Cities 60 (2017) 353–366

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Cities

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/cities

Rethinking Dubai's urbanism: Generating sustainable form-based urban

design strategies for an integrated neighborhood
Khaled Alawadi
Engineering Systems and Management, Sustainable Critical Infrastructure Program, Masdar Institute of Science and Technology, P.O. Box: 54224, Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: Dubai needs immediate intervention to retrofit its current development strategies with a new emphasis on sus-
Received 17 May 2016 tainability. Dubai's urbanization process compromised the environment to meet economic goals and housing ne-
Received in revised form 29 September 2016 cessities for citizens. This research asks, which form-based urban design strategies can most effectively deliver
Accepted 16 October 2016
greater environmental, social, and economic coherence in Dubai's neighborhood development? Two rounds of
Available online 24 October 2016
the Delphi, a structured communication technique utilizing multiple rounds of questioning, were employed to
Keywords:
obtain experts' advice on redefining urbanism in Dubai. Findings stress that for Dubai, the most sustainable
Geography specific urbanism neighborhoods will feature compactness, connectivity and multiple transportation options, diversity, culturally
Urban form relevant urbanism, and climate-sensitive urbanism, all integrated in the urban fabric. Results confirm that sus-
Neighborhood development tainability cannot be studied in abstraction from context: experts identified various obstacles that the local con-
Sustainable urbanism text presents to the implementation of these principles. Developing and successfully implementing strategies to
Dubai's urbanism promote sustainability in Dubai is therefore a complex process that requires a shift in government priorities and
Dubai's planning system cultural norms. The article argues that planners and officials should balance the claims of social, economic, and
environmental sustainability rather than allowing economic strategies and social subsidies to dwarf environmen-
tal stewardship; planners must acknowledge all three factors equally and come up with context-relevant solu-
tions and practical compromises. Officials should create a policy environment that supports such balance, and
planners and officials should work together to institute a more transparent and inclusive process for making de-
cisions about the built environment.
© 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction
Gulf cities such as Dubai, Abu Dhabi, and Doha have experienced ex-
cessive development pressure over the last 20 years (Rizzo, 2014).
Among Gulf cities, Dubai has received the most attention from scholars
because it led the way in defining its brand of urbanism and bolstering
its global image. In aspiring to dominance, Dubai pioneered the race to-
ward swift development in the Gulf. Dubai has developed so quickly
that Bagaeen (2007) described it as having undergone “instant” urban-
ism (p.174), in contrast to the long development process that has char-
acterized most Western cities. The city had spillover effects on
neighboring cities, leading Elsheshtawy (2010) to introduce the term
“Dubaization” to describe the efforts of Gulf and world cities (e.g., Abu
Dhabi, Doha, Cairo, Manamah, Istanbul, and Sofia) to imitate or surpass
Dubai's model. This model embraces economic liberalism (Pacione,
2005, p. 256) and “bigness” (Koolhaas & Mau, 1995), including “mega-
projects and spectacular architecture on a massive scale” (Ponzini,
2011, p. 252), a big capital, big corporations, and grandiose design
E-mail addresses: kalawadi@mit.edu, kaalawadi@masdar.ac.ae.
aimed at conveying the image of a new kind of city for purposes of glob-
al branding and economic diversification (Acuto, 2010).
Dubai's urban landscape has been formed by the social and political
economy of the place (Crot, 2013; Cugurullo, 2015). According to
Pacione (2005), Dubai's housing policy and liberal market has engen-
dered “demand-oriented planning” (Bagaeen, 2007, p. 175) aimed at
creating “comfort zones” for citizens, affluent expatriates, and tourists
(Acuto, 2010, p. 280). The proliferation of suburban neighborhoods for
native citizens and high-end projects for expatriates highlights the ex-
clusionary urban practices (Crot, 2013) that pose formidable challenges
in large parts of Dubai (Pacione, 2005).
As Cugurullo (2015) has observed, the process of urbanization in the
Emirates largely focuses on economic strategies and social subsidies for
citizens; environmental concerns are either not prioritized or undevel-
oped. Government housing programs for native citizens stimulated sub-
urban growth and reflected a commitment to certain kinds of social
sustainability, such as ensuring the stability of the family structure and
the wellbeing of citizens. The overarching aspiration of diversifying
the economy, meanwhile, has stimulated the evolution of a new urban
landscape that is massive in scale and privatized in nature (Machado,
2006). Exclusive rather than grassroots or inclusive decision-making

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2016.10.012
0264-2751/© 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
354 K. Alawadi / Cities 60 (2017) 353–366

has been the principal means of accelerating the city's development

(Pacione, 2005; Bloch, 2010).
The present moment offers a unique opportunity for rethinking
Dubai's urbanism. Like cities in the European Union and the United
States, Dubai took a significant hit in the 2008 recession and conse-
quently deferred much of its development agenda. As Bloch (2010,
p. 949) noted, Dubai's real estate market experienced a “shake-up”; its
financial reputation and image plummeted. But in November 2013,
Dubai won its bid to host the World Expo in 2020 and, since then, has
been recovering from its financial difficulties. How can the city use
this period of recovery to re-strategize its growth in the direction of
urban sustainability?
This paper is a case study of Dubai that describes the city's pressing
development challenges and identifies strategies for designing a more
sustainable development model than Dubai's current approach. These
strategies were identified by collecting design recommendations from
a panel of experts using two rounds of the Delphi, a method that struc-
tures a group of experts to explore ideas and facilitate problem solving
(Landeta, 2005). The author solicited the insights of scholars and practi-
tioners with the goal of identifying the five to ten most effective form-
based urban design strategies that Dubai could adopt to create neigh-
borhoods that integrate social, economic, and environmental sustain-
ability. Experts also identified barriers that Dubai's context presents to
the effective implementation of these strategies.
Analysis of the Delphi results identified eight principles that are
most likely to help Dubai create neighborhoods that are environmental-
ly, socially, and economically sustainable. Of these eight, experts identi-
fied five principles as most important: compactness, connectivity,
diversity, culturally relevant urbanism, and climate-sensitive urbanism.
This article discusses these five principles in turn, including obstacles
that Dubai's unique context presents to their implementation. The arti-
cle then turns to the challenges of implementation: in light of the obsta-
cles that the local context presents, how can Dubai move toward
implementing these principles?

2. Background on Dubai's urbanism

2.1. Growth & challenges

In the mid-twentieth century, Dubai was a small, fairly self-

sufficient, integrated fishing village that reflected the surrounding tradi-
tional society. In the 1990s, Dubai branded itself as a global showcase
and, since then, has experienced massive development. Literature on
Dubai indicates that the city has undergone four phases of urban expan-
sion: (1) slow expansion, from 1900 to 1955; (2) compact development,
from 1955 to 1970; (3) suburban growth, from 1970 to 1990s; and
(4) globalization, from 1993 to the present (Elsheshtawy, 2004; see
Fig. 1).
Beginning in the 1980s, during the third phase of growth, an abun-
dance of resources from oil spurred a period of growth characterized
by a preference for sprawl over compactness: local neighborhoods
spread out and expanded in scale (Velegrinis & Katodrytis, 2015). The
government continues to support the expansion of low-density neigh-
borhoods and shows no signs of altering this policy orientation. Housing
subsidies are a key part of the social contract between the government
and its citizens, and generous economic benefits and housing incentives
are critical for retaining the status quo decision-making regime (Crystal,
1995). Housing subsidies for native citizens represent a “politics of dif-
ferentiation” and “state-devised socio-spatial segregation” (Crot, 2013,
p.2821) that natives consider essential to the preservation of their her-
itage in the face of a dramatic influx of expatriates (Pacione, 2005; Crot,
2013).
In the 1990s, to reduce its reliance on dwindling oil reserves, Dubai Fig. 1. Dubai's urban growth since 1973. Diagrams were developed using iglutropical
set out to become a global city (Pacione, 2005). Like other cities that as- satellite images (http://www.passportdiary.com/category/tropical/)(Developed by
pire to become global hubs (Rofe, 2003), Dubai has reconfigured city Khaled Alawadi & Asim Khanal, MSc student).
spaces to attract international capital and has allowed market forces
 K. Alawadi / Cities 60 (2017) 353–366
and top-down planning to determine how space is used. As a result, pri-
vate agencies have become very powerful agents in shaping the city.
Dubai allowed the real estate industry to govern land use, especially in
free-zone areas (free-enterprise areas without income taxes) with the
aim of emerging as a business, logistic, and leisure destination.
One result has been new forms of development that emphasize
high-profile urbanism and gleaming architecture, in emulation of the
“big” architecture and urban practices that originated in Singapore,
Hong Kong, and Kuala Lumpour (Davidson, 2008; Acuto, 2010). One of
the first things Dubai did to globalize the city was construct a contempo-
rary downtown area along Dubai's main highway corridor, Sheikh
Zayed Road. Spectacular numbers of high-rises were built along this
stretch of highway, in a move that recalls Putrajaya, a city planned to
symbolize a “modern Malaysia” (Moser, 2010). This dramatic new con-
struction changed the Dubai's skyline and image. (See Fig. 2.)
Dubai's urbanization is largely unresponsive to the city's desert land-
scape and to significant portions of its social landscape. As Curran
(2010) has argued, Dubai is built on “speculation rather than foresight”
(p. 5). Its urbanization process has created large spatial gaps between
individual projects (Elsheshtawy, 2008). The proliferation of suburban
neighborhoods for nationals and high-end urbanism for elite expatri-
ates has given much of the city an exclusive character (Pacione, 2005).
Its urban form is neither integrated nor networked but is instead
fragmented (Machado, 2006), reflecting a pattern that Graham and
Marvin (2001) refer to as “splintering urbanism” (see Fig. 3). The
generous economic incentives for citizens, liberal approach to business,
top-down planning, and relaxed planning control have created an urban
environment that neglects the environment and large portions of the
public (Acuto, 2010).
2.2. Planning decision-making
Dubai's rapid increase in scale is endorsed by its “neo-patrimonial”
governance system, in which government and business interests are
tightly connected and decision-making power is concentrated among
a small group of business elites and politically powerful tribes. The inte-
gration between the state and the private sector produced a city form
that is “a spatial expression of economic strategy” (Pacione, 2005,
Fig. 2. Dubai's linear downtown corridor in its desert landscape.
355
p. 264). In this “hybrid form of government, the public and private
melt together without clear-cut boundaries” (Acuto, 2014, p.1737).
Separation between public and private sectors does not exist because
the same actors—core members of the government and prominent
tribal allies—“have key positions in public decision making and in the
management of private companies” (Ponzini, 2011, p. 254). Decisions
are made by this network of government officials and powerful tribe
leaders. This network directs the city's economic and urban develop-
ment through state-owned private companies that position the govern-
ment as both a public and a private entity. This governance mechanism
has a huge appetite for swift investment return, and this priority has
dominated development and created dire morphological problems in
the city's built structure (Machado, 2006).
2.3. Dubai's neighborhoods
Dubai's government policies, cultural norms, and market forces have
created neighborhoods characterized by ethnic and socio-economic en-
claves and segregation (Pacione, 2005). Native-born citizens have their
own subsidized neighborhoods segregated from migrant groups. Their
housing is the responsibility of the public sector, whereas expatriate
housing needs are accommodated by the private sector. Every citizen
household receives a government subsidy of either a new, move-in-
ready home or a land parcel of at least 10,000 square feet with a no-
interest mortgage. The subsidization of land, energy, and water is a
deep-rooted part of the relationship between the government and citi-
zens. While Emiratis may appreciate that the government shares capital
with citizens in these ways, some scholars argue that the government is
“subsidizing environmentally unsustainable” practices (Crot, 2013,
p. 2821). Dubai's political boundary contains 4150 km2 of land, 38% of
which (1565 km2) is designated for development. Subsidized neighbor-
hoods occupy a large swath of this built landscape (201 km2; 14% of
developed land) and are predominantly designed as low-density,
single-use residential zones.
The built landscapes of Emirati neighborhoods in Dubai have taken
distinctive forms during different historical periods (see Fig. 4). This
evolution of forms is attributed to changes in planning codes and resi-
dents' socio-economic status. Prosperity from oil revenue in the late
356 K. Alawadi / Cities 60 (2017) 353–366

Fig. 3. A section of Dubai's landscape showing its dispersed and disintegrated form of urbanism.

1970s and real estate speculation in the 1990s also contributed to
changes in national housing forms. Neighborhoods built after the
1980s suffered from sprawl. Planners replaced the traditional grid pat-
tern of the early 70s with looping streets and long blocks. In addition, vi-
brant communities with high density standards (7 to 10 units per acre)
and close-knit homes on lots that averaged 50 × 50 ft were replaced by
lower density levels (2 to 4 units per acre) and larger land parcels
(100 × 150 ft). Dubai's native-born neighborhood development follow-
ed the post–World War II North American model of urbanism, charac-
terized by low density and discontinuous patterns.
As the exclusive zones for citizens suggest, Dubai does not mix expa-
triates with the local population on any significant scale. For that reason,
expatriates' living environments are mainly created and controlled by
the private sector. The market offers a collection of neighborhood pat-
terns in free-zone areas (260 km2; 18% of developed land) and areas ad-
jacent to citizens' neighborhoods (see Fig. 5). Those adjacent to citizens'
neighborhoods offer residences located mainly in central areas, while
the free-zone projects that appeared in the 90s are mainly gated com-
munities or towers on the outskirts.
3. Sustainable urban forms in the literature
Sustainable development as it pertains to urban design is mostly
about the form of the built environment. Jonathan Barnett (1982) de-
scribed urban design as the act of forming and designing cities, not
buildings; urban design is also defined as the "art of place-making,
where places" entail space, people, activity, and natural setting
(Buchanan, 1988, p.33). Cullen (1961, p. 14) defined urban design as
the “art of relationship” that symbiotically weaves together environ-
mental elements such as buildings, transportation infrastructure, and
landscape. Urban design is, indeed, more than the conversion of physi-
cal territory into land uses; it is also a set of relationships controlled
by technical and socio-economic processes (Ferrao & Fernández,
2014). Mandanipour (1996, p. 117) defines urban design as the

Fig. 4. A photo montage showing 0.5 mile2 of different types of neighborhoods for native-born citizens. The top left image shows a traditional, late-60s urban neighborhood with
interconnected, permeable street systems and alleyways (density = 7 to 10 units/acre). The top middle and right figures show the early-70s coarse grid. High densities of at least
8 units were maintained, yet streets became less interconnected. The three images in the bottom row show suburban neighborhoods (from the 80s to the present) with loops, curves,
a broken street system, and superblocks (density = 2 to 4 units/acre).
 K. Alawadi / Cities 60 (2017) 353–366
Fig. 5. A photo montage showing 0.5 mile2 of different forms of expatriate living environments. The top row shows three gated communities served with vast landscape features; these
complexes typically accommodate high- to middle-income expatriates. The bottom row shows other housing forms for expats, including townhouses, single-family units, and apartment
complexes. The townhouses and villas are typically adjacent to neighborhoods for native-born citizens.
“multidisciplinary activity of shaping and managing urban environ-
ments, interested in both the process of this shaping and the space it
helps shape.” In Good City Form, Lynch (1981) described urban design
as a discipline dealing with the form of built environments and added
that which form a city should take and which attributes shape its society
are “ancient questions” (Lynch, 1981, p. 73).
There is a long history of debate among urban designers over the
ability of different forms of urban development to provide “better”
and more sustainable environments. The article organizes urban design
debates related to urban form and sustainability into two categories:
classical (or historical) debates and contemporary debates.
Major classical streams of thought on city form and urban life in-
clude the work of several intellectuals whose work is both divergent
and complementary (Sternberg, 2000): Jane Jacobs, who advocated di-
versity and human animation in space (1960); Camillo Sitte (1965)
and Edmund Bacon (1974), whose work focused on good city design
and the formal, artistic qualities of space; Rowe and Koetter (1975),
who rejected the utopian ideas of total and comprehensive planning
and presented the “collage city,” which can accommodate a modest
and miniature form of planning; Norbert-Schulz (1979), who stressed
design to preserve indigenous, local identity and history of place;
Kevin Lynch, whose work emphasized place identity, image, and
elements of good city forms (Lynch, 1960, 1981); and Christopher
Alexander, whose work emphasized patterns and scale, day-to-day life
or every day urbanism, and the “organic” growth of cities (Alexander,
1977, 1987). Debates between these classical thinkers were embedded
in the academy and focused on resolving city problems to develop
urban development theory.
By contrast, contemporary debates include the visions and priorities
of multiple segments of the population, including not only scholars but
also politicians, practitioners, and citizens. Movements such as New Ur-
banism and Smart Growth emphasize integration of land use with pub-
lic transit and walkable communities (Duany, Plater-Zybrek, & Speck,
2001). Others, such as Jan Gehl (2011, 2013) and Matthew Carmona
(2010), concentrate on the use and design of the public domain, urban
form improvement, urban quality, and cities' human dimensions. An-
other group of experts conceives of sustainability as a combination of
357
qualitative and quantitative metrics and debates an integrative ap-
proach to sustainable urban forms and metabolic analyses: Elizabeth
Burton (2002) measured the compactness of several U.K towns;
Ewing, Pendall, and Chen (2002) developed a “numerical index of
sprawl for eighty-three U.S. cities” (as cited in Wheeler, 2008); and
Codoban and Kennedy (2008), and Ferrao and Fernández (2014) devel-
oped a set of frameworks to measure urban metabolism and the perfor-
mance of cities.
According to Breheny (1996), the emergence of the sustainable de-
velopment concept in 1987 brought with it a new frontier aimed at re-
storing urban design's role in promoting sustainable development, and
the big question now is, Which urban forms will effectively deliver
greater environmental, social, and economic coherence (Breheny,
1996)? Scholars agree that an urban area's physical form affects its sus-
tainability (Williams, Burton, & Jenks, 2003). Creating a sustainable built
environment is about establishing a process—a set of relationships and
morphological strategies—aimed at lessening consumption and emis-
sions. Resource efficiency and energy conservation require urban design
tenets that sustainably organize and arrange the elements of urban form
(e.g., buildings, street patterns, urban blocks, lot configuration, land-
scape, layout of public spaces; Wiedmann, 2008).
According to Jabareen (2006), in 1990 the EU published a significant
green paper advocating the foundational principles of sustainable urban
forms. Since then, scholars and professionals in the “West” have
searched for what this sustainable urban form will look like, how it
will function and operate, and how it will change and adapt over time.
Several studies have described the morphological features of sustain-
able cities. Wheeler (2003, p. 327) finds that five urban form
principles—“compactness, contiguity, connectivity, diversity and eco-
logical integration”—are particularly significant for sustainable urban
development. Jabareen (2006) emphasizes that urban sustainability re-
quires a high-density built environment and a diversity of residents and
land uses and integrates multiple transportation options and passive
systems arranged compactly.
As this summary indicates, the sustainable urbanism literature aims
for universality: it articulates ideals and prescribes design strategies
meant to apply to all cities broadly. But while sustainable development
358 K. Alawadi / Cities 60 (2017) 353–366
is conceptually universal, its implementation is context dependent;
what is sustainable for one place is not always sustainable for another
(Jenks & Kozak, 2008). Urban form both responds to and integrates
with local geographical, cultural and economic systems; there is no sin-
gle urban sustainability form that fits all cases. It is more practical to
plan for urban sustainability on an individual, “case-by-case basis”
(Wiedmann, 2008, p. 458).
The place-relevance of sustainable urbanism is particularly salient in
light of existing research's emphasis on Western societies. Considerable
effort has been dedicated to researching and theorizing sustainable ur-
banism (Williams, Burton, & Jenks, 2000; Burgess & Jenks, 2002;
Williams et al., 2003; Wheeler, 2003; Charlesworth, 2005; Jenks &
Dempsey, 2005; Jabareen, 2006; Jenks & Kozak, 2008; Jenks & Jones,
2009; Condon, 2010; Lehmann, 2010; Roy & Ong, 2011; Beatley &
Newman, 2012; Hassan & Lee, 2015). However, the majority of this re-
search neither originates from nor is contextualized by the UAE and the
Gulf; it's a collection of efforts coming from different regions of the
world.1 Without adaptation, none of it applies to the UAE or to Dubai
in particular, with its vast growth rate and totally different environmen-
tal context, political system, and cultural beliefs. For example, places
with centralized forms of governance are not well represented in the
sustainable urbanism literature. Top-down planning is a very real chal-
lenge: historically rooted approaches to decision making are not easily
changed. Dubai lacks a regulatory structure that can shift the market's
and government's shared orientation toward sustainability.
But as the city continues to experience rapid population increases
and urbanization, there is a pressing need for urban sustainability
guidelines tailored to or originated in Dubai. Literature on the develop-
ment of urban form in the region has focused not on sustainability but
on the area's recent and rapid development and prosperity. Meanwhile,
successful regional precedents and models of sustainable urbanism are
limited. To address this need, this research discusses multiple strategies
for promoting sustainable urban design in Dubai.
4. Methods
The Delphi technique has been widely used to aid decision making in
such areas as urban planning, transportation, public policy, and health
care (Morgan, Pelissero, & England, 1979). For this research, the Delphi
was structured to collect and analyze the opinions of experts whose
practice or scholarship had meaningfully contributed to the literature
on sustainable urbanism, who had an academic or professional connec-
tion to the topic, and who were highly motivated to participate in the
study. The final panel included academics and practitioners in urban de-
sign, planning, architecture, and sustainable development. The panel in-
cluded experts living in the Middle East, the Gulf region, and the United
Arab Emirates, as well as experts from the Indian subcontinent, Europe,
North America, and Australia. Analysis carefully attended to experts' na-
tionality and place of residence to identify any place-relevant patterns.
Experts from different areas diverged primarily on the topics of density,
diversity, and cycling; these divergences are noted in the discussions of
these topics, below.
Invitations to participate were sent to 128 experts. Data collection
was divided into two iterations (see Fig. 6). A pilot study was carried
out to test the comprehension and length of the questionnaires. The au-
thor used two questionnaires and compiled and synthesized partici-
pants' insights into two reports. The process took seven months and
was managed through e-mail and a spreadsheet. To protect experts' pri-
vacy, questionnaires and reports were e-mailed to each expert
1
Sustainable urban forms are a relatively new concept in the literature (Jabareen,
2006), and this concept is even more novel in the literature on hot, arid regions such as
the Gulf. Dubai and the region's cities lack explicit guidelines and studies that promote
sustainable neighborhood forms for sustainable regional development. Regional prece-
dents and models of sustainable urbanism are also limited; Masdar is a promising case,
yet implementation is facing fundamental challenges. Therefore, there is a pressing need
for urban sustainability guidelines that suit Dubai and the region's landscape.
individually rather than to the group collectively. A spreadsheet was de-
signed to organize and track the process of data collection and my com-
munications with experts. The round 1 questionnaire asked experts to
list urban design strategies that would be most likely to lead Dubai to
neighborhoods that integrate social, economic, and environmental sus-
tainability in a coherent manner. The round 2 questionnaire was de-
signed to discover how suitable and effective the proposed strategies
would be within the context of Dubai. Panel members' contributions
were analyzed and reported anonymously by assigning a letter code
to every expert indicating his or her first initial, along with a number
in cases where more than one person had the same first initial
(e.g., B1, B2, etc.). The response rate in both rounds of the Delphi was
very acceptable. Thirty-eight experts participated in the first round,
and 41 in the second round. Nineteen of whom were experts of the
local academia, and 5 from the GCC.
5. Delphi round I and II: Major findings
The first Delphi round asked the panel, “Which form-based urban
design strategies will effectively deliver greater environmental, social,
and economic coherence in Dubai's neighborhood development?” The
experts' aggregated responses highlighted eight principles: (1) com-
pactness, (2) connectivity, (3) diversity, (4) culturally relevant urban-
ism, (5) climate-sensitive urbanism, (6) green spaces in the urban
fabric, (7) circular metabolism with eco-balanced design applications,
and (8) adaptability. Fig. 7 integrates these principles into a neighbor-
hood diagram. Although the order of the eight strategies does not reflect
a ranked preference, the panel strongly prioritized the first five; this
article focuses on these five strategies. Findings also revealed that public
participation in city design is vital to the creation of sustainable
neighborhoods in Dubai.
Round 2 asked follow-up questions designed to identify site-scale
and building-scale design specifics. Round 2 also asked about barriers
to implementing the experts' recommendations. In many ways, the de-
sign strategies that participants prioritized in Round 1 reflect ideal prin-
ciples of sustainable urbanism. Yet, Dubai is a unique place, with a
centralized governance structure, deeply held cultural beliefs, and
harsh, desert-like environmental conditions. Any effort to identify cul-
turally and politically feasible approaches to implementing the experts'
recommendations requires careful understanding and awareness of
Dubai's context. For that reason, Round 2 asked about the suitability
and effectiveness, within Dubai's cultural, political, and climatic context,
of design ideas and decision-making strategies such as incorporating
inclusive housing, bike infrastructure, high density levels, and public
participation.
6. Prioritized strategies
6.1. Compact development
The majority (n = 32) of the experts argued that a sustainable Dubai
should be based on strategies of compact development, which promote
densification (a variety of density levels), proximity (closeness of hous-
ing to work, services, and amenities), diversity, and urban infill/
intensification.
6.1.1. Debates about urban compactness
Twenty-eight of 38 experts confirmed that, while compactness is an
important strategy, “by itself, [it] will not be a catalyst for sustainable
development” (R2, 2010). A development might be dense but lack di-
versity, integration, and green spaces. In addition, some sustainability
principles, such as green spaces, conflict with a single-minded focus
on compactness (E2, 2010). Currently, compact developments exist in
Dubai in the form of dense, mixed-use individual projects. However,
these projects are “insular, fragmented,” and not integrated with each
other and the surrounding urban tissues (I, 2010). Thus, “the notion of
 K. Alawadi / Cities 60 (2017) 353–366 359

Global GCC, M. Local Round 1: Major Question:

(n=15) East (n=7) (n=19) What are the (5 to 10) most
essential form-based urban
design strategies that would
most likely lead to more
Case study: socially, environmentally,
Dubai Panel of Experts and economically integrated
neighborhoods in Dubai?
(n= 41)
Round 1 Analysis:
Description Delphi (1) Compactness;
Delphi (2) Connectivity;
-History Technique Round 1 (3) Diversity;
-Urban growth (4) Green and social
- Governance nodes in the urban fabric;
system (5) Culturally relevant
Delphi Delphi R1 Delphi R1 urbanism; (6) Climate-
sensitive urbanism; (7) Eco-
R1 Pilot Transmission Analysis balanced design and planning;
(8) Adaptability; and
(9) Public participation
Exploratory Delphi R1 report Delphi Round
Analyses sent to expert 2

Round 2 Questions, Round 2 Design: Strove to

Examples: Delphi Delphi R2 Delphi R2 (1) discover specific
1. What is an appropriate R2 Pilot Transmission Analysis physical attributes for a new
minimum level of residential neighborhood in Dubai; and
density for detached single- (2) identify the suitability of
family units? the proposed strategies in
Round 1 to Dubai’s social
2. Given the political Delphi R2 report and political environment
challenges in Dubai, could a sent to expert
participatory approach to
urban design and planning be
successfully implemented?

3. Given the cultural, spatial,

and climatic constraints could
the implementation of bike
and walking infrastructure be
successfully implemented in Outcome, both rounds:
Dubai? A list of sustainable form-based and process-based urban
design strategies
Determination of how context bounds implementation

Discussion and
Synthesis

Fig. 6. Research design, data collection process, and major research questions. In total, data collection, analysis, and reporting back to experts took approximately six months.

compactness should be expanded beyond just physical density” (B1,
2010) A successful compact form requires not only density, but also
functionality, proximity, diversity of uses, and accessibility, all integrat-
ed with other aspects of sustainable urbanism (Williams et al., 2003).
Integrating all these ideal design aspects into Dubai's neighborhoods
might be complicated for several reasons. First, segregation in Dubai is
politically and culturally institutionalized. For example, Dubai's plan-
ning system separates natives from expatriates; natives live in neigh-
borhoods funded by the government, while expatriate housing is
supported by the market. Second, providing various living options for
different income levels in one neighborhood is culturally inappropriate.
For example, a place that mixes bachelor workers with family groups
would not be acceptable. The desire for privacy is firmly rooted, and
the integration of large numbers of single male workers into a family-
oriented neighborhood would be seen as infringing on both privacy
and living standards.
Third, many UAE citizens and non-citizen residents prefer large,
single-family units (K3, 2010). The majority of experts (n = 34) agreed
that to save on energy and infrastructure costs, Dubai should limit
residential densities to a minimum of 7 to 14 units per acre.2 However,
they also agreed that enforcing that limit while maintaining privacy,
property value, and a large space for households would be a major chal-
lenge. In the UAE, indigenous cultural norms necessitate space: large
tracts of land and large houses. Many men continue to live on the
same property as their parents after they marry; the family often builds
an extension of the original villa or an adjacent unit on the same lot.
Under current building codes and setback regulations, such an exten-
sion can only be built if the land parcel is big (around 10,000 ft2). This
kind of practice is culturally and economically rooted: families in the
UAE value having a big family that lives together.
Fourth, Dubai's image presents another limitation to compactness.
Dubai's approach to urbanism emphasizes “bigness,” the monumental
and spectacular; the city prides itself on owning the tallest, the grandest,
2
The majority of local Emirati experts (4 out of 5) preferred low density levels of three
to four units per acre. Two U.S. experts who are aware of the local Emirati norms because
of their extensive research in Dubai also voted for low density levels of three to four units
per acre.
360 K. Alawadi / Cities 60 (2017) 353–366

Fig. 7. A sustainable neighborhood diagram for Dubai. Experts' generated strategies were transformed into a workable diagram illustrating the different components and systems of a
sustainable Dubai neighborhood. This neighborhood would distribute different housing types, uses, and systems along transit corridors and in a number of locations, distant from each
other, but networked by shaded pedestrian pathways, interconnected car routes, and cable cars or mini-bus lines.

and the most luxury structures. Hence, a transition to a “modest para-
digm” might not suit Dubai's aspirations (D; F1, 2010). This emphasis
on the grand is part of a cultural shift: compact forms were very desir-
able traditionally, but compact design has not evolved since the 1960s
and so might not satisfy modern needs. For example, the narrow streets
of Dubai's traditional neighborhoods were designed for pedestrians, but
modern “parking requirements and automobile traffic” make narrow
streets impractical (G, 2010).
6.2. Connectivity & multiple transportation options
Dubai is an automobile-dependent city; most of its urban areas sit
inside large super blocks surrounded by multi-lane highways and
grade-separated interchanges that restrain accessibility. In light of
these conditions, the panel recommendations to enhance connectivity
are arranged around three systems: (1) street networks and block ty-
pology, (2) integration of multiple transit systems, and (3) promotion
of less a car-intensive life style through walking and cycling.

6.1.2. Benefits of compactness 6.2.1. Street networks & block typology

While acknowledging these challenges and limitations, the panel in-
dicated that compactness would benefit Dubai in a variety of ways. For
example, urban compactness reduces infrastructure and service ex-
penses. Compact forms reduce “heat gain and cooling load” during
daytime hours and facilitate passive cooling strategies more successfully
than tall buildings do. In addition, “tighter” urban fabrics increase
opportunities for social interaction and sustain alternate modes of
transport such as cycling, walking, and mass transit. Compactness also
promotes intensification and urban infill strategies. Many of Dubai's
older districts have deteriorated. A compaction process combined with
a good infill and diversification could revitalize the old parts of Dubai,
increase densities, reduce land consumption, and prevent the expansion
of infrastructure in virgin lands (A4, 2010).
Experts argued that Dubai's road networks, based on multi-lane
highways and superblocks, should be re-conceptualized in new
developments. One expert noted that this system has few intersections
per square mile or square kilometer. As a consequence, it is “frustrating-
ly” difficult to make a turn in much if not most of Dubai (D, 2010). These
impermeable block structures, adopted by the Road and Transportation
Authority (RTA), confine physical activity, reduce choices, and place a
huge burden on movement. Most (n = 27) experts suggested that
urban blocks in new neighborhoods should be moderate—not too long
and not too short—280 to 400 ft (85 to 121 m). This length not only pro-
motes compact development, but also enhances permeability.
The RTA constrains Dubai's ability to create small, interconnected
urban blocks, because the grid system increases the public right-of
 K. Alawadi / Cities 60 (2017) 353–366
way (R.O.W.) serving the land parcels. This increases infrastructure
costs and decreases the number and size of lots per block and per neigh-
borhood. This system, with its multiple intersections, could also lead to
serious traffic chaos and accidents, because drivers in Dubai are not ac-
customed to stop signs. Dubai is an automobile-oriented city in which
most roads have few intersections and multiple lanes to accommodate
high-speed traffic. There is also a design- and preference-related con-
straint: many designers believe that an interconnected system (particu-
larly the grid system) is “industrial” and aesthetically unappealing. Part
of the problem lies in the backgrounds of the professionals who plan the
city. One expert explained that the majority of master planning work is
designed by architects and engineers who lack background in large spa-
tial organization and planning; as a result, they prefer form over func-
tionality. Dubai needs both planners and urban designers and should
seek a functional integration of these different disciplines; otherwise,
the city will never “progress and succeed in place making” (F, 2010).
6.2.2. Integration of transit systems
The majority of experts (n = 25) argued that neighborhood centers
and major mixed-use corridors should be linked to Dubai's Metro sta-
tions by trams or a dense network of bus routes (the current transit sys-
tem in Dubai does not operate in this manner). Most of Dubai Metro's
two operating lines connect a series of shopping malls, tourist locations,
and business districts; its service lines do not extend to residential areas.
For the most part, the Metro does not go where people live and work
(R1, 2010). To remedy this problem, Dubai should enhance transit
parking facilities and accessibility to transit stations and design a net-
work of personal and mass transit systems that permeate the city in a
hierarchical and integrative manner, connecting (shaded) pedestrian
infrastructure and bicycle lanes to trams and buses, which in turn con-
nect to major metro lines.
6.2.3. Cycling and walkability
In advising the promotion of a less car-intensive lifestyle, the panel
focused on walkability and cycling. Of 41 experts, 29 said that bike infra-
structure could reduce reliance on private cars for short-distance trips.
The remaining twelve (4 of whom were Emirati) considered cycling
Fig. 8. Typical traditional outfit for women; the whole body is covered except the face, hands, and feet. The dress must be loose enough to not reflect the body shape.
361
an inappropriate approach due to climatic and cultural barriers. These
twelve argued that Dubai's heat, dust, and humidity would prevent cy-
cling from becoming an easy, commonly used mode of transportation.
In addition, styles of dress for both male and female citizens are inap-
propriate for bicycle use (see Fig. 8). Some experts argued that cycling
is culturally inappropriate for local females of any age and that this
norm will never change. The overall culture in the UAE is conservative
in ways that create barriers to cycling, but many foreign or even Arab
or Muslim populations “do not share with the citizens” these norms
(E, 2010). Accordingly, some experts argue that it is inappropriate to
base planning decisions on the tiny percentage of the local population
that has strict norms.
Another limitation on cycling is Dubai's current urban structure,
which is based on a highway system and broken street networks that
make the distances between places quite far to cycle. The urban fabric
is fragmented; reaching any target by bike would therefore be difficult.
As one expert stated, “bicycling in public r.o.w.s is virtually non-
existent” (D, 2010) even though the topography in Dubai is flat, which
makes it physically conducive to bicycling (E, 2010). This expert men-
tioned that he lives close to his work but is unable to cycle to it. He
said that his commute by car takes five to 15 min, depending on traffic
congestion; a commute by bus would require changing buses twice
and would take close to an hour. This expert would like to bicycle the
4.5 km to work but cannot because there are no bicycle paths (F2, 2010).
The experts (n = 29) who asserted that bike infrastructure could be
effective offered three arguments. First, while cultural values warrant
respect, they generally evolve over time; they are not fixed. Second, cli-
mate is a deterrent, but cycling is appropriate during the half of the year
when Dubai's weather is pleasant. Third, Dubai's demographic structure
is dominated by working-class immigrants from the Indian subconti-
nent and Southeast Asia, who are accustomed to bicycling in their
own hot and humid countries. The vast majority of this population seg-
ment does not own an automobile, so bicycles might be very appealing
to this demographic (see Fig. 9).
Twenty-nine of the 38 experts supported walkability, even though
walking might not be preferred during the extended summer season,
from April to October. At present, walking at the neighborhood level is
362 K. Alawadi / Cities 60 (2017) 353–366
Fig. 9. Cyclist in a low-income community. Walking, cycling, and busing are primary modes of transportation among low-income people.
totally disadvantaged: most if not all neighborhoods have no decent
sidewalks. According to one expert, indoor malls are generally the
“only place Emirati walk, even when the walk is fairly short and sub-
aerobic” (D, 2010). There are a limited number of walkable areas in
Dubai with sufficient infrastructure to make walking a practical trans-
portation mode during the better half of the climatic year. The old
parts of Dubai and the Walk at Jumierah Beach Residence are exceptions
designed for diverse and active pedestrian movement. The characteris-
tics of these vibrant pedestrian spaces might be mimicked at the neigh-
borhood level.
7. Diversity
Segregation in Dubai's built environment is a spatial expression of
local housing policies and economic strategies. Experts stated that
Dubai's exclusive and market-driven urbanism, which reflect little fore-
thought about diversity and choice, should be swapped with a resilient
strategy that focuses on variety. The panel emphasized three core mea-
sures of diversity: diversity of density, diversity of housing, and diversity
of uses. The overall aim is to enable people from different socio-
economic statuses to live in the same place and access the same
amenities.
Although diversity is a core indicator of sustainability, some of the
experts' comments indicate that it is very difficult to achieve certain
forms of diversity. For example, socio-economic and ethnic diversity at
the neighborhood level might be problematic both in Dubai and around
the world. Middle-income people normally look for privacy. The experts
emphasized inclusive housing, but the majority (n = 25) indicated con-
cern about the large population of single men working in Dubai's con-
struction, retail, and food-service industries.3 The majority of experts
3
Most of the experts who are from or live in the UAE or the region (19 out of 24) op-
posed inclusive housing; their responses referenced a lack of cultural acceptance. In con-
trast, most of the international experts (10 out of 17) voted for inclusive housing, noting
that the strategy is a design and policy challenge and could be adopted gradually and with
attention to cultural concerns.
opposed housing the working class in neighborhoods where families
live, for several reasons.
First, a place that mixes bachelor laborers with family groups would
not be “acceptable [or] even marketable” socially or economically (J,
2010). Second, true diversity goes beyond merely mixing different peo-
ple in one place; it fosters the meaningful exchange of “interests and
habits” among different socio-economic groups (G3, 2010). Mixing la-
borers with family groups would make such meaningful exchange al-
most impossible. Third, dominant stereotypes promote separation:
other classes associate the working class with overcrowding and de-
creased privacy and security, especially for children and women.
Fourth, experts raised the issue of belonging to a place (K4, 2010).
The majority of Dubai's residents are male workers from the Indian sub-
continent and Southeast Asia who will only be there for a limited period
of time (typically about two years). It is difficult to argue that temporary
residents would benefit and add value to established, family-oriented
neighborhoods (P1, 2010). Dubai is a transient region in which workers'
residency depends on immigration policies and employment. Accord-
ingly, it would not be appropriate to house bachelors staying there tem-
porarily in a family-oriented neighborhood that residents have
considered a “home for generations” (F2, 2010).
Finally, this kind of socio-economic housing diversity at the neigh-
borhood level is rare worldwide. One expert described ethnic diversity
as an ideal that is noble “but flawed” in many regions (G1, 2010). The
topic is indeed “globally relevant” and expands the debate beyond
Dubai (K4, 2010). Dubai's multicultural history suggests that there ex-
ists a potential to develop solutions and policies that support this
ideal. A composition of different demographics and social structures
can have many benefits, including increased tolerance, respect, and pa-
tience; inter-group friendships; and mutual learning. Pragmatically,
however, successful integration requires a strong policy framework.
Dubai should adopt a policy initiative that allows low-wage, immigrant
workers to bring their families with them. This would increase the na-
tional imbalance between the relatively small population of natives
and the larger population of expatriates, but it might also encourage
city officials to think about demographic and housing diversity
(A, 2010). One expert said that a single Western or Eastern woman
 K. Alawadi / Cities 60 (2017) 353–366
would live in worry if she lived next to a house full of single, male
workers, but if the workers could bring their families and each family
lived in its own small apartment, then women and higher-income fam-
ilies would be less concerned (F1, 2010).
8. Culturally relevant urbanism
Dubai's approach to urban development emphasizes branding the
city, creating a global identity, and consuming luxury commodities rath-
er than responding to local cultural norms. Over the last two decades,
the Emirates have enthusiastically imported this “big” design and mas-
ter planning agenda. As this trend was recognized, disputes arose re-
garding the suitability of this style of urbanism for one of the hottest
and driest regions on earth. Establishing a cohesive set of urban policies
that addresses the relationship between urban typologies and place is
complex but “necessary for responsive neighborhood design” (K4,
2010). Sustainable urban design is most likely to succeed if it is
underpinned by a policy agenda that commits to “global sustainability
goals” while respecting “locality” (K3, 2010).
Experts suggested several strategies for promoting local sensitivity.
One argued that it is vital to train “local talent and architects” to produce
the city's next generation of architecture and urbanism; this would dis-
tinguish Dubai and minimize its reliance on imported consultation that
has often produced an urbanism with no ties to the place (R, 2010). As
Rizzo (2014) has stated, the professional landscape in the Gulf con-
tinues to be dominated by international consultants; because local plan-
ners have a stake in the city, it is important to train and educate them
and involve them in the planning and implementation of local projects.
Fitch (2007) affirmed that locals should contribute to the analysis of
urban challenges, the design of master plans, and the implementation
of projects. The proliferation of urban planning programs in the
UAE—including those at Masdar Institute, the American University of
Sharjah, and Alhosn University—is a critical step toward creating local
educational opportunities and advocating for better planning scholar-
ship, discourse, and practice in the region. Because the local planning
educators in such schools have a long history of research and practice
in the region, they must contribute to the process of designing and shap-
ing Dubai and to the education and training of a new generation of
planners.
Another expert argues that Dubai should focus on fewer, smaller,
iconic buildings that deviate from Dubai's “monumental weakness for
monumentality.” He also said that Dubai should “honor” its traditional
urban forms (D, 2010). This does not mean replicating the exact form
of Dubai's historic urban typology; recuperating the identity of the site
and the spirit of the place (the “genius loci”) is not a nostalgic operation
but a necessary acknowledgment that enhances civic identity (G3; N,
2010). Traditional forms of architecture and urban design in Dubai
should be “culturally relevant” (K4; R, 2010) rather than just a “form
of exterior decoration” (K4, 2010). The emphasis should rest not on
the visual but on the spatial and formal principles that address indige-
nous social values (C; K4, 2010). A culturally sensitive urbanism
would incorporate fundamental design concepts (e.g., “courtyard” ur-
banism) and would respect socially rooted values (e.g., by using “priva-
cy-generating forms”) (N, 2010).
While many experts suggested honoring traditional urban typolo-
gies, some argued that finding the right design language to do so
would be a big challenge in Dubai. The city accommodates multiple cul-
tures, and most of the urban product, even the traditional, is imported.
Some experts argued that it would prove difficult to successfully replace
postmodern development trends. Dubai's old urbanism was the unique
product of historical adjustment to the region's extreme climate before
the introduction of energy-dependent technologies. These design pat-
terns are no longer used for this purpose, but they represent important
traditional and spiritual values that could improve cultural identity.
However, it remains to be “studied and investigated” to what extent
this natural adaptation can complement modern forms and
363
technologies and thus both reduce energy consumption and boost
civic integrity (B1, 2010).
9. Climate-sensitive urbanism
The previous principle, culturally responsive urbanism, concerns the
traditional elements and patterns that affect human perception and
sensory experience and the degree to which these forms promote indig-
enous cultural values such as privacy. Climate-sensitive urbanism, on
the other hand, relates to passive and historically proven strategies
that enhance comfort levels and the environmental performance of
built environments. In practice, these principles overlap because they
incorporate many similar physical attributes and patterns.
Climate-sensitive design uses organizational patterns and forms that
facilitate passive cooling, heating, and shading. Climate-adaptive urban-
ism is weak or perhaps nonexistent in Dubai, where heating and cooling
typically require resources or mechanical operations. Experts argued
that the traditional city fabric is very sustainable; it reflects an under-
standing of how buildings' arrangement and masses, the sun's move-
ment and angles, and the wind's directions all affect both the built
form and social life (R2, 2010). These principles, in combination with
technological advances, can be adapted and used as references for
Dubai's new urban developments.
The experts recommended several other strategies for integrating
climate-appropriate design into sustainable neighborhoods: (1) build-
ings' construction should be compact so that the relationship between
one building and another provides shade; (2) low- and mid-rise struc-
tures with moderate density levels should be promoted, since they are
more amenable to passive design solutions than high-rises are (B; R2,
2011); (3) the “tight-grained,” traditional forms of small streets and al-
leys need revival in some areas, since both climatic and cultural benefits
are associated with these forms; (4) limited glazed facades and highly
shaded areas and surfaces are essential to reduce heat gain and cooling
loads (5) the microclimatic orientation of urban forms and street sys-
tems should respond to solar orientation and air directions; and (6) con-
struction should include pedestrian-scaled, shaded pathways, using
both “hard shadows” from buildings and light structures and “soft
shadows” from trees (N, 2010).
10. Public participation
While participation is not a form-based strategy, the majority of ex-
perts (n = 28) argued that policies that promote public participation
could promote the creation of sustainable living environments. One ex-
pert argued that sustainable cities have to be based on the interests of
“people” rather than the exclusive interests of “developers” and politi-
cians (F2, 2010). However, developing an inclusive mode of decision
making is challenging in Dubai, since the current decision-making pro-
cess lacks transparency and justification and is controlled by the state
and private corporations. In Dubai, planning decisions are not typically
shared with the public. Because the government prefers to make deci-
sions quickly and without interference, it does not involve the public
in its decision making.
11. Discussion
Ultimately, this article supports the thesis that urban sustainability is
always context dependent, and so environmental stewardship must be
pursued with consideration for the needs of particular peoples and
places. The study confirms that, before prescribing a design interven-
tion, it's necessary to understand the cultural and political context
(Wiedmann, 2008), because what is sustainable for some places might
not be sustainable for others (Jenks & Kozak, 2008). Results suggest
that Dubai should move forward on all eight principles (or at least the
five prioritized ones), despite the many barriers that seem to make
some of them unattainable. Although the Delphi-generated strategies
364 K. Alawadi / Cities 60 (2017) 353–366
provide insightful guidelines for constructing a coherent urban fabric in
Dubai, the city's cultural and political context imposes limitations on ef-
fective implementation, and planners need to take these limitations into
account.
In accord with the literature, the Delphi results indicate that the pro-
duction of urban form in Dubai is heavily driven by socio-political and
economic factors. Exclusion is expressed spatially in the institutionaliza-
tion of isolated zones for natives and upscale urbanism for capitalist
elites. These exclusionary practices have generated a city morphology
that is a spatial manifestation of state control and unrestricted economic
liberalism. Dubai has sacrificed environmental sustainability for the
sake of diversifying its economic base and satisfying the local
population's housing needs. To implement the Delphi-generated strate-
gies, Dubai should enact policies and guidelines that (1) control the
open-door economy, which prioritized exclusive, high-end, sprawling
urban fabrics; (2) regulate the local housing subsidies that have gener-
ated so many exclusive, low-density developments; (3) seek a balanced
compromise between the goals of social, economic, and environmental
sustainability and create a policy environment that supports such bal-
ance; and (4) replace the current system of exclusive control by the
state and state-owned private companies with a more transparent and
inclusive decision-making process.
In the current policy environment, branding, exclusionary practices,
and global urbanism in Dubai will continue (Acuto, 2014), and “bigness”
is inevitable. Recently, for example, Emaar, a public-private cooperation,
launched the Santiago Calatrava tower, which will surpass Burj Khalifa,
the tallest skyscraper in the world. Dubai's monumental approach to ur-
banism cannot be moderated by a modest, inclusive paradigm unless
land development policies are crafted to change the status quo. As the
experts suggested, Dubai should implement planning guidelines that
promote density, access to public transportation, and diverse urban fab-
rics to serve a wider spectrum of people. For example, Dubai should con-
nect high-end developments to community concerns; the state and
developers should be required to pay “impact mitigation” charges by al-
locating a certain percentage of their project cost or area to affordable
housing, infrastructure upgrades, and community facilities (Keating,
Fig. 10. A central Dubai neighborhood (Al-Satwa): Fractured and disaggregated; like many central areas, the community lost its original population and a large number of houses. Potential
infill opportunities exist to reintroduce the area once again.
2007). This inclusionary practice should be supported by a “moderate
rent stabilization” rule that caps annual rent increases (Freeman &
Braconi, 2004, p. 42). Planning guidelines should promote contiguous
and infill development, especially in the vacant zones around existing
transit stations, and policies should legislate against extending infra-
structure for leapfrog developments. Exceptions should only be granted
to polycentric developments that, despite being physically separate, are
functionally networked and integrated with the city's metro system.
The city should also consider practical models for changing citizens'
longstanding preference for low-density housing. Enforcing dense
neighborhoods on a public that prefers low densities challenges the so-
cial dimension of sustainability: density may make people less satisfied
with and less attached to their living environment. As Jenks and Jones
(2009) point out, a sustainable environment must be a place where peo-
ple want to live. To ensure a socially sensitive environment, neighbor-
hood design should be compatible with people's cultural norms (Lau,
Wang, Giridbaran, & Ganesan, 2005). However, prioritizing existing so-
cial preferences jeopardizes a commitment to environmental sustain-
ability; compact development is a core principle of sustainable
urbanism and one that the experts emphasized.
Reshaping Dubai's neighborhoods from low density and dispersed to
more compact may therefore require substantial changes to Dubai's
existing policies. Because efforts to establish high densities could threat-
en the incentives that locals receive (Cugurullo, 2015), they are likely to
stir up public opposition. To mitigate such opposition, this article rec-
ommends the creation of an open venue where experts and political
elites can discuss with and educate the public about future neighbor-
hood forms. The interactive and educational nature of such participato-
ry planning might enable members of the public to overcome their
longstanding preference for low density. In planning forums, planners
can take both the ideal principles and the cultural obstacles into consid-
eration to offer workable compromises.
For instance, planners could explain to power holders and the public
that dense urban fabrics with smaller land parcels offer greater provi-
sions for community facilities. In addition, as the experts suggested,
planners could describe the importance of regenerating the older,
 K. Alawadi / Cities 60 (2017) 353–366
inner-city neighborhoods that are already ideally dense and served with
community facilities and mass transit. Many of Dubai's older neighbor-
hoods (around 20 km2) fractured and deteriorated as the original resi-
dents relocated to suburbs (Fig. 10). Planners could discuss with
decision makers and the public how best to retrofit these old neighbor-
hoods with programs, housing, and public spaces to accommodate dif-
ferent populations of residents. Plans that reintroduce already existing
areas to new generations of locals as well as expatriates are crucial to in-
creasing density, promoting population diversity and integration, and
connecting people to public transportation.
In Dubai, all changes and modifications of the political system origi-
nate from within the government itself, that is, from the highest political
ranks rather than the lowest (Crot, 2013; Rizzo, 2014; Cugurullo, 2015).
For that reason, the most effective and realistic strategy for Dubai is to
develop a community-oriented, democratic framework for making de-
cisions about sustainability that is based on a series of gradual and incre-
mental levels, beginning with top-level decision makers and then
including the public. For example, planners should begin by explaining
the merits of the urban design ideals to the city's power holders and
only then initiate discussion with the public. Since the government is
the decision maker, executer, and assessor (Sepasdar & Sibley, 2008),
planners should propose an inclusive planning system that Dubai's cen-
tralized power holders and political elites consider politically reason-
able. The second step for planners would be expanding the scale of
participation. While decisions are born from the government and initi-
ated by high-level individuals, I argue that the public should always be
in the loop of decision making, since the ruling authority will not take
any decision seriously if it violates the stability of the local people; this
is part of the “social contract,” highlighted earlier in the article, for
retaining the status-quo decision-making system.
12. Conclusions
The article does not simply list a series of sustainable urban form
principles or stylistic formal language for a Dubai neighborhood; it at-
tends to reality, practicality, and context. In many ways, the experts' rec-
ommended strategies confirm ideas that exist elsewhere in the
literature on sustainable urban forms. However, unlike other studies,
this research pays close attention to the political and cultural aspects
of sustainable urban design. Findings confirm that urban sustainability
is context dependent; cultural norms and governance mechanisms
change from a place to another, so sustainability must be approached
on a case-by-case basis. For example, even though compactness and
participatory planning approaches are highly valued principles in sus-
tainable urbanism practice and literature, Dubai's unique environment
poses challenges to the implementation of these principles. This article
argues, however, that obstacles to implementation should not outweigh
the ideas of sustainability. Planners should take environmental, eco-
nomic, and social factors into account equally and come up with
context-relevant resolutions and practical compromises. Planners
should ask themselves what kind of policy options and modified
urban forms would be culturally, politically, and environmentally sensi-
tive. And as the Delphi experts suggest, local educators and planners
must be part of the process of answering these questions.
Planning in Dubai, therefore, needs to become less exclusive and
more transparent. Dubai should fundamentally reform its centralized,
business-oriented planning structure. The first step should be the crea-
tion of a permanent planning council like that of its neighboring Emir-
ate, Abu Dhabi. Dubai should then adopt an inclusive procedure for
making planning decisions and a transparent policy agenda aimed at
educating and engaging the different stakeholders and the public.
Implementing these reforms will not be easy; they are politically chal-
lenging and so require time, tolerance, organization, exploration, politi-
cal will, and education of both the public and local authorities.
To fully understand the complexities of and opportunities for inclu-
sive planning, future research should explore different ways of making
365
participation culturally genuine and politically legitimate. Future stud-
ies can ask: (1) What forms of inclusive planning do Dubai's
policymakers and centralized power holders consider politically feasi-
ble? And (2) What kinds of social groups should and could be involved
in the planning process?
Funding institutions
There are no funders to report for this submission.
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Khaled Alawadi is a trained architect, planner, and urban designer. He holds a Bachelor's
in Architectural Engineering from United Arab Emirates University; Master's in Urban De-
sign, and a PhD in Sustainable Urban Planning and Community Development from the
University of Texas at Austin. Dr. Alawadi combines knowledge from three different disci-
plines with the goal of contributing to achieving the UAE's vision for a sustainable environ-
ment and individual happiness. Prior to joining Masdar Institute, Khaled worked as an
architect for Dubai Municipality and as an assistant professor at UAE University. His work
is focused on rethinking the city through a sustainability paradigm. His research and
teaching are focused on the role of urban design and planning in promoting sustainable
development. The big question is: ‘Which urban forms, technological solutions, and policy
initiatives will effectively deliver greater environmental, social, and economic coherence
in our regions, cities, and neighborhoods?’ The overall goal of Dr. Alawadi's work is to po-
sition the UAE as a knowledge hub and engine for exploring cities transformation and per-
formance, sustainable development patterns, trends of urbanization, and future forms of
sustainable cities. A major milestone of attaining this goal is Dr. Alawadi's contribution
as the principal founding member of the Sustainable Critical Infrastructure MSc. Degree
at Masdar Institute of Science and Technology. The program has an overarching goal of ed-
ucating its graduates professionally and ethically to be valuable professionals in the UAE
and internationally, with disciplinary preparation that imparts the ability to design inte-
grated urban infrastructure systems for new or existing developments with careful exam-
ination of environmental, social and financial requirements. Dr. Alawadi is currently
serving as a Visiting Assistant Professor at MIT's Center for Advances Urbanism to explore,
map, and model a sustainable neighborhood typology for the Emirates.