Public Relations Review 44 (2018) 1–10

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Public Relations Review

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/pubrev

Framing the Women’s March on Washington: Media coverage and

T
organizational messaging alignment
⁎
Kristine M. Nicolinia, , Sara Steffes Hansenb
a
University of Wisconsin, Oshkosh, (920) 424-1105, United States
b
University of Wisconsin, Oshkosh, (920) 424-7147, United States

AR TI CLE I NF O AB S T R A CT

Keywords: Half a million citizens participated in the Women’s March on Washington the day after President
Framing theory Trump’s inauguration, starting a political movement. The march communicated key messages to
Media analysis the public directly and via the media. This study explores how media coverage framed those key
Key messaging messages through content analysis. Media frames mentioned all key messages, emphasizing so-
lidarity and activation at the grassroots, and in a way that both supported and challenged or-
ganizational messages. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.

1. Introduction

Half a million U.S. citizens assembled in Washington D.C. to participate in the Women’s March on Washington on Jan. 21, 2017,
the day after the inauguration of President Donald Trump. Media coverage of the march focused on both the size of the demon-
stration, which surpassed projections, and the rationale behind the protest. The Washington Post noted, “the Women’s March on
Washington was likely the largest single-day demonstration in recorded U.S. history” (Chenoweth & Pressman, 2017, p. 1).
The grassroots nature of the march began hours after the election, when a Facebook page was created to promote the idea of a
women’s march in the nation’s capital. Teresa Shook, a retired attorney from Hawaii, crafted the post that resonated with women
across the country. Overnight, the Facebook post generated more than 10,000 RSVPs (Tolentino, 2017). Realizing the growing
momentum around the idea, Shook joined forces with Bob Bland, a fashion designer from New York, to organize the event. In the face
of growing controversy regarding inclusivity, the two organizers expanded the leadership and visibility to include national activists
and speakers representing more than 44 organizations, causes, and coalitions (Women’s March on Washington, 2017).
Leaders of the march released an official statement on Facebook that read, “On January 21, 2017 we will unite in Washington, DC
for the Women’s March on Washington. We stand together in solidarity with our partners and children for the protection of our rights,
our safety, our health, and our families – recognizing that our vibrant and diverse communities are the strength of our country”
(Women’s March on Washington, 2017). Leading up to the march, media played a key role in enhancing the visibility of the event and
communicating why participants were choosing to engage in this protest. Additionally, media coverage was leveraged to support
social media outreach grassroots efforts to share the message amongst social circles.
While the Women’s March on Washington was a strong visual representation (both in the U.S. and globally) of oppositional
strength to the incoming administration, the organization did not define itself as a movement distinctly dedicated to a single cause.
The initiatives surrounding inclusivity created a diverse agenda, which has left some questioning the effectiveness of the event as a
catalyst for change. The New Yorker captured this sentiment by noting “the march has produced fracture as well as inspiration,
evincing the same crises of confidence and solidarity that the march aims to resist, if not resolve” (Tolentino, 2017).

⁎
Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: nicolink@uwosh.edu (K.M. Nicolini), hansen@uwosh.edu (S.S. Hansen).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2017.12.005
Received 5 June 2017; Received in revised form 10 September 2017; Accepted 20 December 2017
Available online 03 January 2018
0363-8111/ © 2017 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
K.M. Nicolini, S.S. Hansen Public Relations Review 44 (2018) 1–10

Political organizations like the march and movement develop key messages that are communicated directly and via the media to
the public and stakeholders. Ways that the media frame this organization could play a role in its effectiveness. Through the lens of
framing theory (Scheufele, 1999), this study explores how media frames about the march reflected the organization’s official key
messages and how this coverage supported or challenged those messages. A content analysis of four weeks of media coverage from
The New York Times, USA Today, and FOX News related to the march was conducted based on the organization’s thematic frames
and key messages. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed regarding media frames for the Women’s March within the
current political environment and the framing context of women’s movements in recent U.S. history.

2. Literature review

The literature for framing theory is evaluated related to how the media produce and present news, and how organizations use
frames in strategic communication with key messages. Coverage of political protests and events is reviewed, as are framing efforts by
political organizations to craft key messages for interactions with the media and the public, particularly related to women’s advocacy
groups.

2.1. Media framing

Framing Theory (Scheufele, 1999) provides a theoretical understanding of how audiences interpret, internalize, and differentiate
key messages within media coverage. When sources develop a specific message, they select a particular frame that defines the
problem or gives meaning to the story or event (Rim, Hong Ha, & Kiousis, 2014). A frame is defined as a central focus placed on a
specific aspect of a message that helps consumers make meaning and construct their social reality in relation to a particular topic of
media coverage. Recognizing the power of media influence on consumer interpretations, organizations use strategic communication
techniques to inform journalists and facilitate the flow of accurate and impactful information about organizational goals and issues.
Through this process, communicators, such as public relations professionals, work on behalf of organizations to assist journalists in
setting the media agenda by influencing what aspects of the message to emphasize to accept an organization’s unique perspective on a
story or event (Rim et al., 2014; Zoch & Molleda, 2006). Within the constraints of the news production process, journalists interact
with each other and their news sources to build and influence the frames embedded in the news (Scheufele, 1999).
By using frames to organize and give meaning to an event or story, media essentially reinforce specific ideas within their cov-
erage. Gamson and Modigliani (1989) expand this notion by positing all conversations centered around mass media coverage are
essentially based on a set of “interpretive packages” (p. 3) organized by a frame. Entman (1993) furthers the definition by linking
framing to the consumer’s interpretation of the story or event on a broader scale noting the link between saliency and promotion of a
particular definition, interpretation, causal relationship, moral evaluation, or recommendation.
The way media choose to frame a particular story or event directly impacts how audiences interpret the saliency of the unfolding
events and long-term implications on shaping public opinion (Chong & Druckman, 2007; McCombs, Llamas, Lopez-Escobar, & Rey,
1997). Influencing public perceptions on a news story may affect audience attitudes and actions (Chong & Druckman, 2007; de
Vreese, 2005), and contribute to political socialization and potential collective action. In relation to large-scale protests, these frames
can be particularly influential on the saliency of key organizational messaging.

2.2. Framing women’s protests and strategic communication

Older generations of women participating in the Women’s March can recall earlier protests for women’s rights, with the most
substantive in recent years being protests for the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) and abortion rights in the 1970s. Studies have
evaluated the perceptions of these causes based on media framing of protests, and extended into strategic communication from
women’s advocacy groups to help frame media coverage.

2.2.1. Framing women’s protests

Protests typically involve alternative groups – those challenging the status quo – which media coverage may marginalize because
of dependence on sources from government or other official authorities (McLeod & Hertog, 1999). Groups that challenge the status
quo may be framed more negatively (Gitlin, 1980; McLeod & Hertog, 1999). The media acts as part of our cultural system when using
frames that align with their view and that of media consumers, not as a separated outsider (Baylor, 1996). In the case of women, an
alternative point of view can be even more marginalized in terms of issues and coverage (Ashley & Olson, 1998; Armstrong & Boyle,
2011). Ashley and Olson’s (1998) analysis of women’s movement articles from 1986 to 2006 showed framing techniques by print
media delegitimized feminists, and legitimized anti-feminists, supporting traditional power structures and the status quo. Feminists
were portrayed as disorganized, in protest conflicts that lessened their femininity, and with pejorative labels. Armstrong and Boyle
(2011) examined news coverage of women in abortion protests from 1960 to 2006, finding men as sources predominant in coverage
before and after the Roe v. Wade decision. Their findings suggest two story structures in coverage. The first focuses on women, with
female sources mentioned from protest groups and the government, that is positive about pro-choice. Meanwhile, the second centers
on men with higher opposition to pro-choice.
Media coverage can impact how readers view the news and form opinions about key issues. Xu (2013) used six frames from print
media coverage of the Occupy Wall Street movement in 2011–lawlessness, show, ineffective goals, public disapproval, official
sources, and negative impact – which were significantly related to a negative overall tone in news coverage. In analysis, a negative

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tone in coverage portrayed the group as lacking a coherent message and disturbing residents and businesses near the protest. Xu
(2013) contrasted these tones with positives of inclusivity of many voices in the message and the practicality that any protest will
disturb a local area.

2.2.2. Framing strategic communication

The Women’s March happened in a context of divide among women, who voted disproportionately for Trump or Clinton based on
race. Among white women, 53 percent voted for Trump while Clinton votes numbered 98 percent from black women and 68 percent
from Hispanic or Latino women (Rogers, 2016). A divide among women’s issues is not new, exemplified by the feminists vs. anti-
feminists clash for the ERA in the early 1970s. But unlike decades ago, modern organizations can engage in strategic communication
with the use of websites, social media, and other tools that state and share key messages about the cause, goals, and organizational
leadership to better communicate their platforms.
In using these tools, political organizations create strategic messaging with frames to assist the media for news production, and
inform the public directly. The National Organization for Women’s (NOW) use of news releases disseminated on its website leveraged
three frames – vigilance to unmask threats to the pro-choice movement and watch political and corporate leader actions related to
their causes; unity for women from all races and backgrounds to fight discrimination; and deviance that included stating opponents as
dishonest and radical, far from American ideals – in presenting political events and social policies that affect women (Barnett, 2005).
Similarly, press statements from the Women’s Sports Foundation look to frame issues related to Title IX in terms of community and
transcendence for women’s athletic participation (Barnett & Hardin, 2011).
Beyond women’s causes, efforts of organizations to frame issues to improve interactions and outcomes with the media are
happening at the national and international level. For example, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) used frames to communicate
United Nations initiatives, which required altered approaches for different national settings (Tsetsura, 2013).
When political organizations and causes initiate framing issues, they attempt to influence journalists’ coverage and interpreta-
tions. Taken together, organizational messaging can reduce misinformation from media framing and a cooperative, interactive
process. From the feminist perspective, journalists may engage in “gender-related myths in their reporting of events and issues” that
“impact social policy decisions and reinforce commonsense assumptions that privilege men in the social hierarchy” (Hardin &
Whiteside, 2010, p. 312), making it critical for organizations to consistently frame issues and ideas in key messages.
Characterized as a protest movement that began with a grassroots social media campaign on Facebook (Fahri, 2017), the Women’s
March on Washington drew hundreds of thousands to Washington D.C. to protest a myriad of issues surrounding women’s rights. As
organizers of the march noted (Frazee, 2017), the short timeframe between the initial idea for the march and the event itself
necessitated the quick dissemination of information to the broadest audience possible. Initially, Facebook was an ideal channel to
accomplish this goal. While, the social media campaign was effective in leveraging women’s social networks as a mechanism to
increase interest and attendance, such efforts would not reach those who were not connected to this intricate online network. To
overcome this obstacle and accomplish the “intersectionality” desired by Women’s March leaders (Hess, 2017), mainstream media
would need to be incorporated to reach those outside this bubble. When news is distributed through mainstream media outlets,
journalists provide contextual framing of the event (Chong & Druckman, 2007) and broaden the audience exposed essentially
“amplifying” the message, spreading awareness, and validating the underlying cause or movement (Frazee, 2017).
Some questioned if mainstream media was too lax in their coverage leading up to, during, and immediately following the event
(Fahri, 2017). A closer examination of how digital media outlets created multi-platform content that either supported or challenged
the central tenets of the Women’s March on Washington’s organizational messaging is essential to understanding the intersection of
traditional and social media on the largest protest in U.S. history.
Given the important links between the scope of the Women’s March on Washington as a singular, highly visible, large-scale
protest and the ramifications of the interpretative quality of the media frames on how the event may be perceived by the public, the
following research questions are proposed:
RQ1: How aligned were the media frames to the Women’s March on Washington official key messages?
RQ2: Was the coverage supportive or challenging in relation to the key messages?

3. Method

Content analysis was conducted to explore how organizational key messages were framed in significant national media regarding
the 2017 Women’s March on Washington. To answer the research questions, Women’s March official messaging and media coverage
related to the march were analyzed. Two researchers analyzed four weeks of media coverage from three major U.S. news organi-
zations, for which instances of official messaging were coded and evaluated. The news organizations chosen – The New York Times,
USA Today and FOX News – represent major newspaper and broadcast media that also publish digital articles accessible through their
websites, online search, social media, and news aggregators. Pew data shows these news organizations span political orientations
with The New York Times audience leaning liberal, the FOX News audience leaning conservative, and the USA Today audience
appearing as the average or in the middle (Blake, 2014).
Large news organizations post content in online, traditional print/broadcasting, and various social media platforms as they face
the challenge of reaching fragmented audiences with segmented forms of consumption due to social and mobile technologies
(Mierzejewska & Shaver, 2014). For example, articles in The New York Times in digital format are shared in print and social media

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platforms that may be formatted in different ways (Usher, 2014). FOX News programming and news articles appear in traditional TV;
digital video and news article formats; and social media and mobile venues. Since coverage of all platforms for each media orga-
nization can vary greatly from story to story, the research questions were pursued based on digital articles that also appeared in print
for The New York Times and USA Today, and digital articles, including television transcripts published online, for FOX News.

3.1. Data and sampling

News stories for The New York Times and USA Today were retrieved using the LexisNexis database. The initial search for articles
centered on the two weeks prior and two weeks following the January 22 date of the event. The search focused on The New York
Times and USA Today given these publications’ large circulation (Cision Staff, 2016) and potential audience reach. Previous re-
searchers have also focused on these media outlets when conducting content analysis (An & Gower, 2009; Bowen & Zheng, 2015;
Gamson & Modigliani, 1989; Kim & Willis, 2007).
The search focused on the keywords “Women’s March 2017” appearing in the news story and returned 296 initial results from the
two media outlets. To refine the results, the researchers excluded op-eds, web blogs, abstracts, duplicates, articles with high simi-
larity, and articles that merely mentioned the Women’s March but were focused on a different topic (i.e. the inauguration schedule).
The final data set consisted of 268 pages of news coverage focused on 58 retained articles including 46 from The New York Times and
12 from USA Today.
Since FOX News articles are not included in the LexisNexis database, an advanced search of www.FOXnews.com was conducted
with the same keywords for the same time period. Results were refined using the same process and criteria as the other media sources.
The FOX news dataset included 65 articles in initial results that were reduced to 47 articles.
To retrieve information on key organizational messaging from the Women’s March, the researchers used the Women’s March on
Washington homepage at www.womensmarch.com and reviewed documents on the “About” section of the website. Specifically, the
“Mission and Vision” and “Unifying Principles” pages of the website were used to help distill the key messages associated with the
Women’s March event. The two researchers reviewed the documents separately to determine frames central to the organizational
messaging pertaining to the march. Each researcher developed possible frames individually and then the two researchers spent a
significant amount of time discussing the categories to obtain consensus before creating the codebook with key organizational
messaging frames and examples.
From this process, four distinct frames emerged: diversity, resistance, activation, and solidarity. This study adopted a deductive
approach (Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000) to detect the visibility of the four generic news frames by leveraging examples of key
messages for each frame (see Table 1).
Utilizing frame functions (Entman, 1993), reasoning devices (Gamson & Modigliani, 1989), and the notion of the theme of text as
a frame (Pan & Kosicki, 1993), the coding protocol consisted of three frame functions (key message, supportive or challenging context
for the message, and source of information in the article). Each researcher independently coded a randomly chosen article and then
the researchers met to compare and discuss each identified instance within the article (n = 12). Through this process, the researchers

Table 1
Thematic frames and key messages from media sources.

Frame Key Message New York Times USA Today FOX News

Support Challenge Support Challenge Support Challenge

Diversity 11 8 6 2 8 8
Diversity of participants 1 3 2 0 0 2
Diversity of issues 7 3 4 2 5 6
Identity 3 2 0 0 3 0

Resistance 15 4 10 0 5 10
Moving forward in the face of fear 1 0 1 0 1 0
Resistance movements 10 0 5 0 0 1
March is first step of bigger movement 3 0 2 0 3 2
Work peacefully 0 1 1 0 1 7
Protection of rights 1 3 1 0 0 0

Activation 13 0 22 4 3 3
Create change from grassroots up 10 0 8 4 2 1
Create new relationships 3 0 5 0 1 1
Women running for office 0 0 4 0 0 0
Advocacy 0 0 5 0 0 1

Solidarity 27 5 20 4 26 22
Unifying communities 7 3 3 3 0 1
Hear our voice 4 0 1 1 7 11
Women’s rights are human rights 3 2 5 0 2 0
Numbers too large to count 9 0 8 0 12 5
Stand together 4 0 3 0 5 5
Total 66 17 58 10 42 43

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Table 2
Coverage of key messages in media frames.

Frame New York Times USA Today FOX News

Support Challenge Support Challenge Support Challenge

Diversity 58% 42% 75% 25% 50% 50%

Resistance 79% 21% 100% 0% 33% 67%
Activation 100% 0% 85% 15% 50% 50%
Solidarity 84% 16% 83% 17% 54% 46%

obtained 100 percent agreement of the identification of instances, corresponding frame categorization, and frame function assign-
ment.
The remaining Women’s March articles were divided between the two coders to complete the frame identification and source of
information aspects of the data analysis. The researchers then gathered once again to compare results across the entire data set and
assign the supportive or challenging context to each instance. Researchers used the final categorization of the complete content
analysis to answer the research questions. The analysis resulted in 236 instances of the four key organizational messages within the
dataset.

4. Results

The research questions were explored based on the content analysis of news articles (n = 105 articles) that ran during the four-
week period from The New York Times (n = 46 articles), USA Today (n = 12 articles), and FOX News (n = 47 articles). Findings from
the content analysis demonstrate how frames from the Women’s March key messaging communication were portrayed in media
coverage.

4.1. Alignment of media frames and coverage to key messages

All key messages communicated from the Women’s March mission and vision were reflected in media frames – though some were
often communicated while others received minimal mention. Overall, these media frames supported the organization’s ideology and
messages in an accurate way however FOX News coverage did appear to challenge specific frames at times. Table 1 shows a complete
tally of the articles attributed to the frames, with messages within, for diversity (n = 43 instances), resistance (n = 44 instances),
activation (n = 45 instances), and solidarity (n = 104 instances). Of note, the number of USA Today articles overall was one fourth
(26%) of the number of articles produced from each of the other two news organizations.
RQ1 asked how the media frames aligned with the Women’s March on Washington official key messages, and RQ2 examined if the
media frames supported or challenged those messages. In general, the frames often showed alignment. At times, exact or similar
language from key messages was mentioned in media reports. Sometimes the frames were observational reporting, and at other times,
they originated from interviewed participants or organizers from the march. In general, media coverage tended to support key
messages with higher instances, though challenges were apparent for all of the frames as well. At times, the frames were out of
alignment with the key messages communicated by the Women’s March, and this happened most often with the FOX News articles.
Each frame is discussed in detail, with Table 2 listing the percentages of instances that support or challenge specific key messages.

4.1.1. Diversity
Statements in coverage related to diversity showed 11 (58%) supportive and eight (42%) challenging toward the Women’s March
messages in The New York Times; six (75%) supportive and two (25%) challenging in USA Today; and eight (50%) supportive and
eight (50%) challenging in FOX News. In the combined media sources, all key messages of diversity of participants; diversity of issues;
and identity were covered. Diversity of issues saw the most instances in the combined publications. Instances showed diversity of
participants and issues aligned more often than not with official messages in coverage from The New York Times and USA Today.
Challenging instances included observations and input from participants and groups that did not feel represented due to race and
ideology, and that the diversity issues would make it difficult to unify the group’s agenda and actions.

Support:

Organizers broadened the platform beyond longstanding women’s issues such as abortion, equal pay and sexual assault to
include immigrant rights, police brutality, mass incarceration, voter suppression and environmental protection. But the
march’s origins were in the outrage and despair of many women after an election that placed gender in the spotlight as
never before.
The New York Times, Jan. 21, 2017
Marchers made a point of welcoming Muslims to their ranks and extolling the value of immigrants.
USA Today, Jan. 23, 2017

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The women brandished signs with messages such as “Women won't back down” and “Less fear more love” and decried
Trump's stand on such issues as abortion, health care, diversity and climate change.
FOX News, Jan. 23, 2017

Challenge:

Across the country, women who oppose abortion − including one in six women who supported Hillary Clinton, according to
a recent survey by the Pew Research Center − are demanding to be officially included in Saturday’s Women’s March on
Washington. But those requests have been spurned, creating a bitter rift among women’s organizations, and raising thorny
questions about what it means to be a feminist in 2017.
The New York Times, Jan. 18, 2017
Diversity of concerns driving participants to the nation’s capital makes it unclear how much impact they’ll have on the
agenda of the incoming administration.
USA Today, Jan. 6, 2017
But my biggest bone to pick is with the media, who’s fawning over it, like ABC, “Good Morning America” today fawning
over this march without any mention of the fact that pro-life groups are being excluded.
FOX News, Jan. 18, 2017

4.1.2. Resistance
Statements in coverage related to resistance numbered 15 (79%) supportive and four (21%) challenging toward the Women’s
March messages in The New York Times; 10 (100%) supportive and none challenging in USA Today; and five (33%) supportive and
10 (67%) challenging in FOX News. All key messages of resistance for moving forward in the face of fear; resistance movements;
march is first step of bigger movement; work peacefully; and protection of rights were covered by The New York Times and USA
Today. Resistance movements and the march as the first step of a bigger movement received the most instances, and all in a
supportive lens. FOX News posed the most challenges regarding protecting rights from many viewpoints, the ability to work
peacefully with large numbers of people, and the perspective of the march as indicative of a larger movement.

Support:

Jawanza Clark, a professor at Manhattan College, also hoped that the rally would serve as a potent image of resistance to
Mr. Trump. “In some ways it’s a symbolic gesture, but it sends a message that we’re not backing down,” said Mr. Clark, 42,
of Riverdale, in the Bronx.
The New York Times, Jan. 19, 2017
There’s a lot of baby strollers at women’s marches. It’s not a raucous march.
USA Today, Jan. 16, 2017
Women wearing “pussy-hats” – hand-knit pointy-eared pink winter headgear – held posters with derogatory messages
and phrases bashing the president and filled the National Mall.
FOX News, Jan. 21, 2017

Challenge:

Why do women need a march at all, some people asked, when they have made so many gains in the past few decades?
“Women have equal opportunities in the workplace now. We’ve got minorities in jobs. The glass ceilings have opened up all
across the nation,” said Tammy Chesney, 53, a carpenter, adding that she had never experienced discrimination on the job.
The New York Times, Jan. 21, 2017
The singer [Madonna] directed her anger at Trump during a speech at the Women’s March in Washington on Sunday.
She told the crowd that she had at times been angry after the election and had thought “an awful lot about blowing up the
White House.”
FOX News, Jan. 23, 2017

4.1.3. Activation
Statements in coverage related to activation were 13 (100%) supportive and none challenging toward the Women’s March
messages in The New York Times; 22 supportive (85%) and four (15%) challenging in USA Today; and three (50%) supportive and

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three (50%) challenging in FOX News. In the New York Times and USA Today coverage, all key messages of activation were
mentioned at least once for create change from grassroots up; create new relationships; women running for office; and advocacy.
Create change from the grassroots up received substantially higher mentions, primarily with support but also with challenge.
Challenges centered on how the loose nature of the organization’s grassroots structure may not be conducive to transitioning to
broader collective action and leadership structures. FOX News coverage was substantially lower than the other two media organi-
zations for this frame.

Support:

But the test of a march’s long-term efficacy, she said, is whether it energizes participants long after they’ve gone home,
sustaining them through the less exciting aspects of change. This is what she’ll be watching for in the months after
Saturday’s march.
The New York Times, Jan. 21, 2017
Organizers of the Women’s March on Washington called for “planned actions” every 10 days over the next 100 days.
USA Today, Jan. 27, 2017
…Women’s march took off after a number of women posted on social media in the hours after Trump’s election about the
need to mobilize. Hundreds of groups quickly joined the cause…
FOX News, Jan. 21, 2017

Challenge:

That spontaneous outburst of activism has posed some of the event’s early problems as it has struggled to find a cohesive
theme and organization.
USA Today, Jan. 6, 2017
This is where celebrities who have groused for weeks about Donald Trump’s election will have a chance to commiserate.
FOX News, Jan. 16, 2017

4.1.4. Solidarity
Statements in coverage connected to solidarity showed 27 (84%) supportive and five (16%) challenging toward the Women’s
March messages in The New York Times; 20 (83%) supportive and four (17%) challenging in USA Today; and 26 (54%) supportive
and 22 (46%) challenging in FOX News. In the New York Times and USA Today coverage, all key messages of solidarity were
mentioned for unifying communities; hear our voice; women’s rights are human rights; numbers too large to count; and stand
together. Instances showed numbers too large to count and unifying communities most mentioned. Challenging instances tended to
show how communities did not feel unified toward rights or were based on diverse backgrounds. FOX News coverage had a sub-
stantially higher number of challenging messages compared to the two other media organizations. Specifically, FOX News appeared
to challenge the key messages hear our voice, numbers too large to count, and stand together.

Support:

“I think one of the benefits of using clothing as a sign of one’s politics is that it allows other people who may not get to places
like Washington, D.C., to show that they are in solidarity” with a movement like the Women’s March, Ms. Ford said.
The New York Times, Jan. 18, 2107
They are coming on their own (to march)… They haven’t been corralled by an outside interest group. Various women’s
groups, such as those supporting birth control and abortion rights, are coming to them.
USA Today, Jan. 6, 2017
The rally is set to start near the U.S. Capitol on Saturday morning, meant to send what organizers describe as “a bold
message” to the 115th Congress and Trump that “women’s rights are human rights.”
FOX News, Jan. 16, 2017

Challenge:

The decision not to honor Mrs. Clinton, who is not expected to attend the march, spurred a backlash. Supporters noted that
the event’s official rallying cry, “women’s rights are human rights,” originated with Mrs. Clinton’s 1995 speech at the United
Nations Fourth World Congress in Beijing.

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The New York Times, Jan. 20, 2017

Their challenge in presenting a unified front: Trump was elected with plenty of support from women.
USA Today, Jan. 16, 2017
Well, mine is this Women’s – so-called Women’s March that is going to be on Saturday. Because it’s just a complete farce.
I mean, it’s just divisive politics from the left under the guise of inclusiveness.
Jan. 18, 2017

5. Discussion

These findings offer both theoretical and applied implications for the framing of media messages, particularly regarding protests
in the modern media landscape. The news organizations in this study created content in reporting on the Women’s March, which ran
in multiple formats – website, social media sites, aggregators – to reach fragmented audiences. Conversely, the Women’s March
activated participants for protest through a swell of social media interaction from disparate audiences from around the world, which
evolved into a central Women’s March organization that created the frames of study for mainstream communication. Findings show
cumulative comparisons as well as between media channels.
All Women’s March organizational messages appeared in media coverage, and mostly from a supportive lens in The New York
Times and USA Today, which demonstrates the organization successfully communicated its position to these media organizations and
participants through web, social media, and other platforms. FOX News coverage provided more challenging messages by empha-
sizing specific celebrity quotes and behaviors taken out of a broader march context and highlighting “off message” details that did not
represent the organizational strategic messaging. From a theoretical perspective, the prevalence of key organizational messages
within media coverage supports previous research regarding the ability of public relations professionals to influence the media
agenda (Rim et al., 2014; Zoch & Molleda, 2006) and women’s organizations to take the initiative on framing issues, both reducing
misinformation and engaging journalists in a cooperative, interactive information sharing process. Organizers were largely successful
in influencing the message however FOX News did not appear to engage in this reciprocal relationship as evidenced by the lack of
participant and organizer quotes within the coverage.
Framing theory provides a strong theoretical visualization of the connections between an organization’s key messaging and how
media integrate, morph, or reject such strategic communication efforts in frames within coverage surrounding and event or a story. A
central tenet of the theory posits frames make specific aspects of the message more salient and help the audience both make meaning
of the event and construct their own social reality. In the context of the Women’s March on Washington, this study supports this
theoretical premise through the link between supportive and challenging media coverage, the number of march participants, and the
differentiation of the event from other historical women’s protests.
Historically, women’s protests involved alterative groups challenging the status quo, which resulted in media coverage mar-
ginalizing protesters (Ashley & Olson, 1998; Armstrong & Boyle, 2011; Gitlin, 1980; McLeod & Hertog, 1999). Modern organizations,
such as the Women’s March on Washington, have access to a myriad of strategic communication tools (i.e. social media, websites,
email lists) that allow them to reach audiences, both external publics and the media, directly with key organizational messaging
(Barnett, 2005) and provide visuals to challenge or reinforce media frames. The ability to share key messages focused on the goals,
mission, vision, and unifying principles of the Women’s March on Washington appeared to be a strong influencer on the frames
represented within media coverage for two of the media organizations (The New York Times and USA Today). While FOX News’
coverage demonstrated the influence of these key messages, articles often sought to contradict the credibility of the organizational
messaging rather than reinforce the messaging with the frame. The four central frames (diversity, resistance, activation, and soli-
darity) were not only highly visible in coverage, but also primarily supportive of the key messages strategically communicated on the
organization’s website. One area of deviation from this was coverage by FOX News pertaining to activation. This may be due to the
news organization’s hesitation to validate an event as indicative of a broader movement. Overall, the access to dissemination tools,
such as social media, and the ability to leverage them to directly communicate both with the media and target audiences may be a
game changer in helping organizations shape the frames associated with media coverage.
Given the New York Times and USA Today’s primarily supportive key messages coverage of the Women’s March on Washington in
the two weeks prior to the event, the success of this communication initiative may have directly impacted the ability of the orga-
nization to reach diverse audiences who transitioned from passive bystanders into protesters. This may be due to the audience
characteristics associated with these two media organizations being more aligned ideologically with causes and values associated
with the Women’s March. These messages, through the media or directly from the organization’s platforms, may have enabled the
bystander engaging with Women’s March issues on social media to join in protest (Valenzuela, 2013). Yet, the relationships related to
social media use and political action are not always causal and transformative (Boulianne, 2015), requiring further examination.
Women’s March organizers made a concerted effort to reach out to diverse partners to help spread the message regarding the
purpose of the event. Language on the Women’s March on Washington’s website (2017) clearly supports this solidarity through
diversity initiative. Media covering the increased diversity of the Women’s March leadership team and the addition of activist
speakers representing a myriad of diverse viewpoints associated with rights and calls to action helped disseminate this message to key
audiences. The results of these efforts appear to be supported by the sheer number of participants in the one-day protest event and the
diverse lineup of speakers and messages conveyed during the march.
Leveraging communication tools to provide visual images of the march also differentiated this protest from other historical

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women’s protests and allowed target audiences to identify with the protesters. The images of women, men, and children marching
peacefully, wearing pink “pussycat” hats and often accompanied by strollers and signs, painted a vastly different narrative for New
York Times and USA Today audiences of the Women’s March on Washington from historical women’s protests and helped normalize
the protest group. Because of the wide distribution of these images, media frames appeared to align with the organizational narrative
regarding “numbers too large to ignore joined in solidarity” as represented on the Women’s March on Washington website (2017). In
contrast, FOX News audiences received a different message more focused on questioning the intent of the march and whether the
event was successful.
Additionally, the FOX News articles referenced only a few statements with direct or paraphrased quotes from actual participants –
as opposed to celebrities or organizers − in the Women’s March. The New York Times, which had about the same number of articles,
showed significantly more quotes or paraphrases (24 instances) from actual participants. USA Today, which had 26% less articles
than FOX News, also had a few direct insights from participants. Compared to the New York Times, FOX News coverage had less voice
from participants and cast more focus on celebrities (18 instances) in the Women’s March. For example, the instances included
multiple references to Madonna’s quote about blowing up the White House and statements that celebrities were leading the protest.
This media frame structure could be seen as a form of delegitimizing (Ashley & Olson, 1998) the authenticity of participants in the
largest protest in U.S. history.
Coverage of the event in the two weeks following the event further solidified the significance of the march through “residual”
messages in articles that did not appear to directly link to the Women’s March on Washington. Such articles make links between
events like Fashion Week and the march and further legitimize the significance of the event while also expanding the exposure to
audiences that may be more inclined to absorb entertainment news rather than breaking news.

6. Limitations and future study

Expanding the coverage detail included for analysis would help to strengthen the findings of the current study. Increasing the
dataset to include more analytical aspects related to individual reporters, specific types of coverage, source categorization, and
language choices (such as protester vs. activist) would provide additional insights into how key organizational messaging influenced
frames regarding media coverage. The many political issues encompassed in the march’s diversity could be further analyzed. In
particular, feminist issues could be explored related to this march within context of other women’s movements.
This study provides several important lines of inquiry for future research. As the Women’s March on Washington continues to
work toward transitioning from a one-day event into a broader social movement, researchers should examine this shift through an
activism research lens. Answering key questions related to why so many individuals felt compelled to participate in this event and
how it links to their identity as an activist would be an important step in this process. Furthermore, investigating whether key
organizational messaging related to activism leads to the internalization of a resistance perspective among participants would also
lead to a greater understanding of whether the Women’s March on Washington will transition into a broader movement.

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