Factors Influencing Masculinity Ideology

among Latino Men

PEDRO A. SAEZ ADONAID CASADO JAY C. WADE
Fordham University

This research study assessed the factors that affect Latino men’s endorsement
of hypermasculinity, an exaggerated form of traditional masculinity ideology.
One hundred and one Latino men from two urban universities and surround-
ing neighborhoods completed measures that assessed ethnic identity, hyper-
masculinity, sex-role egalitarianism perceived in the home, and reference
group identity dependence. It was hypothesized that hypermasculinity would
be linked to traditional sex-roles taught in the home, male identity, and ethnic
identity. The results indicate that hypermasculinity was associated with high
ethnic identity and a male identity characterized by a lack of appreciation of
differences among males.

Keywords: Latino men, masculinity ideology, hypermasculinity, ethnic iden-

tity

Masculinity ideology is defined as the “endorsement and internalization of cul-

tural belief systems about masculinity and the male gender, rooted in the structural re-
lationship between the two sexes” (Pleck, Sonenstein, & Ku, 1993, p. 88). Masculinity
ideology is thought to arise through a process of gender role socialization whereby
young boys (as well as girls) internalize cultural norms and expectations about male-
appropriate behavior from families, peer groups, and society. These internalized gen-
der role norms serve as a means by which men organize and process information about
themselves and the external world (Spence, 1993). So defined, the construct of mas-
culinity ideology reflects a social constructionist perspective on gender, which holds
that there is no one “true” masculinity but rather there are many “masculinities” that
vary according to the social context (Levant, Richmond, Majors, Inclan, Rossello, &
Heesacker, 2003).
Within this diversity of masculinities, researchers have pointed to a particular kind
of masculinity ideology rooted in traditional and non-egalitarian societies, referred to

Pedro A. Saez, Adonaid Casado, and Jay C. Wade, Department of Psychology, Fordham University.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Pedro A. Saez, Clinical Psychology,
Fordham University, 441 East Fordham Road, Bronx, NY 10458-5198. Electronic mail:
Pedroasaez@gmail.com

The Journal of Men’s Studies, Vol. 17, No. 2, Spring 2009, 116-128.
© 2009 by the Men’s Studies Press, LLC. All rights reserved. http://www.mensstudies.com
jms.1702.116/$14.00 • DOI: 10.3149/jms.1702.116 • Url: http://dx.doi.org/10.3149/jms.1702.116

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 MASCULINITY IDEOLOGY AMONG LATINO MEN

as traditional masculinity ideology. A traditional masculinity ideology serves to uphold

patriarchal codes by requiring that males adopt dominant and aggressive behaviors and
function in the public sphere, while requiring that females adopt adaptive and nurtur-
ing behaviors and function in the private sphere of the family (Levant, 1996). More
specifically, Levant, Hirsch, Celentano, Cozza, Hill, and MacEachern (1992) defined
traditional masculinity ideology in terms of the following seven dimensions: the re-
quirement to avoid all things feminine; the injunction to restrict one’s emotional life;
the emphasis on toughness and aggression; the injunction to be self-reliant; the em-
phasis on achieving status above all else; non-relational, objectifying attitudes toward
sexuality; and fear and hatred of homosexuals.
Recent studies have investigated various demographic and cultural variables as-
sociated with adherence to a traditional masculinity ideology. The literature on mas-
culinity ideology and Latino men, though as yet limited and inconclusive, has presented
some evidence to support speculation that Latino men may endorse more traditionally
masculine gender roles than European American men. One recent study found that
Latino men endorsed higher degrees of traditional masculinity ideology than did Eu-
ropean Americans and African Americans (Abreu, Goodyear, Campos, & Newcomb,
2000). Due to limited research in this area, researchers have suggested that further stud-
ies investigate traditional masculinity ideology in Hispanic and other ethnic minority
men (Abreu et al.; Pleck, Sonenstein, & Ku, 1994).
While the research on cross-cultural differences in traditional masculinity ideology
is sparse, there is ample literature on Latino masculinity, almost all of which invariably
addresses the construct of “machismo.” The term machismo owes primarily from the
social and psychological literature on Mexican males (Diaz, 1966; Diaz-Guerrero,
1955; Paz, 1961; Peñalosa, 1968) and it has long been used synonymously with Latino
male identity (De La Cancela, 1986; Mirandé, 1997). However, past efforts to under-
stand machismo have not arrived at a consensus description or definition of the term.
Some conceptions of machismo emphasize exaggerated forms of male gender role be-
haviors such as heavy drinking, toughness, aggressiveness, risk taking, and virility
(Boulding, 1990; Mosher, 1991), while alternative definitions for machismo have been
proposed that endorse machismo as a culturally valued and desirable ideal of courage,
honor, virility, physical strength, and as representing a protector, provider, and author-
ity figure (Abreu et al., 2000; Christensen, 1975; Lazur & Majors, 1995; Mirandé,
1997). Despite the varying conceptions of machismo, some authors have suggested
that within psychological literature, there has been a tendency to focus only on the neg-
ative characteristics of machismo (e.g., aggressivenenss, chauvinism, hypermasculin-
ity, sexism; see Arciniega, Anderson, Tovar-Blank, & Tracey, 2008; Torres, Solberg, &
Carlstrom, 2002).
Recent research on Latino masculinity has proposed a multidimensional view of
machismo, which embraces both positive and negative qualities associated with the
construct (Arciniega et al., 2008; Torres, Solberg, & Carlstrom, 2002). In one study,
Arciniega and his colleagues developed a bi-dimensional measure of machismo. Their
research supported a two-dimensional characterization of machismo, which included

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“traditional machismo” (described as aggressive, sexist, chauvinistic, and hypermas-

culine attitudes and behaviors), and “caballerismo” (referring to nurturance, family-
centeredness, and chivalrousness). In another study, Torres, Solberg, and Carlstrom
(2002) provided for a more inclusive and multidimensional perspective of machismo
and identified five separate identity dimensions within Latino masculinity: contempo-
rary masculinity, machismo, traditional machismo, conflicted/compassionate
machismo, and contemporary machismo. Nevertheless, even the most inclusive defi-
nitions of machismo seem to suggest that some aspects of machismo are congruent
with Levant’s conception of a traditional masculinity ideology.
Many authors have suggested that some characteristics of masculinity ideology—
particularly in the kind of masculinity ideology that prescribes more rigid and stereo-
typed gender role norms, such as seen in machismo or “traditional” masculinity—may
be deleterious to the psychological or physical functioning of men (Good, Borst, &
Wallace, 1994). These include but are not limited to: physically and sexually abusive
behaviors, sexual and competitive excesses, various relationship dysfunctions (e.g.,
homophobia, restriction of one’s own emotions), and socially irresponsible behavior
(e.g., excessive drinking) (Fragoso & Kashubeck, 2000; Good et al., 1994). Research
has found that men who maintain a traditional masculinity ideology are more likely to
perpetrate acts of physical or psychological abuse (Good et al.), tend to hold attitudes
that are conducive to the sexual harassment of women (Wade & Brittan-Powell, 2001),
and are more likely to be harmful to society and to themselves (Fragoso & Kashubeck).
Similarly, studies of Latino masculinity ideology, or machismo have identified a
syndrome of maladaptive characteristics, harmful to those who endorse macho per-
sonality traits and to others around them. One study described the macho personality
constellation, or machismo, as a primarily Hispanic phenomenon with three defining
characteristics: (a) callous sexuality toward women, (b) a perception of violence as
manly, and (c) the view that danger is exciting (Mosher & Anderson, 1986). Other stud-
ies have found that machismo is associated with aggression, delinquent or criminal be-
havior, and alcohol- and drug-related behavior (Mosher & Sirkin, 1984) and that in
Mexican men a macho personality constellation predicts higher rates of depression,
neuroticism, and psychoticism (Lara, 1991). In Arciniega et al’s (2008) study, Latino
men who endorsed traditional machismo characteristics were more likely to report hav-
ing maladaptive coping styles, alexithymia, and a history of fights and arrests. Other
studies have also linked machismo with aggressiveness (Jakupcak, Lisak, & Roemer,
2002; Parrot, Zeichner, & Stephens, 2003), physical and sexual violence (Mosher & An-
derson, 1986), and alcohol abuse (Caetano & Medina-Mora, 1998; Gilbert & Cervantes,
1986; Neff, Prihoda, & Hoppe, 1991).
Research supports an understanding of machismo as a particular kind of traditional
masculinity ideology occurring in Latino men, which has potentially harmful effects for
those who endorse it and others around them. Research also seems to support specula-
tion that Latino males may endorse greater levels of traditional masculinity ideology
than any other group, potentially putting them at higher risk for engaging in harmful
behaviors. The present study attempted to assess the role of three factors that may con-

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tribute to, or influence adherence to traditional masculinity ideology in Latino men. In

particular, this study examined the influence of ethnic identity, gender role socializa-
tion, and male identity. The objective of the current study was to determine the relative
contribution of these three factors to Latino men’s endorsement of an extreme form of
traditional masculinity ideology, known as hypermasculinity (see Mosher & Sirkin,
1984).
Much research attests to the influence of ethnic identity for the self-concept and
psychological functioning of individuals (Martinez & Dukes, 1997; Phinney, 1990).
Race and gender have been shown to serve as primary influences for a person’s social
identity (Reid & Comaz-Diaz, 1990). Research investigating the relationship of ethnic
identity to men’s endorsement of traditional masculinity ideology, while currently lim-
ited, has demonstrated a positive association. In one recent study, ethnic belonging was
found to be a main predictor of traditional masculinity ideology among Latino men
(Abreu et al., 2000). Thus, Latino males’ endorsement of traditional masculinity ide-
ology may be significantly associated with their degree of identification with their eth-
nicity.
Numerous studies have also investigated early childhood socialization with re-
spect to gender roles. A large meta-analysis of this research conducted by Lytton and
Romney (1991) concluded that there was a significant effect in parents’ encourage-
ment of sex-typed activities. Studies have shown that males endorse masculine ide-
ologies resembling those of their fathers (Luddy & Thompson, 1997) and that men’s
machismo adherence is rooted in family dynamics (Deyoung & Ziegler, 1994). More
specifically, Deyoung and Ziegler’s study revealed that machismo was related to child-
rearing practices, further suggesting that early childhood socialization plays an impor-
tant role for the development of masculine identity. Finally, Zayas and Solari’s (1994)
study found that Hispanic families tended to socialize children in ways congruent with
their cultural values, regardless of the norm of the dominant culture (Zayas & Solari,
1994).
Lastly, male identity was examined as a contributing factor using Wade’s (1998)
model of male reference group identity dependence, which is defined as the extent to
which a male is dependent on a male reference group for his gender role self-concept.
The gender role self-concept is one’s self-concept with regard to gender roles and in-
cludes one’s gender-related attributes, attitudes, and behaviors (McCreary, 1990). Wade
conceptualized three male reference group identity statuses that have different impli-
cations for the gender role self-concept. The No Reference Group status is character-
ized by a lack of psychological relatedness to other males, there is no particular group
or image of males that the individual feels he is similar to, connected to, or he identi-
fies with, and the gender role self-concept is therefore relatively undefined or frag-
mented. The Reference Group Dependent status is characterized by psychological
relatedness to some males and not others, there is a particular group or image of males
the individual feels he is similar to, connected to, or he identifies with while this is not
so with males perceived to be unlike or dissimilar to one’s self. Here, the gender role
self-concept is dependent on the reference group and therefore externally defined,

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stereotyped, conformist, and rigid. The Reference Group Nondependent status is char-
acterized by psychological relatedness to all males. There is a sense of commonality,
similarity, connectedness, and identification with various types or images of males.
The gender role self-concept is not dependent on a reference group and therefore is in-
ternally defined, pluralistic, flexible, and autonomous. Based on Wade’s theory, we ex-
pected the reference group dependent status to be associated with hypermasculinity in
Latino men. Previous research has found this status to be related to endorsement of tra-
ditional masculinity ideology, non-endorsement of nontraditional masculinity ideol-
ogy, gender role conflict, and sexual harassment proclivities (Wade, 2001; Wade &
Brittan-Powell, 2001; Wade & Gelso, 1998).
The present study assessed the relative contribution of three factors to Latino men’s
endorsement of hypermasculinity: (a) ethnic identity, (b) male identity, and (c) early
childhood gender role socialization. In this study three hypotheses were examined: 1)
greater identification with one’s ethnic group would be associated with hypermas-
culinity; 2) non-egalitarian gender role socialization would be associated with hyper-
masculinity; and 3) a male identity characterized by dependence on a reference group
would be associated with hypermasculinity.

Method

Participants

The participants were 101 Latino men recruited from university campuses in two
major metropolitan cities on the East coast of the U.S. and their surrounding areas. The
participant’s ages ranged from 18 to 40 years, with a mean age of 22.9 years. The ma-
jority of the participants (59.8%) were undergraduate students: 8.8% freshmen, 11.8%
sophomores, 26.5% juniors, and 12.7% seniors. Ten and 8/10 percent reported being
graduate students, while the remaining 18.6% of the sample were not attending col-
lege. The sample consisted of diverse nationalities: 32.4% of the sample identified
themselves as of Dominican Republic descent, 29.4% identified as of Cuban descent
and 18.6% were of Puerto Rican descent. Of the remaining participants, 3 identified
themselves as Ecuadorian, 2 as Honduran, 2 as Mexican, and the remaining 10.8% of
the sample were from other Latin American countries including Columbia, Honduras,
Nicaragua, and Venezuela. Of the entire sample, 73.3% were born in the United States,
while 26.5% were not. Only 8.8% reported that their mothers were born in the United
States and 10.8% of participants’ fathers were U.S. born.

Instruments

Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM). The Multigroup Ethnic Identity

Measure was developed by Phinney (1992) to distinguish the extent to which individ-
uals identified with their ethnic group, based on their participation in social activities
and cultural traditions with members of the same ethnic group. The MEIM consists of

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two component scales: Ethnic Identity (EI) and Other-Group Orientation (OGO). The
Ethnic Identity scale contains 14 items relating to interest and involvement in activi-
ties pertaining to one’s own ethnic group, while the OGO scale has 6 items relating to
one’s participation and involvement with persons in other ethnic groups. Participants
can either agree or disagree to items based on a 4-point Likert-type scale ranging from
1 = strongly agree to 4 = strongly disagree. The Ethnic Identity scale is composed of
three subscales. The Affirmation and Belonging subscale consists of 5 items that assess
ethnic pride and overall contentment with one’s group of membership. The Ethnic Iden-
tity Achievement subscale has 7 items assessing the stage of ethnic identity. The Eth-
nic Behaviors subscale consists of 2 items concerning involvement in social activities
with individuals of one’s ethnic group. Lower scores indicate higher ethnic identity
with one’s ethnic group. Lower scores on the Other Group Orientation scale indicate
involvement with people and activities from ethnic groups not of one’s own. The in-
ternal consistency reliability of the MEIM in this study was .79 for the Ethnic Identity
scale and .66 for the Other-Group Orientation scale.

Traditional Egalitarian Sex Role Scale (TESR). The Traditional Egalitarian Sex
Role scale is a 20-item questionnaire constructed by Larsen and Long (1988). Using a
revised set of instructions, participants were instructed to “indicate the degree to which
the statement represents what you learned in the home,” rather than their own ideas on
the subject. As such, the scale was used to assess the messages perceived during child-
hood regarding gender-specific traits and expected roles within the home and society.
Each statement is answered using a 6-point Likert-type scale, where 1 = Definitely
doesn’t reflect and 6 = Definitely reflects. Larsen and Long found an internal consis-
tency reliability of .91, based on the Cronbach alpha coefficient, when testing this scale
with a sample of 484 undergraduate students. This study found an internal consistency
reliability of .74.

Hypermasculinity Inventory (HMI). Mosher and Sirkin (1984) developed the Hy-
permasculinity Inventory to assess three components of the traditional macho person-
ality. This scale consists of 30 items, each with two virtually opposing statements, one
representing a sexist attitude and the other a non-sexist one. Every item deals with par-
ticular issues that have been attributed to the masculine role. The HMI consists of three
subscales each composed by 10 items. The three subscales relate to the three compo-
nents of the macho constellation identified by Mosher and Sirkin: 1) violence, 2) dan-
ger, and 3) calloused sex attitudes. Higher scores on the HMI indicate hypermasculinity.
For the sample in this study, internal consistency reliability was .82.

Reference Group Identity Dependence Scale (RGIDS). The RGIDS (Wade &
Gelso, 1998) was developed to assess the theoretical aspects of male reference group
identity dependence. The RGIDS is composed of 30 statements, to be responded to on
a 6-point Likert-type scale, where 1 = Strongly disagree and 6 = Strongly agree. The
measure consists of 4 subscales. The No Reference Group subscale assesses feelings

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of disconnectedness from other men. For this scale this study found an internal con-
sistency reliability of .81. The Reference Group Dependent subscale assesses feelings
of psychological relatedness with similar males, but not with males perceived as dis-
similar to oneself. Internal consistency reliability was .53. The Reference Group Non-
dependent status consists of two component subscales: Similarity and Diversity. The
Similarity subscale assesses feelings of connectedness with all males. Internal consis-
tency reliability for this scale was .70. The Diversity subscale assesses one’s appreci-
ation of differences among males. Internal consistency reliability for this subscale was
.69.

Procedure

Participants were a convenience sample recruited from two urban college cam-
puses and surrounding communities. Some individuals were recruited by word of
mouth and from an online posting of the research on a university website. Other par-
ticipants included friends and acquaintances of the researchers and other individuals
known by the researchers to be Latino males. They were approached in the common
areas of the university campuses or various areas in the local communities and were
asked to participate in the study. If they agreed, they met with the researchers to com-
plete the questionnaires in the campus student center, dining areas, student club meet-
ings, or in a private office. Some participants were allowed to complete the
questionnaires on their own time and return them to the researchers. All the partici-
pants were asked to read and sign an informed consent form, which explained what
the study’s procedure entailed, as well as their rights as participants, including their
ability to withdraw at any time. All participants who agreed to participate in the study
were given a packet with the four questionnaires and a personal data sheet that asked
for the participant’s age, year in college (if applicable), and nationality, as well if they
or their parents were born in the U.S. Upon completion of questionnaires, the partici-
pant returned the questionnaire to the researchers and received a debriefing statement.
This statement included information about the purpose of the study, as well as contact
information for the researchers, in case the participants were interested in receiving the
results of the study.

Results

Descriptive Statistics

Scale score means, scale ranges, and standard deviations for the measures in the
study are provided in Table 1. Participants’ strongest endorsements were for the refer-
ence group nondependent male identity, in particular the diversity dimension charac-
terized by an appreciation of differences among males. Participants reported receiving
messages in the home that were egalitarian with regard to sex roles. For the Hyper-
masculinity Inventory (HMI), participants were more likely to disagree with statements

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Table 1
Scale Means, Scale Ranges, and Standard Deviations

Variable Scale Mean SD Scale Range

1. Hypermasculinity 41.55 5.61 30-60

2. Ethnic identity 26.13 6.54 14-56
3. Other group orientation 10.73 3.53 6-24
4. Sex role egalitarianism 75.21 15.01 20-120
5. Dependent 18.26 4.39 5-30
6. No reference group 29.94 8.51 10-60
7. Diversity 23.59 5.36 5-30
8. Similar 18.53 4.31 5-30

Note. N = 101. No group = no reference group; RG = reference group; RGND = reference group
nondependent; other group = other group orientation from Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure;
HMI = Hypermasculinity Inventory.

that represented hypermasculinity. For the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure

(MEIM), participants tended to be medium in both their ethnic identity and other group
orientation (versus being high or low in ethnic identity and other group orientation).

Correlational Analyses

Correlations between the variables measured are presented in Table 2. We hy-

pothesized that greater identification with one’s ethnic group would be associated with
hypermasculinity. Consistent with this hypothesis, a significant negative correlation
between the MEIM and the HMI was found (r = -.37, p < .001). Additionally, we hy-
pothesized that non-egalitarian gender role socialization would be associated with hy-
permasculinity. In support of this hypothesis, a significant negative correlation was
found between sex role egalitarianism and hypermasculinity (r = -.25, p < .05). Further,
we hypothesized that a male identity that is characterized by dependence on a reference
group would be associated with hypermasculinity. Contrary to our hypothesis, Refer-
ence Group Dependent significantly negatively correlated with the HMI (r = -.21, p <
.05).
A simultaneous multiple regression was performed to determine how much vari-
ance within hypermasculinity was accounted for by ethnic identity, reference group
dependent male identity, and sex-role egalitarianism. These three variables together
accounted for 22% of the variance in hypermasculinity scores (R² = .22) (F = 6.77, p
< .001). Ethnic Identity was the only significant predictor in the model (ß = .36; p <
.001), while reference group dependent male identity and sex-role egalitarianism were
not significant (ß = -.19; p = .07; ß = -.18; p = .08, respectively).

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SAEZ, CASADO & WADE

Table 2
Correlation Matrix

Variables (HMI) 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

2. No group .80 - - - - - - -
3. RG dependent -.21* .17 - - - - - -
4. RGND diversity -.27** .12 .09 - - - - -
5. RGND similarity -.04 -.17 .05 .42** - - - -
6. Sex role egalt. -.25* -.17 .11 .08 -.16 - - -
7. Other group -.31** .11 .09 -.29** -.01 -.22 - -
8. Ethnic identity -.37** .16 .02 -.21** -.01 -.10 -.36** -

Note. N = 101. No group = no reference group; RG = reference group; RGND = reference group
nondependent; other group = other group orientation from Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure;
HMI = Hypermasculinity Inventory.
*p < .05. **p < .005.

Discussion

The purpose of this study was to examine the factors associated with Latino men’s
endorsement of an exaggerated form of traditional masculinity ideology, known as hy-
permasculinity. This study attempted to assess the extent to which Latino men’s level
of hypermasculinity was related to their ethnic identity, male identity, and gender-role
socialization. Based on the findings of studies that reveal Latino males’ high endorse-
ment of traditional masculinity ideology (e.g., Abreu et al., 2000; Mirandé, 1997; Tor-
res, Solberg, & Carlstrom, 2002), it was hypothesized that greater ethnic identity,
non-egalitarian gender-role socialization, and a reference group dependent male iden-
tity would predict hypermasculinity. The results of this study generally provide support
for the extant scholarly and research literature on Latino masculinity. Our study found
that greater identification with one’s ethnic group and non-egalitarian gender-role so-
cialization was associated with hypermasculinity. However, contrary to what was hy-
pothesized, the reference group dependent male identity was associated with
non-endorsement of hypermasculinity.
The relationship found between ethnic identity and hypermasculinity is consistent
with previous research by Abreu et al. (2000), who found that ethnic belonging was pre-
dictive of greater adherence to traditional masculinity ideology in Latino men. More
specifically, this finding indicates that Latino men who strongly identify with their eth-
nicity, and are involved in activities that relate to their ethnic group, are also likely to
endorse attitudes and behaviors consistent with an exaggerated form of traditional mas-
culinity ideology, such as is found in Mosher and Sirkin’s (1984) description of the
macho personality constellation. In addition, the negative relationship found between
male Reference Group Nondependent Diversity and hypermasculinity suggests two
possibilities. Latino men who endorse hypermasculine attitudes and behaviors are less
likely to appreciate differences among men. They would not be tolerant or accepting

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of men that exhibit a masculinity that differs from their own masculinity ideology. Con-
versely, Latino men who are able to appreciate differences among men would tend not
to endorse attitudes and behaviors that reflect hypermasculinity.
The relationship found between gender-role socialization and hypermasculinity
indicates that repeated exposure to gender-role stereotypes and gender-role inequalities
in the home environment may be likely to result in greater adherence to an exaggerated
form of traditional masculinity ideology. This finding is consistent with previous stud-
ies (e.g., Deyoung & Ziegler, 1994; Luddy & Thompson, 1997; Lytton & Romney,
1991) that suggested that early childhood socialization strongly impacts the degree to
which males identify with extreme expressions of stereotypically masculine attitudes
and behaviors.
Finally, the relationship between a reference group dependent male identity and hy-
permasculinity was contrary to our hypothesis. This finding suggests that men who are
dependent on a male reference group for their gender role self-concept were likely to
not endorse hypermasculine attitudes and behaviors. It is possible that in this sample
of Latino men, their masculinity ideology was generally not congruent with the stereo-
typically aggressive and hypersexual tendencies of the macho personality constella-
tion as measured by the HMI. In fact, on average the Latino men of this sample
generally tended to not endorse attitudes and behaviors consistent with hypermas-
culinity. Thus, it may be that for the Latino men in this sample who were likely to hold
attitudes and beliefs consistent with a reference group dependent male identity, the
masculinity ideology of the male reference group to which one would adhere has little
in common with a hypermasculine orientation.

Implications

The findings of this research have implications for our understanding of Latino
men and for future research with Latino men. The relationship found between ethnic
identity and hypermasculinity suggests that Latino men who indicated a greater iden-
tification with their ethnicity also tended to endorse some of the negative stereotypes
associated with Latino masculinity. A similar finding was reported in Arciniega et al’s
(2008) study that found ethnic identity (as measured by the MEIM) was associated
with caballerismo—the positive qualities of machismo. These findings support a view
that men receive powerful messages regarding gender role norms from their ethnic
group, and that increased identification with one’s ethnic group is likely to be an im-
portant factor in males’ appropriation of the gender role norms specific to their ethnic-
ity. Future research should continue to explore this relationship among Latino men,
specifically using a measure of Latino masculinity that encompasses the various di-
mensions, both positive and negative, of machismo. Similarly, the relationship found
between gender-role socialization and hypermasculinity suggests that the home envi-
ronment is also a powerful source of messages regarding male gender role norms. For
Latino men, both of these factors, ethnic identity and gender role socialization, should
be considered important contributors to their adherence to gender-role stereotypes. It

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SAEZ, CASADO & WADE

is important to note that while some of these gender role norms may represent positive
and adaptive characteristics to be relied on as strengths, others may have detrimental
effects for Latino men’s well-being.
There are several limitations to this study. The fact that this sample of Hispanic
men consisted of both college students and non-college students from two metropoli-
tan areas in the U.S. serves as a strength with regards to its generalizability. However,
being a sample of convenience and given the limited sample size, the results should be
interpreted with caution. Furthermore, the present sample included participants from
over nine different Hispanic countries. This may serve as a strength of this study in
terms of its generalizability to Hispanic men; however, it is also a limitation because
of the cultural heterogeneity of these respective Hispanic nationalities. Other limitations
of this study include the fact that there was no measure to identify the different levels
of acculturation for this sample. It is also important to note that some of the correlations
reported were small and leave a good amount of variance unaccounted for, and the in-
ternal consistency reliability for the Reference Group Dependent scale in particular
was considerably low. Finally, the findings of this study do not mean that there is any
causality between any of the factors for which correlations were found. The results of
a simultaneous multiple regression suggested that hypermasculinity is a characteristic
that may be influenced by a complex combination of factors, only partially accounted
for by these variables. As such, an investigation into the larger range of factors that in-
fluence hypermasculinity in Latino men may be a fruitful area for future research. Ad-
ditionally, future research should address how hypermasculinity relates to psychosocial
functioning in Latino men.

References

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conception of machismo: Development of a traditional machismo and caballerismo scale.
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