Bronzino's Allegory of Happiness

Author(s): Graham Smith

Source: The Art Bulletin, Vol. 66, No. 3 (Sep., 1984), pp. 390-399
Published by: CAA
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3050442
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 Bronzino's Allegory of Happiness

Graham Smith

Near the end of his vita of Bronzino and immediately after The composition of the Allegory of Happiness brings to
a brief reference to the Palazzo Ricasoli decorations of 1565, mind, and seems to be abstracted from, High Renaissance
Vasari mentions "un quadretto di piccole figure, che non models such as Raphael's Madonna del Baldacchino or Fra
ha pari," painted "sono pochi mesi" for Francesco de' Med- Bartolommeo's Saint Anne and Saint Catherine Altar-
ici. Commenting upon this passage in 1881, Gaetano Mil- pieces. However, Bronzino's figures seem virtual prisoners
anesi suggested that the picture referred to by Vasari might of their shallow space, and the insistent symmetry and
be a painting in the Uffizi, executed on copper "a maniera abstract formality of the composition impart a distinctly
di minio," which he described as representing "allegorica- heraldic quality to the Allegory of Happiness. Two figures
mente la Felicita con molte figure piccole" (Fig. 1).1 It is readily identifiable as Justice and Prudence stand guardian
now generally accepted that this tiny picture is indeed the over Happiness, like supporters flanking an escutcheon, and
painting executed by Bronzino for Francesco, presumably the laurel wreath, held over the head of Happiness, suggests
in 1567. Moreover, Milanesi's summary identification of its an armorial crest or perhaps even the ducal coronet. In
subject matter was in a general way quite accurate, as this addition, in composition, iconography, and motif the Al-
study will endeavour to show. legory of Happiness recalls several earlier works by Bron-
In 1928 Arthur McComb dismissed the Allegory of Hap- zino himself, such as the frescoes in the Chapel of Eleonora,
piness as "over-complicated to the point of illegibility, a the Allegory of Venus and Cupid in London, the Resur-
'literary' work in the taste of the times, frosty in color, of rection in the SS. Annunziata, and, closest in time, the al-
a mineral hardness in the forms."2 However, seven years legorical compositions celebrating the marriage of Fran-
later Adolfo Venturi discussed the painting in a positive cesco de' Medici to Joanna of Austria, designed for the
fashion in an analysis of remarkable sensitivity. Venturi facade of the Palazzo Ricasoli.5 These allusions to more mon-
was acutely aware of the considered and formal nature of umental works of art lend a visual authority and grandeur
Bronzino's composition, with its compressed, relief-like to the Allegory of Happiness that far exceed the picture's
space and abstract, geometrical arrangement of figures, and actual size. Moreover, the formal sophistication of the
he recognized that this imparted a ceremonial, even hier- painting nicely complements its iconographic complexity.
atic, character and significance to the miniature-like paint- Several of the characters in the Allegory of Happiness
ing. In addition, he was fully receptive to the beauty and have been identified in a general fashion and with varying
extreme refinement of Bronzino's execution of the Allegory degrees of accuracy by earlier writers. However, no one
of Happiness.3 Recently Charles McCorquodale also com- has attempted a detailed iconographic study of the Alle-
mented upon the "precious scale and jewel-like colour" of gory of Happiness, although it was suggested recently that
the Allegory of Happiness, and suggested that these qual- the concetto underlying the picture derived from an elab-
ities in themselves associated the painting with Francesco orate description of a Trionfo della felicita" written by
de' Medici's "rarified taste" and aristocratic penchant for Cosimo Bartoli, Vasari's friend and literary adviser, and
objets de vertu.4 translator into Italian of Leon Battista Alberti's De re

This study was written during a term as a Visiting Member of the Institute
dello studiolo, Florence, 1967, 282, dated the painting 1567, as does th
for Advanced Study at Princeton. I am most grateful to Professors recent
Irving catalogue of the Uffizi, cited above. The Allegory of Happine
Lavin and Harry Woolf for their invitation to attend the Institutewasfor
included in the Council of Europe exhibition and catalogue, Palazz
Advanced Study. I am also indebted to several colleagues at the Institute
Vecchio: committenza e collezionismo medicei (Firenze e la Toscana dei
for ideas and references. In particular, I would like to thank Jan Bia- nell'Europa del Cinquecento), Florence, 1980, Cat. No. 517.
Medici
Yostocki, Bruce Frier, Jean-Baptiste Giard, and Marilyn Lavin. Egon Ver-
2 A. McComb, Agnolo Bronzino: His Life and Works, Cambridge, Mass.,
heyen read an earlier version of my manuscript, and I am grateful to him32. McComb's description echoes that of H. Schulze, Die Werke
1928,
for a number of valuable suggestions. Angelo Bronzinos, Strassburg, 1911, xv: "Eine frostige, unklare Allegorie
der letzten Jahre."
1 Le vite de' pii' eccellenti pittori, scultori ed architettori, scritte da Giorgio
Vasari, pittore aretino, ed. G. Milanesi, vii, Florence, 1881, 604 and n.
3 A. Venturi, Storia dell'arte italiana, ix, vi, Milan, 1933, 68.
3. The painting measures 40 x 30cm, and is inscribed BROZ. FAC (see
4McCorquodale, 149. The Allegory of Happiness is reproduced in color
Gli Uffizi, catalogo generale, Florence, 1979, 190, P308). A. Emiliani, II
as pl. xvI.
Bronzino, Busto Arsizio, 1960, 96, was not convinced that the Allegory
of Happiness was the painting mentioned by Vasari, but other moderns Ibid., pls. 51, 52, 104, 105, vi, vii, and xii.
Bronzino scholars have accepted Milanesi's suggestion. L. Berti, II principe

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 BRONZINO'S ALLEGORY OF HAPPINESS 391

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aedificatoria.6 Roman Imperial coins celebrating Felicitas publica, struck

The central and principal figure in Bronzino's compo- for Julia Mamaea, the mother of Alexander Severus (Fig.
sition is Felicitas, or, more precisely, Felicitas publica.7 She 2).8 In addition, she is depicted much as she was described
is represented with the attributes that she bears on certain in the sixteenth century by Vasari in his Zibaldone,9 by

6 See the entry by P. T. Baxter in Giorgio Vasari: Principi, letterati e artisti around 1550 for the 500th Anniversary of Michelangelo's Birth," North
nelle carte di Giorgio Vasari (Casa Vasari, Arezzo), exh. cat. by L. Corti, Carolina Museum of Art Bulletin, xiii, 1976, 26ff.
M. D. Davis, C. Davis, and J. Kliemann, Florence, 1981, Cat. No. 7 Bronzino's painting is illustrated and the principal figure is correctly
33, 137-38. Baxter suggests that Bronzino's painting is a simplified version
identified in the article on Felicitas publica by V61ker, fig. 3 and cols. 1158
of an Allegory of Happiness described in the third book of Cosimo Bar- and 1168.
toli's Ragionamenti accademici ... sopra alcuni luoghi difficili di Dante.
8 See R. A. G. Carson, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum,
Con alcune inventioni e significati, Venice, 1567, 48b-54a. Bartoli described
VI. Severus Alexander to Balbinus and Pupienus, London, 1962, Cat.
the four Cardinal Virtues as seated near Felicitas, "con i loro prigioni,"
Nos. 658-666, pl. 22. Bronzino's Felicitas publica differs from the ancient
and described Felicitas herself as "lieta solo nella contemplatione del Fat-
examples in being presented frontally and in being partially nude.
tore del tutto, per contemplare il quale vedete che alza le sue luci al cielo
tutta festeggiante, gioconda, con una rica corona in testa, e sopra quello 9 Lo Zibaldone di Giorgio Vasari, ed. A. Del Vita, Rome, 1938, 9: "Felic-
per cimiero un sole." Otherwise, the relationships to Bronzino's pictureita, una donna vestita, con un corno di dovitia nella sinistra, et un cadu-
do not seem particularly striking. Also on Bartoli, see C. Davis, "Ben-ceo di Mercurio nella destra."
venuto Cellini and the Scuola fiorentina: Notes on Florentine Sculpture

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392 THE ART BULLETIN SEPTEMBER 1984 VOLUME LXVI NUMBER 3

prints illustrate this or some similar episode involving Ve-

Vincenzo Cartari in his Imagini delli dei de gl'antichi,'0 and
nus and Cupid.15 It appears, then, that Bronzino intended
by Cesare Ripa in his Iconologia.11 Seated on an imposing
architectural throne, whose armrest is supported by to a superimpose allusions to Cupid's accidental wounding
sculptured Atlas or Hercules, Bronzino's Felicitas publica
of Venus upon the theme of Felicitas publica, perhaps with
supports a cornucopia with her left hand, and with her the aim of associating or possibly even equating Venus and
right hand delicately holds aloft a winged caduceus, in a
Felicitas. The contemporary appropriateness in Florence of
manner that reminds one of the Archangel Michael's ges-such a fusion will become evident later in this study.
ture in the Chapel of Eleonora or Venus's in the London Justice stands immediately to the right of Felicitas, and
guards the right boundary of the painting. She is nude
Allegory. She wears a blue mantle over a pale rose dress,
which leaves her breasts fully exposed; she has a fragile
except for a narrow strip of green drapery; she rests her
garland of tiny flowers in her hair, and she gazes heav-
right hand on a magnificent broadsword, and she holds the
balance in her relaxed left hand. In general, she compares
enwards, utterly absorbed in her role as provider of peace
and plenty.12 Two winged figures fly above her. On the closely with the figure of Justice in one of the pendentives
right is Fame, who is shown trumpeting her good news of the Chapel of Eleonora (Fig. 3).16 However, in the Alle-
abroad, and on the left is Glory, wearing a jeweled head-
gory of Happiness the scales of Justice rest on a cube-like
band, who is about to crown Felicitas with a wreath ofstone base, signifying constancy and stability.17 Barely vis-
laurel.13 ible behind Justice is a fearsome, brutish figure who clutches
Bronzino's Felicitas publica is distinguished from her
a broken sword, and falls backwards to the right. Presum-
ancient and her Renaissance counterparts by her nudity and ably he represents Fury, one of the enemies of Justice and
by the fact that she is accompanied by Cupid, who appears here evidently vanquished by her.18 Finally, Justice tramples
to be about to prick her right breast with a golden arrow. another opponent underfoot. This creature has a devilish,
Cupid's gesture and his rapt expression echo those of Felici-demented appearance, with slanted eyes and wildly dishev-
tas herself, as if to suggest that his action, which will "kin-
eled hair; it clutches what appears to be a monstrous hook
dle the flame of love,"14 should be compared with her gen- or twin-clawed grapnel, and has a decapitated serpent lying
eration of physical and spiritual happiness. There appears near its right hand. These attributes identify the figure as
to be no precedent, either in antiquity or in the Renais- Deceit, another of the natural enemies of Justice.19 Relaxed
sance, for Cupid's wounding Felicitas; nor is Cupid rep- and effortlessly triumphant over her opponents, Bronzino's
resented with Felicitas on coins of the Roman Empire. How- vigilant Justice nonetheless has an air of prontezza which
ever, there is an ancient subject that parallels the episode reminds one of two earlier and more famous guardians of
shown by Bronzino. At the beginning of the story of Venus Florentine ideals - Donatello's Saint George and Michel-
and Adonis, in book x of the Metamorphoses, Ovid de- angelo's David.
scribes how Cupid wounded his mother by "[chancing] un- Prudence stands to the left of Felicitas, and forms a pen-
wittingly to graze her breast with a projecting arrow," and dant to Justice. She is represented more or less as she was
a number of sixteenth-century paintings, drawings, and to be described by Ripa in his Iconologia,20 and, with one

10 Cartari, 255-56, with a reference to the coins of Julia Mamaea and a

encyclopaedia of antiquity in Naples: "Quantunque la Fama non sia altra,
che un nome portato dalle bocche di diversi nell'orecchi degli huomini
woodcut illustration based upon those representations. Cartari identifies
come dice Tertulliano, nondimeno questa anchora fecero Dea, con le ale
Felicitas as a daughter of Hercules, and describes her as: "una donna sopra
un bello seggio, che tiene nella destra il Caduceo, & ha nella sinistraalle
un spalle et alla testa su un orbo con la palma in mano et la tromba
doppia nella bocca, overo come alcuni altri hanno fatto che suona due
corno di dovitia. Si pu6 dire che quello significhi la virtui, questo le richezze
come che, ne le virtu da se, ne le richezze per loro medesime possono trombe"fare (quoted in G. Smith, The Casino of Pius IV, Princeton, 1977,
qui l'huomo felice." 38, n. 32).

11 Ripa, 154-55, also refers to the coins of Julia Mamaea. However, in 14

thisIn the story of Apollo and Daphne, Ovid distinguishes between two
types of darts or arrows employed by Cupid (Metamorphoses i. lines 468-
case Bronzino's depiction of the goddess seems to have provided the model
475). The first type is of gold with "a sharp, gleaming point," and "kindles
for the woodcut (Fig. 11). It should be mentioned that on Roman Imperial
coins Felicitas usually is shown standing. The seated type found onthe
theflame of love," whereas the second type is "blunt and tipped with
coins of Julia Mamaea is rare. According to Ripa, Felicitas was shown
lead, and puts to flight." I am grateful to Egon Verheyen for this reference.
seated to indicate that she represents "un riposo dell'animo." For a survey
15 See W. Keach, "Cupid Disarmed, or Venus'Wounded? An Ovidian
of representations of Felicitas publica, see V61olker, cols. 1153-1170. Source for Michelangelo and Bronzino," Journal of the Warburg and
Courtauld Institutes, XLI, 1978, 327-331.
12 It appears that Bronzino originally painted a larger garland or crown
on the head of Felicitas. Perhaps he decided that this would render Glory's
16 Ripa, 187-89, invariably describes Justice as clothed. By depicting her
laurel wreath redundant, and focused instead upon the act of crowning nude Bronzino perhaps intended to associate Justice with naked Truth.
by silhouetting that crown against the radiance above the goddess. This
17 Wittkower, 1937/38a, 318, describes the rectangular form as "an old
in turn suggests that the event is taking place and that we are witnessing
symbol of constancy."
the beginning of a new golden age.
18 See, for example, the woodcut in Cartari, 208, which is excerpted from
13 In an entry entitled Gloria de' principi, Ripa, 198, described Glory as
Federico Zuccaro's Calumny of Apelles (also reproduced as a woodcut in
follows: "Donna bellissima, che habbia cinta la fronte d'un cerchio d'oro
Cartari, 338).
contesto di diverse gioie di grande stima. I capelli saranno ricciuti, e biondi,
significando i magnanimi, e gloriosi pensieri, che occupano le menti19de' Ripa, 228, describes Inganno as follows: "Huomo vestito di giallo, nella
Prencipi, nell'opere de' luali sommamente risplende la gloria loro."mano The destra tenga molti hami, & nella sinistra un mazzo di fiori, dal quale
double trumpet is a standard attribute of Fame. In addition to the entries
esca un serpe.

in Ripa, 142-44, see the following passage in Pirro Ligorio's manuscript

20 Ibid., 416-19.

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 BRONZINO'S ALLEGORY OF HAPPINESS 393

wkz-c 2. :,e 6re

3 Bronzino, Jus-
Ilk? .i? tice. Florence,
Palazzo Vecchio,
Cappella di Eleo-
nora (photo:
Gabinetto Foto-
grafico, Soprin-
tendenza alle Gal-
lerie, Florence)

4 Bronzino,
Prudence. Flor-
ence, Palazzo
Vecchio, Cappella
di Eleonora
(photo: Gabinetto
Fotografico,
Soprintendenza
alle Gallerie,
Florence)

exception, she is shown with the attributes that Bronzino In front of Justice kneels an entirely nude female figure
gave to her in the Chapel of Eleonora (Fig. 4). A serpentwho gazes upwards at Felicitas in counterpoint to Pru-
encircles her left wrist, and she has two faces, like Janus, dence. She is clearly identified as Occasio or Chance by
to enable her to consider both the past and the future before her wheel and by her hair, which blows forward, as if in
arriving at her decisions. Her right face, that of a young a gale, to form an inviting and accessible forelock.24 The
woman, gazes with rapt intensity at Felicitas, as if to payfact that she has descended from her wheel and offers her
homage to her, and she presumably looks to the future, normally elusive forelock to Felicitas indicates equally
while her left face, that of an imposing, bearded male fig- clearly that she is a tamed or captive Occasio. More spe-
ure, protects the left boundary of the Allegory of Happi-cifically, she can be identified as Fortuna redux or Fortuna
ness. In place of her more usual attribute of a mirror, Bron- buona, a type represented on Roman Imperial coins and
zino's Prudence carries a ponderous terrestrial globe on described by Ripa.25
which Italy is displayed at the center. In Renaissance Flor- A bald, bearded male nude forms a pendant to Occasio-
ence this attribute sometimes was given to Justice to sym- Fortuna on the left side of the Allegory of Happiness. He
bolize her universality, and it seems reasonable to supposekneels before Felicitas like an elderly magus, gazes upwards
that Bronzino transferred it to Prudence to suggest her at the goddess, and proffers a celestial sphere sprinkled with
global significance and to indicate her specifically Italian golden stars and encircled by the zodiac. At the same time,
domicile.21 Like Justice, Prudence also effortlessly van- he delicately places his left foot upon the contorted body
quishes her enemies. To the left of Prudence, at the extreme of a nude young man, who occupies the area immediately
edge of the panel, Blind Envy can be seen fleeing from this below and in front of the throne of Felicitas. Venturi iden-
perfected world in which, almost literally, there is no room tified the old man as Time,26 and, although he has neither
for her.22 Finally, Prudence stands over a captive and sub- the wings nor the hourglass given to Time by Bronzino in
missive Folly, who is identified unmistakably by his jester's the London Allegory, there is some justification for this
cap, anklet of bells, and short cudgel.23 identification. The celestial sphere is a familiar attribute of

21 Tervarent, I, 200. Ibid., 11, 360, does mention an instance in which 24 On Occasio, see Wittkower, 1937/38b, 173-75, and idem, 1937/38a,
Prudence was depicted with an armillary sphere. 313-321. Also see Panofsky, 71-72, and nn. 4, 5.
22 This figure occupies precisely the position in the Allegory of Happiness 25 Ripa, 170. On a coin of Marcus Aurelius, Fortune appears seated, hold-
that Jealousy and Envy have in Bronzino's Allegories of Venus and Cupid, ing a rudder and cornucopia, with her wheel at rest below her seat (ill.
in London and Budapest respectively. On the various fashions in which in A. S. Robertson, Roman Imperial Coins in the Hunter Coin Cabinet,
Jealousy and Envy were represented in the 16th century, see G. Smith, University of Glasgow, iii. Trajan to Commodus, Oxford, 1971, pl. 87,
"Jealousy, Pleasure and Pain in Agnolo Bronzino's Allegory of Venus and No. 75).
Cupid," Pantheon, xxxIx, 1981, 250-52. 26 Venturi (as in n. 3), 68.
23 See E. Tietze-Conrat, Dwarfs and Jesters in Art, London, 1957, 7.

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394 THE ART BULLETIN SEPTEMBER 1984 VOLUME LXVI NUMBER 3

Eternity,27 and was associated by analogy with both Occa-
sio and Fortuna, who frequently were represented balanc-
ing upon swiftly spinning globes.28 More specifically, Ripa
compared the constant changes of Fortune with the per-
petual movement of the cosmos.29 What is evident and of
considerable significance in the Allegory of Happiness is
that, like the terrestrial globe held by Prudence, the celestial
sphere has been arrested, presumably at an opportune
moment, and is presented to Felicitas, rather in the manner
that Occasio-Fortuna volunteers her forelock, so that she
can view the happy configuration of the stars. If the old
man is Time and the arrested sphere signifies a propitious
moment or benevolent fate, then the vanquished young
man most probably is the god Kairos, the Greek equivalent
of Occasio. In further support of this identification it may
be suggested that the flat, slightly curved, metallic object
lightly held by the youth's right hand may be the razor or
sharp blade commonly given to Kairos as an attribute to
signify that he was sharper than the keenest blade.30 If this
identification is correct, then the meaning of the group must
be that Time has vanquished Kairos and seized opportunity
or fate to present it to Felicitas.31
The general meaning of Bronzino's Allegory of Happi-
ness should now be relatively clear. Both in the civic sense
commemorated by Roman Imperial coins and in the spiri-
tual sense described by Ripa, a state of public happiness
has been realized. Described by Ripa as "un riposo del-
1' animo in un bene sommamente conosciuto, & desiderato,
& desiderabile," Felicitas publica is enthroned, bearing the
symbols of the elements essential to her state - "la virtix"
and "la richezza" - and thereby illustrating that "felici sono
tra di noi coloro, che hanno tanti beni temporali, che pos-
sono provedere alle necessitai del corpo, & tanto virtuosi,
che possono alleggerir quelle dell'anima." Finally, the gar-
land of tiny flowers that she wears in her hair is a symbol
of gaiety, "dalla quale il felice stato non si divide giamai."32
Cupid is present presumably to remind us that love is at
once a characteristic and a necessary constituent of a truly
happy state of existence, and may also be intended to imply
that this Felicitas publica is both an exalted and an eternal
one.33 Further, it is evident that we are to understand that
the achievement and continuation of this ideal state are
owed in large part to the vigilance of Justice and Prudence,
who have effectively subdued the forces inimical to public
happiness - Envy, Folly, Deceit, and Fury - and guard
against their resurgence. Finally, the arbitrary forces of
Chance and Fortune, which normally govern man's earthly
existence, have been subdued by Time and domesticated
by Felicitas. Time has vanquished Kairos, and guarantees
the perpetuation of this opportune moment by arresting the
motion of the stars themselves; and Occasio has surren-
dered voluntarily to become both a subject and an assistant
at the court of Felicitas. One might say that Fortune is twice-
tamed in Bronzino's Allegory of Happiness.34
That the geographical setting of this earthly paradise is
Italy is evident from the position of the terrestrial globe
held by Prudence, and, taking into consideration the iden-
tities of the painter and the patron of the picture, it is rea-
sonable to pinpoint the locale more precisely as Tuscany
or, more precisely still, as Florence herself. In that case, a
more accurate and more informative title for Bronzino's
painting than the present Allegory of Happiness might be
Felicitas publica florentiae or Felicitas publica florentina.
The meaning of the allegory is still more particular, how-
ever, since several elements in the picture seem to advertise
and celebrate Cosimo I de' Medici's role in creating and
guaranteeing this condition of public well-being in Flor-
ence. The key to this level of interpretation once more lies
with the figure of Prudence. In fact, the severe, bearded
male with slightly protuberant eyes, who forms one of the
faces of Prudence, bears a striking resemblance to Cosimo
as he appeared in his maturity (Fig. 5),35 and evidently was
intended to be an idealized portrait of him. Since all the
principal figures in the painting and many of the secondary
details can be associated with Cosimo, the Allegory of Hap-
piness can be described with considerable accuracy as an
allegory of Cosimo I de Medici's statesmanship.
The idea that a state of public happiness and general well-
being was achieved in Florence under Cosimo's rule was
one that Cosimo himself liked to promote, and the figures
surrounding Felicitas publica in Bronzino's painting in fact
constitute a constellation of personifications, virtues,
devices, and conceits favored by the Medici duke. A good
indication of this is provided by Vasari's programme for

27 See Ripa, 141; also see Tervarent, ii, 361, where the sphere is discussed di fuoco, alzando gl'occhi in alto, con segni d'allegrezza." (For an example
as a symbol of the universe or of things universal. of Felicitas aeterna corresponding to Ripa's description, see V1olker, fig.
28 Wittkower, 1937/38b, 174, and Panofsky, 72, n. 5.
9, col. 1160.) Cupid's sex disqualifies him as a candidate for Felicitas
aeterna, although his youth, nudity, golden hair, and upward gaze suggest
29 According to Ripa, 169: "Il globo celeste dimostra, si come egli e in that he has something in common with her. Also, in the Preparation of
continuo moto, cosi la fortuna sempre si muove, e muta faccia a ciascuno the Marriage Bed by Venus, Cupid, Juno, and the Graces (ill. in
hor'inalza[n]do, & hor'abbassa[n]do, e perche pare che ella sia la dispen- McCorquodale, pl. 105), Bronzino did depict Cupid twirling two arrows
satrice delle richezze, & delli beni di questo mondo." in such a way that the tips of the arrows burst into flame - literally
30 Wittkower, 1937/38b, 174, and Panofsky, 72, n. 5. According to Ripa, kindling love. Moreover, in the Allegory of Happiness Cupid stands in
366, Occasio holds a razor "perche deve essere subito a troncare ogni sorte close proximity to the "cielo stellato" borne by Time. All things consid-
d'impedimento." ered, it seems reasonable to believe that the presence of Cupid was intended
31 There is some support for the idea of Time triumphant over Chance in to suggest the existence of a state of extraordinary and perhaps eternal
Wittkower, 1937/38a, 313-16. happiness.

32 Ripa, 154. 34 For the idea of a submissive or subjugated Fortune, see Wittkower,
1937/38a, passim.
33 Ibid., Felicith eterna is described as a "giovane ignuda con le treccie
d'oro, coronata di lauro sia bella, & risplendente, sedere sopra il cielo 35 See K. Langedijk, The Portraits of the Medici, 15th-18th Centuries,
Florence, 1980, Cat. No. 27.36.
stellato, tenendo una palma nella sinistra mano, & nella destra una fiamma

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 BRONZINO'S ALLEGORY OF HAPPINESS 395

.;

?.;!

4Ni

41&..

5 Workshop of Bronzino, Cosimo I de' Medici at Forty. Turin,

Galleria Sabauda (photo: Alinari)

7 Salviati
ence Seizi
tune. Flor
Palazzo Ve
Sala dell'Udienza
(photo: Brogi)

the camera ducale in the Palazzo Vecchio, which contains

a figure of Justice, "perch" il D[uca] j giustissimo," a Glory,
"sapendo quanto sua Eccellentia sia desiderosa di gloria,"
an Occasio, "perche S. E. ha saputo pigliar in occasione et
uscire de travagli," and a Felicitas, "perche il S. Duca e
id" ?V4 felicissimo."36
In fact, these and similar virtues and personifications
were depicted and celebrated in a wide variety of media
throughout Cosimo's period of government. As has been
seen, Bronzino painted Justice and Prudence in the pen-
dentives of the Chapel of Eleonora shortly after the Medici
took possession of the Palazzo Vecchio. And two decades
later, Vasari portrayed Prudence as Cosimo's principal
counselor in his Cosimo I Planning His Campaign Against

6 Vasari, Cosimo I de' Medici Planning His Campaign against

Siena in the Salone dei Cinquecento (Fig. 6).37 Similarly,
Siena. Florence, Palazzo Vecchio, Salone dei Cinquecento Francesco Salviati depicted an Occasio-Fortuna gently
(photo: Gabinetto Fotografico, Soprintendenza alle Gallerie, seized and tamed by Prudence in the Sala dell' Udienza in
Florence) the Palazzo Vecchio (Fig. 7), and this conceit of a passive

36 Quoted from Del Vita (as in n. 9), 11-13. trayal of Cosimo as a scholar in his study is similar to that of Caesar in
Vasari's Caesar Writing His Commentaries in the Quarter of Leo X (ill.
37 Vasari identified the personification in his painting in the Ragionamenti,
adding that "dalle quali virtui in particolare fu sempre accompagnato in il
A. Cecchi, "Qualche contributo al corpus grafico del Vasari e del suo
ambiente," in Il Vasari, storiografo e artista [Atti del Congresso Inter-
duca Cosimo" (I ragionamenti e le lettere edite e inedite di Giorgio Vasari,
nazionale nel IV Centenario della Morte, Arezzo-Florence, 1974], Flor-
pittore aretino, ed. G. Milanesi, viii, Florence, 1882, 216-17). The por-
ence, n.d., fig. 35).

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396 THE ART BULLETIN SEPTEMBER 1984 VOLUME LXVI NUMBER 3

Fortune recurs in several other contexts associated with the principal element in the impresa, mentioned above,
Cosimo.38 Perhaps the most telling conjunction of twoincluded in Giovio's Sentiose Imprese, and it featured
abstractions also represented in Bronzino's Allegory ofprominently in the decorations at S. Lorenzo for Cosimo's
Happiness is to be found in Paolo Giovio's Sentiose Imprese funeral in 1574.42
of 1562, in which Cosimo himself identified Prudence and In addition to the portrait head of Prudence, the left side
Fate as the principal constituents upon which a ruler's con- of the Allegory of Happiness contains several other details
tinued success depends.39 that bring to mind the Medici and Cosimo I in particular.
Particular details in the painting also connect the Alle- Almost inevitably, the twin globes suggest Medici palle,
gory of Happiness with Cosimo I. For example, while the especially since a similarly focused terrestrial sphere was
stone cube was a general symbol of constancy, it also was painted by Bronzino in the Chapel of Eleonora only two
associated specifically with Cosimo to suggest the stability or three years earlier.43 Also, the Medici palle themselves
provided by his government and patronage. In a medallion sometimes were interpreted as symbolizing the harmony
designed for the Florentine apparato of 1565 and intended and movement of the celestial spheres.44 Extending this
to indicate the interdependence of architecture, painting, analogy, it seems reasonable to suppose that Bronzino
and sculpture, Vincenzo Borghini depicted the Three Gracesintended to play upon the similarity of Cosimo's name to
"fondate sopra la pietra salda del D. Cosimo."40 Similarly, the word cosmos (cosmo in Italian).45 Bronzino's juxta-
if the figure sculptured on the throne of Felicitas publica is
position of the celestial and terrestrial spheres in close prox-
indeed Hercules, then this detail introduces other, multipleimity to the portrait of Cosimo provides visual support for
allusions to Cosimo, to Florence, and to Felicitas herself.this idea. Moreover, Vasari made a direct connection
The legendary associations of Hercules with the origins between
of the "corpo cosmo, che cosi 4 nominato dalli astrol-
Florence and Cosimo's self-identification with the mytho- ogi il mondo" and "il nome del duca nostro signore," and
logical hero are well known.41 However, the relationships painted a similar conjunction of heaven and earth on the
between Felicitas and Hercules and the cornucopia may be ceiling of the Sala degli Elementi in the Palazzo Vecchio
(Fig. 8).
less obvious. In the Imagini Cartari identified Felicitas as
the daughter of Hercules, and the goddess's horn of plenty Fortunately, Vasari himself explained the complex icon-
also derives ultimately from Hercules. Ovid tells us in the
ography of this painting in his Ragionamenti. The principal
Metamorphoses (Ix. lines 80-88) that the cornucopia was subject of the picture is the castration of Caelus by Saturn,
the horn broken off by Hercules in his great fight with the
but it is the huge still life, which occupies most of the center
River Achelous, who had transformed himself into a bull. of the composition, that is of special relevance to Bronzino's
In the Fasti (v. lines 111-128), Ovid gave a different accountpainting. Below a gigantic crown Vasari depicted a mon-
of the origins of the cornucopia, but that version also linksstrous heavenly sphere with an encircling band on which
it nicely with the imagery of Cosimo. According to the appear the signs of the zodiac. Beside this large sphere is
second legend, the cornucopia was the horn of the she-goat, a much smaller globe representing the earth. At one point
owned by the naiad Amalthea, that nursed Jupiter during in the first ragionamento, in which Vasari explains the
his infancy on Mount Ida, and subsequently was honored meaning of the Sala degli Elementi, Francesco de' Medici
by him by being transformed into the constellation of observes that Saturn touches the zodiac at the sign of Cap-
Capricorn. It is well known that Cosimo adopted the sign ricorn, and conveniently asks Vasari to explain the signif-
of Capricorn as his personal device as part of his larger icance of this detail. Vasari's reply is of the utmost signif-
programme of identification with Octavianus Augustus.icance It for an understanding of Bronzino's Allegory of
appears on the reverse of a medal struck in 1539 or 1540; Happiness:
it is painted by Salviati above the figures of Occasio-For-
tuna and Prudence in the Sala dell' Udienza (Fig. 7); it is Quello, come sa Vostra Eccellenza, e un corpo cosmo,

38 Vasari depicted a tamed Fortune in his frontispiece to Bartoli's trans-
lation of Alberti, published by Torrentino with a dedication to Cosimo
I (illustrated with Vasari's preparatory study in Corti, Davis, Davis, and
Kliemann [as in n. 6], Cat. No. 47 a-f, 149-150). Another submissive
Fortune appears in the Salone Grande at the Medici Villa of Poggio a
Caiano (ill. in H. Acton, Great Houses of Italy: The Tuscan Villas, New
York, 1973, pl. 0).
39 Illustrated in K. Forster, "Metaphors of Rule: Political Ideology and
History in the Portraits of Cosimo I de' Medici," Mitteilungen des Kunst-
historischen Institutes in Florenz, xv, 1971, fig. 28 on p. 90. In the Dialogo
dell'imprese militari et amorose, Lyon, 1574, 58, Giovio substituted Virtue
for Prudence, and explained the motto FIDEM FATI VIRTVTE
SEQVEMVR as signifying: "Io far6 con propria virtui forza di conseguire
quel, che mi promette l'horoscopo."
40 R. A. Scorza, "Vincenzo Borghini and invenzione: The Florertine
apparato of 1565," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XLIV,
1981, 60, n. 29, and pl. 4.
41 See L. D. Ettlinger, "Hercules Florentinus," Mitteilungen des Kunsthis-
torischen Institutes in Florenz, xv, 1972, 119-142; Forster (as in n. 39),
72-90; and P. W. Richelson, Studies in the Personal Imagery of Cosimo
I de' Medici, Duke of Florence, New York, 1978, 79-106.
42 The medal is illustrated in Forster (as in n. 39), fig. 20b on p. 86. On
the funeral of Cosimo, see E. Borsook: "Art and Politics at the Medici
Court, I: The Funeral of Cosimo I de' Medici," Mitteilungen des Kunst-
historischen Institutes in Florenz, xII, 1965/66, 31-54, and 45, n. 76, in
particular.
43 Ill. in McCorquodale, pl. 46.
44 M. Fagiolo and M. L. Madonna, "La Casina di Pio IV in Vaticano:
Pirro Ligorio e l'architettura come geroglifico," Storia dell'arte, xv/xvi,
1972, 277-280. Also see H. M. von Erffa, "Meditationen iiber die Palla
Medicea," in Festschrift Ulrich Middeldorf, ed. A. Kosegarten and P. Tig-
ler, I, Berlin, 1968, 392-401.
45 I am indebted to Marilyn Lavin for this suggestion.

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 BRONZINO'S ALLEGORY OF HAPPINESS 397

17It

8 Vasari
Florenc
Element

che cosi e e nominato

per la prudenza e giustizia de' nostri signori, e abbat- d
il nome del duca
tuto, prostrato e confitto in terra da non se poter rilevarenos
questo Stato;
in eterno.-, e Satur
ascendente suo, e m
benigna alla palla
Two thirds of the way through this letter, Borghini pauses del
cana, e, come
in his account of the decorations tocapo
sum up: "Infino a qui d
Eccellenza con
si 6 soddisfatto tanta
a quella parte che riguarda alla pubblica
letizia, e soddisfazione e contento, ed a quello che si ricerca
Assuming that
per esprimere Capr
i comodi e i piaceri e gloria di queste nozze."
celestial sphere
He then continues almost immediately:held b
it can be concluded th
upon the Resta l'ultima parte, ch' 6 il fine e la principale intenzione
nearby "pa
Tuscany di tutta la festa, ch' e its
and tale. Che mediante la prudenza
capit o,
While the per dir
themes
piiu propriamente, sapienza dell'illustrissimo sig. dev
of Happiness would
nostro duca, e col suo giustissimo e clementissimo gov- ha
after Cosimo had
erno, et ultimamente con queste nozze egli abbia stabilito pro
particular per se e appropria
per la sua casa, e pel dominio, uno stato tran-
time that quillo,the quieto, sicuro, e ... beato; epainti
che il suo fedele et
letter to Cosimo in which he described his ideas for the affezionata popolo lo conosca e lo giudichi e lo celebri
decorations to celebrate the arrival in Florence of Francesco per tale, e cosi ne ringrazi Dio, e ne lodi et esalti il suo
de' Medici's bride, Joanna of Austria, Vincenzo Borghini signore.-"
emphasized his duke's "prudentissimo e sapientissimo giu-
dizio," and frequently referred to his "felicissimo stato."48 With certain modifications and some additions, this para-
In fact, on several occasions Borghini's explanations of his graph could also stand as an explication of Bronzino's Alle-
proposals for the apparato of 1565 might serve as com- gory of Happiness.
mentaries upon the Allegory of Happiness. For example, It remains now to consider the reasons for Cupid's par-
at Ognissanti Borghini proposed erecting an obelisk or a ticipation in the Allegory of Happiness and to speculate
pyramid, "con una palla in cima, e sopra una statua come upon the occasion that prompted Francesco de' Medici to
d'Eternita o di Felicita o di Gloria," with an inscription indi- commission this highly polished "quadretto di piccole fig-
cating that it was dedicated to the "perpetua, e stabile felic- ure" from Bronzino. As it turns out, it seems likely that
ita e gloria della casa de' Medici.49 For Piazza S. Michele the answers to the two questions are closely related and
Borghini suggested a painting of Fury, as described by even overlap in many respects.
Virgil: As was suggested earlier in this study, Cupid's presence
in the Allegory of Happiness and particularly his tender
Et intenderei per una furia, et per quel gruppo delle dis- but dangerous gesture connect Felicitas publica with Venus,
cordie, sdegni, parzialita, ingiurie, ruberie, violenze, and suggest the imminence or onset of love. In fact, Felici-
rapine, che rovinano i popoli, dove non 6 buon governo tas and Venus were associated in antiquity, and occasion-
o freno di giustizia; il quale furore per gran grazia di Dio ally Felicitas acquired a particular and sometimes overtly

46 Vasari (as in n. 37), 19-23. As C. Davis demonstrates, a letter from 48 The letter is printed in G. G. Bottari and S. Ticozzi, Raccolta di lettere
Cosimo Bartoli provided Vasari with his programme ("The Pitfalls of sulla pittura, scultura ed architettura scritte da' pih celebri personaggi dei
Iconology, or How It Was that Saturn Gelt His Father," Studies in Icon- secoli XV, XVI e XVII, i, Milan, 1822, LVI, 125-204.
ography, iv, 1978, 79-90). 49 Ibid., 152.
47 For a similar juxtaposition of the earth and the celestial sphere, in which 50 Ibid., 167.
the Medici palla is specifically identified as the earth, see the emblem
51 Ibid., 170-171.
discussed by Von Erffa (as in n. 44), 394-395, pl. CLXXV, 4.

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398 THE ART BULLETIN SEPTEMBER 1984 VOLUME LXVI NUMBER 3

erotic meaning, signifying happiness or simply luck in mat-

ters relating to love.52 In this connection, it is interesting
that certain Roman Imperial coins bearing the legend Venus
Felix are iconographically similar to Bronzino's pairing of
Felicitas publica and Cupid. For example, on the reverses
of several coins minted for Julia Mamaea, Venus is depicted
enthroned and holding Cupid in her right hand, rather as 9 Sestertius of
if he were the palladium (Fig. 9).53 Still more closely related Julia Mamaea,
Venus Felix. Glas-
to the Allegory of Happiness are reverses showing Fecun-
$~ *
'

gow, University
ditas in which the goddess is depicted seated on a throne, r
- I
of Glasgow,
bearing a cornucopia, and extending her hand to a child
: ~ uu~n:l

Hunter Coin Cab-

t
r

who stands before her (Fig. 10).54 In addition to providing i

inet (photo: Hun-
antique prototypes for Bronzino's pairing of Felicitas pub- terian Museum)
lica with Cupid, these reverses suggest another level of
meaning for the Allegory of Happiness. By including Cupid
and representing him as Felicitas' acolyte, Bronzino in a
sense fused Felicitas publica, Venus felix, and Fecunditas,
and invested his picture with something of the character of
an epithalamium, in addition to giving it all the broadly
civic connotations discussed already. This being the case,
10 Sestertius of
it seems reasonable to conclude that the Allegory of Hap-
Julia Mamaea,
piness was commissioned in conjunction with the marriage
Fecunditas. Glas-
of Francesco de' Medici and Joanna of Austria in 1565. Per-
gow, University
haps it was intended to be a private and precious memento of Glasgow,
of the grand public decorations executed to celebrate the Hunter Coin Cab-
event, among them being Bronzino's own allegorical com- inet (photo: Hun-
terian Museum)
positions for the facade of the Palazzo Ricasoli.55
The juxtaposition and interweaving of the civic and the
sensual, the erotic and exalted that have been seen in Bron- FELI C I T 4.
zino's Allegory of Happiness are entirely consistent with
the character of the apparato of 1565. That these two facets i.
.a

of the celebrations were intended to be complementary was

made clear by Borghini himself in his letter to Cosimo when ;*'

he described the various feste as forming, on the one hand,

"un dimostramento ed espressione dell'allegrezza e con-
tento pubblico, accompagnato con onorare e celebrare i ~

loro principi, cosi dalla parte dello sposo, come della sposa"
and, on the other, "una dichiarazione della speranza pub-
blica, dei comodi, onori, gloria e felicita ch'abbia a pro-
cedere da quelle coniunzioni."56 Perhaps this passage can
serve as a final commentary upon Bronzino's Allegory of
Happiness. A visual expression of "allegrezza e contento
pubblico," the painting is at once commemorative and pro-
spective. In a sense like Prudence, it looks back to the
achievement of this "felicissimo stato" through Cosimo's
virtue, prudence, and good fortune, and looks forward to
its continuation and perpetuation under Francesco and
Joanna. In a moment Cupid will transform Felicitas publica ,\i

with love, suggesting that a still more exalted state of hap- ~1PI~]
11 Felicitas Pub-
piness will be born of this union. lica, from Ripa,
The University of Michigan Iconologia, 155
Ann Arbor, MI 48109

52 See Paulys Realencyclopaidie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, ed.
G. Wissowa, vi, 2, Stuttgart, 1909, s.v. "Felicitas," cols. 2163-66.
s3 Carson (as in n. 8), 133, pl. 7, 197 and 202, and A. S. Robertson, Roman
Imperial Coins in the Hunter Coin Cabinet, University of Glasgow, iii.
Pertinax to Aemilian, Oxford, 1977, 166, pl. 50, 26-30.
55 On Bronzino's allegories for the Palazzo Ricasoli, see E. Pillsbury, "The
Temporary Facade on the Palazzo Ricasoli: Borghini, Vasari and Bron-
zino," National Gallery of Art, Report and Studies in the History of Art
1969, Washington, D.C., 1970, 75-83, and Scorza (as in n. 40), 70-72.
56 Bottari and Ticozzi (as in n. 48), 129-130.

54 Ibid., 131, pl. 40, J.M. 17.

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 Tervarent, G. de, Attributs et symboles dans l'art profane, 1450-1600, 2
Bibliography vols., Geneva, 1958 and 1964.
V1lker, A., "Felicitas publica," in Reallexikon zur deutschen Kunstge-
Cartari, V., Imagini delli dei de gl'antichi, Venice, 1647. schichte, ed. K.-A. Wirth, fascicle 82, Munich, 1980.

McCorquodale, C., Bronzino, London, 1981. Wittkower, R., 1937/38a, "Chance, Time, and Virtue," Journal of the
Warburg Institute, I.
Panofsky, E., "Father Time," in Studies in Iconology, New York, 1939.

Ripa, C., Iconologia, Rome, 1603. , 1937/38b, "Patience and Chance: The Story of a Political
Emblem," Journal of the Warburg Institute, i.

Vasari's Vision of the History of Painting: Frescoes in the Casa

Vasari, Florence

Fredrika H. Jacobs

In the most recent study of Giorgio Vasari's frescoes for do not pose a problem, their implications for our view of
the Casa Vasari, Florence, ca. 1569-1573 (Figs. 1 and 2), Vasari, the painter, writer, and academician, do require
Alessandro Cecchi noted Walter Bombe's earlier lament that consideration.
Vasari's Florentine residence has received little attention.' No similar decorative scheme appears in the home of
Despite the addition to the literature of several studies onother artists until Peter Paul Rubens frescoed the facade of
Vasari in general2 and one on the Casa Vasari specifically,3
Bombe's observation still holds true. Identification of the
his house in Antwerp in 1618-1621;. and although Filarete
suggests the honoring of classical artists as an appropriate
frescoes in the Sala delle Arti as Models Approaching thetheme for the house of the architect in his ideal city of Sfor-
Artist's Studio and Apelles Painting Diana (Fig. 3), Apelleszinda, artists did not follow his advice.6 In those instances
and the Cobbler (Fig. 4) and The Origin of Pittura (Fig. 5) in which an artist's decorative program for his home is
has been known since the 1677 publication of Cinelli's known, the concern appears to be a commendation of a
expanded edition of Bocchi's La bellezze della citta di Fior-
patron,7 a bravura display of style,8 or an allegorical apo-
enza.4 But if questions concerning iconographical identities
theosis.- Single representations of classical painters are few,
A version of this paper was delivered at the annual CAA meeting in a man destra ov' L'esposizione al pubblico di sua opera, quando orig-
Philadelphia in 1983. My thanks to the American Philosophical Society liando Apelle, il Calzolaio la scarpa gli censura; nella terza vi e l'in-
for their support of this project and to Paul Barolsky for his criticism and troduzione alla stanza del disegno, ove la mediatrice le donne piui belle
suggestions. per star al naturale conduce, e nell' altra parte quando scegliendo da
Walter Bombe, "Giorgio Vasaris Hauser in Florenz und Arezzo," Bel- ciascuna la parte piu bella, forma l'effigie di Diana; nel fregio son dipinti
vedere, xii-xiii, 1928, 55-59. Corti, et al., 37-47. tutti i pittori suoi contemporanei. ...

2 Svetlana L. Alpers, "Ekphrasis and Aesthetic Attitudes in Vasari's Lives,"

Also see F. Fantozzi, Nuova guida ovvero descrizione storico artistico-
Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, xxiii, 1960, 190-215; critica della citti e contorni di Firenze, Florence, 1842, 277, n. 36.
Catherine Monbeig-Goguel, Vasari et son temps, Paris, 1972; W. Kemp,
' Elizabeth McGrath, "The Painted Decoration of Rubens's House," Jour-
"Disegno: Beitrige zur Geschichte des Begriffes zwischen 1547 und 1607,"
Marburger Jahrbuch fiur Kunstwissenschaft, xix, 1974, 219-240; II Vasarinal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, LxIv, 1982, 229-247.
storiografo e artista (Atti del Congresso Internazionale nel IV Centenario 0 Filarete, Trattato di architettura, ed. John R. Spencer, New Haven, 1965
della Morte), Florence, 1974; T.S.R. Boase, Giorgio Vasari: The Man andII, fol. 9r.
the Book, Princeton, 1979; Nikia S. C. Leopold, "Artists' Homes in Six-
7 Giulio Romano's house has a stucco relief of Mercury, his patron, on
teenth Century Italy," Ph.D. diss., The Johns Hopkins University, 1980,
the facade. The interior appears to illustrate allegorically the benefits of
158-182; M. J. Liebman, "Giorgio Vasari on Relief," Acta Historiae Ar-
Roman civilization. K. W. Forster and R. J. Tuttle, "The Casa Pippi: Giu-
tium, xxvii, 1981, 281-86; Corti, et al., and Matthias Winner, "Poussins
lio Romano's House in Mantua," Architectura, III, 1973, 104-30.
Selbstbildnis im Louvre als kunsttheoretische Allegorie," Romisches Jahr-
buch fifr Kunstgeschichte, xx, 1983, 417-448. 8 The fa;ade of Lelio Orsi's house is a bravura display of perspective and
contrapposto. R. Salvini and A. M. Chiodi, Mostra di Lelio Orsi, Reggio
3Detlef Heikamp, "A Florence la maison de Vasari," L'Oeil, cxxxvii, 1966,
Emilia, 1950, Nos. 14-15, 112-15, and Jacob Bean, Italian Drawings in the
2-9, 42.
Art Museum, Princeton University, Princeton, N.J., 1966, No. 10, 20-21,
SEF Bocchi, La bellezze della cittia di Fiorenza, 2nd ed., Florence, 1677,fig. 10.
305-07:
' Werner K6rte, Der Palazzo Zuccari in Rom, Leipzig, 1935. Kristine
Herrmann-Fiore, "Die Fresken Federico Zuccaris in seinem r6mischen
[Nellal casa del Cavalier Vasari sono ancora molte pitture: la sala e
Kiinstlerhaus," Rbmisches Jahrbuch fiur Kunstgeschichte, xviii, 1979, 35-
tutta dipinta a fresco da Giorgio, nella quale tutta la Storia d' Apelle
112. Kristina Herrmann-Fiore, "Disegno and Giuditio, Allegorical Draw-
si rappresenta: nella prima parete a mano manca, e quando impara a
ings by Federico Zuccaro and Cherubino Alberti," Master Drawings, xx,
disegnare dalla propria ombra volgendo la schiena al lume; nell' 1982,
altra247-256.

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