Ahmad bin Muhammad al-Andalusi, Muhammad bin
Abd Allah al-Idnsi, al-Qutb Muhammad bin ' Ala’uddm al-Nahrawalq a place in
% 0
India (d. 988/1580), the latter’s father, Abu al-Futtuh Ahmad bin Abd Allah al-
TawusC Baba Yusuf al-Harw, Muhammad bin Shad al-Farghani,263 Abu Luqman
Yahya bin ' Ammar al-Khuttalani (a place in Turkey), Muhammad bin Yusuf al-
Faribari, from al-Imam al-Bukhari.254
As a musnid and a muhaddith,

* , . was certified to transfer the hadfth
—’ Mahfuz —
collection not only from al-Bukhan, but from other ijaza issuers as well. The scholars
together with their works are as follows: Sahih Muslim (d. 261 A.H), Sunan Abu
Dawud (d. 275), Sunan al-Tirmidhi (d. 279), Sunan Nasa’T (d. 303), Sunan Ibn Maja
(d. 273), Muwatta ’ Malik bin Anas (d. 179), M usnad Imam Shafi'i (d. 204), M usnad
Imam Abu Hanifa (d. 150), M usnad Ahmad Ibn Hanbal (d. 241), M ukhtasar bin Abu
Jumra (d. 695 A.H. in Egypt), Arba' al-Nabawiyya al-NawawT(d. 676 A.H.), and al-
Jami 'u al-Saghir by Ali bin Ibrahim al-Halabi (d. 1044 A.H .) 265
263Al-Farghani is a nisbat of Farghana. The latter is a valley on the middle Jaxartes (Sir-Darya),
approximately 30 km. long and 70 km. wide, surrounded by parts of the Tianshan mountains. This
valley is located between Samarkand and Osh. See W. Barthold-B. Spuler, “Farghana,” in
Encyclopedia o f Islam, H, Leiden (1965), pp. 790-793.
264Al-Tirmisf Kifayat al-Mustafid, pp. 12-13.
265Ibid.
160
10. Kiyai Dimyati al-Tirmisi (d. 1934), younger brother of Mahfiiz al-Tirmisi, photographed
in the office of Pondok Pesantren Tremas.
161
4.2.4. As a Pesantren architect
As indicated above Mahfuz’s association with his students and teachers indeed
• »
could be more significant compared with that o f other ulam a' who did not have an
authorization to transmit ijaza on ilm al-hcuSth as Mahfuz actually did. The intensity
o f such scholarship’s affiliation to some extent must have not been less crucial than
tanqa membership. While the tanqa membership in Java was strengthened mainly by
the disciples’ devotion and struggle to elevate the quality o f their piety under a sufi
master, Mahfuz’s affiliation with his students was intensified by his students’
eagerness to improve their knowledge for gaining both baraka and a future career
with such a prestigious science. Bruinessen, a contemporary Dutch scholar who
conducted many researches on the pesantren tradition, concludes that Mahfuz had the
celebrity among present-day Kiyai of having been one o f the most learned Javanese
ulania ’ ever. This was caused by his prestigious place as the highly respected teacher
of several of the NLTs founding ulama \ 266
Presenting an introduction to one o f Mahfuz’s hadfth collections, al-M inhat
al-Khajriyya, Kiyai Maimun Zubair, a twentieth century influential pesantren leader
in Sarang, Central Java, convinced his readers in Arabic that the mu 'a llif was al-
'a llama al-Shaykh Mahfuz al-Tirmisi, Shaykh al-mashayikh al-'alam , the most
knowledgeable master, and the role model (of the pesantren community). He
recommended everyone in any educational institution in the archipelago to take
266Bruinessen, Kitab Kuning, p. 237.
162
advantage o f the kitab by expecting the baraka and reviving the surma o f the
Prophet.267
Mahfuz was unquestionably an attractive teacher. Although there was no
precise counting o f his students, it could be assumed that his students should be more
than four thousand from diverse generations and nationalities. This statistic is based
on the span o f years he taught actively in the Masjid al-Haram, which was effective
from the early 1890s through the later part o f second decade o f the 20th century. Like
Nawawi whose students outnumbered two hundred a year, Mahfuz should have been
able to stay with the same number or even more thanks to the widening interest
among the Southeast Asian students to learn in the Haramayn by the end of the
ninetiKftycentury. The materials he offered varied in accord with his multi-disciplined
insight with the special attraction o f the hadith science.
That Mahfuz did not belong only to Indonesian santris has been illustrated in
the first part o f this writing. Some important ulama ’ from other than Indonesia were
Shaykh Sa’dullah Al-Maimani, a m ufti of Bombay India, Shaykh Umar bin Hamdan,
the muhaddith o f the Haramayn, and the rnuqri al-Shihab Ahmad bin Abd Allah from
Syria. This worldwide web of the transmission o f knowledge for one reason or
another, indeed, increased his reputation among the Javanese santris. To this
community, a Javanese alim like Mahfuz whose writings and teachings were
internationally accredited was not only an admirable figure but a beloved example as
267Al-Tirmisi, al-Minhat al-Khatfiyya, p. I.
163
well. So eminent this alim was that he sometimes becomes a myth that has been
always rooted in the society. This myth, indeed, was in many cases to be responsible
for an overstatement that materialized when a Javanese reached a distinguished
accomplishment such as Mahfuz.
More important, as seen above, influential pesantren ulama ’ and leaders in
Java always enjoyed his instruction. Among those were the founder of the NU, K.H.
Hashim Ash'an (1871-1947), K.H. Wahab Hasbuliah from Jombang (1888-1971),
Muhammad Bakir bin Nur (1887-1943) from Jogja, K.H.R. Asnawi Kudus (1861-
19S9), Mu'ammar bin Kiyai Baidawi from Lasem, Central Java, Ma' sum bin
Muhammad Lasem (1870-1972), and Kiyai 'Abbas Buntet, Cirebon, West Java
(1879-1946). As suggested by themselves, those ulama ’ were more impressed by
Mahfuz than by anyone else they met. Hashim Ash'an, for example, developed the
science he gained from Mahfuz as a hadith transmitter in East Java with thousands of
santris and ulama'. How Hashim, as Mahfuz’s former student, paid his special
respect to his educator could be seen from his honest encouragement to his santris to
meet Mahfuz for themselves in Mecca, while Hashim himself was entitled to engage in
the same job as a hadith master.
Although Mahfuz dedicated nearly his entire life to academic ventures in
Arabia, he was bom and raised in the milieu o f the pesantren community in Java. This
primordial alignment should have contributed to an image both to himself and his
students who were the pesantren ulama ’, that to be a Javanese Muslim does not
164
have to be the foreign consumer of knowledge always satisfied to be a student in
another world. The basic nature of the pesantren which was self-reliant should have
helped an alim like Mahfuz remain self-confident and faithful to his own knowledge
to compete with other Muslims to reach a good position as a top religious and
learned man in Arabia. This striving is part of implementing a popular teaching,
fastabiq al-khayrat ayrta ma takuriu, so vie with one another in good works
wheresoever you may be,268 In other word, the hegemony of Middle East Muslims
in term of patronizing Islamic knowledge seemed to decline in Mahfuz’s time by the
emergence of new masters from different nationalities.
Suffice it to conclude that Mahfuz’s network with the pesantren ulam a' was
so significant that it brought him to the highest position in the pesantren tradition. Its
significance lies in several considerations such as his position as an eminent hadith
teacher, that distinguished him from his contemporaries, and the nature of hadith
transmission which was in line with the pesantren tradition in terms o f the teacher’s
complete modeling. In addition, Mahfuz’s personality and quality in teaching and
writing which had been recognized worldwide should not have been less considerable.
268The complete verse is “And each one has a goal toward which he turns; so vie with one another
in good works. Wheresoever you may be, Allah willbring you all together. Indeed, Allah is Able to
do all things” (2:148). A Javanese mufassir, Nawawi al-Bantani, interprets fastabiqu as badiru, that
is to hurry. As a whole NawawT recommends everyone to struggle for the highest anywhere he is
whether on the land or on the sea, since Allah would repay the best in the Hereafter. (See Nawawi.
Marah Labtd, I, p. 40). In line with this interpretation is the widespread understanding of quality in
which santris pursued and developed knowledge.
165
Chapter Five
Pesantren Strategists
5.1. Khalil Bangkalan (1819-1925 A.D.)

(Madura-Javanese Watt)
Muhammad Khalil was bom in Bangkalan, Madura, on Tuesday, 11 Jumada
al-Akhir 1235 (1819) and died in Ramadan 29, 1343 (April 1925). When Khalil was
bom, his father, H. 'Abd Latif a Kiyai in Bangkalan, prayed to Allah that Khalil
might become a prominent W aifsuch as Sunan Gunung Jati, one o f the Walisongo in
West Java.269 This hope was partly due to this family’s lineage to Sunan Gunung Jati
and partly due to a common tendency among the pesantren community that the
Walisongo should be the role models. In line with this, his father provided him with a
strict education. Because of his father’s compassionate care and undoubtedly Khalil’s
learning capacity too, the latter was able to memorize the Arabic grammar o f 1000
verses of poetry, Nazm Alfiyya Ibn M alik (bom in 1212 AD. in Spain),270 when he
was quite young. It is unusual that he could even learn the Nazm by heart from the end
to the beginning as well, or by nyungsang in Javanese common language. Khalil was later
269 Ma'sum, Op.cit., pp. 4-5.
270The author’s complete name was al-Imam Abu 'Abd Allah Jamal al-Din al-Ta’i Muhammad bin
'Abd Allah bin 'Abd Allah bin Malik who was the chiefjustice of Baghdad in 1260-1270. Because
of his mentioned book in grammar, he was usually credited with the title of “'Imam of the
grammarians". See Ibn'Aqil, Sharh Ibn 'Aqil 'ala Alfiyya Ibn Malik (Cairo, 1966), pp. 1-5.
166
known as an expert in Arabic grammar and a Wall His tomb has been always visited by
large numbers of Indonesian Muslims from throughout the archipelagos until the present
time for religious veneration called ziyarat al-quHur li-l-awliya. To some visitors, this
visit is worthwhile by imagining that they are interacting lace to face with the highly
respected Muslim spiritual teacher.
Khalil’s expertise in Arabic grammar was typical other santris who were
enthusiastic in mastering such ibn in his period Naturally santris were highly demanded
to understand the Arabic nahw in which with this science they could understand and read
the htdb laming appropriately. It must have been a great shame and pain if a santri or
even a Kiyai read the latab- karting ungrammatically. A little error in reading the kitab
hating would endanger one’s murifia, sense of honor, and, in turn, made others stay
away from the inaccurate reader. Santris also believed that to attain a careful
understanding of the Qur’an and the hadith, one ought to master the grammar excellently.
Instructed in no less than four pesantrem in East Java in the 1850s, Khalil
was later educated in Mecca in 1859. He was used to reading the Qur’an by heart
and practicing the verse he memorized such as the verse Yasin, the most popular
verse in the pesantren community,271 in 1850s on the way he went to and from his
pesantren about five miles away everyday. It is not surprising that Khalil was later
known as a Hafiz of the Qur’an together with the qira'a sab'a: seven different
271The verse was usually recited personally or in a religious gathering on at least every Thursday
evening after Maghrib prayer. The recitation was not limited to the religious circles in a pesantren.
rather it was extended to the santri community at large.
167
recitations from different Imams. He was reported as an independent young santri
who preferred to live a modest life by his own hand working for others, although his
parents were rich enough with their plentiful agriculture.
It is believed by santri Muslims that the status of walaya was usually disclosed
by foretokens when a young W aifpossessed an unusual power directly from God,
just as the status of prophecy which was preceded by al-w asf al-nubuwwa, 272 the
early signs of prophecy, when the Prophet was a teenager. It was the same case with
Khalil. Within a congregational prayer which was led by a Kiyai in a pesantren where
Khalil was strictly trained, Khalil laughed so loudly that his friends were concerned if the
Kiyai would be angry with this young santri. Their assumption was not wrong; once the
prayer was over the Kiyai fiercely interrogated and blamed Khalil asking why during the
worship he lost control and laughed, an act which was never allowed and tolerated in
Islam. Surprisingly Khalil kept laughing although his Kiyai was very angry with him.
Eventually Khalil answered that when the congregational prayer was conducted, he saw a
berka? 73 over the Kiyai’s head. Instead of being angry, the Kiyai was sensible and
272 Santris believed that when the Prophet Muhammad was 12, he went to Syria with his uncle, Abu
Talib, and met Rahib Buhayra who figured out the early prophecy of the Prophet, after he saw that
trees and stones prayed foi the Prophet. This story could be found in al-BarzanjTand has been an
important recitation for santris during the Prophet’s birthday festival conducted at least once a week
or a month. See al-Barzanji, Maulud Sharafal-Anam, (Kudus: Menara Kudus, no publication date)
p. 87.
273 A berkat is local food, mostly rice with side dishes, wrapped in the traditional way, which in the
past was mostly in a banana-leaf basket, but recently this berkat was wrapped in a small paper box
with a plastic bowl and plates inside. This food was usually distributed to guests and neighbors who
were invited for religious feasts such as marriage and tashakkuran, a special event to thank God by
getting together with food offered by a person who invited the local people.
168
embarrassed by his own conduct once he remembered that during the salat he was in a
hurry to attend a kendurerf74 which made his salat away from khushu ' 215 Although
most santris understood that only a Wall would understand the status of another Wtili,
this kind of anecdote was widespread among the pesantren community. In other words,
oral history was always dominant in this community. This kind of unique story was not
only popular to limited people, but it was famous in the public too. The tales were
communicated within sessions in pesantrens or madrasas when a teacher explained a main
subject and followed by different or sometimes irrelevant stories.
Like other santris who usually had their own finances and future plans, Khalil
found no difficulty in preparing himself to go to Mecca for both study and pilgrimage.
An independent way o f life under a K iyai's instruction shaped Khalil’s typical
pesantren outlook and habits. After getting his parents’ permission, Khalil went to
Mecca in 1859. However, in that year they suggested that he be married before he
left the island.
In 1860 Khalil enjoyed an academic atmosphere in Mecca for the first time.
Here most students enjoyed an open majlis and halaqa in the masjid al-Haram. The
mosque was used both for worship and intellectual transmission. The openness of this
learning activity sometimes brought teachers and students together who did not
274 The Kenduren or Slametan is a ritual in which the Javanese Muslims attended one’s invitation to
make du 'a for certain feasts such as birth, marriage, death, house moving, harvest, opening a
factory, and so forth. While the Slametan was the activity itself^ the berkat either to dine in or to go
was the expected result of such an activity
275 Warta MU, December 1995, p. 17.
169
recognize one another. This was exactly the case with Khalil's impressive
acquaintance with his teacher, Nawawi al-Bantani, and his acquisition of knowledge
which was described as a process initiated in heated discussions and emotions. We are told
that before meeting his teacher, the student was fooled by his friends and told that he
should meet an unidentified Javanese alim in Mecca (the future teacher) to show them
that the former was exceptionally good in Arabic grammar, literature and Islamic
jurisprudence. The bright student, who liked debates and had never been beaten by anyone
else in his life, proved to be dumbfounded in front of the unfamiliar teacher. This polemic
took place several times until the former realized that he was being involved in a series o f
unequal discussions in which he was clearly faltering. Angry at his joking colleagues and
deeply impressed by the new inspiring figure, he had no choice, but merely requested
sincerely to be the latter’s novice.276
There is almost no report on Khalil’s life in the Hijaz. A significant thing to note is
that Khalil was more interested in sufism, grammar, and fiq h under the direction of his
two main teachers: Nawawi al-Bantani and Shaykh ^\bd al-Karim. Dhofier reports that
Kfcalil was a graduate of the Hijaz who successfully combined the tradition of sufism
under Shaykh Kanm and that of fiqh under his contemporary scholar, Mahfuz al-Tirmisi,
although Khalil could not compete with both.277 Khalil’s fascination with Nawawi was by
no means insignificant, since both scholars were recognized as multi-disciplined students
276The story is translated and remodified from Chaidar, Op.cit., pp. 83-84.
277 Zamakhsyari Dhofier, Op.cit., p. 92.
170
who concentrated their attention upon the scholarly world of learning, and teaching.
Chaidar, a santri researcher who had been a student of Khalil’s main santris, testified
to Nawawi’s direct influence and their scholarly connection behind the above story.
Returning from Mecca Khalil became the director of Kademangan Pesantren,
in Bangkalan, Madura. His students would be major directors of pesantrem in Java in
the future. They were:
1. K.H.M. Hashim Ash'ari,278 (d. 1947) the founder of the NU and of Tebu Ireng
Pesantren in East Java
2. Kiyai Manaf'Abd al-Kanm,279 Lirboyo Kediri, East Java, who was Khalil’s santri
in the latter part of the nineteenth century
3. Kiyai Muhammad Siddlq, 280 the founder of Jember Pesantren in East Java.
4. Kiyai K.H. M. Munawwir (d. 1942), the founder of al-Munawwir pesantren281 in
Krapyak, Yogyakarta, Central Java.
278Refer to the discussion of Hashim Ash'an in the next section.
279See the illustration of Manaf as a santri of Khalil who lived in poverty during his sojourn in the
pesantren at the end of this section.
280His two sons, Mahfuz Siddlq (1906-1944) and Ahmad Siddiq (1926-1991) were important
pesantren Kiyais who continued their father’s leadership'in Jember pesantren and whose ideas were
very influential in the NU due to their bright ideas in speaking and writing and to the central
position they held at the national level of the NU. Unfortunately, there was no account of their
father left, except for his celebrity as an important founder of his pesantren.
281 Al-Munawwir pesantren named after the last name of its founder was established in 1912. The
founder was educated in Khalil’s pesantren in Bangkalan, and in Mecca for 21 years. The nature of
this pesantren in its early development was marked by its emphasis on Qur’anic education.
171
5. Kiyai Ma sum (1870-1972), the founder o f Lasem Rembang pesantren in Central
Java
6. Kiyai Abdullah Mubarrak, Suralaya, the founder Tasikmalayapesantren in West Java
7. Kiyai Wahab Hasbullah (1888-1971), the founder o f the NU and of Tambak Beras
pesantren in East Java
8. Kiyai Bisri Shansuri (1886-1980), the founder of the NU and of Denanyar Pesantren
in East Java
9. Kiyai Bisri Mustafa (1915-1977), a productive writer and da'i, and as well as the
founder of Rembang pesantren2*2.
Khalil was probably the most charismatic pesantren Kiyai in the latter part of the
nineteenth century and in the first quarter of the twentieth century. In Java he
undoubtedly had the reputation of tariqa guru, although so far it is historically unproved
that he joined the Naqshabandiyya tanqa. Bruinessen suggested that when he visited
his family in Madura, none of Khalil’s descendants was certain that Khalil had joined
the Naqshabandiyya tanqa. The family indicated that the fact that Khalil was placed
in the genealogy o f the tariqa order should be based on Khalil’s popularity for the
benefit of the tanqa,283
The fact that he was not a master of any tanqa group in Java is interesting, since
this indicated that in a pesantren tradition the most respected master of spiritualism was
282 Dhofier, Op.cit., p. 92. Compare with Ma'sum, Op.cit., pp. 13-14. .
283 See footnote of Bruinessen, Tarekat Naqsyabandiyah, p. 178.
172
not determined by the status or success of a person in an organized tanqa, rather it was
the highest degree of a K iyafs spirituality through his depth in knowledge and in nearing
Allah that formed a good public opinion among the community.284
Clearly, pesantrem and the NU had a common historical background. The NU
would never have been bom unless the founder of the NU, especially Hashim Asjf ari, had
gained Khalil’s permission to build that new ulari&k' organization. We are told that
Hashim conducted istikhara couple of times to find out if the future establishment of the
NU would be appropriate. The istikhara did not give any result so that Hashim was in
doubt and confusion. His teacher, Khalil, who was believed to recognize what other
people could not see in advance with his spiritual knowledge, or in Javanese weruh sak
durunge winarah: to know something which does not yet happen, sent his student, As'ad
(1897-1990), 285 to Hashim who was at that time an important leader of Tebu Ireng
pesantren and the community. Khalil instructed As'ad, “give this stick to Kiyai Hashim
who is thinking about something serious right now, and do not forget to read him this
following verse:”
And what is that in the right hand, O Moses? He said: this is my staff
whereon I lean, and wherewith I beat down branches for my sheep, and wherein I
284 Dhofier, Op.cit, pp. 91-92.
285As'ad Shaxnsul Arifin was bora in Mecca and brought back home by his parents to Pamekasan.
Madura in 1901. As'ad was one of Khalil’s santris who successfully developed his father’s pesantren
in Situbondo in 1924 and appeared in the 1980s as an important figure in politics at the national
level. It is somewhat entertaining that As'ad, who was also known as a Kiyai with extraordinary
skill in Pencak Silat, an indigenous self-defense, had a hobby of fighting with bedouin, face to
face, as his other activity besides learning, when he continued his education in the Hijaz. This story
was probably true since most Kiyais in Java, especially Khalil with his santris, had self defense skills
both physically and spiritually called ilmu kanoragan or asma.
173
find other uses. He said: cast it down, and lo! it was a serpent, gliding. He said:
Grasp it and fear not. We shall return it to its former state. And thrust thy hand
within thine armpit, it will come forth white without hurt. (That will be) another
token, That we may show thee some of Our greater portents286
Listening to the verse, Hashim was speechless and shaking. He concluded that his
teacher had no objection if he together with other Kiyais were about to establish the
organization, thejam 'ivya Nahdatul 'ulama\ A few months later, As'ad was sent back by
Khalil to Hashim to send a tasblh 287 and to practice phrases from the names of Allah,
asma' al-husna, namely ya Jabbar, ya QahHar as often as possible. Hashim considered
this last message as a clearest approval and support to move ahead with the establishment
of the ulama ’ organization. However, Khalil did not have the chance to see the birth of
the organization which was formally established in 1926, a year after this prominent
Madura-Javanese master died.
Khalil’s influence went beyond his students and affected their families as well.
When the wife of Hashim Ash' ai\ Nafiqa, was expecting her fifth child, she was not in a
good condition, which made her restless and nervous. Because of this, she made a
nadhar, solemn pledge, that, if the baby was bom healthy, she would visit Kbalil, the
teacher of the baby’s father. This promise would have never happened had Khalil not been
highly respected. The feet that she went to Khalil’s residence without her husband,
286 Qur’an, 20:17-23.
287The tasblh is from Arabic sabbaha which means to glorify Allah by saying subhana Allah. To the
santri community, its essential meaning remains the same. However another symbolic usage of the
tasblh in this community and probably in other parts of the Muslim world emerged, namely, tasblh
which has been manifested in a string of beads used in praying. This rosary became a typical
appliance and accessory to characterize the santri community.
174
carrying her three month-baby, who was Wahid Hashim, on a very stormy day, indicated
Khalil’s special place in the family.288
Nadhar was generally intended to attain only ideal and desirable purposes. By
remembering Khalil’s piety and zuhcL, and by crediting what he deserved as a Wati, people
showed their faithfulness to this master. In line with this, declaring something special at a
certain moment, one hoped that one’s wishes would be heard by God. In this context,
nadhar was identical to wasila which was strongly rooted and widespread in the
pesantren community. Indeed, Khalil’s name was used as wasila both when he was alive
and after he died. Bruinessen suggested that the popularity of Khalil was even much
greater after he died.289 This judgment would have been an exaggeration, had the concept
of wilaya and wasila been disconnected in the Javanese santri’s dictionary. It is
noteworthy that a prominent individual like Khalil was considered as the alternate shafa a
and wasila after the Prophet. Only significant people could have played this very role in
the pesantren community. Therefore, the pesantren community unanimously labeled
Khalil as Wali Allah.
The most popular wasila was by mentioning the name of the Prophet Muhammad
whose shafa a was, indeed expected according to the Javanese santris -290 Usually the
288H. Aboebakar, Op.cit., pp. 141-2.
289 Bruinessen, Kiiab Kuning, pp. 307-8.
290The shafa'a is generally defined as God’s assistance. However, in the pesantren tradition, this
concept was broadened. There was a Prophet’s shafa'a that held a unique place in the society. The
shafa’a was believed to be there in the world and in the hereafter. A qasfda in the honor of the
Prophet, Nazfl) Burda, which was familiar with its other name Nazm mTmia, because each line
« •
175
Prophet’s shafa a was viewed as the first shafa'a and kubra which would be followed by
other shafa 'as conducted by Prophets and aWryo3including Khalil. Looking at this basic
teaching, one would be able to grasp better why the position of Wali such as Khalil was so
powerful in the pesantren community. A W aif s place in the community was as secure as
that of the W aifin the value system of a tariqa community. The gurus o f a. tanqa as well
as Khalil in the Javanese santrfs outlook were then considered as individuals who alone
held W aifqualities and whose karama291 were unquestionable. This karama, in turn, led
people to give more reverence and to get baraka292 at his tomb after the Wali died. Both
the Wali and his tomb would become mysterium tramendum et fascinosum. 293This
fascination for one reason or another misguided the public to be away from the original
teaching of Islam for which other Muslims, especially “the modernists” condemned all
action at the hands of Kiyai and Walt
ended with the letter m?m, was used not only for class in the pesantren but for recitation as well in
public at certain events such as the Prophet’s birthday festival held weekly or monthly. The most
popular verse was:
(J1 <Jj k (J&I jll ujsJIj k
"He (the Prophet) is the beloved from whom intercession is hoped, when every fear invades.” See
Ibrahim Bajun, Hashiyat al-Bajun 'alaMatn al-Burda (Bandung, no date of publication).
291 While Prophets were provided with the m u’jiza, the WSlis were provided with the karama.
Javanese santris who were mostly Ash'aris absolutely believed these two gradations'. In this
theological concept, the awdmm was sometimes able to do something special which was called
maHna, a help from God. While those against God who still achieved something unusual, God gave
a power of tabarruj, a certain capacity that made them prouder and further from the right path.
292 Baraka is literally defined asziydda khajrin, the improvement of one’s religiosity. The religious
betterment relating to one’s association with Kiyais and WSlis should be obtained by kissing their
hands, visiting their tombs, and so forth. It should be emphasized that Javanese santris fully realized
that they did all of those things to pay tribute to their knowledge, 'ilm, and their sharf: special place
in the eyes of God and the community. See Sha'ram AhmadT, al-Faraid, p. 9.
293See Nurcholish Madjid, “Tasawwuf dan Pesantren'’, in Pesantren dan Pembaharuan (Jakarta:
LP3ES, 1974), pp. 95-120.
176
Again like the Walisongo who Islamized local traditions, Javanese Walls
represented by students of Khalil argued that wasila, shafa “a, and baraka are famed
toms, which are all found in both the Qur'an and the hadith194' Kiyai Bisri Mustafa
(1915-1977), one ofKhalfl’s prominent and loyal santris suggested:
Allah is knowing and listening. My brothers, do not think that tawassul to

God, His Prophets and auliydi is similar to an act of request for a “pay raise” to
your manager by the way o f negotiating with the head o f your office. This kind of
tawassul is definitely wrong, since it did not go to the manager, but to the
mediator, instead. This tawassul believed in both the powers o f the upper line and
that of the mediator (the head o f the office). Indeed, tawassul to Allah is not like
this.
If you, brothers, need an example of a correct tawassul to Allah, His
Prophets, and atiliycg please pay attention to this story: “There was a rich boss
with a giant company. He got certain reliable employees to run the business. I
wanted to be hired, and fortunately I knew one of his best assistants personally.
Since we were friends, this gentleman was willing to introduce me to the manager
for my application. To the employer, I would put forward my honest intentions
and requests to join in the company. Once again, I asked my good friend to make
sure that my proposal would be accepted by the manager. To this point, please
judge, to whom did I send my application. Did I do something fruitless, when I
conducted an interview that would be accompanied by the manager’s best
assistant who was my best friend as well?” 295
In short, as long as the teaching of tawhnd was not compromised, the practices
needed no termination. To Khalil and his santris, these traditions brought more benefits,
mahsanat, than risks, madarrat. Solidarity, togetherness, and respect for others, are
some values virtually implemented in such customs.
294For example, the Qur’anic basis for shafa 'a was: “No intercession availeth with Him save for him
whom he permitteth” (34:23). A fjadfth suggested: “Those who are going to conduct the shaJcTa in
the Hereafter are: Prophets, 'ulani5‘, and the martyrs”, narrated by Ibnu Maja. See Sha ranT, Op.cit.
p. 14.
295 Bisri Mustafa, Risalah Ahlusunah wal-Dfama'ah (Kudus: Menaia Kudus, 1967), p. 53.
177
5.1.1. His work onfiqh marriage
It should be emphasized here that besides being an influential sufi^ Khalil was alto
a faqih in the sense that he learned and taught numerous ktfab kunmgs on fiqh subjects.
In his period there was no longer polarity between the shari'a and tasawwuf. What
happened was that the popularity of suflsm was strengthened by the general and growing
inclination of santris toward fiqh subjects. By the latter part o f the nineteenth century,
there was no more deviation on the subject such as the case with Siti Jenar in the
Walisongo period. Nonetheless the rule of suflsm in the pesantren community was never
yet decreasing, suflsm and Shari'a were always dominant in the community throughout
the centuries. Khalil’s role in this unification was quite evident. More apparent were
Khalil’s efforts to “land” a popularfiqh. Two significant works written by IQialil were on
thefiqh marriage and grammar, instead of sufism in which his primacy was relied on. This
indicates that Kjialil introduced sufism through practices visible in his daily life, and
arranged thefiqh at a more academic level to his public.
It is questionable why Khalil wrote fiqh exclusively on marriage and not on other
matters was done by his main teacher, Nawawi al-Bantani, and his impressive
contemporaries, Mahfuz al-Tirmisi. It is conceivable that he decided to work on it on the
basis of its practicability as the nature of fiqh itself. Besides, nearly none of his
contemporaries wrote fiqh focusing on this sub-division. Most of them and his
predecessors dealt with the fiqh as a whole. Due to this concentration, Khalil probably
deserved to be credited, since he as a pioneer had opened up a new kind of thematic
178
approach. Different from what Khalil had contributed to the field of Islamic
jurisprudence, there were numberless thematic discussions which could be found in the
field of tafsFr written by ulama' from other than Indonesia.
It is highly possible too that Khalil tried to place himself as a mediator and the
one who was in charge in popularizing thefiqh at the grass roots level in a simple writing
style and in his daily practice. Khalil was known as a charismatic Kiyai and Wali who
strengthened local Muslims to live their life in accord with the shari a, such as how to
conduct a marriage in the Islamic way. His work on marriage was very popular in the
community and partly used publicly until recently during the marriage ceremony. In
Kudus, central Java, one o f the main santri's central locations, a section of khutba
al-nikah o f Khalil’s work has been memorized and recited by the local ulama' while
directing the ceremony o f aqd al- nikah. Although there was an official marriage
organizer from the government who attended the ceremony, their function to lead the
ceremony was usually replaced and subordinated to the Kiyais.296 The khutba al-
nikah itself was viewed as the sunna of the Prophet. Khalil recommended that the khutba
written by Imam al-'allama al-Shaykh Hasan al-'Attar297 (1766-1835) be used. 298 This
khutba basically stressed the significance and suggestions of nikah for every male and
^Personal observation since the 1980s.
297It is quite logical that this scholar was quoted and highly regarded by Khalil, since the former was
a grammarian and left some works on sufism. It is possible that Khalil self-identified with this
figure.
298Khalil Bangkalan, al-Silah fiBayan al-Nikah (Surabaya, no publication date), p. 82.
179
female Muslim and o f having a role model of a family. After the ijab qatful, the marriage
contract, a du 'a was cited as follows:
“O God, with your kindness, we spread out and with your mercy we fuse
together. Bless and protect this relationship. Meet the couple with intimacy and
never-ending commitment. Do not bring them into a separation, runaway, and
adversary. Satisfy them here in this world and hereafter.” 299
It is obvious that an alim like fQxalil was always responsible to lead the ritual of
the nikah in his community as the Wall of the nikah. This was relevant to the importance
of nikah in the Islamic community. The best source to understand this is by looking at his
own reason which signified the importance of nikah in Islam. He suggested that marriage
is part of the Prophet’s surma which leads to a peaceful life, istiqama. More important,
the nikah is a fifty percent manifestation of a Muslim’s perfect religiosity. Last but not
least, the continuation of the civilization with the birth of kind children who would pray for
parents when the latter died, should result from the blessing of nikah.
Since the nikah was sacred and became a very important element in santri life,
Khalil’s position in the community was stronger and charismatic. However, this does not
mean that Khalil was a man who liked to be given special privilege due to his position as
an alim and Waff. Khalil’s teaching on nikah was purely religious and academic. He
suggested that instead of by a Muslim leader, such as Khalil himself the position of WalF
nikah300 should be handled by the father of the bride, her uncle, her brother, or any close
^Bangkalan, al-Silah, pp. 87-88
300The term WatTnikah has been largely used by the local community and seems to be a standardized
application referred to the kitab kunings.
180
relative. He continued that the WalThad to meet certain criteria such as ‘adil’ ‘aqil,
baligt, mature of age, and mukhtar, free from other’s compulsion. In line with this, he
recommended the Wall o f the nikah be the khatib. However, he argued that wilaya could
be replaced in accord with the Waifs will. He stressed that there should be no wilaya to
distant relatives as long as the closest ones were there.
Whereas a bridegroom provides with the dower, nafqa, adequate support for his
wife for food, dressing, dwelling, and mu'ashara bi al-ma ru f a wife should be obedient
to the husband, and should not even conduct the sunna fasting, nor to go out without her
husband’s permission.
There are four kinds of nikah status according to Khalil. At first, it is obliged,
wujub, to fulfill a nikah to those who understand that they would be involved in a
fahisha, indecent situation, unless they become married. Second, it is haram to conduct a
nikah with mu'tada, a divorced woman, who is still in her legal period of three months,
and muhima,301 and mahram as well. 302 Third, marriage is mustahabb for those who
could control themselves and know that if they are not married they would commit
anything wrong, despite the fact that in this situation their soul is not peaceful. Fourth, it
is makruh to marry the ill-tempered, foolish, and the divorced while her former husband
still intends to have her remarried.303
301A hSjji who has entered the state of ritual consecration. During this worship the hajji is not
allowed to comb, nor shave, and must observe sexual continence.
302Being in a degree of consanguinity precluding marriage.
303Bangkalan, al-Sitah, pp. 14-15.
181
There was an interesting connection between the substance Khalil wrote on the
marriage and what was going on in the community. Indeed, there was a polarity between
what was and what it should have been according to his message: While Khalil, as seen
above, advised the parents o f the bride to be the WalT of nikah, the public tended to
conduct the opposite. As in Kudus, Central Java, and in Madura, Khalil’s city, the santri
community was used to offering their Kiyai to be the Wali of the bride, the reality which
was away from Khalil’s direction, although he was highly venerated there. This indicates
that the authority of Kiyais in Java has been continually so strong that their santris lost
their self-pride in front o f the masters. Humbleness which was considered a part o f moral
frith and a significant component of Javanese culture should have contributed to this
repeated occurrence as well. Besides, the concept of baraka in which Kiyais were
constantly seen as one of the sources, was applicable in any dimension of santri religious
life in Java.
One could also tell that Khalil’s personality as a charismatic leader was more
powerful than that of his teachings. Compared to his written words, his appearance and
his spoken words were more impressive to the santris. The feet is, there was a habit in
the community to extend more fascination to “who said so instead of what kind of
message one actually forwarded”, which is another expression of the popular teaching
unzur ma qala wa la tanzur man qala: “pay attention to the message which one puts
forward, and never care about whoever said it.” This contradictory situation between
“what it was and what it should be” does not mean that Khalil’sfiqh lost its relevance in
182
the society. In fact, his kiifib on marriage has been republished and translated in the local
language. The kitdb must have been intended for the awamm since its content is brief
simple, and practical but effective. More important, as indicated above, the fact that a
portion of his kiiab has been publicly used for the muqaddima al-nikah confirms its
roots in the society. However, again the use of the kiiab by the public was more in the
pursuit of Khalil’s baraka in their mind rather than substantiating its significance. By this
recitation, they believed that they acquired both the beauty of the language since its
muqaddima al-nikah was written in good Arabic and its baraka due to the writer who
was the main guru of pesantren founders.
5.1.2. As a unique teacher
The aforementioned case of the gap between Khalil’s message and its result
reveals that the source of his influence was, indeed, not from his writings, but from his
personal quality and his preeminent status as a Wali instead. His influence could be seen
not only in Madura, but in most santri cities in Java alike. His authority was evidently
disclosed by many indications. The number o f visitors to Khalil’s sanctuary from all over
Java has never decreased so far.304 In addition, most of the pesantren founders in the
coastal area in East Java such as in Proboiinggo, Besuki, Jember, Kraksaan, Bondowoso,
Situbondo, and many others were the former students of Khalil.
304An interview with a Maduianese scholar, A Basri on May 29, 1996. This student who has been
recurrently witnessing the crowd of the visitors is currently going to graduate studies in Middle East
Studies, University of Arkansas.
183
It is uncertain if the way Khalil approached his students was affected by his unique
personal experiences, but it is noteworthy that his life was beset with such stories, as the
case with the pesantren tradition which was not aloof from such stories. Probably because
of his status as a Wali, he used to teach advanced students indirectly. In the case of
Wahab Hasbullah, for example, Khalil assessed him before he was welcomed as a
student. Prior to Hasbullah coming to Khalil’s pesantren, the latter notified all his santris
to stay awake and put their eyes on the pesantren gate since there was a “tiger” around.
This instruction was, of course, obeyed by all the santris, although it was three weeks
later in Shawwal when most of the new santris showed up, and a “special” santri came in.
The latter greeted “al-salam alaykunf at the front yard of Khalil residence. Instead of
responding to the salon , surprisingly Khalil called up his santris screaming that a “tiger”
was just showing up. He instructed them to surround it and not let him come in. Every
santri brought any appliance such as knives, sticks, stones, and swords to surround the
“tiger”. In such a strange situation, Wahab ran away without understanding what was
really going on. This happening took place three times but it never discouraged Wahab’s
intention to see the famous teacher. Since he had a good will, he was eventually adopted
as a special murid. From time to time, the pesantren community understood that Khalil’s
unusual action toward Wahab’s recruitment as his santri, gave a clue that Wahab was
about to become a “tiger” for both his friends and enemies. Wahab was one of the NU
founders who took over Hashim’s leadership in the NU after the latter died in 1947 and
184
whose religious ideas and suggestions were much taken by Sukarno, the first president of
the Republic of Indonesia.
Another unusual training was offered to Mariaf'Abd al-Kanm in the last decade of
the nineteenth century. When he resided in Khalil’s pesantren, the Kiyai seized all of
his belongings so that the santri had nothing left. Throughout his stay here for five
years, the santri lacked food and lived in poverty. However, he and other santris
realized that Khalil imposed a such probation on him for certain purposes. It should
be a good sign for Abd al-Kanm as long as he could survive, although it remained
mysterious at that time. It is unquestionable that living a simple life was another
nature of salafpesantren and was always underscored by the pesantren community.
This puzzle was later revealed when the former santri left Bangkalan after finishing
his education and was able to establish a large pesantren in Kediri, East Java: Lirboyo
pesantren in 1921.305 The success o f the pesantren could be seen from the fact that it
was even attended by students from Malaysia and Singapore since 1944. From cases
and anecdotes associated with Khalil, one can conclude that like most Kiyais, he was
a kind of authoritative Kiyai in the sense that his order and mandate should be
properly heeded by his students who viewed him as an authorized agent of God on
earth. Those who missed a word of his messages would suffer. The latter was
experienced by one of his students, Zayd, who was rich enough and ordered to go to
Mecca soon. Zayd excused himself and expressed his objections after thinking twice
305 Masdar Mas’udi, Direktori Pesantren (Jakarta: P3M, 1986), p. 280.
185
that leaving for that distant place was somewhat burdensome. Unfortunately, until he
died this santri had no chance to attend the holy city. On the other hand, another
santri, “Abdullah, was poor and said “yes” when Khalil asked him to conduct the
same thing in the same year. Abdullah’s positive answer was mainly to show his
respect to his teacher, although he realized that even to support his daily life was
difficult. It is reported that to honor the teacher’s instruction, Abdullah nodded his
head several times, just as multiple times surprisingly as he repeatedly went to Mecca
in the future.306
Once again myth and oral history remain phenomenal in this community. We
are told that Khalil was imprisoned by the colonists in the first decade of the twentieth
but freed afterwards. This account for one reason or another must have strengthened
his position as the most respected in his community.307 This also inspired his students
in the future to be more militant and resistant against the colonists. It is not a
historical coincidence that Khalil and his students such as Wahid Hasljim and other
santris happened to be imprisoned by the colonists. They lived in a different period,
yet they experienced and reacted in the same way. This pattern could be understood
by recalling Khalil’s position as the major master for most important pesantren leaders in
306See Ma'sum, Op.tit., pp. 12-13.
307 Khalil was accused of letting his pesantren be the center of mujahidin by training them and
having them stay here secretly. Once he was jailed, he confused the colonists by some happenings
which his santris believed as true evidence of his kafama as a Wall. All gates in the prison could
not be locked up. This made the officials stay awake for twenty four hours unless they did not want
them to escape. His santris from all over Java visited Khalil and wanted to be treated like Khalil
behind the bars.
186
Java. Indeed Khalil had left a major influence on the development of Javanese Muslim
education and taught directly and indirectly the important ideas and principles o f the
pesantren tradition such as to be self-sufficient, independent from the colonists, and
to enrich themselves both spiritually and intellectually. This type o f his teaching was
\
characterized by the informality o f the educational process as his experiences showed
when he became a student and as the essential nature of the pesantren education itself
11. Asnavn Kudus (1861-1959) El-Qudsy, 2, 1994, cover page.
187
5.2. K.H.R. Asnawi Kudus (1861-1959)308
5.2.1. Biography
K.H.R. Asnawi was bora in Damaran, a location behind Menara Kudus309, in
1281/1864, and died in 1959. When he passed away, he left behind three wives, five
children, twenty-three grand children, and thirteen great-grandchildren. The title,
K.H.R., stands for Kiyai Haji Raden in which the latter reflects his blood lineage with
an aristocratic family. He was the fourteenth descendent of Sunan Kudus from H.
Mutamakin’s side. The latter from Margoyoso Pati was a famous Wali who lived in
the period of Sultan Agung Mataram in the first half of the seventeenth century.
Asnawi acquired his early education from his father, H. Abdullah Husnin, and
his mother, R. Sarbinah. The holy Quran was the main subject he learned from his
father. Asnawi’s interest in religion was visible since he was a teenager. Because of
such an inclination, his father suffered every time Asnawi did his father’s business.
Trading merchandise, Asnawi was not thinking about how to get a profit; rather, he
308The material used for this section was mostly provided by Asnawi’s son and his grandson through
oral communication and writing to the writer in September 1988 and July 1995. Some elderly
'u/ama’whom the writer met in Kudus also recounted their meeting with Asnawi and their
impression of him. Besides, AsnawPs books are also valuable. The earlier research which was
conducted by the writer in 1988 has been published. See Abd. Rachman, “K.H.R. Asnawi Tokoh
NU dari Menara Kudus,” in Warta NU, November, 1988, p. 9.
309Kudus is located 30 miles east-northeast of Semarang, the capital of Central Java. Twelve miles to the
north, isolated Mount Muria where Sunan Muria, one of the Walisongo, taught his disciples in the late
sixteenth century. Kudus is a small town 22.50 km. from west to east, and 39.00 km. from north to south.
This small city built by Sunan Kudus in the sixteenth century, was the Dutch colony since the eighteenth
century. See Overzicht Voor Nederianschh Indie, “Volk steiling 1930,” deel VIII, (Batavia: Departemen
van Economische Zaken, 1936), p. 78.
188
was wishing to use the resources for the benefit of the religion. Due to this condition,
his father asked him to quit the job and to pursue more Islamic knowledge. He was
sent to a pesantren in Tulungagung, East Java when he was fifteen. The tradition of
pesantren had made him a curious and wandering santri. Before leaving for Mecca
later on, he went to another guru, Kiyai Hajji Irshad, in Moyang Jepara. At this time,
he wished to isolate himself by going to Patiayam mountain to engage in asceticism.
Mirian Zuhri recalled that Asnawi was looking for a jinn kingdom. Eventually he gave
it up after an unknown old person cautioned him not to do so because that activity
could endanger himself.
Asnawi went twice for hajj from Java to Arabia in 1889 and in 1894 when he
was 30. He spent twenty two years living in Mecca after his second pilgrimage. His
main teachers there were K.H. Saleh Darat Semarang, K.H. Mahfuz al-Tirmisi, and
Sayyid ' Umar Shata. Asnawi was a thoughtful and successful Javanese student who
became an instructor in Mecca. Some importanfWoma’in Indonesia such as K.H.
Bisri Shansuri, K.H. Saleh Tayu, K.H. Mufid Kudus, KHA. Mukhit Sidoardjo, K.H.
Abdul Wahab Hasbullah Jombang, and K.H. Dahlan Pekalongan, proved to be his
notable students.
In Mecca, Asnawi married the widow of NawawT al-Bantani, Ibu Nyai
Hamdanah, who was later blessed with nine children, only three of whom survived to
adulthood. These were H. Zuhri, H. Azizah the wife of KH. Saleh Tayu, and
Alawiyah the wife of H. Maskub Kudus.
189
Wahab Hasbullah, one of the prominent santris who enjoyed a short period of
learning under Asnawi’s direction in Mecca in the first decade of the twentieth
century considered Asnawi as a charismatic teacher. Wahab, who was an important
leader in the NU and in the pesantren community at that time, gave his special respect
to his teacher when he attended the marriage of Asnawi’s son, Niam Zuhri in 19S0.
Niam suggested that Wahab as the witness of the marriage showed his courteous
manner before the teacher. Kiyai Siraj Solo (d. 1961), a very respected Wali in Solo,
Central Java, showed his special homage too, when they reunited by accident in 1950
in a social engagement. Siraj was the former santri of Asnawi.310
No doubt, in the pesantren tradition the teacher-student relationship has been
always endless and remarkably strong. So strong is the connection that Asnawi’s
poems on du 'a al-nikah have been enthusiastically used by his main students such as
Taju al-§haraf, and Sh’arani Ahmadi who have been both top santri leaders in Kudus
until the present. It is understood that du '^remained a central place in Muslim life,
therefore, only important ulama' in Kudus could apply and continue Asnawi’s du 'a '
for marriage in a wedding ceremony. The popular Asnawi’s du a ’read as a conclusion
of the ritual consists of thirty two lines of poems ending in ma ( I* ). Some of them
are worth citing here:
310Interview with H. Niam Zuhri, on Wednesday, June 26, 1996.
190
L>ll*^x^l±»^ll <gfr2*tk4 l^.^L*W iU ^ *111
1*^ U i * . ^ <$* 1*^ ^ l ^ l ^ U l l ^ l l U ^ l l
1*** ***** ^ i « ^ l i i l ^ L t l L . <$>1**^*^ J j L
l*U k* o * l^ L ^ L ilU ^ k * ^ ^ £ * ;
U ^ U .U ^ U tlk ^ j.^ 1 ^ * J l^ ll **jl*tt*l^l;l*4»X > 1*
1*4*^^* l^ll**U*#*3>>* 0 ^ 4 *!<►
1*+ZU* <>l**2l* rf>^*111*^1*I ^l^lU >-uU *jl|V
Dear Gentlemen, the musk of peace and our blessing be upon you,
Among the audience, there are the most important reciters,
To us, they are the garments and adornments coming from Heaven
May Allah endow the contraction of marriage with good fortune
in this world and in the hereafter.
Harmonize them like the unity of water and sand, as the case of
Adam and Eve in paradise.
Make their lives long in worship and loyalty as well as sincere intention
Abound for them kind livelihood, safe from any misfortune and insecurity
Bless them with a pious child always serving and obedient to parent
Do not take them apart except when death comes
Bestow love upon them in their life until they die with faith that enhances themjU
311 Sha’rani Ahmadi, Al-Qira'at al-'Asriyya, (Kudus: Madrasa Qudsiyya Kudus, 1403 AH), pp. 53
55.
191
Asnawi was one of the rare NU founders who was not much known by the
NU members. This is somewhat surprising, since Asnawi’s personal record shows that
he had actively attended the NU m u’tamar in different locations twenty times.
However, this situation was probably what he really needed. This could be
understood from his memorable suggestion in the Javanese language to his grandson,
Minan Zuhri, “Diakui utawo ora aku tetep tide NU sampe mati ” : “Whether my
attendance is considered or not. I am a member of the NU until I die.”312
The lack of visibility of this figure among the NU members does not imply his
absence from the organization. On the contrary, this indicates that his participation
was not for political purposes by means of the organization. Prior to the birth of the
NU, on January 31 1925 every important-AT/ya/ got together in Surabaya, East Java,
except for an influential leader, namely Hasfiim Asb'ari. Asnawi and Bisri Shansuri
picked him up and accompanied the ulam d' leader’s arrival. Additionally, Asnawi
and Sansuri were assigned to be the delegates of the Hijaz committee in the same
year. Even though the committee postponed its plan to go to Mecca due to a ship
problem, nonetheless its messages were eventually sent in a letter.
To Kudus santris, Asnawi was remembered as the one who took a firm stand
on lifting up Sunnis, m against the ideas of modernism. His commitment to and
312Personal note from an interview with Minan Zuhri in 1988. See Abd. Rachman. “K.H.R.
Asnawi” Ibid.
192
involvement in the NU as the ulamalxnion, should be understood in this context. One
can also read in his own muqaddima in the Mu 'taqad Seked, that Muslims should:
1) perform worship in earnestness 2) accomplish the wujubat,

required tasks, 3) stay away from the mal/rumdt, forbidden, and 4) give
entire credence to Sunnism as laid out by Abu Asb'ari or Maturidf in
theology.313
The last point on Ash'arism should be stressed here since Asnawi and the
Kudus santris were not alone in holding strongly this theological denomination. All
of the santris whether officially registered in the NU or not, believed that Ash ari
tawtiid was the most important part of their religiosity. In this regard, Asnawi with
his da 'wa and his mentioned book undoubtedly played a major role in popularizing
Nawawi’s and Mahfuz’s ideas on A^h'arismto the Javanese public.
Some sources confirm that debating was one of Asnawi’s hobbies. He had a
chance to debate in writing with Shaykh Ahmad Khatib Minangkabau, the m ufti of
Mecca. Due to this polemic, Sayyid Husain Bek, a distinguished m ufti from Egypt
wished to know him personally. Minan Zuhri suggested that the m ufti came on
purpose to Mecca to visit Asnawi. Entering Asnawi’s residence in Mecca and finding
a very small person as his host, the mufti did not realize that he had already met the
one he was seeking. Once he realized that the person with the tiny physique was the
one who usually had conclusive arguments, he gave his greeting by kissing the head of
the Javanese.314
313Asnawi, Mu 'taqad Seked, (Surabaya, no date), p. 2.
314Minan Zuhri, “Riwayat Hidup K.H.R. Asnawi”, in El-Qudsy, 1 (1993). pp. 83-89.
193
Asnawi was also involved in a series of discussions with an Egyptian alim
who lived in Mecca on the topic o f a specific turban which was combined with silk.
Asnawi insisted that a Muslim was not allowed to use such a turban since the silk was
there and more than anything else. The Egyptian defended that Muslims should be
permitted to use it, as the silk was not the purpose, and it was not that significant.
After eight years of discussion, Asnawi won the debate, once he conducted a personal
research at the turban factory. The company verified that the silk was more significant
in the turban.
His hobby of discussion was once again seen when he debated his mate, Kiyai
Mawardi (d. 1960s), from Padurenan Kudus who was an expert in tawhid. Since
they both were excellent in the field, the debate was unceasing. Mawardi’s son
reported that the debate was eventually ended by Asnawi’s extreme anger in the form
of spit which turned into fire and made Mawardi run away from the forum.315
Unfortunately, none of Asnawi’s debates in writing either in Mecca or in Java have
been preserved by any sources. Surely this section would be different and more
apparent, had the sources been available.
Prior to the establishment o f the NU, Asnawi took part in the SI (Sarekat
Islam)316 as a commissioner in Mecca. He was close to “national” movement activists
315In-depth interview with Kiyai Ahmad Bakir (70 years old) on Monday, June 24, 1996, in Kudus,
Central Java. Bakir is Mawardf’s son and currently the chair of Majlis Shuria of the NU in Kudus.
316The SI used to be the SDI which was initiated by Samanhudi in Solo, Middle Java, in 1911. The
SDI was the very first Indonesian Muslim organization dealing with economic activities. There were
at least two things usually attributed to the background of this organization: a competition for
194
such as H. Agus Salim, and HOS Cokroaminoto. Apparently because of this intimate
association with the SI in Mecca, he was trusted to be an advisor of the SI in Kudus
in 1918.
Although Asnawi did not leave numerous works, his few kitabs were very
significant and popular among Javanese students, especially beginners. His treatises
include: Fashalatan (1954), Jawab Soalipun M u 'taqad which is more popular under
its name M u taqad Seked (published in Surabaya by Sa d bin Naj&r with no date),
Shari a Islam (in Arabic) on fiqh , and the translation of Jurumiyya on Arabic
grammar. The latter two have unfortunately not been published and were
unsuccessfully collected by his children. However, some sources indicated that both
must have been preserved by unknown people in Kudus.317
Typical of his writing is the use of the local language with persuasion and
authority. The following khutbat al-kitab in his book written in Javanese Arabic is a
good illustration:
$2 .1 $ 2 .1 $ J » -ili* + $1 I n i l $ ^ » L 2 - I> il _ j\3 d a <1 V 4 ijl
supremacy with Indonesian Chinese especially in business after the successful revolution in China
under the Sun Yat Sen regime in 1911, and pressure horn a group of indigenous aristocrats. The
Chinese revolution was followed by the establishment of Soe Po Sia organization in the major cities
in Indonesia. With the government permission under a new name, the SI developed its mission into
broader perspectives: da 'wa, educational, and socio-political issues.
317Bakir testified that he had read the books and he let others borrow them, but unfortunately the
borrowers did not return them
195
->JU1 £a>«
x-Uk. Iji ->.nllî -riij^ ->jUi
ÛUsnM -ylj^
£lji 6U-i“ -AjI^La*^] -^^Sal^l £-£i
JtaA. i j ) ^ 4^ 4? -^ 4 ^ 'US1-™
318 ijg.lLil {yia 4jteA« 54^1 -V jL ^
In the name of Allah, the most Gracious and the most Merciful. This
kitab elucidates word and meaning which need reflection. It also remarks
another thing such as popular worship which I name Fashalatan, prayer
guides from ulama ’, the master o f masters. Therefore, do not hesitate and do
not distrust since this is the right way. Those who do not possess it should
buy it even though the price is probably expensive. The purchasing money
will not be lost due to the gained knowledge and disappearing foolishness.
The wealth for the disobedience will only bring into suffering in Hell.
Questions and answers as in the M u taqad Seked, as well as poetic forms are
the most significant styles he used. The available books indicate that his audience was
Javanese Muslims at an early level of understanding Islam. It is highly possible that
what he wrote was a collection o f his speeches and that the way he convinced
listeners was the same as the way he persuaded his readers. The fashalatan was
probably the most favorite book among the 'awamm, the santris who did not
understand Arabic, since the book gave complete and practical guides to various and
daily recitals spoken during the daily prayers for many du "as and wirds uttered on
different occasions.
5 AsnawC Fashalatan (Kudus: Menara kudus, 1961), p. 2.
196
Fiqh and tawhfd were once again the most important themes addressed by
Asnawi. His two kitabs on these subjects, which were published first in the 1950s.
have been repeatedly reprinted, which indicates such a high concern and interest by
the community in the subjects, that they shaped the very outlook of the pesantren
community.
5.2.2. As a da'i and a teacher
Enriched with learning and teaching experiences in Java and the Hijaz, Asnawi
decided to beadS 7 himself. He continually engaged in da wa Islamiyya around the
town of Kudus and beyond. One of his practices was reported to perform Subufj
prayer in different mosques in Kudus, which increased his solidarity with the local
community. How Asnawi promoted congregational prayer, salat al-jcmid ’a, could be
seen in his muqaddima by quoting a haditjr. “Prayer is the pillar of the religion. Those
who perform it will, indeed, build it up, and those who leave it out, will certainly
destroy it.” Another hadith was also cited: “Congregational prayer is twenty seven
times better than a solitary prayer.”319
In addition, Asnawi quoted the following hadith which compares daily
prayers with five-time bathing in a river and results in cleanness of both physical and
spiritual dimensions: The Prophet spoke before the companions, “Indeed, if an
uncontaminated river in your neighborhood is used to bathe five-time daily, is there
3,9 Ibid.
197
any stain left in your body?”, they answered that there should be nothing remaining.
He continued, “That is the analogy of daily prayers, Allah will wash away any human
defects with them.”320 To elaborate the hcutitlj, Asnawi reminded Javanese Muslims
to make sure that they together with their children become used to observe the daily
prayers. Without this practice Muslims will be lacking and mosques, the house of
Allah and their most honorable spots on the earth, will be vacant, while Allah had
ordered them to enliven the sacred place as follows: “He only shall tend Allah’s
sanctuaries who believes in Allah and the Last Day and observes proper worship and
pays the poor-due and fears none but Allah”.321 Asnawi viewed prayer assemblies as
more than religious, but as also having importance for socio-political and economic
purposes. Congregational prayer itself had integrated a pious and lawful community.
An Imam of the prayer was a clear symbol of agreed and trusted leadership. Behind
him, followers were not allowed to do anything deviant from the guiding steps of the
Imam.
Asnawi was by no means cooperative with the Dutch before the 1940s or with
Japanese colonists in the early 1940s. He was widely known as providing his santris
with the du a of Jihad, namely the Quranic verse recitation of al-F il against
colonists and the du a of salawat nariyya as follows:322
320 Ibid.
321 Qur’an, 9:19. Asaam, Fashalatan, pp. 3-5.
322Nariyya means fire, while the sura al-Fil is about the devastation of a strong group with an
elephant which was defeated by God’s troops of flying creatures with stones of baked clay. See
Quran 105:1-5.
198
H jU l* +Lkj a2_. *^111
)L 1 \ A* ^ A ii^ fefeeU. A* sKm
a1ajJI^~a««? h ^ ASlâJl <>•**.> amIZ>lt a* JUi^
323 - il l A^lxA. < J^ a$M> A ^ A l l ^ k > A *> ^11 A * ^
Perfect blessing and salvation be upon Muhammad. He was the one

who released any tie and grief answered needs and wishes and good ending
as well. With him rain was pouring down from clouds. Blessing also be upon
the Prophet’s Family and Companions on every glance and inhalation in
numbers that God knows inmost.
Asnawi promoted the importance o f formal worship as an effective vehicle
for communicating with the creator. The rituals varied from daily prayers, recitation
of the Quran, dhi/cr, reading al-Barzanji (Muhammad’s bibliography), fasting on
particular days other than during the month of Ramadan, to Asnawi’s recipe of
certain dtu 'a and wird to those who personally wished to resolve troubles of life.
Asnawi’s teaching in this respect represents the core meaning of the santri's devout
orientation, namely the religious authority in its ritual forms which were increasingly
strengthening and popular in the hands of Kiyais. The Kiyais as the central figures of
socio-religious life had been unquestionably the main defenders of the sjjari 'a.
However, at the same time they functioned as coordinators of the santri community,
who lived in balance between this worldly and other worldly lives. Therefore, if the
nineteenth century witnessed intellectual masters of the pesantren tradition such as
323Asnawi, Fasalatan, pp. 95-96
199
Nawawi and al-Tinnisi, who explicated and popularized the thoughts of Sunni ulama
in the medieval period, the first half o f the twentieth century pesantren glorified their
actual leaders such as Hashim Asb'ari, Wahab Hasbullah, and Asnawi.
Asnawi’s daw a was classified into both daw a bi-I-maqal and hal: in speech
and deed. The way he spoke was direct, corrective, loud, and persuasive. He
effectively persuaded Muslims around Menara Kudus district not to exhibit
modernization such as playing the radio and tapes so noisily that the neighbors would
be bothered.
Since Asnawi was a fiq h minded Kiyai, his ideas changed over time and were
rather adaptable. Under the colonial regime before the 1940s, Asnawi forbade
Muslims to work with the government, but in the 1950s after the independence of
the country, he allowed them to work with the Indonesian government. He even
witnessed his grandson working at a governmental office. His attitude toward male
Muslims using ties was similar: when Asnawi sojourned at Saifuddin Zuhri’s
residence in 1953, the latter was very clumsy since he was wearing a neck tie and
apologized for this Zuhri (1919-1986) recollected an awkward moment when Asnawi
was furious by pulling someone’s ties off at the Ansor324 national meeting. Later,
Asnawi explained to him that he used to prohibit using ties because there was an illat
(cause) of being tasfcabbuh, likeness with colonists, the oppressors. However, in the
324Founded in Surabaya, East Java, in April 24, 1934, The Ansor was a youth socio-educational
organization under the NU umbrella to create militant cadres.
200
1950s, there was no longer any restriction, since the tashabbuh was no longer with
the Dutch, but with good national leaders such as with Soekamo, and Abdul WShid
Hashim, the minister of religious affairs.
Asnawi was widely known to be seriously firm in holding Islamic principles. In
the late 1930s he was brought to the Dutch court, landraad, on the grounds that he
had dishonored a person in his da'wa. The judge suggested that Asnawi apologize by
confessing that the slip of tongue was unavoidable, when he made a public speech.
Asnawi did not comply and maintained that he just clarified what the fiq h said about
the absence of the duty for prayer for children, the insane person, and non-Muslims.
Thus if the listener had likened himself with the insane person since they both were
excused from prayer, that was not Asnawi’s mistake. In the end he was charged 100
gulden and released, but the Dutch officer himself paid the fine seeing Asnawi pled
not guilty.325
The community in Kudus and its vicinity listened closely to, sam 'an wa
ta'atan, and was deeply impressed by Asnawi’s recommendations in his da 'wa. Even
more successful was his initiation of two popular majlis ta 'lim or pengajian, one of
which was called the Pengajian Pitulasan, namely a public religious gathering
conducted on every seventeenth day of the month in the Hijri calendar in Menara
mosque, The other was called the Pengajian Sanganan and was held on every ninth
325See Ma'sum, Op.cit., pp. 27-29
201
day of the month in the grand mosque of Kauman Wetan next to the mayor’s
residence in the center of the city.
In the mosque al-Aqsa,326 Asnawi read the hadith Bukhari every Ramadan,
and was heard by not less than 500 male and female Muslims from the neighborhood.
Among these pupils were Kiyai H. Nur Hadi and Kiyai Mufid Kudus, whom local
community later on labeled as the teachers of 7/m kanoragcm and spiritual
knowledge of spiritual medication. Next to the al-Aq$a lies the Tajuk,327 the
sanctuary of Sunan Kudus, where Asnawi taught Bidaya al-Hidaya and Hikam to
selected students during every Ramadan. In his own residence, Bendan Pesantren , he
read through Tafsir Jalalayn to his santris during the same month. One of the bright
santris was Sha' rani Ahmadi328 who successfully completed studying two volumes of
the tafsir in seventeen days.
The materials introduced by Asnawi during Ramadan could be thus summed
up as tafsir al-Our 'an, hadith, and sufism. These three subjects had remained the
substantial guide and core curriculum through the centuries in the Islamic world. To
326Al-Aqsa, not to be confused w ith the one in Palestine, was nam ed by Sunan Kudus in the sixteenth
century (refer to the earlier discussion under the Walisongo in chapter two).
327 Before the N U and the M ubammadiya were form ally established, the kelompok Tajuk was the
nam e usually referred to the group o f the N U in Kudus, while the Muhammadiya was form erly
know n as th e kelompok Rodhi w hich was affiliated to the Islam ic reform movement in Kudus in the
1920s. R odhi was the surnam e o f Shaykh M uham m ad Rodhi who came from Mecca to Kudus in
1923. See Lance Castles, Religion, Politics, and Economic Behavior in Java: The Kudus Cigarette
Industry, (N ew Haven. 1976), pp. 63-64
328 Sha' rani A hm adi was currently a very influential Kiyai in Kudus and one o f the exceptional
figures who could memorize the Q ur’an together w ith seven different recitations, the qira'a sab 'a.
Like other santri families, A hm adf had all o f his children mem orize the Q ur’an.
202
Kudus santris the subjects were even viewed as fa rd ayn to everyone to acquire.
Ramadan, the holy month, was considered as the month of baraka in which the
Quran was first revealed on the laylat al-Qadr, the night of power.329 This
religious point of view helps to understand why Asnawi preferred to teach these three
subjects during Ramadan, while during the rest of the year he engaged in public
speaking.
Until recently, Asnawi’s following prayer-poem was publicly recited at the
opening of the monthly pengajian in the Menara mosque:
M U
11*11^ i k i ^ J ftt>ll^k J—.
1U>JAcl.y * v * ^>^#1*1
Hi M<t
Ha I ^ < £ . U * I a »1 A*
0 k l oUl 0 Ll 0 Ul
^ > 1 a I L*L
O ja L 0 * a I o * a I o j a I
330o*liktll- â11*11 m»
329The verse states: “T he night o f pow er is better than a thousand m onths. The angels and the Spirit
descend therein, by the perm ission o f their Lord w ith all decrees. T he night is Peace until the rising
o f the dawn.” Q uran, 97: 3-5.
330This qasTda was w ritten by A snaw i and preserved for m any years by the Pengurus Pengajian
Pitulasan Menara Kudus. T he w riter obtained the 1415/1994 handw ritten version from the
Pengurus.
203
“O God, peace be upon the messenger Muhammad, the secret of
glory, upon all prophets and other messengers who have been everlastingly
noble. O God brighten our heart with the light of the Quran, the well-known.
Give us the understanding of learning or recitation with elegant phrase. Bless
us and those reciting the Quran with the wisdom of the prophets. Make our
faith stronger and perfect here and hereafter. O God of the universe and, O
the One who all the time answers prayers, please bring Indonesia into peace
and salvation, arnin.”
Asnawi was clearly an artist who composed many poems in Arabic and
Javanese. When Soekamo, the first president of Indonesia, visited Kudus in the
19S0s. to speak in public to urge nationalism and the unity of the new nation, Asnawi
greeted the president with poems in both Indonesian and Arabic. Unfortunately, these
verse compositions do not appear to have been preserved. Asnawi also produced
some poems for muriaja\ personal conversation for the purpose of secret
transcendental meditation. Only a few ulam a' of his students still recalled the verse
today. For instance, he talked to himself “O my soul, to Allah, are you not
embarrassed, while you are sinful, ugly, and dishonest,” and so forth.331
To institutionalize the da 'wa, Asnawi established a pesantren in Bendan
Kudus in 1927 and the M adrasa Qudsiyya Kudus in 1919 both of which still exist
until today. In his own pesantren he held pengajian on every fourteenth day attended
by about 1000 male and female Muslims in the late 1930s. However, This socio-
331 The original verse is >Ui <n 1y>^-3V'There should be

five lines altogether to complete the verse, but Ustadjt Saifuddm Lutfi from whom the writer gained
the information could only recall this part (Personal interview in July 199S).
204
religious gathering was canceled by the Japanese colonists in 1943.332It is noteworthy
that the madrasa Qudsiyya was growing very well with the curriculum defending
Sunnism and adopting modem subjects. Astronomy has been so popular a subject in
this madrasa that other madrasas have copied it. Many alumni of the madrasa
followed the footsteps of the founder as a da Vor a muballigh,
It is significant that by the late nineteenth century through the second decade
of the twentieth century pesantrens were blooming in Kudus. In a such small city,
there had been at least twelve pesantrens.333 Asnawi was unquestionably among the
striking and influential Kiyais. To demonstrate how charismatic he was, his grandson
recalled that when he died on December 19th, 1959, thousands of santris from all
over Java expressed their reverence by queuing up from Asnawi’s residence about
one mile away down to Sunan Kudus cemetery where the body would be buried.
Asnawi’s casket was moved from hand to hand until it rapidly reached the cemetery in
Menara Kudus area.334
Asnawi’s charisma was increasingly stronger when he returned from Mecca in
1916 with a depth of religious sciences, and organizational experiences which other
Kiyais did not have. Besides, according to Ustadh Mufad, Asnawi’s son, Asnawi had
some secret du a which only a few people were allowed to use by an ijaza. Mufad
332 Minan Zuhri, Op.cit., pp. 81-89.
333 Herben Groenendijk, De Anti Chinese Relien te Kudus van 31 October, Unpublished paper, p. 5.
334Minan Zuhri, Op.cit., p. 89.
205
himselfj had got permission to apply the d u d after Asnawi passed away. The
authorization was obtained through spiritual communication in a dream by istikhara
and by visiting his father’s tomb.335
From Asnawi’s books and his son’s oral information, one might conclude that
ijaza played a very important role in Asnawi’s method of teaching. There were at
least two kinds of ijaza issued by Asnawi: in writing and oral. The oral ijaza was
usually given to those who came over and requested it, while the public and open
ijaza could be attained in writing from Asnawi’s published book, especially the
Fashalatan. To most santris, for example, he left a message that in order to push
away foolishness and to have a good mind so that they could memorize any new
subject with the help of God, they should read the basmala 786 times in front of a
cup of water and then drink it at the end.336 Two things, in this case, mixed up
together: the pesantren intellectual tradition, namely memorization and ijaza,
together with a Javanese healing recipe which was substantiated into an Islamic
remedy with the key word of the Qur’an, the basmala. 337
33sPersonal interview with Ustadb Mufad, in Kudus in July 1995. He was 59 years old at the time.
Mufad is Asnawt’s son from Ibu Muti’ah who had two children from Asnawi.
336Asnawi, Fashalatan, p. 97.
337That the Qur’an is an important medicine for Muslims could be found in: “We reveal of the
Quran that which is a healing and a mercy for believers, though it increases the evil-doers in naught
save ruin.”(17:82). The Javanese ulama such as Nawawi al-Bantani interpreted the word shifcFzs
general medication for both physical and spiritual dimensions, and the Quran itself is rahmatan, a
blessing for believers since it, indeed, teaches the ways of seeking the highest knowledge and
exemplary morality, by which people could find and get close to the God of the universe. See
Nawawi, Marah LabTd, I, p. 487.
206
Asnawi’s habits o f making ijaza undoubtedly increased his authority as an
influential leader. Javanese Muslim society which was generally understood as a
patron-client society would gain protection rather from their own leader than from the
colonial government. Asnawi’s service in ijaza which revealed his high degree of
spirituality over his clients and his resistance to living under the colonial government
convinced his students that he was the true leader with certain intellectual and
spiritual capabilities; two devices which were exceptionally important to defend
themselves against the colonists.
The da 'wa Islamiyya, which was part of Islamic teachings as well to Asnawi,
had become a mission and a hobby. As a hobby, he used to pass along by walking to
the Muria mountain about eighteenth km, away, to make religious discourse
especially on the subject of tawhid in the mosque of Sunan Muria. Because of this
exercise he had a good shape and health. Due to his hobby as well, he often
paraphrased the teaching of "Man jshafa Allah kkcrfahu kullu shay ” anyone who
requests protection from Allah, he will get homage in every respect.
Because of Asnawi’s interest in da 'wa, whatever consequence he faced from
this habit had been assessed. Asnawi was imprisoned in 1919 for three years after a
social riot between Chinese and local people took place in 1918. He was accused of
masterminding the riot behind the Muslim movement.338 What really happened was
338 When the riot happened the population of Kudus consisted of 38800 natives, 4000 Chinese, 230
Europeans, and 40 other oriental foreigners. This tension and conflict between the Chinese minority
and local Muslims in Kudus were at least caused by factors of ethnic polarity, trading struggle, and
207
that he and other Muslims only defended themselves against Chinese attack.
However, he did not give up preaching in the prison by reading al-Barzanji, the life of
Muhammad, among prisoners, changing the prison into a majlis ta'lim . Here he wrote
the translation of Al-Jurumiyya on Arabic grammar.
A penghulu, religious, position was offered to Asnawi in 1927 by a Dutch
officer, Van der Plas, who could speak Arabic fluently. The request to be a penghulu
of Kudus regency was kindly refused simply due to Asnawi’s consideration that had
he accepted it, the mission of da'wa Islamiyya would be compromised. The duty of
enjoining the good and prohibiting the bad would be no longer genuine, had he been a
part of a foreign agency. Public opinion in society typically judged the status of the
figure instead of what he said. His strategy to refrain from a governmental rank was
also caused by his deep concern about the condition of society which was beset with
dependence, misery and poverty. Asnawi as a local leader and a symbol of pesantren
community prestige intended to show a model of religious independence. The basic
feature of the pesantren itself had been always characterized by its sovereignty.
However, in the 1950s the bupati (regent) of Kudus, Subarkah, allowed him
facility to use the main hall of the kabupaten for the public ta 'lim of local people.
religious sensibility. It is generally known that most Chinese were in a higher economic status, and
because of this they were treated better by the Dutch. The emergence of the indigenous business
organizations such as the SI had, in turn, brought the two sides into heated competition. Last but not
least, the event was unquestionably triggered by the sense of religiosity which was inflamed by a
Chinese carnival showing simulated Chinese santris with prostitutes at their side and passing by the
street in front of Menara mosque in October, 1918. See Rapport van de Ongeregeldheden te
Koedoes op den 31ste October 1918, 17 November 1918, Mailrap. No. 471 X/18, pp. 1-8.
208
Asnawi’s acceptance of this offer was based on the two extremely different situations
and once again on the fiq h principle al-maslahat al-mursala, namely the benefit for
the public is greater.
5.2.3. Conclusion
Asnawi was a typically charismatic d d 'i keliling, an itinerant preacher, who
gained his authority from religious knowledge he pursued and developed both in Java
and in the Hijaz. The knowledge would have never functioned well unless he
interacted and transmitted mostly through his effective rhetorical language. Armed
with such a knowledge, together with his spiritual cultivation, and organizational
experiences on the international level which his contemporaries did not have, Asnawi
Temained in a distinguished place to the Javanese public, especially to santris in
Kudus and its vicinity. Additionally, his total independence of any foreign dominion
with his promotion of Sunniswi in the field of fiq h and tawhid, and his eagerness in
open discussions with colleagues and enemies made him- an influential and highly
recognized leader of the Javanese santris.
209
12. Hashim Ash'an”(1871-1947) Choirul Anam, Pertumbuhan dan Perkembangan MU.
Sala: Jatayu Sala, 1985, p. 184
210
5.3. Hashim Ash'ari (1871-1947)
5.3.1. Biography
Bom in February 1871/1287 in Gedang Jombang, East Java, Hasbim spent
much of his childhood in a santri milieu. His father, Kiyai Ash'ari, a santri, who came
from Demak, Central Java, had a large pesantren. His father was also the eighth
generation descendent of the ruler of the Demak Muslim kingdom, Jaka Tingkir, the
Sultan of Pajang in 1568, who was the son of Brawidjaya IV, the ruler of the
Majapahit kingdom in the first quarter of the sixteenth century in Java.339 Hashim’s
grandfather, Kiyai Usman, was the founder and director of Gedang Pesantren in East
Java, and was a tartqa leader as well in the latter part of the nineteenth century. This
celebrated pesantren recruited hundreds of santris from all over Java.
Hasbim was even bom in the Pesantren of Gedang after Halima,

9
his mother,
was expecting for fourteen months. In Javanese eyes, this quite long pregnancy
indicates the brightness of the baby in the future. His parents were more convinced
with this sign, since his mother had a dream earlier that a full moon descended from
the sky and hit exactly on her stomach. Later on, his parents witnessed Hashim’s
talent for “leadership”; when he played with other neighborhood children, he always
made himself an “arbitrator.” Whenever he saw a friend was violating the rules of a
game, Hashim would address him with an intimate reminder. He was reported to
339Ma'sum, Op.cit., p. 58.
211
attract numerous friends to play with, because of his willingness to help and protect
others.340
As other santris in his period, H3§him enjoyed a pesantren education from the
very beginning Before he was six years old, Kiyai Usman took care of him. In 1876.
Hashim had to leave his loving grandfather and moved with his parents to Keras, a
village in the southern part of Jombang. Until he was fifteen years old, his father gave
him the basics of Islamic knowledge especially Quranic reading and recitation.
Hasbim was a such smart santri that he always grasped whatever his father taught and
he observed a lot of mutala'a by doing self-reading in different kitabs he never
learned from his teacher. Perhaps due to the last reason, he was able to teach Arabic
and religious subjects at the elementary level to other santris when he was only
twelve in 1883.341
Hashim became a wandering santri when he was fifteen. Within five years, he
visited no less than five pesantrens in East Java. This situation of pursuing knowledge
brought him intellectual dissatisfaction which made him cross the sea for the first time
in his life to Madura island to experience education in other pesantrens. In this other
island, Hashim met his important teacher, Khalil Bangkalan (d. 1925). Hashim’s
venture was based on his zest for getting diverse disciplines of knowledge in different
pesantrens due to the fact that each single pesantren had its own specialization. The
340H. Aboebakar, Op.cit., pp. 61-62.
341 Ibid.. p. 73.
212
‘pesantren of Tremas in Pacitan, East Java, for instance, was known as the pesantren
of ilm al-alat (Arabic grammar and structure as well as its literature, and logic),
while the pesantren of Jampes in Kediri was widely recognized as a pesantren of
tasawwuf. 342
Eventually in 1891 Hasbim reached the pesantren o f Siwalan Pandji
Sidhoardjo. This pesantren near Surabaya was directed by Kiyai Ya'qub Siwalan.
Impressed with the brilliance of the new santri, the Kiyai offered Hashim his
daughter, Khadija, whom H3shim married in 1892. This kind o f marriage was quite
common in the pesantren tradition, thanks to the promising santri who was expected
to raise the quality of the pesantren in the future. Besides, the wedding means that
the tie of the two pesantrens was getting more strengthened, since the relation was
built not only on the religious element but on kinship as well. Moreover, the family
was regarded as the fountainhead of the progress, prosperity, and power of the santri
culture. Intermarriage among Kiyai families and the Islamic focus of its kinship
formed part of the pesantren culture.343 Since most Kiyais in Java were interrelated,
matrimony could mean secrecy among the Javanese religious elite. However, the
main nature and mission of Kiyais should be wisely considered, namely, the duty to
encourage people to follow Islamic principles earnestly and perform Islamic rituals
^ N a h r a w i DjunaidT, “Kiyai Haji Muhammad Hashim Ash'an,” unpublished thesis for the Sarjana
requirement in the IAIN of Jakarta (Jakarta, 1983), p. 20
343See Dhofier, “Kinship,” pp. 47-58.
213
profoundly. This divine vocation should explain the motivation o f the intermarriage
better and, indeed, it would show a better and safer perspective since the life of the
pesantren means living a religious life twenty-four hours a day.
In the same year, in 1892, Hashim’s dream to go to Mecca for both hBjj and
learning came true. However, he faced a bitter experience in that distant country since
he went with his wife’s family and except for his father-in-law, both his wife and his
little son, who was bom in Mecca, died. Hasbim’s thirst for knowledge was
nonetheless not discouraged by this hardship; he accepted the situation as a musiba,
instead. He believed that if he succeeded in learning from the musiba, God would
bring him to a better life in this world and the hereafter as it is indicated in the holy
Quran.344 Plunged in sorrow, entertained only by divine sites especially by looking at
the Bayt Allah, he never forgot his wife’s words that energized his life and inspired
him to be an important Kiyai, an alim, and a Muslim leader whom Indonesian
Muslims were desperately seeking. Probably because of this musiba, he decided to
leave Mecca to see his family in Java. However, in 1893, from his home country he
went back to Mecca with his young brother, Anis, and resided there for six years. In
the holy city, Hasbim was a student o f :
1. Shaykh Mahfuz Al-Tirmisi. He was widely known by his santris as a specialist in
the kitab of Sahlh Bujchari with its complete transmission back to the Prophet.
344"Such are they (who get musiba and resist) on whom are blessing from their Lord, and mercy.
Such are the rightly guided. ” Qur’an, 2:157.
214
From this master, Hasbim obtained an ijaza to teach the kitab. (Refer to the
previous discussion in chapter IV).
2. Shaykh Nawawi al-Bantani (Refer to the earlier discussion in chapter IV).
3. Shaykh Ahmad Kbatib Minangkabau (d. 1334 A.H.)
4. Shaykh ' Abd al-Hamid al-Darustani
5. Shaykh Muhammad Shu'ayb al-Maghribi
In Mecca, HSshim studied fiqh, 'ulum al-hadith, tawhid, tafsir, tasawwuf,
and ilm alat. It seems he was more interested in ulum al-hadith especially in the
collections of BukJjari and Muslim. This is reasonable since most santris had studied
fiq h sufficiently in Java, while in Mecca they needed to study ilm al-hadith besides
the Qiiran and its exegesis, so that they could perfect their understanding of fiqh.
Hasbim’s strong background of pesantren education made it easier for him to
participate in intellectual activity in the Hijaz. Here he was even reported to have to
teach in 1896. However, his real career as a teacher did not begin until he went back
to East Java for good in 1899. That he was somewhat unknown as a teacher in the
H ijaz does not mean that he was actually absent from tutoring activities. The fact is
that his teachers especially Mahfuz al-Tirmisi and Minangkabau were still actively
transmitting their knowledge and more regarded by students due to their seniority and
authority in the region. It has been a common attitude, that as long as one becomes a
santri, he should be subordinated to the greatness of his teacher on any occasion.
215
One thing from Hashim’s life in Mecca should be stressed, that he was more
impressed by his teacher, Mahfuz al-Tirmisi, than by anyone else. The fact that
Hashim introduced his students to the hadxtb collections of BukHan and Muslim, and
Jjaflj ijk. written by Mahfuz on fiqh in four volumes,
should confirm his preference for this master. Although their contact lasted less than
a decade, Mahfuz was a guiding light o f the past and the future to Hasbim. With
Mahfuz’s ijaza issued to Hashim, the latter was allowed to teach hadith publicly.
However, once Hashim became the master of ihadith in Java later on, he tended to
have his students get their own ijaza directly from Mahfuz. This means that Hashim
was a loyal and honest student and tended to see his discipline of knowledge
developed by other students with closer chains of transmission to his teacher instead
of himself.
5.3.2. As an influential leader of pesantren and educator
Going back from Mecca in 1899, Hashim was no longer a person who
depended for guidance on his parents or on his father-in-law. In keeping with his
pesantren community background, his main concern at this point was about
improving the quality of the institution. Consistent with what he had in mind, he
preferred to teach in Gedang, his birth place, before establishing a new educational
institution in the same year. It is noteworthy that around Gedang Pesantren there
216
were more than fifteen pesantrens such as Tambakberas, Sambong, Sukopuro,
Paculgoang, Watugaluh, and so forth.343
Considering the availability of the numerous pesantrens in the same location,
Ha§him considered building a brand new pesantren in a rather distant region which
was called Tebu Ireng in 1899 with the first enrollment o f twenty-eight santris.346
Other Kiyais in Hasbim’s period laughed at and ridiculed his decision to found a
school in Tebu Ireng, since it was a village that was far away from the city of
Jombang. Their criticism was even stronger when they noticed that the district was
unsafe because there were many non-religious residents, robbers, drunks, gamblers,
and prostitutes around. However, Hasbim’s determination to found the new
pesantren was not without purpose. He aimed for two kinds of transformation: to
transmit and apply the knowledge he had gained so far, and to use the pesantren as an
agent of social change. With this kind of transformation he deserved to be a
strategist in the sense that he wanted to change the structure of the society. He
considered the pesantren as more than an educational venue or a moral and religious
institution; rather, it was seen as an important vehicle to make some basic changes in
society at large. It is evident that in his arguments against his critics he used examples
from the Prophet’s life and mentioned the Walisongo’s efforts in Islamizing the
345 Aboebakar, Op.cit., p. 74.
^Form ally opened on 26 Rabi' al-Awwal, 1889, this pesantren was not legalized by the Dutch
until 1906. See Aboebakar, Op.cit., p. 77.
217
Javanese community as a worthy model to convince other Kiyais of his plan.347 He
believed that the pesantren custom was an expression o f cultural Islam with its
continuity and change which was derived from the intellectual and cultural legacy of
early Javanese Muslims especially the Walisongo. The modeling of the Walisongo
was by no means distrusted by any Javanese santris, since they had been a good
model for them.
It is noteworthy that there had been a sugar factory, Pabrik Gula Cukir, about
five miles from Tebu Ireng pesantren. The factory was founded by the Dutch in
18S3. In this period, sugar was the most important source o f foreign exchange for
the colonists. The factory, indeed, had become a symbol of modernization which was
associated with the colonial government.348 The establishment of Tebu Ireng
pesantren vis-a-vis the foreign factory could also be seen in this context, namely that
its establishment confronted the hegemony of the Dutch. If this assumption is correct,
Hashim’s decision to found Tebu Ireng must have been based on strategic reasons in
keeping with the religious orientation of his struggle. This master plan, in fact, had
been followed by a series of non-cooperative actions, autonomy, and rejections
against the colonists by both himself and his santris.
As a central figure o f the pesantren community, Hashim was not only a man
of ideas, but a man of deeds as well. Hashim liked accomplishing his jobs
347 Solichin Salam, K. H. Hashim A sh'art Ulairia Besar Indonesia (Jakarta. 1963), p. 31.
348Dhofier, Tradisi Pesantren, pp. 100-101.
218
systematically. Every new job was thought about thoroughly and finished quickly. If
he found a serious problem he would solve it through the istikhara349 M usiiawara
with his colleagues who proved to be his proficient assistants in Tebu Ireng
pesantren, such as Kiyai Alwi, Kiyai Ma' sum, Kiyai Baidawi, Kiyai Ilyas, and his
son, Wahid Hashim, should have made his job in the pesantren better. These aides, as
matter of fact, had accelerated and improved the continuity and change o f the
pesantren in the future.350
It is obvious that Hashim had difficulty during the early development o f Tebu
Ireng Pesantren in the first decade o f the twentieth century. Tolerating people’s
criticism was as difficult as defending his principles against the colonists’ domination.
In this regard, Aboebakar who wrote in 1950s did not classify Hashim as a radical
reformist. Rather he justified Hasbim’s kindness by its subordination to the
genuineness o f Javanese culture, that was always keen to an appreciation and
gradual change. Hashim did not humiliate people for their faults. Slowly but surely,
he approached them with honest love in every respect. With this wise approach
people would stay away from their bad habits and return to the straight path.
Behavioral changes in the mood of love would be better and last longer than changes
because o f criticism and ridicule. He always showed people the model of the
349Most pious Muslims used the istikfiara in keeping with the popular teaching that anyone who
conducts consultation would find no misery and one who practices istikhdra would find no
obscurity.
350Dhofier, Tradisi Pesantren, p. 103.
219
prophet’s life which should be thoroughly emulated by every Muslim. The Prophet
tended to do wa 'z and irsfiad rather than resorting to force, and preferred to engage
in a sympathetic da 'wa rather than a rampant revolution. All of this was imitated by
Hasbim as an educator who understood the very culture and psychology o f his own
community.351
Most of Hashim’s time was spent teaching in Tebu Ireng mosque, in his
pesantren complex.352 Since his main interest was the science of haditfi, his pesantren
was widely known and sought by those who wanted to study haditji in depth.
However, not only his teaching o f the haditfi science was desired by his santris, but
fiq h , and tafsir were widely demanded as well. Santris’ interest in his teachings
cannot be separated from Hashim’s attractive qualities. He read the Arabic materials
for his santris in a very fusha language with a clear translation and explanations. The
students could easily grasp any material he presented since he showed his unusual
acquisition in these three subjects in which contemporary ulama ’ did not have such
capacity. He was always friendly and patient in answering his santris’ questions.
As other Kiyais in Java, Hasbim spent the month of Ramadan teaching his
specialization of knowledge. The study o f collections of hadith written by Bukhan
and Muslim was usually accomplished in Ramadan, attended by most o f his important
351 Aboebakar, Op.cit, p. 80.
352 His regular hours to teach were from 6:30 to 10, from 13:30 to 15:30, from 16:30 to 17:30, and
from 19:00 to 23:00, SeeSalam, Op.cit, p. 37.
220
students who became Kiyais from all over Java. This Ramadan class was also
intended as a reunion for those pesantren leaders. Their learning in this situation was
probably more a forum o f communication, silat al-rahm, and tabarrukan, namely to
get more wisdom from the hadith and from the tutors.
In the 1920s, there were many ulam a’ who wanted to study the science of
hadith from Ash'an in Tebu Ireng more and more. One o f them was Khalil
Bangkalan, Hasbim’s teacher. £halil surprisingly said, “In the past I was your teacher,
but now I want to learn from you”. Ash'ari awkwardly answered, “I never thought
your honor would say that, I was and I am your student, you are forever my teacher.
Please, don’t you have the wrong person.?” Seeing the hesitancy o f the former
student, Khalil reconfirmed that he really would be Hashim’s student to learn the
science of hadith.353 This anecdote certainly justifies the modesty of both ulama ’.
KJialil was known as an unbeatable teacher who liked debating for academic purposes
more than anything else. It is quite inconceivable that the former would have finally
honored his own student. This event would have never happened, unless Khalil
experienced a behavioral conversion from being superior to being mature and wise.
Modesty is one of the important characteristics among the pesantren ulama ’. Some
other reports indicate that Khalil’s sitting in Hashim’s class just a few years before he
353 Ma'sum, Op.cit,. pp. 55-56. Ma'sum put the year 1933 as the date of this event This dating
could not be accurate, since Khalil died in 1925. It is much safer to assume that the event took place
in the early 1920s, since there was an indication that by the end of his life he .visited his main
student Hasbim, a couple of times.
221
died means simply that the former, who had been highly respected in Java with
thousands o f students, wanted to show other santris that Ash'ari should be the future
Kiyai leader they could depend on.
The major development of Tebu Ireng pesantren under Hashim’s leadership
should be mentioned. Like most pesantrens, its nature was always independent. The
relationship between his pesantren in its early development and the colonists must
have been quite unsatisfactory. The fact that it was opened in 1889. and was not
legalized by the Dutch until 1906. explains the difficult situation. Hashim was one of
the Javanese ulam a' who were suspected by the Dutch due to their leadership and
influence in the community. The political circumstances and regulations created by the
Dutch, indeed, discouraged the development of pesantrens in the past century. This
means that the pesantren teachers were limited to those who acquired Islamic
education inside the country. The colonists’ suspicion, in fact, even went back to the
period of the short British colony in the first quarter of nineteenth century Java.
Raffles considered Muslim leaders, especially the hajis, as the greatest opponents of
every colonial government.354
In the first decade o f the twentieth century Java witnessed the new erection
and direction of pesantrens. Muhammad Yunus, a historian who visited the
pesantrens in the 1950s, indicated that the birth of Tebu Ireng Pesantren during the
354The British controlled Java from 1811-16. The East India governor, Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles,
considered santris as having a tendency to rouse rebellion and to attack or massacre the Europeans.
Raffles, Op.cit.,R, p. 3.
222
eclipse of the nineteenth century was a milestone o f tfie new era of pesantrens.355
Hasbim’s arrival in Java with his knowledge and experiences in the Hijaz visibly
marked the coming o f Javanese 'ulama’ who acquired Islamic knowledge in the holy
city and institutionalized their new vitality and fresh ideas by establishing new
pesantrens.
The master plan o f Tebu Ireng pesantren designed by Ash'ari was not
fruitless. Hashim was a man of patience and honesty. He created a tradition of
pesantren in himself as a former santri wanderer and a strict but kindhearted Kiyai, in
his family, and in his small but beautiful pesantren. The latter statement could only be
explained by observing the later growth and development o f the institution. From
twenty-eight pupils in the beginning it grew to thousands in the following decades.
The students were barely popular until they eventually showed their progress and self-
identity as local or national leaders. It is reported that when Hasbim died in 1947 he
had successfully trained no less than tens of thousands o f students from all over
Indonesia.336 This tremendous accomplishment would have never happened, unless
Hashim had been a charismatic Kiyai with winning qualities such as strictness,
sympathy and intelligence with a warm personality. Hasbim’s experiences and his bom
leadership as foreseen by his parents should have contributed to his achievement.
Besides, indeed, Hashim was quite concerned about his santris. Owning a large
355Yunus, Muhammad, Op.cit., pp. 228-229.
356 Salaim, Op.cit., p. 34.
223
cropland, he customarily provided his santris with free meals especially following the
harvesting day or during the difficult time such as in 1946 A.D. when Japanese
currency was no longer utilized after the colonists were no longer in power while
santris kept such money exclusively.357
In the 1910s and 1920s there was a new development in Tebu Ireng
pesantren and its vicinity. In Jombang, Denanyar pesantren opened an extended
pesantren for women in 1910 Tebu Ireng and Singosari pesantren in Malang, East
Java, introduced general subjects such as Indonesian and Dutch language, history,
mathematics, and geography in 1920.358 In the same period madrasa also emerged
and developed simultaneously. Basically these new institutions offered general
subjects besides the religious curriculum. In 1916 Tebu Ireng pesantren introduced
its Madrasa Salafiya under the direction of Kiyai Ma’shum, Hashim’s son in law. He
was replaced by Kiyai Muhammad Djas (1911-1970), Hasjjim’s nephew, one of
Hashim’s most leading students, who became the director o f the madrasa in 1929.
The former was educated in H.I.S, Hollands Indische School (1918-1926), a Dutch
high school in Surabaja, and in pesantrens in East Java especially in Tebu Ireng.
Based on Hashim’s suggestion, Djas together with Hashim’ son, Wahid Hashim, were
sent to the Hijaz for the hajj and education in 1931.
357 In-depth interview with Kiyai Ahmad Bakir (70 years old) on Monday, June 24, 1996, in Kudus.
Central Java. This Kiyai was a former student of Hashim in the 1940s.
358Dhofier, Tradisi Pesantren, p. 38.
224
The introduction o f non-religious subjects in Tebu Ireng was sharply
criticized by other 'ulam a’, so that many parents forbade their children to start or
even continue their education in this institution. However, in the early 1940s under
Japanese occupation they realized the benefits of such sciences, when the Japanese
forbade people to communicate in writing except in alphabetical letters.339 In
addition most alumni became members of Sankai (a district house o f representatives)
due to their acquisition o f non-religious knowledge especially in the Indonesian
language instead o f their intimacy with Arabic.
Thanks to the major progress of Hashim’s pesantren, the Dutch government
was about to award him a golden and bronze-made badge for an appreciation in 1937.
Being afraid of adulterating God’s reward with human’s interest, and consistent with
holding the principles of ij^tlas away from riya, he simply rejected the offer and
explained his reasons to his santris after maghrib congregational prayer as follows:
Our prophet Muhammad was offered three things by his enemies in

Mecca through his uncle, Abtl Talib. They were a highest position in the
government, immense wealth, and the most beautiful girl in Arabia. Yet the
Prophet rejected the bid and said before his uncle: “By God, had they passed
the sun on my right hand and the moon on my left one in order that I stopped
my da 'wa, I would have never given up. Rather, I would keep struggling until
the light of Islam radiated everywhere or I would die o f it”. So my children,
my novices, exemplify the Prophet’s stand in every respect. May Allah guide,
bless, and protect us as Muslims. Let us observe the isHa ’ prayer together,
rehearse and memorize as well your class after that. Do not let laziness
control ourselves rampantly.360
359Aboebakar, Op.cit., p. 85.
Ibid. p. 112.
225
Once again Hashim legitimized his political and religious responses to the
colonists and convinced his audiences by referring to the reply of the Prophet.
Although the pesantren ulama tended to use the kitab kuning rather than to refer to a
hadith or surma to solve any socio-religious problems, this does not mean that using
those two sources was avoided in this community. Compared to the non-pesantren
ulama, Ha§him was even more intimate in using the haditjj, since *ilm al-hadith was
his major discipline of knowledge, however, he and the pesantren ulama ’ mostly
referred to the kitab kuning when they undertook mudhflkara and munazara. The
kitab kuning as an important source in the pesantren milieu was undeniable, and
indeed it has long marked the important feature o f the pesantren intellectual tradition.
Setting a positive example was an important element in Hashim’s education.
Hashim’s habits of mutala'a, reading the kitab thoughtfully, impressed his students.
Among those were Ahmad Bakir, Kudus, Central Java (bom in 1926), who
witnessed Hashim’s continual reading whenever possible. Waiting for a cart to go
somewhere, Hastum was reported to keep reading until the transportation approached
him and he went back to enjoying reading on it.361
Hashim’s way was emulated not only by his family but also by most of his
santris. He suggested that his children fast not only during the month of Ramadan.
Mondays and Thursdays, even most days in the week, it had become the sunna for
361 Bakir, In-depth interview.
226
the family to observe fasting. Because o f this direction, his children started practicing
it when they were quite young. One o f the benefits is that among his children Wahid
was so self- restrained that he could control his anger although he was prone to anger
by nature. This habit of fasting continued although Wahid held an absolutely
exhaustive job as a minister o f religious affairs of the Republic o f Indonesia in the
1950s362.
Hashim’s formal dress with a turban was also followed by his main student,
Wahab Hasbullah (bom in 1888). The latter was charged to give a speech in the
Indonesian parliament in Jakarta in the 1950s. Before getting on the stage, he fixed
his turban. Some people mumbled why he had to use it, while other people were
mostly in “formal and international costume.” To answer their criticism, before he
started his speech to the audience he pointed to his turban saying that it was the
heritage o f Indonesian Mujahidun, especially Diponegoro in Java and Teuku Umar in
Aceh363
The way Hashim treated his santris varied depending on circumstances. Again
Bakir recounted that his teacher sometimes punished his santris by force, especially when
the latter committed something terribly inappropriate and needed a dramatic change. For
instance, as in other santri communities, Hasbim habitually sat guiding his santris to recite
362 Aboebakar, Op.cit., p. 145.
363Ibnoe Syani, “K.H. Abdul Wahliab Hasbullah”, El-Qudsy, 2 (1994), pp. 99-94.
227
certain prayers after performing daily prayers together. One day in 1945. Bakir saw his
teacher showing unusual action. He hurriedly left the santris without du'a heading for
other santris who were playing with bath water exceedingly and beat them with a bat
which made them run off Bakir eventually understood that these santris were in israf
364which is conflict with one of the pesantren's base principles to live a modest life.365
Trust in Hasbim’s students was another important point that needs to be
underlined. This method was also followed by his son, Wahid,366 whose reputation was as
important as Hasbim due to their leadership. To an advanced student such as Idam Khalid,
Wahid gave full authority under his direction to develop his knowledge in the 1940s. In
this regard, (Chalid gave his first-hand account: “I used to ask him to read me a kitab. As
an educator, Wahid answered: "Read it and analyze it for yourself if you find any
question, do not hesitate to ask me when there is a chance anywhere.’ I took this
suggestion and I practiced it. I always got his lecture from the recommended kitab month
after month. This academic activity took place in an office, in a car, in a meeting occasion,
and anywhere.”367
364Israf literally means exaggeration of waste. In this community the following verse is popular “Indeed,
the squanderers were always brothers of the devils, and the devil was always an ingrate to his Lord”.
(Qur’an: 17:27).
365Ahmad Bakir, In-depth interview.
366Bom in 1914, Wahid Hashim was the most successful of Hasbim’s sons by Nafiqah, whom he
married in the 1910s and who bore him ten children. Besides Wahid who was the former minister of
religious affairs and died in 1953, there was Yusuf Hashim who was bom in 1348 from the same
mother. Yusuf has been a pesantren director in Jombang, East Java, and a politician until the
present
367Bom in South Kalimantan, Borneo, in 1921, Idam .Khalid was a santri who was educated in East
Java and had the chance to be the top leader of the NU from the 1960s to 1982. Writing his
228
From Kbalid’s description one cannot generalize that the role o f the Kiyai was
unimportant once a scmtri started self-reading. The Kiyai's position was always
significant in the santris' life-long education from the level of tutoring, guiding,
encouraging, advising and inspiring, to that of approving a student’s personal plan
with a d u ’a mustajab. A student could not do anything without a Kiyai's permission.
Like other Kiyais, Hasbim highly recommended congregational prayer to his
novices. This communal worship was part of his life from childhood until he was
about to die. When Hasbim suffered a severe fever at noon he forced himself to take
wudu' and got ready to go to the mosque in 1943. One of the family members
advised him to do prayer at home due to his worsened condition. To their surprise he
answered: “You know my children, Hell Fire would be more heated than fever.”
Going back from the mosque, Hashim was taking a rest and continuing his typical
santri suggestion: “Not of my pain I am crying, nor of my farewell with my family,
but I feel that I am lacking good deeds and there are a lot of God’s commands that I
did not fulfill. How shy and fearful I am to see God while I am empty handed.
Indeed, it is all about this that makes me cry.”368
impressions of his teacher with such a sincere comment in 19S8, he was a vice Prime Minister of
the Republic of Indonesia. Aboebakar, Op.cit., p. VH.
368 Salam, Op.cit., p. 65.
229
13. Wahab Hasbullah (1888-1971) Choiiul, Anam, Pertumbuhan dan Perkembangan
NU. Sala: Jatayu Sala, 1985, p. 187.
230
5.3.3. As the hadrat al-Sjtaykh-,369 the NU spiritual father
The gufi tradition exemplified an established Sunni Islam in Java until the rise of
Wahhabism In line with this development, nineteenth-century Java was a critical period of
transition and dialogue between the traditionalists represented by sufi and general santri
Muslims, and the modernists symbolized and affected by Wahhabi ideas and those of
Muhammad Abduh. The modernists’ slogan was “Back to the Qur'an and the hadith.”
The modernists claimed that Muslims lagged behind due to their misinterpretation of Islam
that appeared to be “sufi oriented” and syncretic Islam. Their main mission in this context
was to purify Islam from local traditions.
The students who went back from the.Middle East seemed to be at least two kinds
of ulama those who opposed the ideas of Muslim reformists and those who promoted
them. This division was more apparent when later on these 'ulama’ initiated the
establishment of Muslim organizations. The Muhammadiah which was founded by K.H.
Ahmad Dahlan in 1912 represented the second while the NU which was established in the
next decade and inspired by the loyal student of Nawawi, Hashim, stood for the first. Their
dialogue, as a matter of feet, had begun in the nineteenth century. Their favorite teachers
in the Haramayn: Nawawi al-Bantini and Shaykh Khatib proved to be different thinkers
369 Until present, there has been no NU top leader with the same status as that of the Hadrat al-
Sbaykb. If the latter was pronounced in the community, it always denotes the founder of the
organization. Once Hashim’s position was taken over after his death, the degree has been switched to
the Rais Am of the Shuriyya.
231
and teachers. Nawawi tended to maintain Sunni classical ideas while Khatib was more
open to new ideas brought by Muslim reformists.
The founding father of the Muhammadiyya, Ahmad Dahlan (bom in 1868 in
Jogjakarta, Central Java),370 studied in Mecca and was interested in reforming Islam partly
because of his own cultural and educational background and partly because of his
introduction to Wahhabi ideas. Ahmad Dahlan was generally known to be attracted to
natural science, and his acquisition of such science won over his knowledge of religious
sciences. Steenbrink, did not regard him as an ’alim,371 however, his commitment to Islam
was unquestionable. Ahmad Dahlan’s travel to Mecca in search of knowledge was a
blessing in disguise. His main teacher, Ahmad Khatib Minangkabau (d. 1916) had the same
interest in mathematics and natural science. The latter was an alim from Minangkabau,
Sumatra, Indonesia, whose books were mostly written in the Malay language, however,
his intensity in religious science was not as profound as that of Nawawi al-Bantani. It is
noteworthy that both Ahmad Khatib and Ahmad Dahlan bitterly opposed tariqa.
Therefore, Dahlan’s ideas of Islamic reformism which in turn made him turn away from
and even contest with the traditional wing including sufi Islam, must have been inspired
by his teacher as well. In addition, the southern part of central Java, primarily Jogjakarta
where he spent most of his life, was beset with Hindu-Buddhist traditions.
370 A. Karel Steenbrink, Pesantren Madrasah Sekolah (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1986), p. 90.
371Ibid. , p. 52.
232
* Ahmad Khatib was a disciple of Shafi'i. His taqlid to the popular madbhab, was
probably one of the reasons for Indonesians why he attracted so many santri Muslim
students including Hasbim Ash’ari. The latter was, however, more affected by his other
teachers especially by Sbqyfcfr Mahfuz al-Tirmis who faithfully emulated the way and
tradition of Imam Nawawi al-Bantani and Sbaykh Ahmad Khatib al-Sambasi (d. 1878).
Al-Sambasi, the founder of the combined tariqa al-Qadiriyya wa al-Naqshabandiyya,
was a productive Javanese writer who became an important teacher in Mecca-Medina in
the early 1800s and was conducive to the development of Javanese sufism. To continue
the intellectual tradition of Nawawi and Sambas, Hashim consistently maintained the
teaching of madbbab and tariqa.372 Hasbim basically admitted ^bduh’s ideas to revive
Islamic values, but he rejected his other idea of staying away from the madhhab ties. On
the latter point, he agreed with Ahmad Khatib. however, unlike the latter, Hasbim did not
consider that sufi and Sunni practices were in conflict with Islamic teachings. To him, it
was impossible to attain the significance of the teachings of the Qur’an and the hadith
without understanding and learning from the classical books of the medieval ulama
therefore, to interpret the Qur'an and the hadith without conducting these efforts would
only distort the real tenets of Islam.373
372 That Hasbim was a supporter of tariqa or sufism in general could be seen in his book, Al-Durar
al-Muntathira, (Kudus: Menara Kudus, 1940).
373Dhofier, Op.cit, p. 95.
233
Hashim was a typical Kiyai in Java who tried to synthesize the local tradition with
Islam ic elements, however, he considered that Islamic principles were not in conflict with
local practices as long as the combination had religious foundation and purposes. The
fusion was, as a matter of feet, according to Javanese Kiyais, subordinated to Islamic
teachings as shown by the Walisongo. Through this way of propagation the Islam
introduced by Hasbim and his followers was easily adopted by most of the people in Java.
A modem writer, M. Wahib, who became an intellectual inspirer of Modem Islam in the
1970s, suggested that this traditional Islam was a cultural Islam enriched by its peculiarity
in m aintaining the local heritage. Unlike this traditional feature, the modem Islam in
Indonesia lacked flexibility in “chatting with” local elements. This means the latter was
poor due to its tendency not to appreciate the cultural legacy.374
The question arises, then, why traditional Islam including sufi Islam in Indonesia
was so dominant that it gave no access to promulgate Modem Islam in rural areas (the
greater part of Indonesia). Dhofier stated that the great success of traditional Islam in
consolidating its strength in Java was not caused only by the feet that its followers were
more numerous than those of Modem Islam, but it was also caused by its outstanding and
rooted solidarity and the integrity of the members.373 Solidarity and integrity as well as
cooperation fin Javanese, it is called the gotong royong) were easily traceable and
inherent in Javanese indigenous culture. Therefore, Kiyais represented by Hashim Ash'an
374 See Slamet Effendi Yusut Dinamika Kaum Pesantren (Jakarta, 1978), p. 83.
375Dhofier, Op.cit, p. 4.
234
together with his bright students who became prominent and influential scholars in the
twentieth century, had no getting difficulty in ‘landing” their santri or Sunni Islam. The
latter’s teaching indeed has been long since familiar and has become part of Javanese life.
Besides a “patron-client” model between Kiyais and santris had characterized this society.
The rise of the NU as a religious and social organization should be seen as a long
process triggered by Javanese 'ulam a’ and could not be separated from the above
dimension of thought and struggle. Its birth at the hand of Asb'ari could be, therefore,
best based on such an ideological resistance, namely the pescmtren community’s deep
concern about the challenges o f socio-religious and political ideas at both micro and
macro levels.
Even though the ulama ’ had been united in one rite with their consistency to the
Sunni madbhab, anything they accomplished before 1926 seemed to be informal, aimless
and unorganized. This is why they needed a dialogue and held an important assembly in
Ketopatan, Surabaya, East Java, Indonesia on January 3L, 1926. 376 The meeting was
designed to overcome the above problem and to reflect any current potential problems
both politically and religiously. Therefore the most actual issue was not a local one, it
was, indeed, what going on in the Middle East as well. At a micro level the pesantren
ulam a’ have long been dissatisfied with the domination of modernist Muslims in
struggling for power in several congresses, namely the Mu 'tamed alam Islam i Hind
al-Sharqiyya, conducted by Indonesian Muslim organizations in the 1920s. In these
376Choirui Anam, Pertumbuhan dan Perkembangan NU (Sala: Jatayu Sala, 1985), p. L
235
national events, thepesantren 'ulem a’ were reported to fail to gain the position as a
representative o f Indonesian Muslims to attend International Congresses al-Islam in
Mecca and Cairo. The position itself was not the goal, but the point is that the
representative without the NU wing neglected the voices o f the pesantren
community, including their concern about Wahhabism in Mecca after its complete
seizure by Abd al-Aziz ibn Sa'ud in October 1924.377 The issue which had been
currently launched by King Abd al-Aziz Ibn Sa'ud in Mecca really annoyed the Javanese
u la m a The king, a die-hard Wahhabi follower, did not give Muslims freedom for taking
any other rite or madbhab. This prohibition in turn would interfere with international
Mecca-Medina pilgrims who were not permitted to engage in certain ceremonies such as
paying homage to the Prophet’s shrine. The other interest might be included here, such as
their fear of the King’s interference with the santris’ intellectual tradition, which had been
institutionalized for more than a century in the Hijaz. Ash'an and Wahab, the engineers of
the NU, were both the products of the long period of transmission of knowledge in
Arabia, who witnessed this opposition and could not let it lead to the stagnation of the
intellectual tradition.
The religious contention challenged the Javanese ulama ’ and inspired them to
consolidate their strength by instituting a formal organization, which was called the NU
through the above meeting. This organization under the original leadership of Hashim
377For a discussion of the establishment of the NU in more details, see Martin van Bruinessen, NU.
Tradisi, Relasi-relasi Kuasa, Pencarian Waama Baru (Yogyakarta: LKIS. 1994), pp. 26-37.
236
A§h'ari and K.H. Wahab Hasbullah enabled them to voice their opposition to the King’s
policy, and it even enabled them to devise an ad hoc group called the “Hijaz Committee”
to negotiate with the King. The warning was eventually successful.
Wahab Hasbullah, together with Kiyai Mas Mansur, the founding father o f the
Muhammadiah, used to be good friends having a forum of Islamic studies, which was
named “Taswir al-Ajka?\ in Surabaya in 1919. It is safe to assume that after successfully
elaborating their strategy in the forum, which included their vision of the Islamic
movement in the future, the two figures devoted themselves to their own organizations so
that they had more room to work for Islam, instead of developing ideas per se. Therefore
the forum could be seen as a medium for developing a conceptual leveL, while the two
organizations were the embodiment of such theories and the actual level of the
movement.
Abdurrahman Wahid, the present president of the NU since 1984 and the
grandson of Hashim, explained that the rise of the NU was motivated by major social
changes going on in the early 20th century.378 This social history approach would help
analyze the issue in more detail. The traditional Muslims or the Kaum Pesantren inspired
and represented by K.H. Hashim and his students in the first quarter o f this century were
faced by complex external problems. Take the field of education as an example. The
Dutch, the colonists, strongly imposed a schooling system on society that was absolutely
378 Personal interview in July 1994, also see Abdurrahman Wahid, “NU : Reaksi Terhadap Apa T . in
Warta NU, September (1985), p. 8.
237
contradictory to what NU had had, namely pesantren. Did the NU have to abolish the
Pesantren system and be totally Dutch slaves, or to maintain the Pesantren as it was? The
NU chose a middle way by m aintainin g the pesantren system and developing or modifying
a new form of pesantren which was called the madrasa at the same time. The latter
institution was extensively cultivated to combat the colonial schooling system. The latter
school was then seen as a secular and non-Muslim agent In line with this, the second
decade of the twentieth century witnessed the massive development of madrasas in Java
as the case with Tebu Ireng Pesantren as their pioneer.
The ideological background of the NU emergence is still emphasized here, namely
to defend and protect Sunnism against any invasion. To confront colonial educational
policy resulted in disseminating nationalism among its members. The sense of hubb al-
watan,379 my country right or wrong in the right sense of glorifying the desired
independence, was quite intense among the NU members in its early development. This
nationalism was also manifested in the new names of madrasas to intensify their feeling of
“love of motherland” such as Nahdat

•
al-Watan, Akh al-Watan, and AM al-Watan.
• • •
Like Hashim, historically the NU was consistently against the colonists. This
nature was by no means different from that of the pesantrens in general. It is thus not
surprising that there is a common phrase today that the NU is a big pesantren. The NU
seriously demanded its members through fatwas not to dress like the colonists. Some
379 This is justified by an Islamic tparhing that : “frubb al-watan min al-iman" meaning to love
motherland is part of faith. This teaching was hardly found in the*hadith collections, but many Javanese
santris believed that such a phrase has been part oflslimic teachings.
238
policies given by the Dutch were uncompromisingly refused by the NU such as its
subsidy, its patronage for blood donations and military service, and its involvement in the
national educational system. It is not an exaggeration to conclude that the NU was a
manifestation o f the organized pesantren community. This organization was hence
intended to accommodate any interest and socio-religious and political orientation o f the
pesantren community as well. That the birth of the NU was in Tebu Ireng pesantren with
its elected chair in acclamations, Hashim, as the first ra 'is am, of the NU from 1926 until
he died in 1947, is another indication of this mutual relation.
5.3.4. As the “Aswaja” promoter
Sunnism or AM ai- Sunna wa-l-Jama 'a has been more popular with its
shortened name Aswaja in the pesantren community. The concept of Aswaja could
be best seen in the NU’s first statutes and rules enacted in the 1930s. Hashim’s role
in formulating the dictums was unquestionable since he was the first man in the
organization ever. In the field o f Islamic jurisprudence, the NU determined to select
one of the four madhhabs with the Sbafi' ites as the most favorite, while in theology
the NU recommended its members adhere to either Abu al-Hasan akAsh'ari or Abu
Mansur al-Maturidi.380 In sufism, the teachings o f al-Ghazali (d. 1111) and Abu al-
Qasim al-Junaid al-Baghdadi (d. 297/ 911) have been the indisputable qibla o f this
organization.381 Since the Aswaja has become the ideology and the goal o f the
380See the NU’s first statutes and rules, AD-ART, enacted in 1930s. p. 1.
381 K.H. Bisri Mustafa, Risalat Ahlusunah wa-l-Djama'ah (Kudus: Menara Kudus, 1967), p. 19.
239
association, one could say that the NU basically supported and institutionalized the
basic nature of the Javanese scmtri life, which was Shaft i-Ash'ari- and Ghazali
minded.
The kind o f Aswaja understood by the NU underlined the importance of
tasamuh, tolerance. The other principles o f Aswaja were tawassut or ad7, being in
the middle and avoiding any extremity, tawazun to keep a balance between the
concept of habl min al-rias and min Allah, and the message o f amr al-ma ru f wa
nahy an al-nmnkar.3*1 As understood, this teaching was also traceable since the
period of the Walisongo. Once again the Walisongo have always been ideal models in
the community.
Such religious tolerance, indeed, had accommodated the socio-cultural
interchanging and intermingling process that created the uniqueness o f Islamic color
in Javanese life. This religious understanding had brought about a harmony as an
important element in the santri religious life, namely a newly Sunni modified tenet
which did not interfere with local traditions and habits. The concept o f harmony used
to be associated with at least three elements which were God, the individual, and his
environment including people o f different religions. This philosophy was believed to
result in “peaceful coexistence” in a diverse society and was certainly in line with the
Javanese philosophy which underscores unity, stability, safety and harmony. In
^P an itia Penyelenggara Mu'tamar XXVTI NU Buku Petunjuk Mu'tamar NU ke-27 (Situbondo.

1984), p. 27.
240
addition, this pattern flexibly absorbed local and foreign elements but still uniquely
stood on Islamic principles. Referring to these features will enable one to understand
somewhat easily why the NU with its main basis among Javanese santris has been
always dominant in Java. Therefore, the NU has been socially rooted and grew very
fast by recruiting the majority o f the people in the rural area. The Aswaja which was
persuasively undertaken by Hashim was thus another apparent model of “cultural”
Islam. He successfully resolved the Hindu-Buddhist tradition and subordinated it
under the banner of the Aswaja. Social engagements such as slametan,383 tahlilan?**
al-Barzanji, or the Prophet’s biography recitation, have been highly promoted in the
pesantren tradition.
The case would have been different, had the custom o f other religions no
longer been found in Hashim’s time. In other words, the modernist Muslims’
opposition against the NU leaders in the 1920s and in the 1930s in the field of socio-
religious and cultural transformation was mainly based on the existence of such
practices and on the modernists’ mission o f purification.
383The Slametan or Kenduren is a ritual in which the Javanese Muslims attended one’s invitation to
make du'a for certain feasts. See the more detailed footnotes 273 and 274, in the discussion of
Eyhalil Bangkalan
384The tahlilan (Javanese and Arabic) is the act of repeating the statement la ilaha ilia Allah.
Muslims believe that such performance will cleanse a person’s errors and advance his religious
quality. In the pesantren tradition the tahlilan functions as a socio-religious gathering, and more
specifically as a beneficial prayer to both its reciters and the dead. Indeed, the discussion on tahlilan
divides the santri Muslims and the modernists.
241
As mentioned above while Hashim subscribed to some of Abduh’s ideas to
revitalize the Muslim community especially under the colonists, he maintained that
certain religious practices such as tariqa were still relevant to Muslims. His positive
attitude toward sufism was at least shaped by both his santri family and his
educational background. Despite the fact that like other Sunni ‘ulama Hasfaim did not
oppose sufism, he advised his community not to join tariqa membership without
scrupulously checking the status o f the association, especially its masters. It is
apparent that Hashim was always in the middle even among the tariqas. He criticized
certain tariqas in Java, in which the $harTa was not well executed. According to him
a tariqa master is required to have certain criteria such as to hold a sound knowledge
of the oneness o f Allah including all His attributes. Second, his creed has to
correspond to itiqad ahl al-Haqq and to the Muslim majority which is AM al-Sunna.
Third, he should be familiar with Allah’s rules which relate to one’s spiritual being,
physique, and many unseen diseases staining those who conduct good deeds. Fourth,
he has to comply with Allah’s commands by enjoining the good and staying away
from the muharramat:3SS
Indeed, Hashim’s principles on tariqa has opened up new strife among tariqa
leaders. His standpoint brought him to an unexpected situation of conflict with
Khalil,386an effective tariqa leader in Peterongan, Jombang, East Java in the 1940s.
385Asb'ari, Al-DurraCal-Muntathira, pp. 23-24.
386Not to be confused with Khalil Bangkalan who was Hasbim’s earliest teacher.
242
Hasbim considered Khalil’s tariqa extreme in the sense* that it gave too much
authority to the leader. Hasbim deemed such authority as surpassing the normal
position of a Wali master or as a treacherous leader-worship. In the last status, a
leader could place himself as if he were a distinguished agent of God and ignore the
shari a. Due to this controversy, Hasbim underscored the pesantren educational
system as being more shari'a oriented as it had endured since a century before. This
kind of understanding inspired Hashim’s important student, Kiycd Bisri Shansuri (1886-
1980), another founder of the NU and of Denanyar Pesantren in East Java, to studyfiqh
in depth all his life.387
Another heated topic discussed by the modernist and santri Muslims was the
controversy between taqlid and ijtihad, tawwasul, qunut,388 and the reciting of the
niyya of usalli to start the daily prayers. This subject was basically part o f fiq h and
fitru'iyya questions. Abduh’s influence on taqlid and khilafiyya, and Wahhabiyya
ideas (Muhammad ibnu 'Abd al-Wahhib 1703-1787) as well such as anti-tariqa
attitudes were so predominant in the mind o f modernist Muslims in Java that the
conflict between the factions was unavoidable. It is noteworthy that the intensity of
debates even frightened the Muslim leaders from both sides, since they mutually
accused each other of being “non-believers”. It was imperative that Hashim defend his
387Ma’sum, Op.cit., p. 116.
388Qunut is a certain prayer reading recited by santri Muslims, particularly by the NU community,
during the second part of subuh prayer.
243
principles o f Sunnism and apparently try to be in the middle way without loosing his
own principles as a twentieth century Sunni guardian in Java. Considering the worst
consequence o f such uncontrollable debates which resulted in Muslims’ loss and in
stronger colonists, Hashim as a strategist and as a middle-of-the-road leader mediated
the two sides by voicing his principles as follows:
I heard that there was enmity and fitn a among you. I think deeply o f
what caused all this. It seems the cause was a certain performance that was
shown recently by those who wanted to change the essence of the holy
scripture and the Prophet’s surma. Allah said: “The believers are naught else
than brothers. Therefore make peace between your brothers.” The Prophet
said, “do not let jealousy, animosity, and disparity control yourselves.
Become brothers among people o f Allah. They (usually) tend to be so hostile,
jealous, and competing that it results in antagonism.”
O, 'ulama' who fervently hold certain madbhabs or particular

opinions, leave your sense o f fanaticism in the domain o f f u r u subdivisional
matters, in which the ulama ’ in the past were in two positions. While some
ulam a' suggested that every m ujtahid who employed an ijtihad on the
furu 'iyya was constantly correct, others believed that only the mujtahid who
conducted the correct one would deserve the reward, however, those who
conducted the inappropriate one still secured the less reward. Again leave
such fanaticism and stay away from this sinful ardor. Therefore struggle for
Islam and fight against those who soil the teachings of the Quran and good
attributes o f God and against those who earn groundless knowledge and
defective faith. The jihad to bring them to the straight path in this case is
obligatory, wajib. Why would you not busy yourselves to tackle this task?
0 , people, the non-believers have been furious all over the country. So
who would like to contest among you against them and guide them in a
passionate way?.
O, ulama’, the case I just mentioned was actually what you all have
to struggle with fanaticism. Narrow-mindedness in the matter of fu fu 'al-din
and your attempts to bring people to a single madbhab or to a certain opinion
would never be accepted by AllSh and His Messenger. Such efforts should
have been merely^provoked by a sense o f mutual competition, bigotry, and
hatred. If Sbafi'i, Abu Hamfa, Malik, Ahmad bin Hanbal, Ibn Hajar, and
Ramli, were still alive, indeed, they would strongly disapprove and regret and
244
free themselves as well from what you have done on things that ulam a’ in
antiquity were in disagreement 389
As a very respected leader, Hashim wisely started his mawa'iz with self-
criticism among the Javanese 'ulama ’. Introspection was a valuable starting-point to
cool down both sides and to address colonialism which was a greater threat than the
fu ru 'iyya. However, it is apparent that his reminder was directed to other Muslim
leaders from the modernist wing as well. Substantially his admonition was not aloof
from the Sunni mission. Integration to secure socio-religious life is usually understood
as an important principle in the Sunni tradition. In other words, avoiding a chaotic
situation would internally consolidate the unity o f the umma from different parties
and, in turn, it would strongly reject the hegemony o f the colonists.
Hashim’s mawa 'iz which consisted of a few pages, were both written and
spoken out before the NU community at its 11th Congress in 1936 in Banjarmasin, a
large city outside of Java with its significant NU members. Although the NU was
founded in East Java, Banjarmasin, Borneo, was another stronghold of the NU. This
is to emphasize that the NU did not belong to the Javanese exclusively. So far there
has been no research on the connection o f the two remote places in the santri socio
cultural life. Culturally they were obviously different. However, Borneo, indeed, had
produced many notable ulama ’. It is best assumed that the intellectual genealogy was
an essential element in their linkage. Hashim was a loyal student of Nawawi al-
389See Hashim Ash'ari Qonun Asasi, pp. 45-51.
245
Bantam who was unquestionably an adherent of Sbaykk Khatib Sambas (Ahmad
Kbatib al-Sambasi). The latter was bom in Borneo, Indonesia, and remained in Mecca
»
as a preeminent teacher until he died in 1875.
The theory of Aswaja might also be revealed in Qariun Asasi written in Arabic
by Hashim Ash'art, which he read before the NU audience at its third Mu 'tamar in
Surabaja in 1928. The importance of the book to Javanese santris could be seen from
the fact that it has been republished repeatedly in both Indonesian and Javanese
translation. Bruinessen suggested that so far none dealt with the kitab and considered
it a rare and exceptional ijtihad produced by a contemporary traditional alim .390 It
seems Hashim crystallized the knowledge he acquired especially from Mahfuz al-
Tirmisi and Nawawi al-Bantani. One would find the latter two as Javanese masters
with general ideas of the Sunni standard writing in many divisions of knowledge.
Different from them, Hashim dealt specifically with the current issues that actually
occurred in the Islamic world, especially in Java. While his teachers did not handle
any direct discussion with their opponents, Hashim like his contemporary, Asnawi,
was involved in series of dynamic debates before the 1930s. However, debates in
person on many occasions were mostly conducted by Hashim’s loyal student, Wahab
Hasbullah. Hashim’s principles on Sunnism were overall articulated in his works and
in active interactions among the santri community.
390 Bruinessen, NU, p. 37.
246
Like Nawawi, Ha$him maintained the necessity of taqlid for those who are not
mujtahids. The latter who were barely found since the fifteenth century on, were not
allowed to exercise ta q lid , or their taqlid practice was even considered haram.
Majority and Jama'a were identical, with which the Sunnis and santris identified
themselves. In this community the jam a'a had authority not only by definition but by
practice as well. Communality has been a notable part of their religion and culture.
Besides, continuity and change throughout Muslim history might be subordinated to
the golden age in the past as Hashim indicated:
There are several maslahats for conducting the taqlid. First, the
Muslim majority were determined to count on the salctf to understand the
shari a. The same thing happened to the tabi'un, who hold fast the teachings
transmitted by the Companions of the Prophet. This transmission was
continued dynamically by the 'ulam a' through the centuries. Our common
sense would suggest that this kind of understanding is excellent since the
shari 'a would have never been understood apart from the istinbat and naql,
discovery and transfer. Second, the Prophet reminded Muslims to “emulate
the great majority”. History reveals that there were so many madbhabs
which were diminished and eventually unidentified. All agreed that the four
Imams were the most dominant. Third, the time span between us and the
Prophet is so long that amana was hardly found today. Only a few ulama
qadis, and mufffs could be trusted. In this situation, almost none deserves to
be imitated. Those who really bent themselves to the salaf al-salih must have
been lucky as Ibn Mas' ud said “those who want to be a sound muqallid
should go behind the ulama ’ in the past”....391
391 Summarized from Hasbim’s arguments on taqlid in Qariun Asasi which he read before the NU
audience at its third A/mtamar in Surabaja in 1928. See Ash'ari, Qariun Asasi, pp. 52-71.
247
Haghim’s other important contribution to both the NU religious thought and
to the sovereignty of the Indonesian Republic was his fatw a widely known as the
JiKad resolution392issued in October 1945:
1. The Independence o f Indonesia proclaimed on August 17, 1945 has to be

protected.
2. The Indonesian Republic which has been the only legal government has to
be saved although with the cost of wealth and life.
3. Indonesian opponents especially the Hollanders who came back to
Indonesia by joining the Allied Forces (the British) would possibly
recolonize Indonesians in the future after Japan was defeated.
4. The Muslim umma especially the NU members has to be ready for
firearms against the Dutch and their allies who attempt to have Indonesia
recaptured.
5. This obligation is a jih a d which is obligatory to every Muslim residing
within the radius of 94 kilometers (the same distance, masafa, in which
the ja m, combined prayer, could be performed by santri Muslims). Those
who are beyond that radius still have a responsibility to support their
Muslim brothers who are within the radius.393
It is believed that Hashim’s fatw a inspired santris to resist the colonists more
strongly after the Allied Forces succeeded to drive the Japanese out o f Java in 1945 in
a period when the Dutch almost recontrolled most Surabaja, the most important city
in East Java and later known as the city of heroes because of such opposition.
Hashim’s radicalism resulted in the pain of the colonists, and disapproves Hurgronje’s
392 There was a study on contemporaryfatwas in Indonesia conducted by Atho Mudzhar. The fatwa
was produced by the MUI, the representation of many 'ulama'from different Muslim organizations.
However, as witnessed by Martin van Bruinessen, a fatwa issued by an independent organization
such as by the NU should have been more significant and binding to its members. See Bruinessen.
NU, pp. 208-216
393K.H. Saifuddin Zuhri, Sejarah Kebangldtan Islam dan Perkembangannya di Indonesia

(Bandung: AI-Ma' arif Bandung, 1979), pp. 636-637.
248
theory and anticipation that santri Muslims were no more than passive Sunnis.394
Indeed, Hashim’s non-cooperative action could be clearly seen earlier when he
forbade his community to do Saekeirei, a total respect to Caesar Tenno Heika by
bowing as in a prayer and facing Tokyo in 1942. Hasbim’s fatw a by labeling
Saekeirei practice haram cost him a four-month prison sentence and damage to his
fingers.393 The same thing happened when he discouraged Muslims from going on the
hajj by Dutch transportation, a resolution that confused a Dutch religious advisor,
van Der Plas in the 1930s and was highly appreciated by both santri and non-santri
Muslims.396
Suffice it to sum up that Hnsbim was distinctly influential in the pesantren
community because of certain circumtances. He successfully accomplished the high
level of transmission of knowledge under the direction of the most respected masters
to Javanese santris, namely Nawawi, the encyclopedic, Mahfuz, the musnid and the
muhaddith, and {Chalil Bangkalan, the most prestigious Wali in Java. Undoubtedly, he
succeeded in translating and formulating their religious thoughts to his community
and bridging the gap between the two distant worlds. Either the masters’ discipline of
knowledge or Hasbim’s academic interaction with them popularized their supremacy
394Snouck Hurgronje’s perception as cited by G.WJ. Drewes, “Indonesia: Mysticism and Activism,” in
Von Gnmehanm, Unity and Variety in Muslim Civilization ( Chicago, 1976), pp. 284- 310. Unfortunately.
Drewes does not gives neither footnote nor endnote in this writing.
395Adam, Op.cit., pp. 63-64.
396Ma'sum, Op.cit., p. 64.
249
and their strong position in the society. That “knowledge is power” has been an
applicable approach to understand this community better. More important, Hashim’s
involvement against the colonists and his arguments opposing the modernist Muslims
at an academic level in the formative period and his position as an influential and
independent pesantren leader as well had, in turn, brought him and his institution
into a higher standing which was a qibla to both the pesantren and the NU
community. Among the three pesantren strategists being discussed in this chapter,
unquestionably he was the most visible leader due to his unique position with
tremendous roles of leadership in the community. Due to their symbiotic link, it is
sometimes hard in many cases to distinguish between the NU and the pesantren, both
of which were founded by the same person. However, a view that the NU is a big
pesantren seems to be quite accurate. It is also correct to conclude that both the NU
and Hasbim’s pesantren were mainly projected to institutionalize his ideas and santri
ideals in a broad sense.
250
Chapter Six
Conclusion
The attempts to depict the five major figures of the pesantren community by
introducing their biography including their historical background, and socio-religious
roles in society, as well as their religio-intellectual visions together with their thematic
thoughts has been intensively conducted here. The social, cultural, and ideological
significance of Islam’s regard for knowledge, has been also pursued, specifically how
Islamic teachings undertaken by pesantren ulamS’ played a central part in the religious
experience of Javanese Muslims, who had been mistakenly accused of being impure
Muslims. This research has thus proven, that like other Muslims all over the world,
Javanese Muslims represented by the santris believed that any socio-cultural domains in
their divergent manifestations should always be subordinated to the substance of Islamic
teachings. This is precisely what has been demonstrated in fifteenth-to sixteenth-century
Java by the brilliant Walisongo who flexibly absorbed local and foreign elements but who
still uniquely stood behind Islamic principles.
The Walisongo's approach and wisdom were later emulated and institutionalized
in the essence of the pesantren tradition with their historical and ideological continuum.
This continuity was reflected in the philosophical and religious connection between taqlid
and modeling in the community. Through the latter teaching, the grandeur of
251
Muhammad and the charisma o f the Walisongo, personified by the Walis and Kiyais,
have been highly respected ever since.
The pesantren as an educational institution has been very potential and
exceptional. While the strength of the pesantren was seen in its struggles against foreign
and colonial exploitation by using religious justification and symbolic terms such as “a
holy war to drive away the kafir, the unbelievers,” its uniqueness rested on its
combination of local culture with its substance as a wholistic Islamic way of life. It is
noteworthy that the more oppression the colonists offered, the more resistant the
pesantren community became. From this illustration, it is understandable why
pesantrem have been more indigenous and “Javanese Islam.”
Despite the significant resistance of the pesantren community against the
colonists, so far there is no particular study on the supremacy of thefatwa, issued by the
father of the santri community in the twentieth century, Hashim Ash'an, in October
1945. Hashim’sfatw a, largely known as theJifiad resolution, indeed had contributed
to both the NU religious thought and to the sovereignty of the Indonesian Republic.
Therefore, the conventional assumption that quietism was hand in hand with the
theology of Javanese santris is no longer tenable.
The notion of “cultural resistance” developing in the santri community has, as a
matter of feet, been overlooked by scholars. Such a conception, which is one of the
striking features of the pesantren culture and religion, was naturally disregarded by those
scholars who failed to employ the primary sources written in Arabic and Javanese by the
252
pesantren community. This is an expression of “cultural Islam” in which the 'ulama as
agents of social change, are widely understood to have triumphantly continued the
tradition of the Walisongo to implement and pay more attention to the substance of
Islamic teachings formulated and justified by the salaf al-salih, the trusty ulam a’ in the
classical period through their Mlab faming, rather than being busied with superficial
problems such as bid'a, innovation, and so forth. As an agent of social change, and the
“true interpreter of Islamic teaching” a Kiyai was a central figure in the pesantren. He was
the one who directed the pesantren with his charismatic supremacy, consistency to
religious principles which were perfectly modeled by the santris, and his thorough
acquisition of religious knowledge. A Kiyai was further considered to be an agent of
God, thus, he was the actual spiritual teacher of the santris. In line with this, some of the
Kiyais were viewed as walis by society so that the development of sufi tanqa obtained its
strong hold in this community.
However, it is noteworthy that the standard of one’s walaya in the community
was not judged by the quantity of the tanqa membership, rather it was the highest degree
of a Kiyai’s spirituality through his depth in knowledge and in nearing Allah that formed a
good public opinion among the community. In other words, quality and personal
achievement have been religiously and culturally formed in the community. This “quality-
oriented attitude,” indeed, marked transparently the santri intellectual life as well. For
instance, the achievement of santris was not a formal diploma in the modem sense, it was
rather shown by their accomplishment in acquiring knowledge in an effective and actual
253
meaning such as their preparedness to transfer their knowledge to other santris. This case
can be seen when young Hashim Ash'an taught the older people, and when the wandering
santris were never satisfied with a single educational institution.
Again ideological, socio-intellectual-historical, and cultural explication has
been treated as a trans-disciplinary approach to depict a more balanced portrait of the
santri community. While other studies of this community do not yet identify the
thorough intellectual biography of the pesantren architects, explain their core
teachings, nor demonstrate their oral and written messages, those puzzles have been
investigated and revealed in this work together with the major themes of the kitab
laming which have become a fundamental guide for santri socio-religious life. In this
respect, this research can be seen as completing the available and useful works
especially those written by Dhofier and Martin van Bruinessen. However, this work
can be considered anew, since the works available do not highlight the roots of the
pesantren tradition particularly in its ideological and socio-intellectual history.
More significantly, almost none of the written biographies in the Indonesian
language dealt with the intellectual biography. Most of them introduced only the
twentieth century figures without pursuing their actual written and oral teachings.
Because a strict examination of particular individuals who shaped the pesantren
tradition has not been done so far, the adequate characteristics for such distinguished
figures have been successfully provided and should be summed up here:
254
1. The encyclopedic and multi-disciplined student who concentrated his attention
upon the scholarly world of learning, teaching, and writing, resulting in copious
kitabs, such as Nawawi al-Bantani.
2. The expert with a specialization in Islamic knowledge. Because of their expertise
in different fields of knowledge, their pesantrens were sometimes titled in accord
with their specialization. Because of this expertise too, Mahfiiz al-Tirmisi known
as an ailama, al-nruhaddith, and al-musnid, was sometimes exeggeratedly
viewed as the nineteenth century al-Bukhari (d. 870).
3. The charismatic Kiyai who obtained his charisma from his divine knowledge,
especially from his sufism, such as Khalil Bangkalan. It is interesting to discern the
fret that he was not a master of any tanqa group in Java. This indicated that in the
pesantren tradition the most respected master of spiritualism was not determined by the
status or success in an organized tanqa, rather it was the highest degree of a Kiyai's,
spirituality through his depth in knowledge and in nearing Allah that formed a good
public opinion among the community.
4. The da 'i Kiyai, the bulk of whose attention and involvement was to interact with the
public and to transmit his knowledge together with the mission o f Sunnism through
his effective and rhetorical language. Asnawi Kudus signified this category and
remained in a distinguished place in Javanese public life by asserting himself as an
influential and highly recognized leader of the Javanese santris.
255
5. The “movement Kiyai" such as Hashim Ash'an. Among the three pesantren
strategists being discussed in chapter five, he was unquestionably the most visible
leader due to his unique position with tremendous roles and leadership skills in the
community and in the organization he founded, and due to his profundity in Islamic
knowledge, which he obtained from the most respected ulam a' in the pesantren
community.
These bright five santris had shown that Islamic knowledge could be possessed
by any individual, and that the relationship between guru and santris was quite personal,
and transcended geographical boundaries. That the students of al-Bantani and al-
Tirmisi came from all over the archipelago and other countries, especially South and
Southeast Asia, as well as Syria, and that their kitabs in Arabic have been universally
used in the Muslim world, once again, shows that in terms of acquiring and
patronizing Islamic knowledge, the hegemony of Arabic speaking scholars seemed to
be challenged by the emergence of new masters from different origins and
nationalities. More importantly, those five 'ulama' undoubtedly became main gurus
for the pesantren tradition, since the majority of renowned pesantrens in Java were
intellectually linked to those who enjoyed Hijazi education under the five masters.
It should be bome in mind, that Mecca’s complete seizure by a fanatic
Wahhabi, 'Abd al-Aaz ibn Sa’ud, did not take place until October 1924. This fact
shows that the intellectual freedom of these five major ulam a’ was never restrained
by the Meccan authority. Thus it was possible in the later part of the nineteenth
256
century, for young Asnawi Kudus (1861-1959) to be courageously involved in a series of
debates in writing on general religious matters with Shaykh Ahmad Khatib
Minangkabau, the m ufti of Mecca. Asnawi was credited by an influential m ufti from
Egypt, Sayyid Husain Bek, at the end of the polemic. Focusing on the period of those
five major 'ulama', this study shows as well that the roots of the dialogue between
the traditionalists represented by sufi and santri Muslims and the modernists symbolized
and affected by Wahhabi ideas and those of Muhammad Abduh could be found in the
nineteenth century. However, due to the scope and locus of this study, further research is
still needed in the future on the actual connection between Wahhabi influences and
Modernist Muslims.
The central issues and ideas formulated here include the pesantren intellectual
tradition, sufism, Ash'arism, Sunni >S7rarfacorientation, and the community reaction
against the colonial government. In addressing the pesantren tradition in a socio
intellectual history, those five primary topics should be treated as a single unit. The
ideological denomination of the pesantren ulania' which so for has been sufi, Ash'ari,
and Shafi'i fiqh oriented, is sometimes criticized or viewed as “orthodox” and
“conservative” by modernist Muslims and modem scholars. While the term “orthodox”
was launched by scholars in the social science community in conjunction with the spread
of secularism, it is, indeed, a religious terminology which has been much secularized. In
other words, “secularization” and “orthodox” are conceptually beyond the dictionary of
the Muslim religion. In addition, “conservative” is different from “traditional,” the term
257
largely applied by scholars to explain Sunni Islam throughout Muslim history. It is not the
place here to question the Western view of Islamic history, but to point out the danger of
a heedless application of such terms as “orthodoxy” and “conservatism” to describe
Sunnism as the santri philosophy. Not only do such terms carry Western Christian and
Jewish connotations which might be inappropriate to the subject and apart from the actual
picture of Islam, the terms themselves have been used to sustain the Orientalist’s vision of
Islamic history, particularly before the 1950s. “Traditional” is not necessarily
intellectually conservative, as has been proven by the steadfast tradition of the Islamic
quest, namely the santri thirst for knowledge. The function of Islamic teaching at the
hands of the ulama.' shows that the intellectual dynamism in the community remained in
essence, uninterrupted, throughout the centuries.
258
Bibliography
Primary sources:
' Abd al-Jabbar, Sir wa Tardjim. Mecca, 1982.
Abduh, Muhammad, Fatihat al-Kitab. Cairo, 1382 A.H.
Abu Bakr, Sayyid, Sharh I'anat al-Jalibfn. Bandung, (no date).
Abu Dawud, Stman. Cairo, 1951.
AbuNa'Tm, H ilyaal-Awliya’. Cairo, 1932.
Ahmadi, SJm'ranT Al-Faraid al-Saniyya. Kudus: Menara Kudus, 1401 A.H.
________________ , Al-O ira’a t al-'Asriyya. Kudus: Madrasa Qudsiyah Kudus,

1403 A.H.
Ash'ari, Hasjum K.H., Oartun Asasi, Ihya Amal al-Fudala. Kudus: Menara Kudus,
1971.
________________ , al-Durrar al-M untathira. Kudus: Menara Kudus, 1940.
Bajuri, Ibrahim, Hashiyat al-Bajurf aid M atn al-Burda. Bandung, ( no date).
Baladhuri, Ansab al-A^trdf. Cairo, 1960.
________________ , Fufuh al-Buldan. Beirut, 1958.
Bangkalan, Khalil, Al-Silah f i Bayan al-Nikah. Surabaja, ( no date).
Al-Bantam, Nawawi, Fath al-MajTd. Semarang, (no date).
________________ , Maraqi al-'Ubudiyya. Surabaya, ( no date).
________________ , Nascbh al- 'Ibad. Surabaja, (no date).
_____________ ,Nihayai al-Zayn. Cairo, 1938.
259
________________ , Sharh M araqTal- 'Ubfidiyya. Jakarta, 1963.
________________ , Sharh TJqud al-Lujayn. Bandung: Al-Ma arif Bandung, 1375

A.H.
________________ , Sullam al-Tawfiq. Bandung, 1987.
________________ , Tafsir Marah Labid Tafsir al-Nawawl. Beirut, 1887.
________________ , Tijan al-Durari. Surabaja: Al-Hidaya, (no date).
Al-Barzanji. Maulud Sharafal-Anam. Kudus: Menara Kudus, ( no date).
Al-Bukhari, Muhammad Ibn Isma'il, Sahih al-Bukhari. Cairo, 1966.
Carey, P.B.R., Babad Dipanegara, an Account o f the Outbreak o f the Java War
(1825-1830). Kuala Lumpur: Art Printing Works Sdn. Bhd., 1981.
Drewes G.W.J., The Admonitions o f Seh Bari. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff. 1969.
________________ , An Early Javanese Code o f Muslim Ethics. The Hague:

Martinus Nijhoff 1978.
Al-Fadanl, YasTn, Bughyat al-M und min Tim al-Asamd. Mecca, (no date).
Al-Ghazali, Ihyd'al- 'Ulum al-Din. Cairo, 1969.
________________ , Ayyuha al-W alad. Cairo: Dar al-I'tisam, 1983.
Ibn Hanbal, Al-Musnad. Cairo, 1313 A.H.
______ ;__________ , Ittih a fal-M ustqfid bi Ghurar al-Asdnid Jakarta, 1982.
IbnHazm, Al-Faslfi-l-M ilalwa-l-Nihal. Beirut, 1975.

• « k
Ibn Hi§ham, Al-Sfra al-Nabawiyya. Beirut, 1992.
Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddima (Englih translation, Franz Rosenthal). New York,
1967, (second edition).
Ibn Taimiyya, Minhaj al-Sunna al-Nabawiyy. Dar al-' Urubiyya, 1962
Kudus, Asnawi, K.H.R., Fashalatan. Kudus: Menara Kudus, 1961.
260
________________ , M u'takad Seked. Surabaya: Maktabah Sa d Ibn Nasr, (no
date).
Maqrizi, A l-ghitqt. Cairo, 1324 A.H.
Al-Mas'udi, M uruj al-Dhahab. Beirut, 1968.
Mas'udi Hasan, AI-Hafiz, M inhat al-M ughlth. Semarang, 1338 A.H.
Muslim, Sahlh Muslim. Lahore, 1971.
Mustafa, Bisri, Risalah Ahhisunah wal-Djama 'ah. Kudus: Menara kudus, 1967.
________________ , Ta'rikhal-A w liya’. Kudus: Menara Kudus, 1952.
Nu'man, Qadi, Da 'dim al-Ist5m. Cairo, 1951.
NU’s first statutes and rules ( AD-ART). Surabaja, 1930.
01tho£ W.L., Babad Tanah Djawi. Leiden, 1941.
Panitia Penyelenggara Mu' tamar ke-27 NU. Buku Petunjuk Mu tamar NU ke-2 7.
Situbondo, 1984.
Al-Qur ’art dan Terjemahcamya. Jakarta: Yayasan Penyelenggara Penafsir Al-Qur’an,

1977.
Ramlan, M., Babad Tanah Jawa. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1975.
“Rapport van de Ongeregeldheden te Koedoes op den 31ste October 1918.” Mailrap.

No. 471, 17 November 1918, pp 1-8.
Ras, J. J., (editor), Babad Tanah Djawi. Leiden: KITLV, 1987.
Rinkes, D.A., “De Heiligen van Java H, Seh Siti Jenar voor de inquisite.” in
Tijdschrift van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, 53
1911, pp. 17-56.
Santoso, Babad Tanah Jawa. Surakarta, 1979.
Shahrastani, Al-M ilal wa-l-Nihal. (English translation, A.K. Kazi and J.G. Flynn)
London, 1984.
261
Al-Subki, Tabaqatal-Shafi'iyyaal-Kubra. Cairo, 1964.
Suyuti, Jalal al-Din, Tatikh al-K hulafa'. Cairo, 1975.
Suyuti^ Jalal ai-Drn, Tdrikh al-fO m lafa’. Cairo, 1975.
Al-Tabari, Ta 'rikh al-Umam wa-l-Muluk. Leiden, 1881.
Al-Tirmisi, Mahfuz, al-Minhat al-K hariyya. Demak, 1415 A.H.
_________________ , Kifayat al-M ustqfid. Beirut, 1987, (fifth edition).
_________________, Manhaj D haw f al-Nazar. Mecca: Dar al-Fikr, 1981, (third

edition).
_________________, Muhiba dhi-l-Fadl aid Sharh Muqaddima Bafadal. (no date).
“Volk steiling 1930.” Overzicht Voor Nederlanschh Indie, deel 8, (Batavia: Departemen
van Economische Zaken, 1936), p. 78.
Al-Zamuji, Burhan al-Din, Ta'lim al-M uta'allim Tanq al-Ta'alum. Cairo, 1977.
_________________, An Early Javanese Code o f Muslims Ethics. The Hague:

Martinus NijhofL 1978.
Secondary Sources
Abdussami, Humaidy, Biografi Lima R ais 'AmNU. Yogyakarta, 1995.
Aceh, Aboebakar, H., Sedjarah Hidup K.H .A. Wahid Hashim dan Karangan
Tersiar. Jakarta, 1957.
Ali, Fachri, and Effendy, Bahtiar, Merambah Jalan Baru Islam. Bandung: Mizan,
1965.
Anam, Choiml, Pertumbuhan dan Perkembangan NU. Sala: Jatayu Sala, 1985.
Anderson, Benedict R. O'G., M ethodology and the Tolerance o f The Javanese.

Ithaca: Cornell University, 1965.
262
AI-Attas, Syed Naquib, Preliminary Statement on a General Theory o f the
Islamization o f the M alay-Indonesian Archipelago. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa
dan Pusata, 1969.
________________ , Some Aspects o f Sufism (As Understood and practiced

Among the Malayas). Singapore, 1963.
Azra, Azyumardi, “The Transmission of Islamic Reformism to Indonesia: Networks

of Middle Eastern and Malaya-Indonesia TJlama in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth
Centuries.” Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1992.
Bellah, Robert N., Religion and Progress in M odem Asia. New York: The Free
Press, 1965.
Berg, C.C., “The Islamization of Java.” Studia Islamica, 4 October 1955, pp. 111-
142.
Berg L.W.C. van den, “Het Mohammedaansche Godsdientonderwijs op Java en Madoera

en de Daarbij Gebruikte Arabische Boeken.” Tijdschrift voor Indische Tool- Land-en
Volkenkunde, 31, 1886, pp. 519-555.
________________ , “Over de devotie der Naqsjibendijah in den Indischen archipel,”

TBG, 28, 1883, pp. 258-275.
Berkey, Jonathan, The Tranmission o f Knowledge in M edieval Cairo. Princeton,

1993.
Boomgaard, Peter, Children o f the Colonial State. Amsterdam, 1989.
Brakel, L.F., The Story o f Muhammad Hanafiyya. The Hague, 1977.
Bruinessen, Martin van, “Pesantren and Kitab Kuning-. Maintenance and

Continuation of a Tradition of Religious learning.” Mizcm, 5, No. 2, Jakarta, 1992,
pp. 27-48.
________________ , Kitab Kuning, Pesantren, dan Tarekat. Bandung, 1995.
________________ , Kitab Kuning, Islamic books in Arabic script published in

Southeast Asia, 1987-1988. Leiden, 1988.
________________ , Bruinessen “Mencari ilmu dan Pahala di Tanah Suci.” in

UluntulQ ur’an, no. 5, Jakarta, 1990, pp. 42-51.
263
_________________, NU, Tradisi, Relasi-relasi Kuasa, Pencaricm Wacana Baru.
Yogyakarta: LKIS, 1994.
_________________, “Pesantren and Kitab Kuning: Maintenance and Continuition

of a Traditon of Religious Learning.” M izan, Jakarta, 1992, pp. 27-48.
_________________, Tarekat Naqsyabadiyah di Indonesia. Bandung, 1992.
Bukhsh, Khuda S., ‘The Educational System of the Muslims in the Middle Ages.”
Islamic Culture 2, 1927, pp. 442-472.
Bulliet, R.W., The Patricians o f Nishapur. Massachusettes, 1972.
, “The Political-Religious History of Nishapur in the Eleventh

Century.” in Islamic Civilization, 1973, pp. 91.
Castles, Lance, Religion, Politics, and Economic Behavior in Java: The Kudus
Cigarette Industry. New Haven, 1976.
Chaidar, Sejarah Pujangga Islam Syech Nawawi Al-Banteni Indonesia. Jakarta:

Sarana Utama-Jakarta, 1978.
Chandler, David P. & M.C. Ricklefs, Nineteeth and Twentieth Century Indonesia.
Melbourne: Aristoc Press Pty Ltd., 1986.
Chaudhri, Ghafur A , Some Aspects o f Islamic Education. Karachi, 1982.
Chijs, van der, “Bijdragen tot de Geschiedenis van het Inlandsch Onderwijs in
Nederlandsch-Indie.” Tijdschrifi voor IncSsche Taal, Land-en Volkenkunde 14, 1864, pp.
212-323.
Dabashi, Hamid, Authority in Islam. New Jersey: 1989.
Darban, Adaby A., “Kiyai dan Politik pada Zaman kerajaan Islam Jawa.” Pesantren
5, No. 2, 1988, pp.32- 38.
“Demak Mosque.” in Kompas daily, Jakarta, March 22, 1987, p. 1.
Dhofier, Zamakhsyari, “Kinship and Marriage Among the Javanese Kyai.” Ithaca:
Cornell M odem Indonesia Project, April 1980.
______________, “Profil Sosial Ekonomi Jama'ah Haji Indonesia.” Prisma, April

Jakarta, 1984, pp. 51-61.
264
________________ , Tradisi Pesantren. Jakarta: LP3ES, 1982.
Djunaidi, Nahrawi, “Kiyai Haji Muhammad Hashim Ash' ari.” Unpublished Thesis for
the Sarjana requirement in the IAIN of Jakarta, Jakarta, 1983.
Dodge, Bayard, Muslim education in M edieval Times. Washington, D.C., 1962.
________________ , ’’The Subjects and Titles o f Book Written During the First
Four Centuries of Islam.” Islam ic Culture, October 1954, pp. 525-540.
Drewes G.W.J., “Indonesia: Mysticism and Activism.” in Von Grunebaum, Unity and
Variety in Muslim Civilization, Chicago, 1976, pp. 284- 310.
Durkheim, Emile, Education and Sociology. Illinois, 1956.
________________ , The Elementary Forms o f the Religious Life. London, 1965.
________________ , Ethics and the Sociology o f M orals. (Robert T. Hall, editor),

London, 1987.
Elson, RE., Javanese Peasants and the Colonial Sugar Industry. Oxford, 1984.
Encyclopedia o f Islam. Leiden, 1960 (second edition).
Ensiklopedi Islam Indonesia. Jakarta, 1992.
Faruqi, M., AL, “The Development of the Institution of M adrasa and the Nizamiyya
of Baghdad.” Islamic Studies 3, 1987, pp. 253-264
Fazlur Rahman, Islam. Chicago, 1979.
Federspiel, Howard M., Persatuan Islam Islam ic Reform in 20th Century Indonesia.
Ithaca: Comel University, 1970.
Florida, Nancy K., Writing the Past, Inscribing the Future. London, 1995.
Geertz, Clifford, The Religion o f Java. Chicago, 1960.
Goldziher, Ignaz, Muslim Studies, n, (English trans.), London, 1967.
Graaf, H.J. de & Pigeaud, Th G. Th., Chinese M uslims in Java in the 15th and 16th
Centuries. Victoria, Monash Papers on Southeast Asia, no. 12, 1984.
265
_________________, De eerste Moslimse Vorstendmmen op Java, Studien over de
Staakundige Geschiendenis van de 15de en 16de Eeuw. Leiden: KTTLV, 1974.
Groenendijk, Herben, “De Anti Chinese Rellen te Kudus van 31 October,”

Unpublished paper.
Grunebaum, Gustav von, Instruction o f the Student: the M ethod o f Learning. New
York: King’s Crwon Press, 1947.
________________ , Unity and Variety in Muslim Civilization. Chicago, 1976.
Hadiwijono, Harun, M an in the Present Javanese M ysticism. Baam: Bosch &

Keuning N. V. 1967.
Hamidullah (M.), ”Educational System in the Time of the Prophet.” Islamic Culture
13, no.l, 1939, pp. 48-59.
Hasan, Ahmad Rifa’i, Warisan Intelektual Islam Indonesia. Bandung: Mizan, 1987.
Hawash, Abdullah, Perkembangaan Ilmu Tasawwuf dan Tokoh-Tokohnya di

Nusantara. Surabaja: Al-Ikhlas Surabaya, 1930.
Heftier, Robert W., Hindu Javanese, Tengger Tradition and Islam. Princeton, 1985.
Horikoshi, Horoko, Kiyai dan Perubahan Sosial. Jakarta: P3M, 1987.
Humphreys, Stephen R., Islamic History. Princeton, 1991.
Johns, Anthony H., “Quntnic Exegesis in the Malay World: in search of a Profile.” In
Rappin, Andrew, Approaches to the History o f the Interpretation o f the Our'an,
Oxford, 1988.
________________ , “Sufism as a catagory in Indonesian Literature and History.”

Journal o f South East Asian History, 2, 1961. pp. 10-23.
Kartodirdjo, Sartono, Protest Movements in Rural Java. London, 1973.
Kumar, Ann, The Diary o f a Javanese Muslim. Canberra, 1985.
Lammens, Henri, Etudes sur le siecle des Omayyades. Beirut, 1930.
Lapidus, Ira M., A H istory o f Islamic Societies. Cambridge, 1988.
266
Leur, J.C. van, Indonesian Trade and Society . The Hague: van Hoeve, 1955.
Madjid, Nurcholish, “Tasawwuf dan Pesantren” in Pesantren dan Pembaharuan.

Jakarta: LP3ES, 1974, pp. 95-120.
_________________, “Muslim Institutions of Learning in Eleventh Century

Baghdad.” BSOAS 4, 1961, pp. 1-56
Makdisi, George, The Rise o f Colleges. Edinburgh, 1981.
Mandil, Ahmad, “The Muslims Roots of Medicine.” AI-Talib, UCLA, May 1991, pp.
1,16.
Ma'sum, Saifullah, Menepak Jejak Mengenal Watak. Jakarta: 1994.
Mas’udi, Masdar F., Direktori Pesantren. Jakarta: P3M, 1986.
Matheson, Virginia & Hooker, M.B., “Jawi Literature in Patani: The Maintenance of
an Islamic Tradition.” JMBRS, 1988-89.
Mehden, Fred R_ von der, Two Worlds o f Islam. Miami: University Press of Florida,
1993.
Moedjanto, G., The Concept o f Power in Javanese Culture. Yogyakarta: Gadjah

Mada University Press, 1986.
Moertono, Soemarsaid, State and Statecraft in Old Java. New York, 1968.
Moosmuller, Alois, Die Pesantren a u fJava. (Frankfurt, 1989).
Muhammad, S.H., Mengenal Pondok Tremas dan Perkembangannya. Tremas:

Pondok Tremas, 1986.
Mulyati, Sri, “Sufism in Indonesia: An Analysis of Nawawi al-Bantani’s Salalim al-

FudalaV’ M.A. Thesis, Montreal: McGill University, 1992.
Munir, Ahmad D., ’’Muslim Education Prior to the Establishment of Madrasa.”

Islamic Studies 26, no. 4, 1987, pp. 321-348.
Nakamura, Mitsuo, The Crescent Rises over the Banyan Tree. Ithaca: Cornell
University, 1976.
267
Nakosteen, Mehdi, History o f Islamic Origins o f Western Education. Boulder, 1964.
Ngah, Mohd Nor Bin, Kifab Jawi: Islamic Thought o f the M alay Muslim Scholars.
Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1983.
Noer, Dalier, The M odernist Muslim Movement in Indonesia 1900-1942. Oxford,

1973.
Oepen, Manfred & Karcher, Wolfgang, The Impact o f Pesantren in Education and
Community Development in Indonesia. Jakarta: P3M, 1988.
Peacock. J., M uslim Puritans. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978.
Purwadaksi, Ahmad, “Katib Samman dan Hikayat Syekh Muhammad Samrnah.”

Ph.D. dissertation submitted to the University of Indonesia, Jakarta: University of
Indonesia, 1992.
Rachman, Abd., “NawawT al-Bantam, an intellectual Master of the Pesantren Tradition.”

Studia Islamika 3 no. 3, Jakarta, November 1996. pp. 81-114.
________________ , “The Islamic Quest: a fascinating account of Muslim thirst for

knowledge.” Al-TAUB, MSA UCLA news magazine, March 1993, pp. 12-14.
________________ , “The Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval Cairo.” (Book

Review), JUSUR, UCLA, January 1993, pp. 117-121.
________________ , “Sunnism and Orthodoxy in the Eyes of Modem Scholars.”

PROGNOSA (monthly news) Berlin, February, 1995. p. 18.
________________ , “' Ulamd ’ and Muslim Intellectual in Indonesia.” Jentera Times,

(Monthly magazine) Los Angeles, September 1996, pp. 22-23.
_________________, “K.H.R. Asnawi Tokoh NU dari Menara Kudus.” in Warta

NU, Jakarta, November, 1988, p. 9.
Raffles, Sir Thomas Stamford, The History o f Java. London, 1817.
Rahardjo, Dawam, Pergulatan Dunia Pesantren. Jakarta, 1985.
Ramli, Rafiudin H., Sejarah Hidup dan Keturunan Syekh Kiyai Muhammad NawawT.
Tanara, 1979.
Ras, J.J., “The Genesis of Babad Tanah Jawi.” Bijdragen too de Taal-, Land-en
Volkenkunde, 1986-87.
Ricklefs, M. C., A History o f M odem Indonesia C.1300 to the Present. Bloomington:

Indiana University Press, 1981.
_________________ , M odem Javanese H istorical Tradition. London, 1978.
_________________ , Jogjakarta Under Sulatcm Mangkubumi. London, Oxford

University Press, 1974.
_________________, Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Indonesia. Victoria:

Monash University, 1986.
Royster, James E., “Muhammad as a Teacher and Exemplar.” The Muslim World 68,
no. 4, 1978 , pp. 235-258.
Salam, Solichin, Sejarah Islam di Jawa. Jakarta: JayaMumi, 1962.
_________________, Sekitar Walisongo. Kudus: Penerbit Menara, 1974.
_________________, K. H. Hashim Ash'ari, Ulama Besar Indonesia. Jakarta, 1963.
Shalaby, Ahmad, Tartkh al-Tarbiya al-Islamiyy«,Cako, 1966.
“Shaykh Nawawi al-Bantani, Karyanya Mendunia.” in Republika daily, Jakarta,

October 27, 1995. p. 9.
Snouck Hurgronje, C., Mekka, in the Latter Part o f the 19th Century. Leiden: E.J.
Brill Ltd., 1931.
_________________, The Acehnese. Leiden: 1906.
_________________, Kumpulan Karangan Snouck Hurgronje. (Indonesian version),

Jakarta: ENIS, 1992.
Soebardi, S., The Book o f Cabolek. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff 1975.
_________________, “Saw/n-Religious Elements as Reflected in the Book of

Tjentini.” in Bijdragen totde Tall, Land-en Volkenkunde 127, 1971, pp. 331-349.
Soedjatmoko, An Introduction to Indonesia Historiography. Ithaca: Cornell

University Press, 1965.
269
Spuler, Barthold B. W., “Farghana.” in Encyclopedia o f Islam, vol 2, Leiden, 1965,
pp. 790-793.
Steenbrink, Karel A., Beberapa Aspek tentang Islam di Indonesia Abad ke-19.
Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1984.
_________________ , Pesantren Madrasah Sekolah. Jakarta: LP3ES, 1986.
Sweeney, Amin, Authors and Audicmces in Traditional M alay Literature. Berkeley,

1980.
Syani, Ibnoe, “K.H. Abdul Wahhab Hasbullah.” in El-Oudsy, 2, 1994, pp. 99-94.
Tibawi, A.L., “Muslim Education in the Golden Age of the Caliphate.” Islamic
Culture 28, no. 3, July, 1954, pp. 418-438.
Tibawi, A.L., “Origin and Character of Al-M adrasa.” BSOAS 25, 1962, part 2, pp.
224-238.
Tritton, A.S., M aterial on Muslim Education in the M iddle Ages. London, 1957.
Wahid, Abdurrahman, WartaNU, Jakarta, December, 1995, p. 14, 17.
_________________ , “NU: Reaksi Terhadap Apa.?” Warta NU, Jakarta, September

1985, p. 4, 6.
Watt, Montgomery, The Formative Period o f Islam ic Thought. Edinburgh, 1973.
_________________ , Islamic Philosophy and Theology. Edinburg, 1985.
Weber, Max, Economy and Society. Cambridge, 1954.
_________________ ,On Charisma and Institution Building. Chicago, 1968.
_________________ , From Max Weber, (Gerth and Mills, editor), New York, 1946.
Wensink, A.J. M uslim Creed, Munich. 1965.
Woodward, Mark R. Islam in Java, Normative Piety and M ysticism in the Sultanate
ofYogyakarta. Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 1989.
Yunus, Muhammad, Sejarah Pendidikan Islam Indonesia. Jakarta, 1983.
270
Yusuf Slamet EflfendL, Dinamika Kaum Pesantren. Jakarta, 1978.
Zuhri, Saifuddin K.H., Guruku Orcmg-Orang Pesantren. Bandung; Al-Maarif, 1974.
_________________, Sejarah Kebangkitan Islam dan Perkembangannya di

Indonesia Bandung: Al-Maarif Bandung, 1979.
Zuhri, Minan, “Riwayat Hidup K.H.R. Asnawi.” in El-Qudsy 1, 1993, pp. 83-89.
271

Abdurrahman - Arsitek Pesantren PDF

Diunggah oleh

Informasi Dokumen

Judul Asli

Hak Cipta

Format Tersedia

Bagikan dokumen Ini

Bagikan atau Tanam Dokumen

Opsi Berbagi

Apakah menurut Anda dokumen ini bermanfaat?

Apakah konten ini tidak pantas?

Hak Cipta:

Format Tersedia

Abdurrahman - Arsitek Pesantren PDF

Diunggah oleh

Hak Cipta:

Format Tersedia

INFORMATION TO USERS

The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the

Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by

Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced

THE PESANTREN ARCHITECTS

AND THEIR SOCIO-RELIGIOUS TEACHINGS

in partial satisfaction of the requirements for

the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

UMI Microform 9714238

This microform edition is protected against unauthorized

Michael G. Morony, Committee Co-j

University of California Los Angeles

S & i'h 'w tfa tfa ,.

Sana, IRtfat. a*uC S ite ^xedmaM

C hapter One Introduction I

C hapter Two Roots of Islamic Teaching 29

C hapter Three Santri Muslims in Eighteenth/Nineteenth Century Java 61

Chapter Four Intellectual M asters of the Pesantren Tradition 97

Chapter Five Pesantren Strategists 166

C hapter Six Conclusion 251

3. The Tombstone of Malik Ibrahim 60

4. Map o f the Pescmtrens in Nineteenth/Twentieth-Century Java 76

5. Islamic Educational System in the Period o f Sultan Agung 82

6. Statistical Educational Institutions 83

7. An intellectual Genealogy o f the Renowned Javanese Kiyais 91

8. The Dome of the Mosque of Banten in West Java 96

9. Kiyai Hariri, the grandson of Mahfuz al-Tirmisi 140

11. KH.R.Asnawi Kudus (1861-1959) 187

12. Hashim Ash' an (1871-1947) 210

13. Wahab Hasbullah

names such as Abdurrahman and Wahab.

My study at UCLA (1990-1996), was supported by many persons and

institutions. A generous scholarship from the Fuibright Foundation under the

management of the Institute of International Education (HE) for both my Masters

Tarbiyah Faculty, as well as the Department of Religious Affairs o f the Republic of

Indonesia, for allowing me to leave my teaching assignment and for giving me

continuous encouragement and moral support during my pursuit of knowledge at

Michael Morony, my academic adviser and doctoral committee co-chair. Professor

my splendid nostalgia in the 1970s when my gurus in the pesantren community in

Java honestly introduced to me the basic understanding o f religious knowledge.

Professor Ismail K. Poonawala, my doctoral committee co-chair, who since 1991

granting me the position o f research assistant to undertake his sociological research on

the “Islamic movement” in Indonesia. My wholehearted thanks also goes to Professor

me with many critical questions and broader perspectives.

I would like also to extend my gratitude to the following persons and

institutions which have helped me in the research o f this dissertation. I am grateful to

(KITLV), Leiden, Holland, in September 1995.1 am also indebted to my close fellows

Zuhn. It would be impolite o f me if I forgot to mention two companions in Los

me to express my dissertation draft in better understood English, Mas Pandu has

voluntarily helped me with my computer’s technicalities.

Buna Rizai Rachman and Eric Fazlur Rachman-have always driven me to be

April 16, 1960 Bom in Kudus, Central Java, Indonesia

1968- 1980 Madrasah Qudsiyyah Kudus,

1987 Drs., Fakultas Tarbiyah, State Institute

1985-1989 Lecturer, Fakultas Tarbiyah, State Institute

1992 M.A., Islamic Studies, University of California

1992-1995 Chair, the Muslim Intellectual Society

1993-1995 Vice Coordinator, ICMI, USA

1996-2000 Consultant member of ICMI USA

• “NawawT al-Bantam, an Intellectual Master of the Pesantren Tradition.” Studia

• Ulama' and Muslim Intellectual in Indonesia.” Jentera Times, monthly magazine in

• “Sunnism and Orthodoxy in the Eyes of Modem Scholars”, PROGNOSA, monthly

• “The Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval Cairo”, (Book Review), JUSUR,