Media and Philippine Society

Leo Francis P. Cabral

University of the Philippines Cebu
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Abstract

The Philippines has known to be one of the most free-wheeling media in Asia. Because of
this, the usage of media in the country became a part of the daily lives of the Filipinos. The
purpose of this paper is to explain the existing state affairs in the lens of conflict theory
regarding the status of the Philippine society in concentration of its media in which it
provides access to public information and the role of media during the Marcos regime
and EDSA revolution. This paper objects to work in three ways: First, to realize the
current status of Philippine media; second, to formulate opinions to raise concerns about
the social issues; and third, to educate and bring awareness to the masses about the real
situation our country is facing right now. In order to achieve these objectives, this article
should offer platforms for discussions and dialogues, and since the Philippine society has
all the capability of accessing the internet, awareness should be spread through the social
media. This article aims to clarify some of the issues the Philippine society must
constantly undertake concrete studies of concrete conditions, and to address the
unanswered questions concerning the critical boldness and free-wheeling approach of
the mass media. The people in the Philippines will benefit the most because they are the
target variable in this article. Generally, the people in the Philippines will hopefully accept
the idea of this article and try to change for the betterment of the society.

Keywords
Information, News, Mass Media, Mass Communication, Journalism

Introduction

Philippine media is among the oldest and the freest in Asia (Pertierra, 2012), but while
the media is free, it is also highly partisan. People with interests ensure that they have
access to media reportage either through direct ownership or through economic or

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political means. Radio and television are the major electronic media and enjoy a much
wider circulation throughout society. Radio is generally in the vernacular and mostly
addresses local issues, sometimes amid great controversy. While radio is probably the
most extensive source of information for most Filipinos, television has become the main
source of entertainment. Most television programs are in Filipino although regional
stations also broadcast in their vernaculars. The liberation of media has fueled the
massive change in delivering news and how the society communicates, with deep
implications on how people are informed, how to interact with the current affairs and
issues, and how to live a life in a community.

Generally, the traditional media is the most influential nationally and radio plays an
important role locally. Though Filipinos online trust social media more than they trust
traditional media. While television provides regular newscasts and current affairs
programs, its main role is in providing entertainment, except during critical periods such
as national disasters or political crises where its evocative imagery is most compelling.

To sum up, the transformation in people’s access to media, information and

communication will continue to have positive and negative effects on governance. While
the speed of data trade and better approaches for imparting can bring popularity based,
monetary and social advantages, they can likewise prompt or exacerbate political
polarization and social clash. It is, not clear that in numerous settings these progressions
have prompted an increasingly educated society, ready to get to reliable data. This paper
objects to work in three ways: First, to realize the current status of Philippine media;
second, to formulate opinions to raise concerns about the social issues; and third, to
educate and bring awareness to the masses about the real situation our country is facing
right now. Philippine television can easily be characterized as fad inductive. We easily
reinforce the endless cycle of portraying conventional Filipino values and religious
beliefs. Local television is riddled with terrible exaggerations of good and evil people; it's
always a war between the rich and the poor or love. Philippine TV especially adores the
idea of exploiting the poor; endless companies investing in reality TV competitions where
they continue to expose the life of the poor for profit.

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Methodology

The evidence presented in this report was collected through desk research, online
articles, essays from Randy David’s article, and an online survey relevant to the topic.
With a representative sample in the Philippine context enough to support this seminar
paper, opinions and additional evidence have been provided through different sources
from books to online resources.

This seminar paper uses inductive research approach as it aims to formulate hypothesis
and develop general theory around how the media is related in the Philippine society,
especially using media as the means of information of the society. Qualitative research is
used in this paper to emphasize words rather than quantification in the collection of data,
this paper aims to support the lived experiences of Randy David, which cannot be reduced
to numerical values using statistical analysis. Media is a dynamic field which continuously
changing. This means that although quantitative analysis would provide data, designing
an appropriate survey to get qualified opinions and understand the deeper issues in this
area was quite challenging.

While it cannot be comprehensive, this seminar paper offers a broad picture of relevant
developments in the situation of media in the Philippine society in the lens of Karl Marx’s
Conflict theory and their wider implications. The aim is to raise awareness, arouse further
discussion and stimulate the media and information industry as well as policymakers to
collaborate on cultivating the positive implications of digital, print, and traditional media
and discouraging the negative.

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Discussion

Mass Media in general

For the past decades, a lot of issues were documented about the usage of media. Going
back to the history of the Philippines, the EDSA became successful because of electric
media (Pertierra, 2012). The EDSA2 was also a media event. In television, the
impeachment of President Estrada was broadcast all over the Philippines. As a mode of
inviting protestors, people also used the power of text to convey people. Because of this,
media is used in shaping our country’s history.

Mass media has anyhow controlled the happenings in the society. It is said that those
people who belong to the upper class has the power to change the mindset of the people.
The class which has the means of material production at its disposal has control at the
same time over the means of mental production, so that thereby the ideas of those who
lack the means of mental production are subject to it. (Marx & Engels: The German
Ideology, cited in Curran et al. 1982: 22). The ‘false consciousness’ in the working class
are governed by the mass media. Thus, this leads the mass media as not flexible to any
diversity of values on the ruling class. Therefore, it is hard for the working class to express
their opposition to the ruling class.

“There is no consistent conspiracy which ties all the publishers at any given moment to
one tendency or viewpoint. Publishers, too, have their own sectoral contradictions which
could make it possible for some members of media to expose certain truths against
certain sections of the ruling class, and even against imperialism itself”. (Constantino,
1987). In this case, the collective interest is more important than individual interest. One
factor that influenced many people is the mass media and it is unfortunately controlled
by the ruling class. There are some cases wherein the working class tried to express ideas
that are against with the ruling class. However, in this case, private ownership does not
allow press to function as freely as possible. “These superior powers behind the entire
puppet state have more disposable funds for electioneering. They are controllers of the
most powerful mass media. They can manipulate the levers of their economic and

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political power to unleash propaganda in favor of their own policies and interests”.
(Guerrero, 1970). Media supposed not to be affected in any social, political or economic
issues in the society. As much as possible, media should be controlled by the state. The
only function that media should do is to educate the masses and open their eyes of the
reality that is happening in the society. Since most of the people in the society are the
poor, it should benefit them the most. Any discrepancies of the state or the society should
be somehow be highlighted by the media.

Mass Media as a Mirror to Society

The power of mass media is to liken it with a mirror. It reflects a clear representation of
what a society is undergoing and the realities present. In his 2016 book, Understanding
Philippine Society, Culture and Politics, Randy David puts it thus: “Media’s mirror is a
selective one. It reflects only what it finds important or worth reporting. It leaves out
many things. What it focuses on reflects its own biases. In other words, when the mass
media mirror reality, they do so only according to their own light.” Conversely, the mass
media is a partisan, it somehow only shows what is shocking and worth reporting, that
it tends to leave some other news-worthy information. In this manner, what is real might
not always be based on the daily reports and news, the society should always consider
other perspective of the broadcast. “After all, for all its virtues and faults, Philippine
media is a reflection of the society from which it springs and which it claims to server”.
(Paraan, 2014) It is true to the Philippine society that media is sometimes one-sided in
an issue, like for example, in the case of the major broadcasting companies in our country,
it is obvious that these companies have political leanings. This is obvious in the series of
MMK’s (Maalaala Mo Kaya) story specific to the senatorial candidates, namely, Bong Go
and Juan Ponce Enrile. As a matter of fact, this segment cost the candidates a huge amount
of money just to have a biopic of their life. They used the longest drama anthology in the
country to portray themselves as a citizen in the country who also experienced tragic
happenings in their life. And this is a sign of premature campaigning that is unknowingly
amplified through a TV production.

Another claim of David in his book, “the models of the well-lived life that we find in the
media are often limited to the actor, the sports celebrity, the media personality, or the

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politician.” And this concerns to the viewers, that they may tend to fantasize their lives in
replication of what they see, hear, and adopt in the media, especially in the show business.
“..consumerism is directly promoted by advertisements, a more effective because subtle
approach is the consistent presentation in media, particularly TV, of the concept of the
good life in an affluent society. What should be regarded as luxuries in the Third World
are perceived as needs - Western food and fashion, modem appliances, a TV set, a car etc.
- thus creating pressures for importation or local production and in the process distorting
social priorities.” (Constantino, 1987).

It brought misconception for the society, that individuals may daydream about their life.
But little value sited on the side of the normal people, the usual student in a public school,
the wage laborer, the parent of multiple children, or a teacher’s life stories, just to name
a few. To support this in my own experience, as to my childhood memories, I am always
looking forward to going home to watch epic anime series in the afternoon show on TV.
But in recent segments, the present shows aired on TV appears to be in Strong Parental
Guidance category. Is this because of the demand of the viewers, or the reality in show
business to have higher ratings. Philippine TV accommodates the “masa”. Filipinos don't
necessarily have time to watch TV all day long and don't necessarily have the attention
span to watch anything uninteresting. The thing with Pinoy teleserye setting is that the
plot will always involve forbidden love, family conflict or social disorder. Everything
should be set in a grand scale; the plot should always involve revenge, vulgarity and
violence. The Philippine media has fallen unto a pit of limited imagination because
anything too "intelligent" is a sure net loss. The media hardly produce material that
serves its viewers as the emphasis primarily relies on the production of something that
sells. The Philippine TV and its consumers have become complacent with this cycle and
when most of the viewership has virtually become idle and passive with media
consumption, the hopes for change quickly becomes null.

Television greatly affects its consumers especially in the Philippines. If the media learns
to expose them with content worth goggling over rather than repetitively show shallow
material, we may have a more intelligent society. Why not produce shows that dwell on
simple corporate politics, an ingenious doctor, or the thinking of a serial killer? Provide
an insight of how it is like for other people; let them discover something new that goes
out of the box from what is commonly aired.

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In numbers, Filipino television watchers spend an average of 21 hours a week making us
the second-most avid watchers of television in the world. The Filipino viewership easily
gets fixated on a interest, celebrity or celebrity love team. The latest gimmick or the
conventional idea of romance, prosperity, and beauty easily sways us. In a country where
20% are poor, we consume products that are famous celebrities and models use because
we want to connect with them; we identify ourselves with the carefully created
characters and celebrity personas. There’s a crab mentality that when we use the
products our stars use; we may somehow become just like them. (Corrales, 2014)

Mass Media as a Political Tool

In our democratic country, mass media also plays a major role in the political aspect.
Though it sometimes leans to a specific party, it somehow provided a rational opinion
and debate for the society towards the politicians. But this role is not steady in
functioning, because it failed to clarify the concrete issues the nation is facing. “…there is
no doubt that the Internet has already started to reshape the information and
communications environment of the Philippine political landscape. However, the
Internet does not promise a panacea to cure a sleeping interest in politics” (Mirandilla,
2009:112). Our admiration towards a good story can easily reflect to Philippine politics,
our elections. Ever wonder why the most undeserving person wins a seat in the senate?
It is because it’s almost never a fight of who advocates something the Filipino people can
benefit the best but how this politician’s image is better than the other. The better your
narrative is the higher your chances of winning. Hence the endless backbiting of one
candidate to another and all of these are widely broadcasted in the country. Most people
enjoy it because it highly resembles gossiping but at a level where significant
personalities are involved, which most Filipinos are fond of.

The sad reality of our political facet is due to the celebrities running for a position in
higher office. Just as how much they are known to the masses, it gained their confidence
in acquisition of many votes. Randy David do not object these issues, just because they
have the right to do so as much right as soldiers, preachers and relatives of the politicians.
Just to make justifiable, celebrities should not solely rely on their pre-political popularity
and should participate in public debate and forum to open themselves to the information

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of the society whether they can be effective leader and efficient policymakers. “Social
media was utilized to create pressure, garner support, and sustain the momentum gained
from public outrage and condemnation”. (Ibon Foundation, 2018) Media in relation with
Philippine politics nowadays plays a very important role in campaigning in social medias,
as much as how the social media community spends time in scrolling their feed. So,
candidates used this platform to advance their image and to spread their campaign
materials through online. According to Cesar Tolentino, an expert on ICT, 29.7 million
internet users as mid-2010. There are about 60 million cellphone users in a population
of 88 million, and this is a huge number of audiences to showcase a campaign material.

As to the trend in publishing news about crime, it is not surprising today to hear a news
about killings, drug-related cases, summary executions, politicians exposed in corruption,
raids, rape, etc. This is indeed the reality, reporting these issues day in and day out
becomes expectable that it becomes usual to the society. David in his essay states that,
“There is always selectivity in the news. What to report, from what angle, what level of
prominence to give to an event, or how deep or extensive one must go in the treatment
of a phenomenon – these decisions shape the mass media’s representation of everyday
reality.” Since individuals has different perspectives in every issue, the effect of every
news would differ from person to another, some would take it seriously, and some would
just don’t care.

Mass Media’s Shortcomings

As Howard & Parks argue (2012:14): “...social media are inherently social; meaning that
beyond a proprietary tool, there is very social content.... this issue illustrates how the
content of social media is different from the content of other news media, even when it is
dealing with the news. Design choices and infrastructure both shape and are shaped by
users’ social activities in ways that far transcend the traditional categories”. Much has
been expounded on the political role of social networking. It is still as well right on time
to survey online networking's political potential. In any case, as against other media
additionally worried about news and data, online networking has a certain importance
that reacts to our advanced age – it copies availability.

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The problem with Philippine TV is that it continues to lack in giving us actual content and
substance, which should be the main purpose of the discovery of television. Philippine
media has absolutely converted the once useful media to a profit-centered institution.
Philippine TV should supplement what the people lack. Providing entertainment is not
entirely bad for Filipino viewership but when everything else is focused into satisfying
that need then we will remain trapped in this cycle. There are amazing productions of
documentaries and films that never gained public exposure simply because it is not
sellable or marketable in the Philippine media arena. It may be true, but most people
often overlook the power of how media can sculpt concepts and the society. In Filipino
series, we produce new episode every day. This is four times more than the usual western
style of once a week. Before you know it, the entire series has ended in a span of four to
six months. The benefit of producing one episode per week is that, producers are not
pressured to offer an episode every day, it gives them time to think and plan out events
fairly rather than producing just for the sake of meeting a quota through using draggy
buffers and extensions just to keep the show running.

Upon Assessing Philippine Mass Media, media has a three-way role in society: Political,
Economic and Social. Its political role includes its duty as an information disseminator,
its responsibility in creating and reflecting public opinion and its function as regulator on
the government and the public office. In the words of a report on the subject submitted
to UNESCO, "The media should contribute to promoting the just cause of peoples
struggling for freedom and independence and their right to live in peace and equality
without foreign interference. This is especially important for all oppressed peoples who,
while struggling against colonialism, religious and racial discrimination, are deprived of
opportunity to make their voices heard within their own countries." Media plays a central
role in Philippine society. Not only does it provide us with the information we need but,
as importantly, it shapes who we are and what we desire. This mediatization of everyday
life is further extended by the media. Whereas the traditional media shaped the general
context of our lives, the social media individualizes this context to suit our circumstances
and interests.

There may have been producers, scriptwriters or directors that pitched for substantial
material but never got approved because their investment may not completely come

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back. This is a selfish move by preventing the consumers from receiving extensive
content that, even though, may or may not lead to a better Filipino society.

Weaponizing the Internet

It holds that social order is maintained by domination and power, rather than consensus
and conformity. In the Philippines, paid trolls, false reasoning, logic leaps, poisoning the
well – these are just some of the propaganda methods that have helped to change
government views on important problems (Ressa, 2019). As to the spreading of
unreliable information, this has become widespread in the administration of Duterte, the
supervision of the president produced an extensive amount of fake news, manipulated
statistics, and even used media to spread a publicity. Examples are, how Duterte used
media in winning the 2016 election. Coming from a local mayor in Davao city to becoming
the highest official in the country is really a big leap, by the use of Facebook, it fueled his
presidency. He is the first Philippine presidential candidate to have used media as the
main instrument and utilized it to gain advantage over his political enemies.

According to conflict theory, those with wealth and power try to hold on to it by any
means possible, chiefly by suppressing the poor and powerless. “This government does
not like criticism and wants a compliant media. This is a country that has seen hundreds
of journalists murdered since the fall of Marcos and very few have been jailed for their
crimes,” (Wilson, 2018). Duterte has made wild public statements against journalists,
even justifying death threats against them. It was a reputation he earned as the longtime
mayor of Davao in the troubled south. And those expectations have largely been met so
far, with his “war on drugs” resulting in the killing of thousands; his denouncements of
the West and shift toward China; a declaration that “God is stupid” in a Catholic country;
and his attacks on critics, particularly in the press. (Wilson, 2018). Duterte even
blacklisted Rappler reporters from covering Malacañang Palace and initiated tax evasion
and libel prosecutions against its owners while the Securities and Exchange Commission
is investigating its ownership structure. And this is an obvious evidence that the
president is controlling the media. It disabled press freedom in order to air news that are
aligned with the objectives of the government.

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Mass Media’s during Marcos Regime

When Ferdinand Marcos imposed his dictatorship on 44 million Filipinos in September

1972 and abolished all democratic processes and civil liberties, among the first major
victims to succumb were the press and the mass media.

The Marcos Regime once uplifted Philippine economy to certain dominance over other
countries, but it was not sustained very well especially during his second term. Given his
history, corruptions were rampant, which is also likely resulted to rampant civil unsets
and rebellions. Throughout the 1970s poverty and governmental corruption increased,
and Imelda Marcos, Ferdinand's wife, became more influential. Inequality in the
distribution of income rose markedly during the Marcos era, as over fifty percent of the
population slipped under the poverty line.

Today, despite Marcos' claims that press freedom has been restored, the reality belies
such official pronouncements: in December 1976, just to cite one instance, Marcos
ordered the closing of two church publications- the last free publications left: Signs of the
Times, a mimeographed weekly put out by the Association of Major Religious Superiors
of the Philippines (the largest Catholic organization which has documented the torture of
over 15,000 political prisoners), and The Communicator, a weekly newsletter published
by the Jesuits. Marcos also ordered the closing of two church-operated radio stations in
the distance-torn of Tagum, Davao and Malay-balay, Bukidnon, in both of which the
Catholic bishops are the most militant critics of the martial law regime. More significant
for the international press was the expulsion in November 1976, of Associated Press
Bureau Chief Arnold Zeitlin followed in March 1977 by the denial of a visa to Bernard
Wideman, correspondent for the Far Eastern Economic Review and the Washington Post.

According to Coronel, Ferdinand Marcos, president since 1965, ordered the closure of all
newspapers and broadcasting stations when he declared martial law and abolished
Congress in 1972. He wanted to deprive media oligarchs from power, hauled journalists
and publishers off to prison. When some newspapers outlets reopened, they stood under
strict government supervision. While the oligarchs were gone, media now was owned by
either Marcos’ relatives or friends – his notorious “cronies” – an even more concentrated
group. Coverage was now scrutinized by military censors and instructed – through the
so-called Mass Media Council – to not cover controversial and critical stories that could

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disturb “an atmosphere of tranquility.” In addition, the Mass Media Council, later
renamed the Media Advisory Council, regularly sent out instructions on what stories
should not be used because they were not conducive to an atmosphere of tranquility.
Although editors were already cautious, a military censor was still assigned to newspaper
offices to go over every inch of copy. Even small Catholic Church publications were
ordered closed on sedition charges, and foreign correspondents that filed critical reports
were harassed or refused entry to the country. Dissident newspapers were forced
underground; all throughout martial law, the armed opposition to Marcos led by the
Communist Party put out underground papers. The controls were somewhat loosened in
the second half of the 1970s, but draconian laws remained in force, including those that
imposed heavy fines on sedition and the more harmless-sounding crime of
rumormongering. For the most part, journalism remained obedient and unexciting.

Maintaining the façade of democratic rule served their purposes so long as it was not
challenged. But in the late 1960s, the social unrest consequent to the inequality that for
so long has characterized Philippine society reached one of its critical points, developing
into a national and multi-sectoral campaign for change and the democratization of
political power that made it difficult for these families to continue ruling in the old way.

The result was a political crisis to which the “solution” to the “threat” of democratization
— at the time being tested and tried in several other countries in the same predicament
and with the support and encouragement of the US, which, from Chile to Indonesia, was
fomenting coup d’états against elected governments all over the planet– was open
authoritarian rule, with Marcos, whose personal ambitions and class interests coincided
with those of the ruling families and their foreign patrons, acting in his own and their
behalf. The declaration of martial rule was Marcos’ coup against himself as a
democratically elected President.

Locating martial rule in the context of the country’s damaged and damaging political
culture is indispensable to understanding why authoritarian rule happened — and what
is even more crucial, why it can still happen. The media can and should continue to convey
to their readers, viewers and listeners the necessity of never again allowing authoritarian
rule. But of even more importance is the need for everyone to monitor the political system
that has remained essentially the same despite the 42 years that have passed since
Proclamation 1081, and in the process educate the present and future generations in the
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need to democratize it. Among the social institutions vital to mass realization of that
imperative are the media.

Mass Media’s Role during the EDSA Revolution

The media are an arena of social and political contention. While they are more often
regarded as a force for the status quo, they also have the potential to arm their audiences
with information these audiences need to effect change. The liberative potential of the
mass media is enhanced by the growth of media technology, which, while enforcing of the
rule of the dominant forces in society, also has the potential to empower forces
challenging the status quo. For its capacity to transcend geographical and political
boundaries, broadcasting is particularly crucial during crisis situations. By sending
information virtually to any audience within technological reach in real time, television
and radio create an immediate impact on public understanding, perception and opinion
as a crisis unfolds and demands citizen response and reaction, thus helping mobilize the
critical mass change requires. This was most tellingly and dramatically demonstrated
during the 1986, or first EDSA revolt, when the broadcast media played a significant part
in bringing Filipinos in their millions out into the streets to overthrow the Marcos
dictatorship.

The media had come to its success not by accident; for Philippine media today is a product
of context and history. In the history of every modern-day democracy, the 1986 Edsa
People Power Revolution stands out as the most astonishing, not only because it removed
without bloodshed a cruel dictator in Ferdinand Marcos, but also because, all intents and
purposes taken together, it has at least healed the malignancy of the Filipino nation’s
broken soul.

But the wound of disunity threatens us again. Three decades later, Filipinos are still
wanting in terms of the things they deserve from their own government. Edsa should
have taught us how to elect the right persons for public office. But across the many
regions of the country, we can only agonize in disbelief as we witness overlords in
absolute control of our beloved land.

It is wrong, however, to put the blame on the ordinary Filipino. The majority did not
benefit from Edsa. In fact, whole families still roam our busy streets, scavenging for soiled
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food. While towering edifices rise in the metropolis, thousands of children have remained
hungry and without a home. As a society left behind by the modernity of the Western way
of life, we can only indict our leaders, past and present, who exploited Edsa and abused
its spirit and memory. Indeed, we have many cunning politicians who shamelessly invoke
the concept of human welfare, or even the pursuit of happiness, in order to justify and
brandish their particular style of tyranny.

History tells us that an autocrat who rules by means of some populist agenda is not
impaired as to his knowledge of the timeless relevance of the principles of justice. But he
distorts and uses the same in order to advance his vested interests. In the desire to
destroy his enemies, a dictator only has one marching order to his docile and willing
accomplices: to follow him without question. This type of loyalty is perhaps the most
dangerous there is. It is the same kind of blind obedience that has caused honorable men
to kill in the name of their god!

When President Corazon Aquino came to power in 1986, we believed then that it is not
intellectual brilliance but human virtue that legitimizes political leadership. And yet, in
reality, it is the dictator who actually foregoes the advice of academics, as he will do things
as he sees fit. He is so afraid of the wisdom of old. He fears engaging the titans of history.
Edmund Burke elaborates: “What is the use of discussing a man’s abstract right to food
or to medicine? … In this deliberation I shall always advise to call in the aid of the farmer
and the physician, rather than the professor.”

Edsa gave the world a new way of looking at things. We stand firm that, as a people, we
cannot allow those who hold positions of power to take advantage of us. Any form of
violent counterrevolution can only mean that oppression has been maintained, although
the oppressors may have changed the color of their skin. Burke says it well: “Kings, in one
sense, are undoubtedly the servants of the people, because their power has no other
rational end than that of the general welfare; but it is not true that they are, in the
ordinary sense anything like servants.”

The raison d’être of Edsa is not Aquino or Marcos. Edsa is the story of the Filipino as a
freedom-loving people. Burke appears precise: “A state without the means of some
change is without the means of its conservation.”

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It is every generation’s principal right to overthrow any ruthless despot. Freedom,
ultimately, is an instrument for societal transformation. Unless we prevent ourselves
from degenerating into a country that treats justice and the rights of people as some sort
of a commodity that only the affluent can enjoy, the potent force of the radical change that
was Edsa will continue to elude us.

The Philippines is a nation in perennial transition trapped in many contradictions. It is a

nation that made the world history when it ousted- the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos
from 1965- 1986, who had served longest as president. When Martial Law was
proclaimed on September 21, 1972, all the papers including the so- called “oligarchic
press” and broadcast stations were closed.

Conclusion

There is no doubt that media, government and public are basically intertwined because
of the following relationship dynamics: Media to Government (Media Influences
Government, Media Checks Government Accountability and Transparency and (At times)
Media Takes on the Role of Government when the Latter Fails); Government to Media
(Rhetorical Manipulation and Media Manipulation); and Media to Public (Shaping Public
Opinion, Media's Educative Role, and Media's Participative Role). Finally, it should be
stressed that it is incumbent upon media practitioners to seriously observe the highest
degree of ethical standards because of their vital role in the society.

Media does not only investigate, monitor, and expose government's inefficiencies and
corruptions. But it also assumes some of its responsibilities especially when the latter
fails. There are two indications of a failed government. These are: 1. Vital institutions are
no longer functioning as they used to; and 2. Majority of the populace no longer trust the
government institutions.

To illustrate this more clearly, the tragedy that befell Tacloban during the wrath of
typhoon Yolanda is used as an empirical case. Tacloban's local government unit literally
was rendered immobile because the entire city was inundated by flood. All government
instrumentalities in the area stopped their operations. Everybody was a victim, from the

SOCIO 220 | M.Ed. Program | College of Social Sciences

University of the Philippines Cebu | June 27, 2019
mayor of the city, down to the barangay captain. There was no clear leadership, no
structure and most importantly there was no resources. In times when people do not
know who or where to turn to, chaos is expected. Reports of looting, power struggle,
invasion of territories and moral decline were presented to the public which strengthen
the notion that there was no government functioning in the area.

First to arrive in the area were media organizations with clear and strong access to their
principal networks. Other than reporting what is happening on the ground, they
alongside helped minimize the effect of the tragedy. Since media is the only entity in the
area having a strong structure, it kept the information flow active and dynamic.

Media also assumed the role of Social Services, providing free access to
telecommunications, rescuing victims, feeding people, organizing fund-raising and all
other needed services it may offer. Media organizations also facilitated calls for
international aids, thus an influx of donations in various forms came in until the national
government was able to regain full control of the situation.

This research paper listed the status quo of Philippine media and society in Randy David’s
perspective. Media is one of the major foundations of the society which promotes
realization of economic goals, although the primary goal of media is to promote
transparent information for all, it is evident in the Philippine society itself that there are
inequalities and biases happening. Therefore, the media itself failed to produce equal
leaning over the different classes in the society because of many factors, one of it is the
society and culture itself. Through the essays of Randy David, the researcher can conclude
that the classification of the society creates a big impact on the media. Therefore, the
media is basically ruled by the capitalist. In other words, Media’s role in Philippine society
undermines rather than strengthens the process of seeking truth.

The foundation of the mindset of the society comes from the media. This means that
media creates a big impact on the overall being of a person. Another aspect that is
important but is usually set aside in most countries is the social aspect of media. Thus, if
the teachers, leaders, politicians and the people are aware of what is happening in the
society, there will be no prejudices and partiality. To improve this study, it would be
better if the researchers contextualized the examples of every theories. It would be better

SOCIO 220 | M.Ed. Program | College of Social Sciences

University of the Philippines Cebu | June 27, 2019
to start off in the country that the researchers are living and connect it with the different
ideas of the author.

Likewise, public opinion can also be shaped by incorruptible data or research findings
presented to the public. This was the case of the impeachment trial of the Supreme Court
Justice Renato Corona. Public opinion turned against the Chief Justice because of the
obvious violations he committed against the Statement of Assets Liabilities and Net worth
(SALN) Law. Many documents acquired by the media that show his acquired properties
and “wealth” of his family, which were not disclosed in his SALN. This negative publicity
about him easily facilitated his removal from the highest court. The public was convinced
that he was not the honest and truthful judge he was expected to be.

Thirdly, media is always instrumental in showing raw emotions to public thereby

generating public opinion based on feelings rather than reason. For instance, during the
eulogy of one of the wives of the fallen 44, everybody was moved into tears with her
heartbreaking appeal for justice, which she directly addressed to the President who was
in the audience. The public felt the pain and agony of the families of the victims. This all
the more made President Aquino unpopular that cost the public's loss of confidence and
trust in him as shown in the different approval ratings survey.

SOCIO 220 | M.Ed. Program | College of Social Sciences

University of the Philippines Cebu | June 27, 2019
References

Bernad, M. (2008). Philippine Culture and the Filipino Identity.

Constantino, R. (1966). The Miseducation of the Filipino.

Constantino, R. (1987). Synthetic Culture and Development.

Corrales, N. (2014). Inquirer.net, Global Nation section

Coronel, S. (2001). The Media, The Market and Democracy: The Case of the Philippines

David, R. (2016). Understanding Philippine Society, Culture and Politics.

Guerrero, A. (1970). Philippine Society and Revolution.

Ibon Foundation (2018). Duterte Killings Continue.

Luhmann, N. (1996). The Reality of the Mass Media.

Marx, K. & Engel, F. (1846). The German Ideology.

Mirandilla, M. P. (2009) Cybercampaigning for 2010: The Use and Effectiveness of

Websites and Social Networking Sites as Campaign Platforms for the 2010 Presidential
Election in the Philippines

Pertierra, R. (2012). The New Media, Society & Politics in the Philippines.

Pertierra, R. (1997). Philippine Localities and Global Perspectives: Essays on Society and
Culture
Ressa, M. (2018). Rappler: Nation

Wilson, K. (2018). Duterte’s Media War in the Philippines

SOCIO 220 | M.Ed. Program | College of Social Sciences

University of the Philippines Cebu | June 27, 2019