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Information capitalism
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Gabe Ignatow
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capitalism under conditions of globalization and rapid technological development. The idea of
(Drucker 1992), postindustrial society (Touraine 1971; Bell 1976), information society (Webster
capitalist economies is the American economist Fritz Machlup’s 1962 study “The production and
distribution of knowledge in the United States” (Machlup 1972 [1962]). Machlup introduced the
concept of the “knowledge industry,” and argued that as early as the 1950s a large proportion of
the Gross National Product of the United States was based in knowledge-intensive sectors such
as education, research and development, mass media, information technologies, and information
services. Around the time of Machlup’s study, management consultant and writer Peter Drucker
was beginning to argue that modern societies were transitioning from economies based mainly
on material goods to ones based mostly on knowledge (e.g. Drucker 1992 [1969]).
While writers like Machlup and Drucker were early proponents of the idea that
knowledge was becoming more central to capitalism, most analysts today argue that information
capitalism as such began to evolve out of industrial capitalism in the 1970s, when computer
technology began to enter homes and offices in economically and technologically advanced
nations. With this technology came a new class of “symbolic analysts” (Bell 1973; Reich 1991)
who were able to implement and take advantage of these technologies in many settings: within
capitalist firms, and in government, education, and the home. In his 1973 book The Coming of
Post-Industrial Society, Daniel Bell described the social patterns associated with an emerging
form of capitalist society that was based economically on services rather than industrial
manufacturing but in services, which are defined, residually, as trade, finance, transport, health,
Information capitalism evolved in a dramatic new way in the late 1990s as capitalist
grand scale (Jorgenson 2001). By the 1990s information capitalism was in no way limited to an
technology had infiltrated virtually all industries and government sectors. The most prominent
theorist of this recent developmental phase of information capitalism is Manuell Castells, who
argues that information technology has led to a new “network logic” of social organization, the
culmination of a historical trend in which major functions and processes of advanced nations are
increasingly organized around networks. Networks “constitute the new social morphology of our
societies, and the diffusion of networking logic substantially modifies the operation and
outcomes in processes of production, experience, power, and culture” (Castells 2000: 500).
The transition to information capitalism has affected economic growth and social
inequality worldwide, altered patterns of migration and urban growth, had a major influence on
family life, and changed how governments interact with their citizens. These consequences of
as having contributed positively to economic growth through increases in the speed and
semiconductor design and production led to a dramatic price decline of information technology
in the mid-1990s, and this price decline, and the resulting incorporation of information
technology into ever more sectors of the economy, is seen as a foundation for subsequent
productivity gains and economic growth (Jorgenson 2001). By the late 1990s, most of the
world’s stock markets had converted to all-electronic trading formats; billions of dollars were
being transacted across national borders instantaneously and electronically; and efficient
communications technology, email in particular, had become commonplace for a large portion of
the world’s population. The result was an acceleration of the productivity growth of both
inequality within and between nations, and by new patterns of inequality based on knowledge:
the so-called “digital divide.” The information technology revolution has proven to be “skill-
biased,” rewarding those with the education and cognitive skills who are best positioned to take
advantage of technological change. Information capitalism has led to a sharp decline in the
demand for less skilled workers in advanced industrialized nations, and to a concomitant
weakening of unions and collective bargaining. By virtually all measures, income inequality in
industrialized nations has risen sharply since the end of the era of industrial capitalism in the
1970s, resulting in a hollowing out of the middle classes of both advanced industrialized nations
and developing nations (Parayil 2005: 45). Rather than working in unionized factories, middle-
class workers are increasingly resigned to service sector work that offers few benefits or
firms” (Parayil 2005) specialize in products with high initial production costs. But after investing
hardware, or patented drugs, the manufacturing costs are relatively negligible, and firms may
Partly because of the high up-front costs of producing knowledge-intensive products, and
to have little chance to compete on the world stage. The globe is increasingly divided between
technology haves, who reap the benefits of technological development and economic growth,
and have-nots who are technologically backward and excluded, unable to either innovate or
[a] Migration and cities. Information capitalism has increased demand for knowledge workers,
and has led to “brain drain” of educated workers from developing countries to developed
countries where they can make far higher salaries than in their home countries, and stay up to
metropolitan areas in advanced industrial nations show the effects of skilled migration. There is
in “global cities” such as New York, London, and Hong Kong a new geography of centrality and
marginality (Sassen 2001), in which skilled international knowledge workers cluster in gentrified
neighborhoods in city centers, raising prices in central areas and pushing working-class residents
[a] The domestic sphere. While information technology has spurred increases in worker
productivity, some of this productivity growth is likely due to changing social patterns that have
attended the transition to information capitalism. With the wide availability of internet
connectivity, portable computers, and email, knowledge workers are able to work at home more
easily. They may “telecommute,” working from home almost exclusively; or more often,
workers bring work home with them, sacrificing hours that might otherwise be spent with family
[a]Political dimensions. There are many political dimensions of the transition to information
capitalism. For example, researchers such as Strange (1996) have focused on the potential of
global financial flows to overwhelm the ability of many states to manage their own economies
(the 1997 Asian financial crisis is a prime example). Castells has focused on a transition in
traditional political parties’ monopoly over political organization and citizens’ political identities
strategies that attempt to make government services more accessible to citizens, or at least to
citizens who have internet access. At a global level, information capitalism has been embraced
by the United Nations system (Leye 2007), which encourages developing countries to participate
in the global information economy. An alternative approach to the mostly neoliberal model
adopted by the UN has been for some developing countries to invest in “informational welfare
states” (Castells and Himanen 2002) in which governments make strategic investments in the
educational system and in public institutions that make Internet access and other information
[a] Future directions for research. A number of academic journals specialize in research and
theory on information capitalism and related topics, and a wide variety of issues are debated
within the pages of these journals. Several topics might be singled out as especially worthy of
research in the near future, however. Within advanced capitalist democracies, social and political
realignments stemming from the transition to information capitalism have not been well
explored. For example, do neo-nationalist and right-wing populist movements in Europe, North
America and elsewhere result from the growing schism between the information-rich and
information-poor? At a global level, there would seem to be a need for a more detailed
understanding of the global knowledge race, the competition between countries to develop their
human capital so as to produce more knowledge-intensive (and profitable) goods and services. Is
there a level playing field on which countries can compete? Is it worthwhile for developing
countries to invest in information infrastructure (see e.g. Kuriyan, Ray, and Toyama 2008)? And
if so, why do they choose to make such investments, or else not to do so? Finally, while there is a
great deal of high-flying theory on the relations of information technology to capitalism, there is
arguably a need for more rigorous empirical, ethnographic research, as well as more historically
grounded comparative research. While there is widespread recognition of the profound impact of
contemporary global financial and social systems makes it very difficult for any one scholar, or
SEE ALSO: digital divide, world cities, global inequality, networks, post-industrialism
Castells, M., & Himanen, P. (2002) The Information Society and the Welfare State: The Finnish
Model. Oxford University Press, Oxford.
Drucker, P. (1992 [1969]) The Age of Discontinuity: Guidelines to Our Changing Society.
Transaction Publishers, New York.
Jorgenson, D. (2001) “Information Technology and the U.S. Economy.” The American
Economic Review 91(1): 1-32.
Kuriyan, R., Ray, I. & Toyama, K. (2008) “Information and Communication Technologies for
Development: The Bottom of the Pyramid Model in Practice.” The Information Society 24(2): 1-
12.
Leye, V. (2007) “UNESCO, ICT Corporations and the Passion of ICT for Development:
Modernization Resurrected.” Media, Culture & Society 29(6): 972-993.
Machlup, F. (1972 [1962]) The Production and Distribution of Knowledge in the United States.
Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ.
Parayil, G. 2005. “The Digital Divide and Increasing Returns: Contradictions of Informational
Capitalism.” The Information Society 21: 41-51.
Putnam, R. (2001) Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. New
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Reich, R. (1991) The Work of Nations: Preparing Ourselves for 21st-century Capitalism. Knopf,
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Sachs, J. (2001) A New Framework for Globalization. In: Porter, R., Sauvé, P., Subramanian, A.,
& Zampetti, A. (eds.) Efficiency, Equity, Legitimacy: The Multilateral Trading System at the
Millennium. Brookings Institution Press, Washington, D.C., pp. 63-77.
Sassen, S. (2001) The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo. Princeton University Press,
Princeton, NJ.
Strange, S. (1996) The Retreat of the Sate: The Diffusion of Power in the World Economy.
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Touraine, A. (1971) The Post-Industrial Society. Tomorrow's Social History: Classes, Conflicts
and Culture in the Programmed Society. New York: Random House.
Webster, F. (2002) Theories of the Information Society. Routledge, Cambridge.