The Word 'Hindu' in Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇava Texts

Author(s): Joseph T. O'Connell

Source: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 93, No. 3 (Jul. - Sep., 1973), pp.
340-344
Published by: American Oriental Society
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/599467
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340 Journal of the American Oriental Society 93.3 (1973)

The
Thelast
last
two
two
correspond
correspond
to theto
names
the in
names
our inscription. until at least
in our inscription. N.S. 715. Sometime between N.S. 717 and

Documents
Documents from
from
the reign
the reign
of these
ofthree
thesemen
three
are scarce. 725 Purandara was defeated by Siva Simha and Patan
men are scarce.
Uddhava
Uddhava Simha
Simhais mentioned
is mentioned
in fourin
other
fourinscriptions.30 was incorporated into the kingdom of Kathmandu. The
other inscriptions.30
For Purandara there is more documentation. Inscriptions Nepali writer, Dilli Raman Regmi, for some unstated
range in date from N.S. 686 to 717.31 Since his brothers reason, puts this event between N.S. 720 and 724.32
are not mentioned in inscriptions after N.s. 710, it has The period of history in question is of great interest
generally been supposed that Purandara ruled alone in in the history of the Nepal valley. The three brothers
Patan from that date until his defeat at the hands of ruled at the end of a rather obscure period in the history
Siva Simha of Kathmandu, the ruler of the stone in- of Patan. Patan's rightful kings, descendants of Yaksa
Malla, are ignored for a period of about one hundred years
scription of N.S. 725 mentioned above. Our inscription
and their power usurped by a group of aristocrats from
would indicate that Uddhava Simha ruled with Purandara
the family of Jaya Simha Deva. These pradhdnapatras,
as they are called, rule for about a century. The three
2019). Also, D. R. Regmi, Medieval Nepal (Calcutta: brothers are the last of the pradhdnapatras.
Firma K. L. Mukhopadyay, 1966) Part II, p. 263. THEODORE RICCARDI, JR.
30 Rajvamsi, op. cit. pp. 19-20 and D. R. Regmi, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
op. cit. pp. 263-68.
31 Ibid. pp. 265-68. 32 Ibid. p. 268.

The
The word
word'Hindu'
'Hindu'inin
Gaudiya
Gaudiya
Vaisnava
Vaisnava
texts*
texts*

A survey of three Sanskrit and ten Bengali hagiographic texts from early sixteenth to
late eighteenth centuries discloses nearly fifty passages (all in the Bengali texts) in which
the word 'Hindu' appears. Most occurences are in episodes of strained relationships be-
tween Hindus and Yavanas or Mlecchas, as the Muslims are called. The strains are usually
resolved satisfactorily. The word 'Hindu' never appears in a purely intra-communal Hindu
context and has no significance in the central religious concerns of the texts, the expositions
of bhakti. Most frequently 'Hindu' indicates a person or persons. 'Hindu dharma' occurs
seven times, four of the occurences being in the earliest of the Bengali texts surveyed. In
each case 'Hindu dharma' seems to indicate certain actions of a customary and ritual sort
which are the right of Hindus and only Hindus to perform. But there is to be found no
explicit discussion of what 'Hindu' or 'Hindu dharma' means in any of the texts surveyed.

My interest
interest in
in the
the word
word 'Hindu'
'Hindu' is
is that
that of
of an historiancautioned, especially
an historian especially by
by Wilfred
Wilfred Cantwell
Cantwell Smith,2
Smith,2that
that
of Indian religious life, especially of the devotional one cannot assume that such a word as 'Hindu' meant
movement that welled up in Bengal around the ecstatic for its users in the sixteenth century what it means in
figure of Krishna-caitanya at the beginning of the six-the twentieth, nor indeed that it was even in use among
teenth century and that has persisted into the present "the Hindus" of that day, I gathered whatever references
century. While attempting to assess the impact of this to 'Hindu', 'Musulman', 'Yavana', 'Mleccha', etc.,
Bengali, or Gaudlya, Vaisnava movement upon the socialcame my way while reading in the literature of the
and cultural integration-such as there was of integra-Gaudiya Vaisnavas from the sixteenth to the eighteenth
tion-of Bengal from the time of Krishna-caitanya (A.D.centuries. The observations that follow are based on a
1486-1533) to the end of Muslim domination of Bengal selection of thirteen hagiographic documents, three in
in mid-eighteenth century, I inquired into the Vaisnavas'Sanskrit and ten in Bengali, ranging chronologically from
view of the relationships prevailing between the rulingthe first half of the sixteenth to the second half of the
Muslim minority and the Hindu majority.1 Having beeneighteenth century.3 The collection of forty-eight ex
ples of the word 'Hindu' constituted a complete set of
* Paper read to the meeting of the American Oriental
Society, April 8, 1971.
1 Joseph T. O'Connell, "Social Implications of the 2 Wilfred Cantwell Smith, The Meaning and End of
Gaudlya Vaisnava Movement" (Ph.D. diss., Harvard, Religion (New York: Macmillan, 1963), pp. 63-66.
1970), pp. 70-119. 3 See appended chart for list of texts and examples.

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 O'CONNELL: The Word 'Hindu' 341

occurrences of the word in the selected documents, un- Worthless is this body of mine, vain life's breath." (2.16.
less my eye has missed one here or there. 182).
First some quantitative observations are in order. Bhakla-mdla 15.81 (five examples) declares that Ka-
Nowhere in the three Sanskrit texts surveyed for this bir, who was not a Gaudiya Vaisnava, was scolded by
purpose, nor to the best of my recollection in other his relatives (Muslims) and was reported to the Muslim
Sanskrit materials of the movement that I have read, ruler by the Brahmans for adopting Hindu dharma.
does 'Hindu' occur. 'Hindu' does occur, however, in (pp. 226 and 230) Later, at the time of his death, Kabir
the earliest of the Bengali documents listed, appearing became the occasion of a dispute between Hindu and
fourteen times in the Caitanya-bhdgavata. But in five Musulman disciples, each group seeking custody of the
of the ten Bengali documents surveyed it fails to appear site of his death and anticipated burial. (p. 231)
at all. The total of forty-eight examples from roughly These examples make it amply clear that the typical
eighty thousand Bengali couplets is not very large, in- situations calling for use of 'Hindu' by the Vaisniava
dicating a frequency of approximately one 'Hindu' in writers are those involving confrontation and strained
every twenty thousand Bengali words. Moreover, thirty- relationships between the Hindus and another group or
nine of the forty-eight examples are concentrated in five type of people, variously called 'Yavana', 'Mleccha',
chapters of three texts. To learn what kind of situationsor 'Musulman'. Nearly all of the disputes, however, are
called for the use of the word 'Hindu' we may review reported to have been solved to the Vaisnavas' satis-
briefly these five "Hindu chapters." faction. There is no example in these chapters, nor in
Caitanya-bhdgavata 1.16 (seven examples) treats of the the remaining cases either, of 'Hindu' being used in a
trial, punishment and miraculous vindication of a dis- discussion of a matter intramural to the Hindu sphere.
ciple of Krishna-caitanya, one Hari-dasa, a former Mus- Furthermore, it is interesting to note how often it is in
lim. The Qazi (whose functions as depicted in the Vais- the mouth of a non-Hindu that the word 'Hindu' is
nava texts suggest an English rendering of the office as placed by the writers. Among the examples occurring
'inquisitor') charged: "Any Yavana (i.e., Muslim) per- in dialogue, 'Hindu' appears in the mouth of life-long
forming Hindu practices incurs sin deserving of death." Hindus only six times, of the ex-Muslim, Hari-dasa,
(1.16.99) The saint survived a brutal beating, harbored three times, of the Yavanas, Mlecchas or Musulmans
no resentment and was revered thereafter as a pir by (i.e., of the Muslims) twenty-four times. The remaining
the Muslims. He was allowed to go on reciting the names fifteen examples are in statements by the narrators, all,
of Krishna. He is, by the way, the nearest approxima- of course, Hindus.
tion of a martyr among all the Gaudiya Vaisnava notables. The range of items that are qualifiable as Hindu is
Caitanya-bhdgavata 2.23 (six examples) tells of Krishna- considerable. Thus we have 'Hindu' applied to insen-
caitanya's defiance of a Qazi's order prohibiting loud tient objects in "the house of a Hindu" (hindura ghare)
song and dance in honor of Krishna. The Qazi threat- and in "Hindu clothing" (hindu-beta). It is applied to
ened: "If it be not this, if defying me they performhumans in "the Hindu group" (or simply "the Hindus",
Hindu practices, then I shall defile the caste of the whole
hindu-gana), "a Hindu family" (hindu-kule), "the caste
town today." (2.23.377) Faced with a massive proces-of the Hindu(s) (hindura jdti), and "a Hindu spy" (hindu-
sion of unruly Vaisnavas with the usually mild Krishna- cara). On the borderline between entities having pri-
caitanya at their head, and, it would appear, under pres- marily a social reference and those having a religious
sure from the Muslim court as well, the Qazi revoked reference are "Hindu practices" (hinduydni) and "rites
his ban.
of the Hindu(s)" (hindura dcdra). Distinctly religious
Caitanya-caritamrta 1.17 (seventeen examples)entities is Krish-
are "ghost (or idol) of the Hindu(s)" (hindura
na-dasa's account of this same confrontation over public
bhuta), "god of the Hindu(s)" (hindura debatdra), "God
song and dance. In this version the Qazi not only avers
of the Hindu(s)" (hindura isvara) and "Hindu scripture"
that by the custom of village relationship he looks upon
(hindu-sdstre). "Hindu law (or custom)" (hindu-dharma)
Krishna-caitanya as his own nephew, but also confesses: also occurs and will be discussed separately below.
"You are that great God of the Hindus, Narayana; To determine the meaning of 'Hindu' is rather dif-
thus does my heart testify." (1.17.215). ficult. For one thing, there is no Gaudiya Vaisnava
Caitanya-caritdmrta 2.16 (four examples) tells of a exposition of what it means to be Hindu or a Hindu,
Muslim border chief who disguised himself as a Hindu unless we take as a (presumably fragmentary) definition
and with the aid of a Hindu spy visited Krishna-caitanya, of a Hindu the remark of Krishna-caitanya to a Qazi:
confessed his faith in him and lamented (since he dared "The Vedas prohibit the killing (of cows); hence any
not defect from the Muslim group publicly): "Were Hindu (hindu-mdtra) refrains from killing a cow." (CC
I a Hindu I might have remained close by your feet. 1.17.159) In addition to this familiar touchstone of

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342 Journal of the American Oriental Society 93.3 (1973)

what it means to be a Hindu, the examples collected the barbarous alien, who coincidentally happened to
make it rather clear that the basic reference of 'Hindu' profess Islam.
is to people. While there is no example of an abstract However imprecise the boundary of the notion of
term which might be translated as Hindu-ness or Hindu- 'Hindu', especially with respect to the tribal population,
ism (e.g., hindutva), there are some twenty examples there is little or no evidence that a primary religious
of 'Hindu' as a nominative or accusative noun meaning commitment was fundamental to it. For the Vaisnavas
"a Hindu" or "the Hindu(s)". There are another dozen whose texts we are using, it is certain that the serious
examples of 'Hindu' as a genitive noun. In the sixteen religious concern is devotion (bhakti) to Lord Krishna,
examples of 'Hindu' within a compound the word takesnot commitment with the Hindu people nor any view
on a more adjectival sense, though even these examples of the sacred held in common by all Hindus. The only
often may be construed as genitive compounds (e.g., expression in the texts surveyed that might lend itself
hindu-kule," "in a Hindu family", "in the family of a to being translated as "Hindu religion" or "Hinduism"
Hindu"). It would seem that the Vaisnavas thought in (though "Hindu law" or "Hindu custom" would be more
the first instance of a people or a kind of people, the appropriate) is hindu-dharma. There is no detailed anal-
Hindus, and secondarily of the clothing, scriptures or ysis of hindu-dharma in these texts, nor does it ever
what have you that the Hindus, as any people, would appear during an exposition of bhakti, the religious con-
have. cern of the Vaisnavas. The seven examples of hindu-
To form some idea of what sort of people the Vaisnavas dharma and hindura dharma that I have noted are situated
thought the Hindus were we may consider for a moment in scenes of confrontation between the Hindus and their
the counter-group or counter-type of people in confron- opposites. Four of these are in the Caitanya-caritdmrta.
tation with whom the Vaisnava Hindus became aware Non-Vaisnava Hindus contend that it is against hindura
of themselves as Hindus. It is striking that among dharma the
to sing aloud the names of God; the Vaisnavas
verses containing the word 'Hindu' only a handful, defend the custom. Caitanya himself, according to Krish-
from the Bhakta-mald and late portions of the Prema- na-dasa, chides the Qazi for his laxity in the matter:
vildsa, contain the Bengali rendering of 'Musulman' "You are the Qazi with authority to oppose hindu-
while not one contains the word 'Muslim'. These forty- dharma. Yet you do not prohibit it. I do not under-
eight verses contain but a fraction of the references to the stand." (1.17.174) Two of the occurrences of the expres-
non-Hindu people found in the thirteen texts surveyed, sion in the Bhakta-mdla involve Kabir's rejection of
but the complete set of "Muslim verses" reveals preciselyIslam and the complaints of his Muslim relatives and,
the same pattern.4 That is, only in the late eighteenth ironically, of hostile Brahmans that he had espoused
century did Gaudiya Vaisnava literature, so far as our hindu-dharma. (pp. 226 and 230) A third occurrence
sample is representative, begin to acknowledge-as far involves the Musulmans, who are accused of hating
as names are concerned-that the Muslims were Muslims, hindura dharame because they deny Hindus access to the
a religious people, those who submit to God. sacred bathing sites at Mathura. In each of these cases
In the sixteenth, seventeenth, and, for the most part, it is the customary right of Hindus and only Hindus to
the eighteenth centuries the standard names for the non-perform certain actions but not others that is at issue.
Hindu group were 'Yavana' (Ionian; foreigner) and Beyond this circumstantial information there is no ex-
'Mleccha' (barbarian). Bengali renderings of Pathan position of what hindu dharma entails. It is anything
and Turk also appear, but not 'Muslim' or 'Musulman'. but a central topic in Gaudlya Vaisnava literature.
It was over against a group of people or type of people In conclusion I wish to stress these three points. First,
considered both foreign and barbarous (and often vio- the Vaisnavas of Bengal were aware of two distinct
lent, as expressions like kdla-jabana, "Death-Yavava", groups or types of people at least from the early six-
indicate) that the self-awareness of the Vaisnavas as teenth century onward. These were the more native and
Hindus was fashioned. Just where the boundary lay cultivated people, the Hindus, and the more foreign and
beyond which one was not adequately native and cultivat- barbarous people, the Yavanas or Mlecchas, not thought
ed to be considered Hindu is not made explicit, apart of primarily as a religious group. Whether either or both
from the refusal to kill cows. The position of the tribal groups included the tribal population is not clear. Se-
population, whether converted to Islam or not, would cond, the Vaisnavas in Bengal did not place their re-
seem to have been anomalous: native but not cultivated. ligious commitment in the solidarity of the Hindu people
norcultured
The Hindu in the texts we are considering is the in the sacred ideals, if there were such, common to
Hindus. Their religious faith was in Krishna, a mode
Indian aware of himself as such when confronted with
of faith that in principle a non-Hindu could share.
4 O'Connell, op. cit., pp. 88-119. Third, it would seem, then, either that religiously moti-

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 O'CONNELL: The World 'Hindu' 343

vated Hindu communalism is a relatively recent Prema-vildsa

develop- of Nityananda-dasa. Edited by YaSoda
ment in Bengal or that the Gaudiya Vaisnavas are Lailatypi-
TalukdSr. Calcutta: Patrika Press, B.A. 1320
cal. My own opinion is that so long as the Gaudiya (1913).
Vaisnavas remained the pace-setting religious and lit-
CHART SUMMARIZING THE OCCURRENCES OF 'HINDU
erary group in Bengal, i.e., to the turn of the nineteenth
century, their point of view prevailed in Bengal well The chart includes the title, language-Sanskrit (S)
beyond their own movement. With the partial break- or Bengali (B)-, author and date of composition of each
down of Gaudiya Vaisnava faith, self-assurance, and of the texts surveyed. Expressions are located by part,
influence in the nineteenth century, due in part to the chapter and couplet for editions providing such enumera-
criticisms by reformers, this Vaisnava resistance to re- tion and by page otherwise. The category of person
ligiously motivated communal consciousness by Hindusspeaking the word 'Hindu' is indicated by: H (Hindu),
was eroded. Y (Yavana, i.e., Muslim), yH (Hindu converted from
JOSEPH T. O'CONNELL Islam), nH (Hindu author as narrator). Editions used
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO are shown in the bibliography. Dates are A.D.
1. Krsna-caitanya-caritdmrta, (S), Murari Gupta, c.
EDITIONS OF TEXTS USED 1535. No occurrence.

2. Caitanya-bhdgavata, (B), Vrndavana-disa, c. 1545.

SANSKRIT
hindu 1.16.84 yH
Gaura-ganoddega-dipika of Kavi-karnapfira. Fourth Murs- hindu 3.4.55 Y

hidabad edition. Berhampur: Radha-ramana Press, hindure 1.16.72 Y

B.A. 1329 (1922). hinduye 1.16.77 yH

Krsna-caitanya-caritdmrta of Murari Gupta. Edited and hindura acara 1.16.37 Y

published by Mrnal Kanti Ghos. Calcutta, G.A. 459 hindura iacre 1.16.71 Y

(1945). hindura bhuta 2.23.372 Y

Sydmananda-sataka of Rasikananda. Edited by Haridis hindugane 2.23.109 nH

Das. Navadvipa: Haribol Kuti, G.A. 458 (1944). hinduyani 1.16.99 Y

hinduyani 2.23.106 Y
BENGALI
hinduyani 2.23.366 Y
Bhakta-mdla of Lala-dasa. Edited by Aviniaa-candra hinduyani 2.23.361 Y
Mukhopadhyaya. Calcutta: Aksay Library, n.d. hinduyani 2.23.377 Y

Bhakti-ratndkara of Narahari-dasa. Edited by Nandahindu-kule 1.16.83 yH

Lal Vidyasagar. Calcutta: Gaudiya Mission, 1960. Fourteen occurrences.
Caitanya-bhdgavata of Vrndavana-daisa. Edited by Bhak-
3. Gaurdnga-vijaya, (B), Ciudamani-disa,
, c. 1550.
ti Kevala Audulomin. Third edition. Calcutta: Gau- hindu p. 36 nH
diya Mission, 1961. hindu P. 101 nH
Cailanya-caritamrta of Krishna-dasa Kaviraja. Edited Two occurrences.
by Bhakti Vilas Tirtha: Fifth edition. Mayapur: Cai- 4. Caitanya-maigala, (B), Jayananda, c. 1555.
tanya Matha, G.A. 470 (1956). No occurrence.
Caitanya-mangala of Jay&nanda. Edited by Nagendra 5. Caitanya-mangala, (B), Locana-dasa, c. 1565.
Nath Basu. Calcutta: Bangiya Sahitya Parisad, B.A. No occurrence.
1312 (1905). 6. Gaura-ganoddega-dipika, (S), Kavikarnapiira, 1576.
Caitanya-mangala of Locana-dasa. Edited and published No occurrence.
by MrnFl Kanti Ghos. Third edition. Calcutta, B.A. 7. Karndnanda, (B), Yadunandana-dasa, 1607 (?).
1354 (1947). No occurrence.
Gaurdiga-vijaya of Ciludmani-dasa. Edited by Sukumar 8. Caitanya-caritdmrta, (B), Kr na-dasa Kaviraja, 1612-
Sen. Bibliotheca Indica Work No. 283, Issue No. 15
1576. Calcutta: Asiatic Society, 1957. hindu 1.17.194 Y
Karndnanda of Yadunandana-dasa. Murshidabad edi- hindu 1.17.195 Y
tion. Berhampur: Radhai-ramana Press, B.A. 1335 hindu 1.17.196 Y
(1928). hindu 1.17.203 nH
Narottama-vilasa of Narahari-dasa. Second Murshida- hindu 2.16.182 Y
bad edition. Berhampur: Radha-ramana Press, B.A. hinduke 1.17.201 Y
1329 (1922). hinduke 1.13.95 nH

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344 Journal of the American Oriental Society 93.3 (1973)

CHART SUMMARIZING THE OCCURRENCE OF 'HINDU' CHART SUMMARIZING THE OCCURRENCES OF 'HINDU'

hindure 1.17.198 Y 10. Prema-vildsa, (B), Nityananda-dasa, mid 17th cent.

hindura dharma 1.17.193 Y with later additions, including portion cited.
hindura dharma 1.17.204 H hindu p. 253 nH
hindura dharma 1.17.210 H hindura jati p. 253 nH
hindu-dharma- Two occurrences.
birodhe adhikari 1.17.174 H 11. Narottama-vildsa, (B), Narahari-dasa, early 18th cent.
hindura ghare 1.17.178 Y No occurrence.
hindura debatara 1.17.197 Y 12. Bhakti-ratndkara, (B), Narahari-dasa, early eight-
hindura ISvara 1.17.215 Y eenth cent.
hindu-matra 1.17.159 H No occurrence.

hinduyani 1.17.126 Y 13. Bhakta-mdla, (B), Lala-dasa, late 18th cent.

hinduga.na 1.17.202 Y hindu p. 231 nH
hindukule 2.16.181 Y hindu p. 231 nH
hindu-sastre 1.17.212 H hindu p. 231 nH
hindu-cara 2.16.162 nH hindu p. 286 nH
hindu-besa 2.16.178 nH hindu p. 315 nH

Twenty-two
Twenty-two occurrences.
occurrences. hindu-dharma p. 226 Y

9. Sydmdnanda-gataka,
Sydmdnanda-gataka,(S),
(S),Rasikananda
Rasikanandaearly
early17th
17th
hindura dharama p. 230 H

cent. hindura dharame p. 286 nH

No occurrence. Eight occurrences.

Nibbana as a reward for Kamma

The paths to the goals of Nibbdna and better rebirth were originally incompatible with
one another in Theravada Buddhist thought. Nonetheless, the Khuddakapdtha of the Pali
canon contains one passage representative of an essentially lay tradition which worked to
harmonize the ultimate and proximate goals. According to this passage, which is opposed
to the usual position, Nibbdna, like samsaric pleasure, can be obtained through meritorious
action. This idea is reiterated in one other passage of the ancient authoritative literature.
Milindapaiha 341 suggests that in the bazaar where all manner of blessings are to be ob-
tained, even Nibbdna is available for purchase by the individual with sufficient good kamma
as the price. The original qualitative distinction between the goals of Nibbana and better
rebirth is thus reduced in these passages to something of a quantitative distinction.

In Theravada Buddhism attainment of the goal of harmony.1 Indeed, the attempt to harmonize the ul-
Nibbdna on the one hand, and continued rebirth in the timate goal of Nibbdna and the proximate goal of better
round of samsdra on the other were normally mutually
exclusive. This incompatibility between the goals of 1 The partial harmonizing of this antithesis has been
Nibbdna and better rebirth arises because the attainment noted by Winston L. King, In the Hope of Nibbana: An
of Nibbdna involves the end of samsaric existence. By Essay on Theravada Buddhist Ethics (LaSalle, Illinois,
definition those deeds which can lead to further rebirth 1964), pp. 169-170; and by Melford E. Spiro, Buddhism
must lack the equanimous character which is necessary and Society: A Great Tradition and Its Burmese Vicis-
for the attainment of Nibbdna. Even happy rebirths situdes (New York, 1970), pp. 83-84. Their discussions
are at best a detour delaying the ultimate attainmentof the resulting synthesis-if it may be so termed-both
of Nibbdna. are based primarily on materials relating to contem-
But if the quest for the goals of Nibbdna and porary better Burma. These two authors are correct in noting
rebirth were originally and ideally antithetic, there the significance of the shift, but their silence with res-
none-
theless has been a long tradition, especially in lay pect
Bud-to classical texts relating to this point seems to
dhism, which worked to bring the two goals into greater that they both consider this development to be
imply

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