She did not say a word, just ran up and grabbed me by the arm. I could feel her shaking slightly as
she dug her fingernails into my bicep, spun on her heel, and began to drag me towards the locker room,
almost frantic as she moved. She still did not make a sound as we went through the glass door into the
dingy, yellow-tiled room. She shoved me onto the bench in the middle of the room, then dropped herself
onto the one directly across from me. She let her head hang back, resting it against the cool yellow tiles.
Her eyes were closed. She was breathing heavily, letting each breath shake her entire body. After what
seemed like an eternity, she opened her eyes, took one big tumultuous breath, and opened her mouth to
speak. I can still see the reflection of the dim yellow lights in her piercing blue eyes as she looked me
She was fifteen years old at the time, a high school sophomore. She was particularly small for her
age, weighing less than one hundred pounds and only reaching a height of five foot two. Having a child at
that size would be detrimental to her own health, not to mention the health of the child. In the back of her
mind, she knew she could not have a child right now; she was an athlete, a good student, and a brilliantly
witty social butterfly. She had a loving family, but she knew they would not take care of a baby for her.
And as for the father, well, he was not even relevant at that point. She was alone in this. Nothing about
having a baby made sense to her, but there was just one problem: she did not want to have an abortion.
To her, abortion was a swear word. She lived in a privileged white community, with a largely
conservative political bias. No one in her family talked about it; her only knowledge of it came from her
friends, who told her that abortions were bloody and ruined your chances of getting pregnant again. Her
high school, also incredibly white and privileged, offered only one sex education unit in freshman
biology, in which abortion was never mentioned and frighteningly little was taught about contraception.
Her high school left her seriously unprepared to deal with any real life situations, and now she was
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The best example of what she, and the vast majority of high school students my age, have learned
in sex ed is summarized in one quote from the popular teen movie Mean Girls. Early in the film, a group
of teenagers is shown seated in front of a disgruntled PE teacher who was given the responsibility of
teaching sex ed. Instead of actually teaching the students, he simply barks, “Don’t have sex. Because you
will get pregnant. And die,” and that is that. Although this movie is unarguably a satire of the teenage
high school experience, their display of sex education is unfortunately accurate. In the majority of places
across the country, students are taught not to have sex and not to get pregnant or an STI. That is all folks.
Oh wait, almost forgot: if you do get pregnant, do not get an abortion. But also do not have a kid; it will
As I reflected on my own experience with sex ed, I found that it was strikingly similar to hers
(and to Mean Girls). But then I talked to my sister, who is a sophomore right now, about her experience
with sex ed. To my surprise, it was completely different than mine. She wound up lucky enough to start
sex ed in 2016, under a brand new curriculum. She learned everything, from STIs to sexual orientation to
anatomy, including abortion. To her, abortion is not some unspoken, taboo action; it was something she
learned about in school that is a viable option for an unwanted pregnancy, especially at a young age.
I was taken aback; why had her program been so different than mine? Why did the district not
bring a similar course with the same curriculum to the high school students who missed it? And if this
was a new policy in California, was the rest of the country doing it too? Well, the answer to that last
question is no, and I cannot even fathom an answer to the first two. All I know is that there are some
serious gaps in sex education in this country, some even present in my own life.
All of these experiences, from my friends pregnancy to the differences in my sister’s education,
culminated into frustration. I felt as if students are being cheated and left without necessary information,
while also being taught to think differently from one another. And that is why I am asking the question:
How do current sex education systems in the United States impact attitudes towards abortion?
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Basically, American public schools follow two standard sex education systems: abstinence-only
education and comprehensive sex ed. The first of the two, abstinence-only, is the one the government
favors; the people, however, favor the latter. In essence, abstinence-only teaches one thing: that
“monogamous, heterosexual marriage [is] the only appropriate context for sexual intercourse”
(McCammon). This idea, based mostly on religious teachings, has been around for the past 37 years,
starting with President Reagan and his administration. In 1982, Reagan created an eight-point curriculum
for sex education, outlined in Sec. 510(a)(2) of the Social Security Laws, which focuses on the “the
social, psychological, and health gains to be realized by abstaining from sexual activity” (“Separate
Program”). The program Reagan created existed from 1982 to 2010, then was briefly altered by President
Obama, but was reinstated in 2016 by President Trump under the name Sexual Risk Avoidance
(“Abstinence-Only”). As one can easily see from the history, abstinence-only, or SRA, as it is now
referred to, has always been a champion of the Republican Party. Its principles, all of which can be seen
in the Social Security Laws, are largely based on religion and conservative politics. Its ultimate goal is to
discourage teenagers and young adults from having sex due to “danger.” Bethan Lamb, a health
professional and the current health teacher at Ygnacio Valley High School summarizes the foothold of
conservative fear in one simple statement: “[T]he commonly held belief is that if you talk to kids about
Comprehensive sex education, on the other hand, is literally on the other side of the spectrum.
The United Nations says that comprehensive sex ed “includes scientifically accurate information about
human development, anatomy and reproductive health, as well as information about contraception,
childbirth and sexually transmitted infections (STIs), including HIV” (“Comprehensive sexuality”). In
addition, the program informs students about more sensitive topics, like gender orientation, sexuality, and
abortion, all of which are completely excised from abstinence-only. It is based on the idea that “sex after
puberty was normal, even inevitable” (“Sex Education”), but still takes into account the risk factors of
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sexual activity. Many studies by programs like the Kaiser Family Foundation, Pew Research Center, and
Gallup have found that the majority of parents, students, and educators believe that comprehensive sex
education is the correct route; however, it is far less prominent than abstinence-only. It is deemed “too
liberal” or “too left” by the right-winged administration, and therefore cannot find a foothold in many
places (Dailard).
The real issue at hand, however, is the gaps between the two systems. For starters, only 24 states
require that sex education be taught in public schools, and only 20 of those require that the information
provided must be factually accurate (“State Policies”). That alone shows that there is a problem; sex ed is
not even required in more than half of the states, and may not be factually accurate, leaving room for
corruption by personal beliefs and biases. But, even more worrisome than that, is the fact that not all
states receive the same funding for their sex ed programs. Southern states, namely Texas, Kansas, and
Alabama, receive the most federal funding for their sex education programs, along with a few northern
states, like Michigan and Illinois. This funding means that those states are required by law to teach
abstinence-only, and could face serious repercussions if they do not do so (Dailard). Other states, namely
California, have chosen to completely reject federal funding and use their own state funds to finance their
sex education programs, giving schools the option of whether or not they want to teach comprehensive or
abstinence-only. What this does is creates a massive gap between what children are learning in different
regions; conservative areas, those whom receive federal funding, primarily use abstinence-only, while
liberal areas, the ones who have rejected the funding, largely use comprehensive sex education. For
example, Ms. Sarah Perez, a seventh grade teacher at Foothill Middle School in Walnut Creek, California,
explained that she teaches a range of subjects from “knowing all the parts, menstrual cycle, understanding
the menstrual cycle, knowing how you get pregnant, fetal development, and again like the preventing [sic]
of pregnancy” to gender and sexual identity, contraception, and options for women who become pregnant.
In stark contrast, in the state of Texas, “96 percent of… school districts taught abstinence only or no sex
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education” (Zeilinski). Thus is the massive divide over sex education in the United States; politics and
Almost parallel with the divides in sex education programs come the divides in attitudes towards
abortion in liberal and conservative areas; in liberal areas, naturally, abortion is more accepted. In 2014,
there were 157,350 abortions performed in California alone, accounting for 17.0 percent of all abortions
in the United States (“State Facts”). And, also in 2014, “the highest percentage of pregnancies were
All of these states, notably New York and California, have extremely liberal policies and, unsurprisingly,
use comprehensive sex education a lot more than abstinence-only. Those states typically use public
funding from their own state treasuries to fund abortions because they do not receive any federal funding:
“88,466 abortions in California were paid for with public funds. Public funds paid for 45,722 abortions in
New York” (“U.S. Abortion”). What these statistics indicate is obvious: liberal states and regions in
general are more open towards abortion. The idea of getting an abortion is less “taboo” or wrong, it is
simply a medical procedure. Not to mention that these states have much more access to birth control
methods, emergency contraception, and abortion centers in general. There are currently 107 operating
Planned Parenthood clinics in California, all of whom receive public funding for their practices (“Health
Centers”). Women who receive abortions in these areas, for the most part, are accepted and respected for
their decision. They underwent a necessary medical procedure, and nothing about that is deemed wrong.
New York, California, Oregon, and Washington all have much lower teen birth rates than the national
average (Jayson), presumably because of the access teenagers have to birth control and abortion clinics
But on the other side of the chasm, there are the conservative areas of the United States. These
regions operate under a long history of religious rites and gender roles, and, therefore, their attitudes on
abortion are starkly negative. Because of this, “[t]he lowest percentage of pregnancies were aborted in
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Utah (5%), South Dakota (4%), and Wyoming (<2%),” (“U.S. Abortion”). These three states, especially
Utah, have a fairly large amount of religion present, from Mormonism to Catholicism. And, out of those
three, only Wyoming provides funding for abortions, thus barring many underprivileged women from
receiving necessary abortions (“U.S. Abortion”). The Biblical bias is quite obvious here; the Bible states
that “[i]t is wrong to murder a person… the unborn is a person… therefore, it is wrong to murder the
unborn” (Turner). The use of the word “murder” itself provides a deep reflection on conservative
attitudes: if abortion is considered the same act as the murder of a human being, there is no way it can be
accepted. In those areas, abortion is murder, therefore making it socially unacceptable and rejecting it as
an option for many women. Women who have abortions get blacklisted, even shunned, by churches and
family members, leaving them with no real options (Turner). For that reason, the ten states with the
highest teenage birth rates are all in the South: New Mexico, Texas, Oklahoma, Arkansas, Louisiana,
Mississippi, Alabama, Kentucky, and West Virginia all have teenage birth rates of over 40 per 1000
women ages 15-19, far higher than the national average of 29.4 (Jayson). Abortion is not even an option
for teenagers, forcing them to have children at a young age and deal with the consequences.
Going along with that data, it is no secret that attitudes towards abortion are starkly divided across
the nation. In a recent Gallup poll, researchers found that “[c]urrently, as many Americans personally
identify as ‘pro-choice’ on the issue as say they are ‘pro-life’” (Jones). That statistic as it stands illustrates
the moral divide over abortion; almost half of people disagree with abortion for moral reasons and the
other half believe it is acceptable. But the controversy does not stop there: the division traverses into the
political side of abortion as well. When asked about Roe v. Wade, t he 1973 Supreme Court case that
legalized abortion across the nation, a Kaiser Family Foundation survey “found that 67 percent of
respondents did not want to see the court ruling overturned” (Kelly). In addition to their views on Roe v.
Wade, many people disagree over when and in what circumstances it should be allowed, over funding for
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There are many reasons for this divide, like religious beliefs, political bias, and moral conscious,
but the one blatant reason that many people do not think of is right in front of them: sex education. Think
about it: the United States carts around two types of sex education that might as well be the poles of a
magnet. On one end, there is abstinence-only, which attracts conservatives and satisfies their
religiously-biased political beliefs. On the other side, there is comprehensive, which fills the liberal and
progressive views of equality and attracts the more accepting side of society. Each side of the magnet has
an opposite view on abortion, one a positive charge and the other a negative. In this case, the opposite
ends of the magnet do not attract; in fact, they repel each other. They push each other away, desperately
trying to pull more people in to their side and rip them away from the other. It is a constant power
struggle, with neither side making any real advancements. It is the political equivalent of a stalemate.
And, as of right now, the United States is in a stalemate. After an incredibly brief period of
nationally-funded comprehensive sex education, President Trump reinstated Reagan-esque policies under
his program called “sexual risk avoidance.” In April 2018, the Department of Health and Human Services
made an announcement regarding funding for sex education. Their new funding system explicitly favored
those programs who embrace the abstinence-only approach and majorly cut funding for those that
practiced teen pregnancy avoidance. Although this program “does not exclude programs that provide
information about contraception and protected sex” (Belluck), 81 liberal organizations were informed that
their $89 million a year federal grants, given under the Obama administration, would end in June 2018,
two years earlier than they should have. Naturally, there was a huge liberal pushback: “[s]everal of the
organizations sued to keep their funding” (Belluck) in April 2018, and, since then, many of them have
won. In addition to filing lawsuits, the more liberal organizations that lost funding have begun to slightly
alter their programs in order to better comply with the new curriculum, but still maintained many of their
core principles. They’re attempting to align with Trump’s ideals, while still maintaining the high
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Despite Trump’s push for conservatism within the classroom, many states still fail to follow suit.
California, the most notable of the resistors, has one of the most liberal sex education systems in the
country, and, as Perez pointed out, “here in California… there is health education code, like law, that we
teach this.” The new curriculum she was given in 2016 was directed by new state legislation that actually
required her to teach it. And Lamb, another young, public health specialist and teacher said that, while she
is required to follow the Ed Code and the Healthy Youth Act, she uses “curriculum that I have developed
at YV and in my career before becoming a teacher to bolster the class.” She expressed that she has a
general freedom when it comes to teaching sexual health, something that is rarely found in other states.
Most other states lack any degree of autonomy when it comes to teaching sex ed; they are constantly
under the stern eye of the federal government. And, by no surprise whatsoever, this is also creating
Sex education in the United States is a political battleground. In her novel When Sex Goes to
School: Warring Views on Sex- And Sex Education- Since the Sixties, sociologist Kristin Luker writes that
“sex education, like abortion twenty years ago, was driving ordinary people into a level of political
activism that was completely unprecedented for most of them” (6). Throughout her novel, she comments
on the virtual war that sprang out over sex education after the sexual revolution in the 1960s and 70s, and
how that battle has affected the educational system ever since. This battle, however satisfying to
politicians, is all at the expense of the American youth. Children are volatile learners; they accept what
they are taught as golden, purely because they do not know any better. The things they hear from the
adults in their lives become ingrained in their brains, resonating within them well into adulthood. In sex
education, it is an even stronger sense of acceptance; sex education is the “scary” unit, the one they’ve
doomed since the first day of seventh grade. It is all completely brand new, leaving them infinitely
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The lessons they learn in sex education embody all the greater issues at hand, including religious
influence, political bias, and personal opinion. Luker wrote that “fights about sex are also fights about
gender, about power and trust and hierarchy, about human nature, and, not surprisingly, about what sex
really is and what it means in human life” (7). From that statement, it can easily be inferred that abortion
fits in there as well. The discrepancies in sex education within public schools are such an overly-ignored
contributor to the divisive attitudes towards abortion in the United States. In essence, children are being
taught to disagree, to go against those who do not see the same way they do, especially on a major issue
like abortion. Students who learn that abortion is wrong from the very start quickly believe that the people
who accept abortion are immoral, and those who learn to accept it think that their counterparts are
stringent, sexist, and unfair. there is no middle ground, no grey area: you are pro-choice or pro-life, you
are in the white zone or in the black zone. Not only this, but, because this is what they are being taught in
schools, the students automatically assume they are right. This leaves no room for negotiation or
compromise or anything remotely productive. It only makes space for conflict, and conflict it brings.
That conflict has become so pervasive that it rips families apart, ruins relationships, and pits half
the population against the other half. And it has become so normal that people rarely notice it anymore
and let it take over their lives, all because the United States is fostering this attitude of division from a
young age. Now is not the time to start more division; now is the time to compromise, to teach
acceptance, to teach love. And that is why the sex education system needs to be reformed; in this political
climate, children should not be taught to fight and disagree, but rather to love, accept, and respect. Despite
political divides or bias, students should all be learning the same things.
Take the country Denmark as a prime example. Denmark imposed a federally directed
comprehensive sex education system for all schools in their country. The students start learning explicitly
about sex at the age of four, and they include all topics, from STIs to sexuality to sexual intercourse, even
at an extremely young age. Abortions are fairly normal occurrences for young women, and the country
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has vastly more resources for contraception, STI treatment, and abortion services. For the most part,
abortion is not a taboo subject. In fact, their sex education has become so effective that they are “growing
increasingly anxious about low birth rates” (Hakim; Bell). And in Canada, another fairly progressive
country, a new sex education system has recently been implemented that follows this curriculum:
anatomy in grade one, consent in grade two, gender/sexual identity in grade three, puberty in grade four,
intercourse in grade five, masturbation and gender expression in grade six, and contraception, anal and
oral sex, and STIs in grades seven and eight, along with “online bullying and the danger of sharing
sexually explicit images electronically” (The Canadian Press). Canada also has a much more relaxed
attitude towards abortion; it became federally legal in 1988 and only 27% of the current population
disagrees with it. Since the 1990s, Canadian political parties have avoided debate on the morality of
abortion and left it to the jurisdiction of the Canadian Supreme Court, which has upheld its 1988 ruling
So there you have it: unity is possible, as it has been proved time and time again by other
countries. Yet the United States fails to follow suit, even after all of these other places have proved what
is blatantly obvious. Take it from the words of a teacher: Lamb, a well-educated young woman, stated
that, “If every kid (as early as kindergarten) just had a basic course that was age appropriate and did not
push abstinence but rather a sex positive autonomy forward perspective, a number of our social, political,
and economic issues would be eradicated.” Our educators, the ones teaching our children, know that we
need change. They know what needs to change, how that change will affect us, and, most importantly,
how that change will affect our children. Because that is all we should be worried about: the children.
Teaching our children to hate, to divide themselves, and to look away from what is right will never and
could never be productive to the future of this country. Our children are t he future; if we keep teaching
them to act like we do, to keep pushing the divides, we will not go anywhere. Ever.
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Works Cited
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Belluck, Pam. “Trump Administration Pushes Abstinence in Teen Pregnancy Programs.” The New York
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