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PHILIPPINE CORPORATISM: A NOTE
ON THE "NEW SOCIETY"
RobertB. Stauffer
1 See Tom Walsh, Martial Law in the Philippines: A Research Guide and
Working Bibliography (Honolulu, Hawaii: University of Hawaii, Southeast Asia
Working Paper No. 4, 1973) for an early review of the literature. I have begun to
address some of these problems in a recent paper: "Philippine Authoritarianism:
A Framework for Peripheral 'Development'." Robert Shaplen, in an offhand but
accurate brief comment in his excellent "Letter from Manila," mentions that the
organization of labor in the New Societymakes it appear as if the regime is creating
a "syndicalist state not unlike Mussolini's Fascist corporate state." New Yorker,
May 3, 1976, p. 89.
2See the author's "The Political Economy of a Coup: Transnational Linkages
and Philippine Political Response," Journal of Peace Research XI:3 (1974), pp. 161-
178, and "Philippine Martial Law: The Political Economy of Refeudalization,"
WSCF Dossier 10 (December 1975). Also see Herbert Feith, "South-East Asia and
Neo-Colonialism," in Edward P. Wolfers (ed.), Australia's Northern Neighbours.
Independent or Dependent? (Melbourne: Nelson, 1976).
393
394 ROBERT B. STAUFFER
of Society
Rationalization
The exuberantlydiverse,uninhibited,and unregulatedmass media
of the precoup era has been drasticallypruned in numbersof publica-
tions,TV stations,and other communicationchannels permittedby
themartiallaw government. Each of the twomajor sectorsof the media
is organizedinto an integratedassociationof all thoseworkingin the
industry("Kapisanan ng mga Broadkastersa Pilipinas" forradio and
TV, forexample),with each associationheld responsiblefor fostering
theideals of theNew Societyand forhelpingenforceself-censorship on
what is produced,broadcast,or published.A peak governmentcouncil
(Philippine Council for Print Media, for the publishingindustry,for
example)setscensorshipguidelines,polices its half of the total media,
and coordinatesthe role the privatesectoris to play in the successive
governmentpropaganda campaigns.In doing this, the councils must
work closely with the large government-owned sector of the media
whichis under the directionof the Departmentof Public Information.
Structurally, the transformation of the mass media under the New
Societygivesstrongsupportto the propositionthat the Philippines is
being transformedtowards a corporatisttype of polity. Moreover,
the uses to which the media is being put-censorship and the promul-
gation of the themesthat were discussed in an earlier section-give
additionalcredenceto thisreading.
The transformations imposed on labor since 1972, however,con-
stitutean even more clear cut example of corporatistinstitutionaliza-
tion.In the firstyearof martiallaw (forall practicalpurposesthe right
to strikewas denied labor immediately),the governmentorganized a
National TripartiteCongressof Labor, Managementand Government,
and simultaneously began to push forthe unificationof the labor move-
ment. The Congresswas used by the governmentto push througha
new Labor Code providingforcompulsoryarbitrationof labor disputes
and, more recently,to permit a degree of controlledbargainingover
demandsby labor foran increasein the minimumwage.15In a speech
15 Labor during the winter of 1975-1976 had demanded an increase in the
minimum wage from P8 to P18 per day to permit some catching up with an in-
flationrate that had been running above 40% the previous two years (with no wage
increasespermitted).Management opposed any liftingof the minimum wage rate,
arguing instead for ad hoc adjustments. A special meeting of the National Tri-
partiteCongresswas called in April 1976 to work out a compromise.Agreementwas
reached to "recommendan increase in the minimum wage with the final figureto
be decided by PresidentMarcos." Daily Express, April 28, 1976, p. 1. He set a figure
of only PlO for workersin Manila, lesser levels for urban workers in other cities,
and still lower for farm workers.
PHILIPPINE CORPORATISM 399
before a special session of the National TripartiteCongresscalled to
discussthe new labor code, PresidentMarcos spoke about how the gov-
ernment"introducedrationality"into the relationsbetweenlabor and
management,and praised those assembled for their "acceptance of
sacrificeby each and everysectoron an equal burden basis."16Without
touchingon the repressivemeasuresdirectedespeciallytowardslabor
by the regime,thereis ample evidencethatlabor is payingformuch of
the "progress"in the New Society:at a minimum,skilledand unskilled
labor has sufferedan absolute decline of 30% in its real wages since
martial law.17
Pressure has been applied by the governmentto integrate the
widely factionalizedlabor movement,pressurefinallyculminatingin a
Labor ConstitutionalConvention held in December 1975 that pro-
duced a peak labor organization-the "Katipunang MaggagawangPili-
pino" (Trade Union Congressof thePhilippines)-within whichnearly
all labor federations(the Federation of Free Workersremained out)
and the largernational unions are represented.As one account sum-
marized the process:"The TUCP ... was formedin line with the gov-
ernment'srestructuringof the labor movement."The account con-
tinued by pointing out that the basic philosophyof the government
was to push towards a "one-union-one-industry" structurefor labor
unions.18
Justas labor is being rationalizedinto institutionalpatternsclosely
coordinatedby the government,so also for business and industry.As
mentionedearlier,theNew Societyis activelypromotingtherationaliza-
tion of industriesit considersoverlycompetitive.At the organizational
level this same pressureis carried over into sectoral associations.For
example, the variousrival printingassociationshave been coordinated
into a unified,national federation-the PrintingIndustriesAssociation
of the Philippines-a pattern that has been repeated in a varietyof
other industriesranging fromthe metal castingindustryto garment
making. Beyond this the governmenthas encouragedthe businessand
industrial communities-throughtheir respectivechambers of com-
merceand industry-to participatedirectlywith the governmentin the
planningprocess.Finally,the New Societysucceededin 1974 in getting
the various associationsthat can be grouped loosely under the term
"management"to forma peak organization.This association-the Em-
ployersConfederationof the Philippines-is composedof the Chember
of Commerceof the Philippines,the Philippine Chamberof Industries,
16 Official Gazette, 71, No. 21 (May 26, 1975). "Speech to Tripartite Congress
on Implementation of the Labor Code," April 28, 1975, p. 3040-D and p. 3040-L.
17John H. Power, "Philippine Economic Development in the 1970s: Goals and
Strategies." Paper presented at a SEADAG seminar, November 1975, p. 25.
18 Business Day International, December 29, 1975, p. 7. In 1976 the TUCP an-
nounced that in line with a study done by the National Economic and Development
Authority some 400 labor federationswould be phased out relative to collective
bargaining and forced to merge into one or another of 12 broad industry labor
unions. Manila Journal, August 22-28, 1976, p. 3.
400 ROBERT B. STAUFFER
ofPolitics
Rationalization
As was suggestedin the introductoryparagraphs,authoritarian
systemsconstituting
regimes(withstate-corporatist a sub-type)in Third
World nations typicallyproceed to depoliticize and demobilize their
populations-or attempt to do so-after which a limited degree of
controlledmobilizationfornation-buildingpurposesis carriedout. The
phase of the New Society is too well
depoliticization/demobilization
known to require extensivereview here. Thousands of nationalists,
19F. D. Pinpin (compiler and editor), Presidential Decrees Nos. 108-227 and
Related Documents. Book Two. Consolidated Edition. (Mandaluyong, Rizal: Cacho
Hermanos, Inc., 1973).
20 Manila Journal,April 25-May 1, 1976, p. 1. The item continues with "This
will be in line . . . with the President's desire to band the professionsinto one
integratedbody for greater orderlinessand effectiveness."
PHILIPPINECORPORATISM 401
Conclusions
The leadersof the New Society,afterhavingdestroyedthepolitical
institutionsof the precoup regime,have used authoritarianstatepower
to proceed to constructnew institutions,not only for the political
sphereof public life but for the economic and social as well. In each
sector the new institutionshave decidedly corporatistcharacteristics:
competinggroupsare forcedto mergeunder statesponsorship;labor is
coercedinto "cooperating"with managementand the governmentin
buildingthe economy;privateassociationsare integratedunder a for-
mula of a singlepeak body for each profession,economic function,or
social activity;government-sponsored and controlled "representative"
bodies-some with "sectoral" representation-are created; disciplined
"harmony"is decreed as the basis forbuilding the New Societyalong
with "developmentalism";the militaryis accorded new honor,respect,
and power; and massivepublic informationprogramsare directedto-
wardssocializingthe population into the values of the new order.
These trendsfullyjustifyusing the termcorporatismto describe
the basic system-typetendenciesso farevidentin the New Society.The
uses to which these new institutionshave been put, however,do not
35 The New Society has not as yet attempted to create a corporatist political
party to serve along with other institutionsto guide political life. Manoilesco, in a
sequel to Le Siecle dit Corporatisme,theorizes that a corporatiststate requires a
strong, supportive single mobilization party. Schmitter observes that practice in
corporatistregimes demonstrates that such has not been the case. Typically at-
temptsto create such a party end wvithit becoming a weak, bureaucratic appendage
of the state. See Schmitter,"Still the Centuryof Corporatism?"
PHILIPPINE CORPORATISM 407