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432637

and Zurb
JAR27410.1177/0743558411432637Morgan

Journal of Adolescent Research

Changes in Sexual 27(4) 471­–497


© The Author(s) 2012
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DOI: 10.1177/0743558411432637
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1st Year of College

Elizabeth M. Morgan1 and


Eileen L. Zurbriggen2

Abstract
The present study identified emerging adults’ self-generated sexual val-
ues and sources of sexual values upon entering college and a year later to
assess how these values and sources may have changed. Participants included
148 college students (86 women and 62 men) who were 17 to 19 years old
at Time 1 (M = 18.1). Generative coding revealed seven thematic sexual
values: casual versus relational criteria for sexual intercourse, respect, giving
or obtaining consent, pleasure for self and partner, intimacy, trust, and physi-
cal safety. Regarding sources of values, participants reported interpersonal,
intrapersonal, and societal sources. Analyses revealed few gender differences
in sexual values. Valuing casual criteria for sexual intercourse increased in
frequency from Time 1 to Time 2 and valuing relational criteria decreased.
Peers and dating partners increased in frequency and parents decreased in
frequency as sources of sexual values.

Keywords
gender, romantic relationships, sexuality, transition to university

1
Boise State University, Boise, ID, USA
2
University of California, Santa Cruz, CA, USA

Corresponding Author:
Elizabeth M. Morgan, Boise State University, 1910 University Dr. Boise, ID 83706-1715, USA
Email: emorgan@boisestate.edu

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472 Journal of Adolescent Research 27(4)

Experiences in the areas of love and sexuality are generally considered impor-
tant aspects of emerging adults’ development (Arnett, 2004; Lefkowitz, 2005).
Not surprisingly, researchers have extensively explored adolescents’ and young
adults’ sexual attitudes and behavior. However, despite the vast literature on
sexual attitudes, few studies have focused specifically on assessing sexual val-
ues. Although sexual attitudes and sexual values may overlap, values are under-
stood as moral convictions regarding what is right and wrong, are typically
thought to be more stable than attitudes, and are linked strongly with sexual
behavior (Richey, Knox, & Zusman, 2009). For example, although higher lev-
els of general communication about sexuality from parents has often been asso-
ciated with greater sexual activity, when parents communicate the specific
value that premarital sex is wrong or undesirable, their adolescent children are
less likely to be sexually active (DiIorio, Pluhar, & Belcher, 2003; Usher-Seriki,
Bynum, & Callands, 2008). Thus, understanding the sexual values that college
students hold and the sources and origins of these sexual values will expand our
knowledge of sexual development during emerging adulthood in important
ways. This exploratory study used qualitative methods to analyze college stu-
dents’ reports of their sexual values and the sources of these values.
In addition to identifying and describing emerging adults’ self-reported
sexual values and sources of sexual values, this study also sought to identify
potential changes in these values and sources during the 1st year of college.
As such, participants were surveyed at the beginning of both their 1st and 2nd
years of college to assess potential changes in these values and their sources
during this important developmental transition. The 1st year of college is
generally understood as an important transitional period for emerging adults,
particularly with regard to sex and dating (Lefkowitz, 2005). Most notably,
many 1st-year college students are likely engaging in exploratory sexual and
dating behavior (Lefkowitz & Gillen, 2006; Siegel, Klein, & Roghmann,
1999), which may foster personal reflection on and reassessment of their own
sexual values and beliefs. Furthermore, interpersonal and social contexts
shift dramatically during this time, with less parental contact and increased
peer contact (Lefkowitz & Espinosa-Hernández, 2007). As such, it is likely
that this brief, but significant, transitional period would evidence shifts in
sexual values and sources of sexual values as evidenced by changes from the
beginning of the 1st year to the beginning of the 2nd year of college.

Sexual Values
Although researchers frequently assess college students’ sexual attitudes
(Lefkowitz & Gillen, 2006), few researchers have specifically focused on

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Morgan and Zurbriggen 473

college students’ sexual values. Those studies that have been conducted gen-
erally have a fairly narrow focus. For example, two recent studies investigat-
ing college students’ sexual values used a narrow definition of sexual values,
namely, having participants self-select into one of three researcher-generated
categories: absolutism (abstinence until marriage), relativism (sexual activity
dependent on the relationship context), and hedonism (doing what feels good
without hurting anyone; Knox, Cooper, & Zusman, 2001; Richey et al.,
2009). The more recent study reported that over half of students placed them-
selves in the “relativism” category, followed by a quarter in the hedonism
category and about 13% in absolutism (Richey et al., 2009). Other studies
measuring sexual values have also focused mainly on whether participants
value abstinence until marriage (De Gaston, Weed, & Jensen, 1996; Miller,
Norton, Fan, & Christopherson, 1998; Petersen & Donnenwerth, 1997). On
the other hand, some other studies speaking to sexual values among diverse
populations have offered a slightly broader examination of sexual values,
including the immorality of extramarital sex (Treas & Giesen, 2000), sexual
acceptance, comfort and communication (Deardorff, Tschann, & Flores,
2008), and beliefs about society’s current level of sexual morality (Weeden &
Sabini, 2007). However, none of these studies have allowed participants to
generate their own sexual values, relying instead on a restrictive set of
researcher generated items and topics.
As there is so little research on sexual values among college students,
gender and age-related patterns in sexual values have yet to be established
beyond assessing generally “permissive” versus “restrictive” sexual val-
ues. Richey et al. (2009) found that male college students were more likely
than female college students to self-identify as “hedonistic,” indicating
more permissive values. De Gaston et al. (1996) also found that female
adolescents indicated greater commitment to abstinence. A recent literature
review revealed similar results with regard to general sexual attitudes: Men
generally hold more permissive sexual attitudes than women (Fugere,
Escoto, Cousins, Riggs, & Haerich, 2008). Age-related patterns in sexual
values have also been identified, such that older college students (e.g.,
those over the age of 19 or 20) were more likely to identify with hedonistic
values (Knox et al., 2001; Richey et al., 2009). Other research on sexual
attitudes has identified more permissive sexual values as students progress
through college (Crawford & Popp, 2003; Knox et al., 2001; Lefkowitz,
2005; Morgan, Thorne, & Zurbriggen, 2010). Overall, it appears as though
older students and men tend to endorse more permissive sexual values,
although richer and more detailed information (beyond simple levels of
permissiveness) is lacking.

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474 Journal of Adolescent Research 27(4)

Sources of Sexual Values


As few studies have specifically examined sexual values, information on
sources of sexual values is even more scant. However, research on sexual
attitudes offers some insight into potential sources of sexual values.
Parental sexual socialization is frequently studied and findings suggest that
parents more often relay messages about sexual morality than they relay
explicit sexual information (King & Lorusso, 1997). Other sources of
sexual socialization that can communicate either permissive or restrictive
sexual values include close friends (e.g., Lefkowitz, Boone, et al., 2004),
dating partners (Morgan & Zurbriggen, 2007), peers (e.g., du Bois-
Reymond & Ravesloot, 1994), media (e.g., Hust, Brown, & L’Engle,
2008), schools (e.g., Chambers, van Loon, & Tincknell, 2004), and reli-
gious institutions (e.g., Lefkowitz, Gillen, Shearer, & Boone, 2004).
However, while these individuals and institutions have been researched as
influential sources for adolescents’ and young adults’ attitudes and behav-
iors, they have not been systematically analyzed regarding their potential
roles as sources of sexual values.
Gender- and age-based differences regarding sources of sexual values
have also not been examined, although patterns have been identified in
research on general sexual socialization. For example, research indicates
that young women typically hear more restrictive sexual messages from par-
ents than young men (Morgan et al., 2010; O’Sullivan, Meyer-Bahlburg, &
Watkins, 2001) and that female college students report talking with friends
about sex-related topics more than male college students do (Lefkowitz,
Boone, et al., 2004). Research also indicates that media present different
messages to males and females and suggests that young women may be
impacted more by media than men are (Ward, 2003). Although little research
has examined how sources of sexual information change over time, one
study identified that 1st-year college students reported talking more with
friends than mothers about sexually related topics (Lefkowitz & Espinosa-
Hernández, 2007). Lefkowitz, Gillen, et al. (2004) also found that older col-
lege students reported less religious influence and fewer negative sanctions
against sexual behaviors from their religion than did younger college stu-
dents. Overall, identifying which sources of sexual values are reported by
emerging adults, and whether there are gender and age-related differences in
their reporting of these sources, can help illuminate the origins of sexual
values and suggest whether developmental processes or gender role social-
ization affects the adoption, rejection, or transformation of these values.

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Morgan and Zurbriggen 475

Present Study
We had three goals for this project. First, we were interested in reviewing
changes in participants’ sexual and dating experiences during the 1st year of
college as a backdrop to understanding changes in sexual values and sources
of sexual values. Increased sexual and dating behavior from Time 1 to Time
2 would evidence developmental shifts in sexual experience that could pro-
vide emerging adults with the opportunity to reexamine their sexual values.
As past research suggests that college is often a time of sexual exploration
and dating experiences (Lefkowitz & Gillen, 2006), we anticipated that par-
ticipants’ sexual and dating experiences would increase during this time
period. We also explored gender differences in sexual behavior, but made no
directional hypotheses because past studies of sexual behavior among col-
lege students have revealed varied findings regarding gender and sexual
experience (e.g., Dalton & Galambos, 2009, Espinosa-Hernández &
Lefkowitz, 2009; Paul, McManus, & Hayes, 2000).
Second, as the main focus of the study, we used an open-ended approach
to identify themes in emerging adults’ self-generated sexual values and
explored how these values change during the 1st year in college. This
approach allows the full range of sexual values to be expressed, unconstrained
by researcher preconceptions. Because of the focus in past research on sexual
values related to premarital sexual intercourse and sexual permissiveness
(e.g., Richey et al., 2009), we anticipated that participants may include
responses that corresponded to these previously identified values. We also
expected that other sexual values would be reported; however, because of the
lack of prior research on a range of sexual values, we made no specific pre-
dictions about which other sexual values would be reported. Despite not hav-
ing an expected set of sexual values, we nonetheless anticipated potential
gender differences and changes over time, given both consistent gender dif-
ferences in attitudes (Richey et al., 2009) and prior research indicated shifts
in sexual beliefs during the transition to college (Lefkowitz, 2005).
The third research goal was to understand who and what late adolescents
viewed as sources of their reported sexual values and whether these sources
changed during the 1st year of college. Because prior research has identified
interpersonal (Lefkowitz & Espinosa-Hernández, 2007) and social (e.g., Hust
et al., 2008) sources of sexual attitudes, we anticipated that similar sources of
sexual values would arise. Although we anticipated that there could be
gender-related differences in reported sources of sexual values, we did not
predict any specific differences due to the lack of prior research on sources of
sexual values. However, we did anticipate that parents would decrease in

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476 Journal of Adolescent Research 27(4)

frequency as reported sources of sexual values, while the frequency with


which friends and peers were listed would increase over time.

Method
Participants

Participants were part of a larger two-wave longitudinal study on sexual


socialization and sexual aggression in which multimethod assessments were
conducted in the fall quarters of students’ 1st and 2nd years of college.
Participants were a subset of the 184 participants (79 men and 105 women)
who participated in the second wave of the study. Only participants who
provided responses to the sexual values questions at both time periods were
included in analyses. This resulted in a final sample of 148 (86 women and
62 men). Their ages ranged from 17 to 19 at Time 1 (M = 18.1) and their
racial backgrounds included European American/White (n = 97; 65%),
Mexican American/Latino/a (n = 16; 11%), Asian American/Pacific Islander
(n = 15; 10%), bi-/multiracial (n = 12; 8%), and Other (n = 8; 5%).
Participants’ self-identified sexual orientations at Time 1 included hetero-
sexual (n = 126; 85%), gay/lesbian (n = 9; 6%), bisexual (n = 5; 3%), unsure
(n = 6; 4%), other (n = 1; 1%), and prefer not to identify (n = 1; 1%).
The majority of participants’ parents were well educated, with 63% of
participants’ mothers and 63% of participants’ fathers holding a bachelor’s
degree; 24% of mothers and 32% of fathers also had a graduate degree.
Participants’ religious backgrounds included Catholic (n = 26; 18%),
Christian (n = 23; 16%), Jewish (n = 16; 11%), none (n = 60; 41%), and other
(n = 21; 14%). Religiosity was fairly low; when asked “how religious are
you,” the average response was 2.24 (SD = 1.15) at Time 1 and 2.13 (SD =
1.11) at Time 2 on a scale from 1 (not at all religious) to 5 (very religious).1

Procedure
All participants were 1st-year college students at a public university in cen-
tral California. For the first phase of the study, participants were recruited via
tabling at orientation events, flyers posted around campus and delivered to
campus mail boxes. Flyers noted that students could earn money “by par-
ticipating in a research study on dating relationships” and stipulated that
“You don’t need to be dating or in a relationship to participate.” During in
person recruitment efforts, the study was described as being “about your
experiences with dating and relationships, how you feel about dating and

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Morgan and Zurbriggen 477

sex, and how you talk about these things with your parents and friends.”
E-mails were sent to Time 1 participants for recruitment at Time 2. Time 1
participation took place between September and November in the partici-
pants’ 1st year at college and Time 2 took place between September and
November in the participants’ 2nd year at college. Participants were compen-
sated US$20-US$25 at Time 1 and US$25-US$40 at Time 2. At each time
point, participation in the study included a consent process and completion
of a computer word task, an individual interview, and a written question-
naire. Data from the computer word task and the individual interview are not
analyzed for the present study. The entire data collection session took about
1.5 hours to complete.

Measures
The data analyzed for this study were collected through a written question-
naire. In addition to a demographic portion, participants completed measures
of sexual and dating experience as well as open-ended questions regarding
their sexual values and sources of sexual values.
Sexual and dating experience. Dating experience was assessed by asking
participants how many dating relationships they have had that lasted for
1 month or more in high school (Time 1) and college (Time 2). Participants
were also asked if they were currently in a dating relationship. Sexual experi-
ence was assessed through four questions. The first three included lifetime
frequency ratings of kissing (extended kiss without body contact), oral sex
(either performed on a male or female), and heterosexual intercourse. The
rating scale included the following options: 0 (never), 1 (once or twice), 2
(3-5 times), 3 (6-9 times), and 4 (10 or more times). The fourth question
regarded number of lifetime intercourse partners; only participants who indi-
cated having had heterosexual intercourse responded to this question.
Sexual values and sources of sexual values. Narrative responses from two
open-ended questions were used to assess sexual values and the sources of
sexual values. The first question assessed sexual values and asked, “What are
several current sexual values you have that are important in defining you as a
sexual person?” The second question assessed sources of sexual values and
differed slightly from Time 1 to Time 2. At Time 1, participants were asked,
“What do you think has been important in developing your sexual values;
how do you think they formed?” At Time 2, this second question was
rephrased to, “In the last year, what do you think has been important in devel-
oping your sexual values; how do you think they formed?”

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478 Journal of Adolescent Research 27(4)

Coding Procedures
Preliminary analyses classified participants’ open-ended responses regard-
ing sexual values and reported sources of sexual values using an inductive
thematic analysis approach (Braun & Clarke, 2006). The process of identi-
fying themes preliminarily included an entirely inductive review of the data
set for patterns and themes to generate potential categories that were dis-
cussed and revised within the research team. Ongoing analysis included
refining, defining, and naming these themes, which culminated in the pro-
duction of a coding manual. The review of sexual values yielded seven
non-mutually exclusive categories, including respect, consent, pleasure,
intimacy, trust, physical safety, and intercourse permissiveness (casual vs.
relational). The review of sources of sexual values yielded three overarch-
ing categories (interpersonal, intrapersonal, and societal) with several sub-
categories each. Sexual value categories and sources of sexual values
categories were identical at Time 1 and Time 2, despite the researchers’
openness to changes. Once the categories were established and key terms
and ideas were identified relevant to each category, responses from both
Time 1 and Time 2 were intermixed and all responses were coded by two
undergraduate research assistants with adequate reliability; Cohen’s Kappas
ranged from .70 to .95. Discrepant codes were typically the result of lack of
attention by the coder to an aspect of the narrative or a vague statement by
the participant; disagreements were resolved through discussions between
the first author and the research assistants.

Results
Sexual and Dating Experience

At Time 1, 83% of participants reported having had a romantic relationship


during high school that lasted for 1 month or more, with an average number
of 2.1 relationships. At Time 1, 45% of participants were casually dating or
were in a monogamous dating relationship. The majority of participants
(93%) reported having kissed a member of the other sex, and 76% of par-
ticipants reported having engaged in oral sex. Over half of the participants
(63%) reported having engaged in consensual heterosexual intercourse, with
an average of 2.43 partners.
At Time 2, 76% of participants reported having had a romantic relation-
ship during their 1st year of college that lasted for 1 month or more (12 were
individuals who had previously not had any relationships longer than a month

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Morgan and Zurbriggen 479

Table 1. Longitudinal Comparisons of Sexual Experience (N = 148)


Time 1 Time 2

Mean (women/ Mean (women/ Partial eta


Variable men) 95% CI men) 95% CI F squared

Rating of 3.33 (3.55/3.12) [3.13, 3.54] 3.52 (3.67/3.37) [3.35, 3.70] 4.88* 0.03
kissing
experiencea
Rating of 1.93 (2.35/1.51) [1.68, 2.18] 2.34 (2.80/1.88) [2.09, 2.59] 20.37*** 0.13
oral sex
experiencea
Rating of 2.21 (2.55/1.86) [1.89, 2.52] 2.57 (2.80/2.34) [2.28, 2.87] 9.11** 0.06
intercourse
experiencea
Number of 2.40 (2.53/2.26) [1.91, 2.89] 4.55 (3.43/5.68) [2.69, 6.42] 6.06* 0.06
intercourse
partnersb
Note. The F statistic represents the main effect of time using a 2 (time) × 2 (gender) mixed-model
repeated measures ANOVA. Partial Eta Squared represents the effect size. CI = Confidence Interval.
a
Ratings of experience were on a 0 (never) to 4 (ten or more times) scale.
b
Number of intercourse partners was only assessed for participants who reported having had
heterosexual intercourse.
**p < .05. ***p < .01. ****p < .001.

in high school). At Time 2, 48% of participants were in a dating relationship.


Ninety-seven percent of participants reported having kissed a member of the
other sex, and 86% of participants reported engaging in oral sex. Seventy-
five percent of participants reported having engaged in consensual hetero-
sexual intercourse, with an average of 3.94 lifetime partners.
A series of four 2 × 2 mixed-model repeated measures ANOVAs assessed
the effects of time and gender in self-ratings of sexual experience (kissing,
oral sex, intercourse, and number of intercourse partners). There were main
effects of gender on three of the sexual experience variables (means by gen-
der are presented in Table 1). In each case, women reported more experi-
ence than men. There was a main effect of gender for kissing, F(1, 141) =
4.52, p = .035, η2 = .031). There was also a main effect of gender for oral sex,
F(1, 139) = 14.21, p < .001, η2 = .093). Lastly, there was a main effect of
gender for intercourse, F(1, 141) = 4.08, p = .045, η2 = .028). Not surpris-
ingly, there was also a significant main effect of time for all four sexual expe-
rience variables, with increases in the ratings for kissing, oral sex, intercourse,
and number of intercourse partners from Time 1 to Time 2 (see Table 1). No
significant Gender × Time interactions occurred.

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480 Journal of Adolescent Research 27(4)

Table 2. Percentages and Tests of Time Differences for Sexual Values

Sexual value Time 1 Time 2 T1/T2 chi-square


Respect 34% 26% 1.82
Consent 24% 34% 3.70*
Pleasure 32% 32% 0.00
Intimacy 23% 24% 0.00
Trust 30% 23% 1.45
Physical safety 20% 13% 3.03*
Intercourse permissiveness 21.19****
Casual sex 24% 30%  
Relational sex 32% 19%  

Note. N = 148; 86 women, 62 men. T1 = Time 1, T2 = Time 2. Likelihood ratio chi-square


statistics compared T1 to T2 response frequencies for intercourse permissiveness. McNemar
chi-square tests were used for all other T1 to T2 response frequency comparisons.
*p < .10. ****p < .001.

Sexual Values
Seven themes were identified within participants’ narratives of their current
sexual values. Table 2 presents the overall frequencies of each of these
themes at both Time 1 and Time 2. Table 3 reports the frequencies of each of
these themes for men and women separately at Time 1 and Time 2. The first
sexual value category, respect, included being respectful (or respected),
expectations of faithfulness, and “being considerate” within a (sexual) rela-
tionship. This theme also included valuing equality between partners. Fifty
participants (34%) included this as a sexual value at Time 1 and 39 partici-
pants (26%) included this as a sexual value at Time 2. In addition to simply
listing the term “respect” or “respectfulness” within a list of sexual values,
participants would also remark that it was important to, “respect your partner
as you’d wish to be respected” and that both giving and getting respect is
important. For example, an 18-year-old woman explained, “It’s important for
me to be respected as well as to give respect.” Participants noted the impor-
tance of both relational and sexual respect, as evidenced in this 18-year-old
man’s statement, “I want a meaningful relationship with a lot of respect, and
a meaningful, respectful sex life.” Respect was also considered a relational
element that would improve sexual interactions. For example, an 18-year-old
woman explained, “I really like sex when it’s with someone who respects
me, whether I’m in love or not.” A 20-year-old man wrote, “I think it’s
important to be a kind, considerate, supportive, proactive lover.” Some par-
ticipants noted that respect was a requirement for a sexual relationship, as

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Morgan and Zurbriggen 481

Table 3. Percentages and Tests of Gender Differences for Sexual Values

Time 1 (men/ T1 gender Time 2 (men/ T2 gender


Sexual value women) chi-square women) chi-square
Respect 34%/34% 0.00 26%/27% 0.02
Consent 29%/21% 1.27 35%/34% 0.05
Pleasure 32%/33% 0.00 37%/28% 1.40
Intimacy 23%/23% 0.01 24%/23% 0.02
Trust 18%/38% 7.64*** 19%/26% 0.80
Physical safety 14%/24% 2.25 6%/17% 4.19**
Intercourse 5.32* 8.65**
permissiveness
Casual sex 18%/28% 27%/33%  
Relational sex 27%/36% 10%/26%  
Note. N = 148; 86 women, 62 men. T1 = Time 1, T2 = Time 2. Likelihood ratio chi-square
statistics compared gender differences at T1 and T2.
*p < .10. **p < .05. ***p < .01.

evidenced in an 18-year-old woman’s comment, “Well, if a guy don’t respect


me that just means they don’t love me. So if they don’t love me, why do I
want to have sex with them?”
The next theme, consent, included narratives that specifically noted the
importance of giving or gaining consent for sexual activity to occur. Thirty-
six participants (24%) included this as a sexual value at Time 1 and 51 par-
ticipants (34%) included this as a sexual value at Time 2. For example, a
19-year-old man explained that, “consent is completely, unalterably, and in
every single instance essential” and an 18-year-old woman wrote, “I believe
strongly in mutual consent. I want to feel compassion and safety from my
partner.” Participants also explicitly condemned sexual interactions without
consent. For example, an 18-year-old man explained, “Taking advantage of
some one that’s drunk is sick. If two drunk people hook up (have sex/
whatever) and at the time it happens they both want to then it’s okay. Rape
is terrible. Date rape is really terrible.” Another 19-year-old man wrote, “As
a rule I don’t take advantage of girls be they drunk or anything else.” Consent
was also used to define what makes sexual activities acceptable, as evi-
denced by an 18-year-old man who wrote, “As long as it involves consent-
ing, mature people, any sexual act is okay (not immoral).” A 19-year-old
woman also explained, “I believe that any sexual act should be consensual.
I believe it is okay to engage in oral, manual, anal, or vaginal sex as long as
both people agree.”

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482 Journal of Adolescent Research 27(4)

The third theme, pleasure, included the expression of positive feelings


toward the act of sex, including experiences of pleasure, amusement, gratifi-
cation, enjoyment, and delight. The value of physical attraction was also
included in this category. Forty-eight participants (32%) included this as a
sexual value at Time 1 and 47 participants (32%) included this as a sexual
value at Time 2. Participants would typically simply state that “sex should
always be fun and enjoyable.” Excitement or spontaneity was also occasion-
ally described, such as in this 19-year-old woman’s narrative,

I believe that sex is meant to be shared between two people whom


really love each other, and is very rewarding in that way. However,
sexual attraction can be very intense and one-night stands or casual sex
is sometimes rewarding, and definitely usually fun and exciting.

As with respect, mutual pleasure was important, such that “both sexual
partners must be satisfied in order for sex to be good.” A 19-year-old man
explained that, “sex is dependent on both partners. It’s about love and togeth-
erness and being a part of a whole at that moment at time. If one person isn’t
enjoying it, it’s not worth it.” Some participants specifically noted partner-
focused pleasure was important. For example, an 18-year-old man wrote,
“Enjoying sex itself, making it pleasurable for my partner” while another
wrote that his sexual values included being “not greedy with pleasure. Not
selfish with pleasure.” Other participants did describe more self-focused
pleasure, including an 18-year-old woman who explained, “It’s good to
indulge in sexual pleasure. When I did it, nothing bad happened to me because
I was responsible. There’s nothing wrong with a woman feeling good about
her body.”
Intimacy was another theme that emerged as a sexual value. This included
the expression of some kind of emotional connection to one’s partner or the
act of sex. Thirty-four participants (23%) included this as a sexual value at
Time 1 and 35 participants (24%) included this as a sexual value at Time 2.
Participants typically wrote about the importance of being loving, caring, or
compassionate. For example, an 18-year-old woman wrote, “Desirable sex-
ual behavior would probably be affection, intimacy, and caring in sex” while
a 19-year-old man wrote, “I believe that there should be a personal invest-
ment, intimacy and caring behind sexual experiences.” Several participants
explained the need for intimacy, including an 18-year-old woman who
explained, “Intimacy is important because I’m not always trusting. Sex can
have dangerous consequences.” Another 18-year-old woman explained, “Sex
is better when it is intimate but within the confines of intimacy there needs to

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Morgan and Zurbriggen 483

be a sense of comfort that allows for the exploration of wilder sides of sex.”
Several participants also wrote about the strong connection between sex and
emotion, including how sex can foster intimacy. For example, a 19-year-old
woman wrote, “Sex unites a relationship and connects people if you are ready
to commit and [have] such strong feelings.”
The next category, trust, included narratives in which participants noted
the importance of trusting a partner or being comfortable with one’s partner
or the situation. This category also included expressions of integrity and reli-
ance, such as depending on or having confidence placed on one’s self or one’s
partner. Forty-four participants (30%) included this as a sexual value at Time
1 and 34 participants (23%) included this as a sexual value at Time 2.
Frequently, participants stipulated that trust must be present prior to sexual
activity. For example, an 18-year-old woman wrote, “I do not participate in
sexual activities with people I do not know, trust, or do not feel comfortable
with.” Trust was sometimes stipulated on the basis that it would minimize
potential physical and emotional risk, as with this 18-year-old woman who
explained, “I believe that sex is natural, but should only be done with some-
one you love and trust, on account of all the risks involved.” Other partici-
pants explained that engaging in sexual activity helped to build trust. For
example, an 18-year-old woman wrote, “I think that sexuality is a very
important part of life and that sharing your sexuality in intimate relationships
generates trust and love.” Another 18-year-old woman explained, “I will only
have sex with someone who I know and I trust and love. Being naked and
exposed with and to the person shows that you trust them and therefore create
a special bond.”
The next theme, physical safety, included an expressed concern for the
physical well-being of oneself or one’s partners, specifically regarding pre-
vention of or protection against sexually transmitted infections and preg-
nancy. Thirty participants (20%) included this as a sexual value at Time 1 and
19 participants (13%) included this as a sexual value at Time 2. For example,
an 18-year-old man wrote that “safe sex is extremely important” while a
19-year-old man listed one of his sexual values as, “being safe and using
protection and taking necessary precautions.” The reasoning behind this
value was typically the fear of pregnancy or of contracting a disease. One
19-year-old woman wrote, “I want to be safe. I don’t want to put myself into
a position where I could be potentially harmed emotionally or physically. I
don’t want an STD and I don’t want to get pregnant” while another explained,
“I believe that sex is a very natural part of life but given the risks (pregnancy,
STDs) needs to be taken seriously.” Safety was specifically used as a reason
for avoiding certain types of sexual encounters as well. An 18-year-old

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484 Journal of Adolescent Research 27(4)

woman noted that, “sexual behavior shouldn’t be with someone you don’t
know because it’s not safe.” Another 18-year-old woman explained, “I think
sex should be safe (protected and emotionally safe) and fulfilling, or a person
shouldn’t go there. I have been in the position of feeling pressure and feeling
‘unsafe’ with a person. I didn’t think that was a good experience.”
The last category involved participants’ relational stipulations for engag-
ing in sexual intercourse and included two potential options: casual sex or
relational sex. Casual sex was typically represented by stating the accept-
ability or desirability of having multiple sexual partners or sexual activity
outside of a relationship. Thirty-five participants (24%) included this as a
sexual value at Time 1 and 45 participants (30%) included this as a sexual
value at Time 2. For example, an 18-year-old woman wrote, “I feel that it’s
okay to have many different sexual partners over a period of time. You don’t
need to be romantically attached to them.” Another 18-year-old woman
explained, “My sexual experience has been mostly casual without a lot of
emotion and I am comfortable with that.” Other participants noted that some
minimal level of connection or relationship must be present, including an
18-year-old woman who wrote, “Sex should be with someone you at least
like.” An 18-year-old man further explained,

I believe that sex is an experience that should be treasured by both


people, but love and relationships and sex are all separated. Sex is
almost sacred and should be respected, but you don’t have to love your
partner or be in a relationship with them.

Individuals who noted that casual sexual activity was acceptable or desir-
able would often endorse openness about sex in general (e.g., “Be experi-
mental as long as both parties are comfortable and don’t force yourself on
your partner if he/she isn’t comfortable.”). However, some participants spe-
cifically noted that while casual sex was acceptable, it was not preferable.
“Relational sex” required a committed relationship or marriage prior to
having intercourse. Forty-eight participants (32%) included this as a sexual
value at Time 1 and 28 participants (19%) included this as a sexual value at
Time 2. While some participants did stipulate marriage as a requirement,
other participants relied on love, commitment or the length of a relationship
as a requirement. For example, a 19-year-old woman wrote, “I believe that
you should have sex only in a long-term relationship when both parties love
each other.” An 18-year-old woman also wrote, “I believe it’s ok to experi-
ment, try new things, be kinky…whatever you want, with a partner who is
committed to you and also willing. I don’t believe in promiscuity or casual

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Morgan and Zurbriggen 485

sex.” An 18-year-old man wrote, “I believe two people should not engage in
sex unless they love each other and have been in a relationship for at least
several months.” An 18-year-old woman was more specific about her require-
ments: “Little to no ‘random hook-ups.’ Sex only after about 8 months being
with someone, perhaps longer if not ready, earlier…MAYBE depends on
how well the relationship is going/how well you know the person/feel around
them.” Several participants offered reasons for their regulations, including
the following 18-year-old woman who wrote, “I cannot have casual sex—I
get emotionally attached” and a 18-year-old woman who explained,

An 18-year-old female also explained, “I think when you have sex


you are giving up a part of your soul and taking part of theirs because
of how physically and emotionally close you are to each other. Due
to this fact, I think it’s wrong to treat sex like a toy, something you
can just do without feeling different or suffering any consequences.”

Gender differences and changes over time. A likelihood-ratio chi-square test


and McNemar tests assessing changes in sexual values from Time 1 to Time
2 are presented in Table 2. Frequencies of sexual values by gender, and like-
lihood-ratio chi-square tests assessing gender differences are presented in
Table 3.There was one significant gender difference in sexual values at Time 1.
Women (38%) were more likely than men (18%) to describe trust as a sexual
value, χ2 (1, N = 148) = 7.64, p = .006. At Time 2, two significant gender dif-
ferences emerged. Women (17%) were more likely than men (6%) to describe
physical safety as a sexual value (χ2 (1, N = 148) = 4.19, p = .041) and the
overall chi-square for intercourse permissiveness was also significant, χ2 (2,
N = 148) = 8.65, p = .013. Follow-up analyses revealed that women (26%)
were more likely than men (10%) to mention a value of relational sex, χ2 (1,
N = 148) = 6.34, p = .012.
Analyses examining changes in sexual values over time for men and
women (combined) revealed three findings. First, a McNemar chi-square test
revealed a marginally significant result regarding physical safety (p = .082)
with participants more likely to describe physical safety as a sexual value at
Time 1 (20%) than Time 2 (13%). Next, there was a marginally significant
increase in the frequency of valuing consent (p = .054), which increased from
24% at Time 1 to 34% at Time 2. Lastly, a likelihood ratio chi-square for
intercourse permissiveness was significant (χ2 (4, N = 148) = 21.19, p < .001),
with more individuals noting “relational sex” at Time 1 (32%) than at Time 2
(19%) and more individuals noting “casual sex” at Time 2 (30%) than Time
1 (24%).

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486 Journal of Adolescent Research 27(4)

Sources of Sexual Values


Participants’ nine reported sources of sexual values were grouped broadly
into three overarching categories: interpersonal (parents, friends, dating part-
ners, and peers), intrapersonal (self-experience and self-reflection), and
societal (media, school, and religion). Table 4 reports the overall frequencies
of each of these sources. Table 5 reports the frequencies of each of these
sources for men and women separately at Time 1 and Time 2.
One interpersonal source of sexual values was parents. Seventy partici-
pants (47%) included this as a source at Time 1 and 27 participants (19%)
included this as a source at Time 2. Parents were often cited as sources of sex-
ual values that promoted restricting sexual activity. For example, an 18-year-
old woman wrote, “My parents had a huge influence in developing my sexual
values. They brought me up to believe that sex is a big deal and you should
wait until marriage.” Another 18-year-old woman explained, “My parents
have been important in developing my sexual values because they always
told me to be careful who I give myself to and warn [sic] me of the emotional
pain that may occur.” Other participants wrote about how parents were instru-
mental in their value of sexual safety. For example, an 18-year-old woman
wrote, “I learned from my parents to take care of myself so I did when I made
an appointment to get birth control and I educated myself on forms of protec-
tion.” Participants also reported that observing their parents helped shape
their sexual values. An 18-year-old man explained, “I think I have these val-
ues because of my parents. They are very much in love and tend to show each
other these values. I first remember thinking about them with the last girl I
went out with. Our relationship was very equal.” Also, an 18-year-old woman
wrote, “I think sexual values come primarily from your parents. You see their
examples, how they act, the ways they show affection and you figure out how
you should act.”
Another interpersonal source of sexual values was friends. Forty-two par-
ticipants (28%) included this as a source at Time 1 and 32 participants (23%)
included this as a source at Time 2. Friends, along with parents, were often
cited as one of the most important sources of sexual values, such as in the
following 18-year-old man’s narrative: “The way my friends expressed their
own sexual values probably had the biggest impact on how mine are today.”
Friends were reported as sources of information about appropriate or possible
sexual behaviors as well as relational values. For example, an 18-year-old
man wrote, “My friends mostly, especially in middle school where you learn
everything there is to know about sex.” An 18-year-old woman also explained,
“My best friend – she gives me confidence and the desire to stay away from

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Morgan and Zurbriggen 487

Table 4. Percentages and Tests of Time Differences for Sources of Sexual Values

Sources of sexual values Time 1 Time 2 T1/T2 chi-square


Interpersonal
 Parents 47% 19% 25.33****
 Friends 28% 23% 1.42
  Dating partners 16% 45% 26.27****
 Peers 8% 15% 7.11***
Intrapersonal
 Self-experiences 32% 41% 2.09
 Self-reflection 31% 22% 3.13*
Societal
 Media 15% 9% 2.89*
 School 5% 2% 0.90
 Religion 7% 3% 1.45
Note. N = 148; 86 women, 62 men. T1 = Time 1, T2 = Time 2. The McNemar chi-square statis-
tic assessed changes in responses from T1 to T2.
*p < .10. **p < .05. ***p < .01. ****p < .001.

Table 5. Percentages and Tests of Gender Differences for Sources of Sexual Values

Sources of sexual Time 1 (men/ T1 gender Time 2 (men/ T2 gender


values women) chi-square women) chi-square
Interpersonal
 Parents 50%/45% 0.31 27%/14% 3.77*
 Friends 31%/27% 0.27 28%/18% 1.88
  Dating partners 18%/15% 0.18 35%/53% 4.59**
 Peers 8%/8% 0.00 8%/20% 3.75*
Intrapersonal
 Self-experiences 24%/37% 2.87* 38%/43% 0.34
 Self-reflection 32%/30% 0.07 15%/27% 3.07*
Societal
 Media 19%/13% 1.17 12%/7% 0.74
 School 6%/3% 0.69 2%/2% 0.11
 Religion 3%/9% 2.30 5%/2% 0.64
Note. N = 148; 86 women, 62 men. T1 = Time 1, T2 = Time 2. Likelihood ratio chi-square
statistics compared gender differences at T1 and T2.
*p < .10. **p < .05.

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488 Journal of Adolescent Research 27(4)

controlling men.” As with parents, participants also reported forming their


sexual values by observing friends’ experiences. For example, one 18-year-
old man wrote, “Seeing my friends’ sexual experiences and relationships and
observing what I like, don’t like, see virtue in, or disagree with, and figuring
out if I would like to incorporate that into my life.”
Individual or multiple dating partners were the third source of interper-
sonal sexual values. Twenty-four participants (16%) included this as a source
at Time 1 and 64 participants (45%) included this as a source at Time 2. For
example, an 18-year-old man wrote, “My first and only sexual partner has
helped shape much of my sexual values.” Dating partners could either be
viewed as positive (i.e., providing values the participant wanted to emulate)
or negative (i.e., providing values with which the participant did not agree).
For example, a 19-year-old woman explained, “My current romantic partner
has taught me how a healthy relationship is supposed to be” while a 19-year-
old woman wrote, “Being in dating situations where the other person wasn’t
in agreement with my sexual values because that just solidified them for me.”
The fourth interpersonal category included peers, or prevailing views
among one’s social network. Twelve participants (8%) included this as a
source at Time 1 and 21 participants (15%) included this as a source at Time
2. Often, participants simply listed “peers” as a source of sexual values.
Others described that people who they were exposed to in middle school,
high school, or college provided them with ideas of what was acceptable or
not. For example, an 18-year-old woman wrote, “The common consensus of
my peers has had the largest effect on my sexual values.” At Time 2, a
19-year-old woman explained, “The new people I’ve met while at college.
Their morals are set higher and have made mine change as well (higher).”
The second overarching category of sexual sources was intrapersonal
sources, and included one’s own sexual experiences and self-reflection. Self-
experience was included as a source when the participants mentioned past or
current sexual or relationship experiences that were sources of sexual values.
Forty-seven participants (32%) included this as a source at Time 1 and 58
participants (41%) included this as a source at Time 2. For example, a
20-year-old man wrote, “Personal experience. Finally being in a relationship
and having hook-ups have helped me to develop my values.” Self-experience
often included having new experiences that led to greater acceptance of a
variety of sexual activities. For example, a 19-year-old man wrote, “I have
also gone from having no sexual experience to quite a variety of sexual acts
and now understand that there is nothing wrong with them.” A 19-year-old
woman explained, “being single three years has opened my eyes to new sex-
ual experiences with people. I have realized that having several sexual

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Morgan and Zurbriggen 489

experiences before marriage is a good thing.” Other participants explained


that personal experiences taught them what they did not want within their
sexual repertoire. For example, an 18-year-old woman wrote, “My own mis-
takes (engaging in sexual activities when I wasn’t quite comfortable) and my
own experiences.” A 19-year-old woman also explained,

I have experienced having sex with someone I don’t love, or even like.
I learned that this kind of sex only hurts others, and doesn’t emotion-
ally satisfy you. I believe that having experience in a loving sexual
relationship has shown me that sex with love is much more fulfilling.

In addition to experiences as an intrapersonal source of sexual values,


participants also described self-reflection as important. Forty-six participants
(31%) included this as a source at Time 1 and 31 participants (22%) included
this as a source at Time 2. This included learning about or developing one’s
own beliefs through reflection and analysis. An 18-year-old woman wrote,
“Making up my own ideas about sex rather than simply listening to exactly
what my parents or the Bible says. Spending a lot of time thinking about it.”
A 20-year-old man wrote, “Taking time off from dating (although not on
purpose) to really reflect on my sexual experiences and think about what I
want in the future.” Often, this would accompany a discussion of personal
experience that led to self-reflection, as evidenced in the following narrative
from an 18-year-old man:

From the relationships I had in high school, I saw what made me com-
fortable and uncomfortable, what seemed right and what seemed
wrong. I took these feelings, analyzed, questioned and interpreted
them, and came up with what I have today.

The third overarching category of sexual values was societal sources, and
included media, school, and religion. Participants mentioned a variety of
media sources, including using the term “media” as sources of sexual values.
Twenty-three participants (15%) included this as a source at Time 1 and 13
participants (9%) included this as a source at Time 2. Media types most often
reported included television or movies, magazines, the internet, and books.
Participants often explained that media offered information that was some-
times lacking from other sources. For example, an 18-year-old woman wrote,
“The media also shaped my viewpoint because I learned more about sex
through TV and media rather than my parents.” Another 18-year-old woman
wrote, “They come from magazines and movies, TV. I love Cosmo! Cosmo

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490 Journal of Adolescent Research 27(4)

is a good sexual teacher.” Some participants explained that characters in the


media offered positive role models. For example, one 19-year-old man wrote,
“The media, book sets on teenagers, and moves/television with admirable
heroes are very important.” Another 18-year-old man explained that his pre-
dominant sexual value was to be considerate and then explained, “Mostly in
media, the guy who is the ‘nice guy’ will be the one who is happy in the end.
This has been the case ever since I was young.” Other participants noted the
recreational portrayals of sex in the media. For example, a 19-year-old
woman wrote, “The media especially makes one-night stands seem really
hot.” A 17-year-old man also explained, “I think I am more willing to have
sex because I don’t really comprehend the dangers and I don’t value virginity
as highly as others. I probably base my sexual values unconsciously from the
media’s portrayal of sex.”
Schools, or sex education classes, were also included as societal sources
of sexual values. Seven participants (5%) included this as a source at Time 1
and 3 participants (2%) included this as a source at Time 2. Typically, partici-
pants indicated learning about safety from school, but other times more gen-
eral sexual values were implicated as being derived from experiences at
school or values passed on by teachers. An 18-year-old man wrote, “Sex ed
in middle school was very good at pointing out what’s wrong and right” and
an 18-year-old woman explained, “Growing up being a confident person
with sexual education and values has made it easier to choose what I want in
a sexual relationship.” Another 18-year-old woman explained, “Through
education of birth control and STD’s I have learned to value safety and
protection.”
Religion was also described as societal sources of sexual values. Ten par-
ticipants (7%) included this as a source at Time 1 and 5 participants (3%)
included this as a source at Time 2. Religious values were often described as
a formative force from childhood, as evidenced in the following 18-year-old
woman’s narrative: “I think that the influence of religion in my early life has
contributed to my negative feelings about and inhibitions towards sex.” A
19-year-old male also wrote, “I have these values because of my Catholic
upbringing.” Other participants described an ongoing role of religion in their
sexual values. For example, an 18-year-old woman wrote, “My religion also
has an influence because I don’t want to disappoint my God” and an 18-year-
old man explained, “My values have evolved over time from a mix of reli-
gious background and modern open-mindedness.”
Gender differences and changes over time. A likelihood-ratio chi-square test
and McNemar tests assessing changes in sources of sexual values from Time
1 to Time 2 are presented in Table 4. Frequencies of sources of sexual values

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Morgan and Zurbriggen 491

by gender, and likelihood-ratio chi-square tests assessing gender differences


are presented in Table 5. No significant gender differences in sources of sex-
ual values emerged at Time 1, although there was a marginally significant
difference regarding self-experiences with women reporting this more often.
At Time 2, one significant gender difference emerged between women (53%)
and men (35%) regarding dating partners as a source of sexual values, χ2 (1,
N = 148) = 4.59, p = .032. Three marginally significant differences emerged
regarding parents (men higher), peers (women higher), and self-reflection
(women higher).
Analyses examining changes over time for reported sources of sexual val-
ues (for men and women combined) revealed three significant and two mar-
ginally significant differences. First, the frequency of parents as a source of
sexual values dropped from 47% at Time 1 to 19% at Time 2 (McNemar’s p <
.001). However, peers as sources increased from 8% to 15% (McNemar’s p =
.004) along with dating partners, which increased from 16% at Time 1 to 45%
at Time 2 (McNemar’s p < .001). Results also revealed a marginally signifi-
cant decrease from 32% at Time 1 to 22% at Time 2 in self-reflection
(McNemar’s p = .077) and a marginally significant decrease in media from
15.5% to 9.2% (McNemar’s p = .089).

Discussion
The primary goals of this study were to uncover the types of sexual values
and sources of those values reported by college students, as well as to assess
change in values and sources over time. Qualitative analyses revealed seven
distinct sexual values and nine sources of sexual values generated by par-
ticipants at both Time 1 and Time 2. Quantitative analyses of these categories
revealed few gender differences in either sexual values or sources of sexual
values, but did reveal some changes over time regarding sources of sexual
values. Quantitative analyses of sexual experience also revealed increases in
kissing, oral sex, heterosexual intercourse, and casual sex experiences, pro-
viding evidence that participants were indeed having new sexual experience
that could provide the catalyst for reevaluations of personal sexual values.
Overall, these results suggest that college students have specific sets of
sexual values that they bring with them to college and that these values may
undergo modest change during the 1st year at college. In addition, sources of
sexual values occur at multiple levels (societal, interpersonal, and intraper-
sonal) and undergo more extensive change over time.
Prior research into sexual values has typically taken a narrow approach,
defining sexual values as related to one’s beliefs regarding abstinence or

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492 Journal of Adolescent Research 27(4)

premarital intercourse (e.g., Richey et al., 2009). Results from this study
revealed that when college students are allowed to generate their own sets of
sexual values, these values are much richer and more complex than had pre-
viously been demonstrated. As has been found in previous research (Knox
et al., 2001; Richey et al., 2009) one sexual value concerns the regulation of
sexual intercourse activities (whether permissive and permitting of casual
sex, or more restrictive and requiring a relational aspect). The proportion of
participants describing “hedonism” or “casual” sexual values to those describ-
ing “relativism” or “relational” sexual values in the present study as compared
to Richey and colleagues (2009) study was generally similar at Time 1 (with
more participants noting relational values than casual values), but by Time 2,
a higher percentage of participants described casual sexual values. This dif-
ference could be due to regional or cultural differences in the student popula-
tion, or potentially reflective of their advanced student status (e.g. all 2nd-year
students). Other values that were reported in the present study included
respect, intimacy, trust, physical pleasure, consent, and physical safety.
Several of these sexual values were similar to those assessed in Deardorff and
colleagues’ (2008) study with Latino youth, such as “satisfaction of sexual
needs” and “sexual comfort.” The array of values identified in the present
study broadens our understanding of emerging adults’ sexual value systems
and suggests that values extend beyond decisions about intercourse to those
focusing on mutuality and concern for one’s self and one’s partner in all
aspects of sexual behavior and experiences.
Interestingly, few gender differences emerged in participants’ reported
sexual values. Past research has established that men typically hold more
permissive sexual attitudes or values than do women (e.g., Fugere et al.,
2008; Richey et al., 2009), and indeed results indicated that women were
more likely to stipulate the need for a relationship before intercourse than
men were (at Time 2 only). Analyses also revealed that trust and physical
safety were more often included in women’s narratives than in men’s (at
Time 1 and Time 2, respectively). Otherwise, male and female participants
tended to describe very similar sets of sexual values at both time points, per-
haps suggesting that although sexual attitudes frequently vary between men
and women, sexual values may be more consistent. It is possible that with
more precise measurement (e.g., use of a Likert-type scale for these sexual
values), more gender differences would emerge. However, it is noteworthy
that overall, it appears male and female college students generated similar
lists of sexual values.
As very little research has specifically identified sources of sexual values, the
nine categories that emerged in this study provide a preliminary confirmation
that general sources of sexual socialization examined by researchers extend to

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Morgan and Zurbriggen 493

the socialization of sexual values. The interpersonal categories of parents,


friends, dating partners, and peers along with societal categories of media,
school, and religion support prior research (e.g., Chambers et al., 2004; du
Bois-Reymond & Ravesloot, 1994; Hust et al., 2008; Lefkowitz, Boone, et al.,
2004; Lefkowitz, Gillen, et al., 2004; Morgan & Zurbriggen, 2007), while the
additional intrapersonal categories of one’s own sexual experiences and self-
reflection suggest that emerging adults may be deriving their sexual values from
some understudied sources as well. It is possible that participants frequently
included these intrapersonal sources in their narratives because sexual values
may be viewed as more personal, or individually defined, than sexual attitudes.
Overall, it is important to recognize that emerging adults recognize that their
sexual values are derived from sources at multiple levels, with the most fre-
quently mentioned sources at the interpersonal and intrapersonal levels.
The general lack of gender differences in reported sources of sexual values
suggests that a variety of similar sources are being perceived by both male and
female emerging adults as instrumental in the development of their sexual
values. It is important to note that reporting similar sources of sexual values
does not necessarily mean that male and female participants are receiving
similar messages from these sources. Indeed, research suggests that the mes-
sages youth receive about sexuality are frequently different for girls and boys
(e.g., DiIorio et al., 2003). Also, given the need for participants to generate
their own sources of values, relatively few male and female participants noted
each sources, which reduces the power of these analyses. As a result, similar
to the sexual values themselves, it is possible that a more precise (i.e., quanti-
tative) measure may reveal gender differences in the frequency, quality, and
content of information about sexual values from these sources. Regarding the
time-related changes in sources of values, the findings that parents decreased
and peers increased in frequency fits with general literature on amounts of
sexual communication with parents and friends during the transition from ado-
lescence to young adulthood (Lefkowitz & Espinosa-Hernández, 2007). The
fact that dating partners were important sources of sexual values is corrobo-
rated with the quantitative data showing an increase in sexual and relational
experience during the 1st year in college, and suggests that emerging adults
are making use of these new experiences and relationships to gain information
about appropriate sexual values.

Conclusions
This exploratory study offers important preliminary information regarding col-
lege students’ sexual values, the sources of these values, and gender and time-
related changes in these values and sources during the 1st year of college.

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494 Journal of Adolescent Research 27(4)

Results reinforced and extended past research on sexual values (Deardorff


et al., 2008; Richey et al., 2009) and suggested that sources of sexual values are
similar to general sources of sexual information and attitudes (e.g., Hust et al.,
2008; Lefkowitz & Espinosa-Hernández, 2007). As all data were derived from
participant-generated narratives, follow-up studies should specifically ask
about these values and sources of values to better assess relative importance,
more specific content, and demographic correlates. Furthermore, directed
inquiry regarding the values and sources of values discovered from this study
could reveal possible subtle changes in each during the transition to college.
For example, developmental differences that either emerged or did not emerge
in participants’ responses may have resulted from factors not specifically
related to sexual values such as increased comfort answering questions about
sexuality or having thought about and answered the same question the year
before. In addition, because all participants were college students within their
1st year at college, broadening the population of study to include adolescents
and other emerging adults, both in and out of college, would provide more
information about the development of sexual values. In particular, non-college
students may be at different stages in their sexual development (e.g., getting
married and/or having children) that would alter their values and sources of
values. In addition, as sexual values are highly influenced by both the micro-
and macro-social context, hearing from emerging adults with different cultural
backgrounds is necessary. Lastly, few sexual-minority participants were repre-
sented in this study, thus it would be important to hear more from this group as
well. Nevertheless, this study provides important information about what
appears to be a complex aspect of sexual development, namely sexual values
and the sources from which emerging adults derive these values.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests


The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article: Data collection was supported by a grant
from the National Institute of Mental Health [R03MH071334] to the second author.

Note
1. A paired samples t test revealed that this was a marginally significant difference,
t(143) = 1.83, p = .07.

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Morgan and Zurbriggen 495

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Bios
Elizabeth M. Morgan, PhD, is an assistant professor of psychology at Boise State
University and the Director of the Family Studies Initiative. Her research focuses on
adolescent and young adult sexual and romantic relationship development in the
context of parent-child relationships, peers and the media.

Eileen L. Zurbriggen, PhD, is a professor of psychology at the University of


California, Santa Cruz. Her research focuses on behaviors in which power and sexu-
ality are linked (such as rape and sexual abuse), on psychological linkages between
power and sexuality, and on media representations of sexuality and power.

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