Artifice
Richard Glen Boire
Artifice
“I need time to finish my world view, which in skeleton form is already based on
one sentence: God is a substance. God is a substance, a drug. An
inebriating substance with affinity for the human brain.”
Gottfried Benn1
Abstract
In 1947, a new drug appeared that was said by its pharmaceutical
creator to temporarily simulate psychosis. According to the creator,
the drug could facilitate psychiatrists who might take it for the pur-
pose of better understanding their “mental patients.” As the drug
gained wider use, some psychiatrists (and others) reported that the
drug elicited “revelation,” “great insights,” and “experiences of tran-
scendence.” But, branded as a “psychotomimetic,” the drug’s unex-
pected and apparent power to grant the grace of transcendent expe-
rience created a crisis of consciousness. If the drug mimicked psycho-
sis, were the claimed transcendent and spiritual experiences mere
simulations of religious experience? How does the First Amendment’s
guarantee of religious freedom navigate the inner domain of mind
and map the gaps between the authentic and the reproduction, the
real and the hallucinated? What is to be said of the fundamental
1. Gottfried Benn, Provoziertes Leben (1941). Thanks to Jonathan Ott for bringing my
attention to this quote and to the rest of Benn’s work; see Ott, Pharmacophilia (Ken-
newick, WA: Natural Products Company, 1997), p. 89.
145
146 Configurations
Introduction2
In 1947, the Swiss pharmaceutical company Sandoz began distrib-
uting, free of charge to psychiatric researchers, a new drug named
Delysid. Preliminary studies by Sandoz indicated two primary uses for
Delysid. As a pharmaceutical adjunct to analytical psychotherapy,
Delysid was said “to elicit release of repressed material and provide
mental relaxation, particularly in anxiety states and obsessional neu-
roses.”3 But it was the second suggested use that really fixed in the
eyes of clinical psychiatrists: Delysid, reported Sandoz, was useful for
“[e]xperimental studies on the nature of psychoses.”4 As further ex-
plained in the product monograph that accompanied Delysid: “By
taking Delysid himself, the psychiatrist is able to gain an insight in
the world of ideas and sensations of mental patients. Delysid can also
be used to induce model psychoses of short duration in normal sub-
jects, thus facilitating studies on the pathogenesis of mental disease.”
Here was a modern pharmaceutical agent capable of temporarily
admitting psychiatrists into the alien irrational world inhabited by
their psychotic patients. A new technology of production—a wet
technology, a pharmaceutical agent that could be admitted into the
body for the purpose of simulating a diseased mind. Delysid, it ap-
peared, was a drug that cleanly and selectively muddied the doors of
perception, reversibly rewiring “normal” thought processes to con-
struct a “model psychoses,” which could safely be inhabited for an
afternoon. This was an eye-opening experience, said to provide the
adventurous psychiatrist with what one early researcher called “that
mysterious yet vital quality—empathy” for his or her psychotic
patients.5
2. “These events are real not because they occurred but because, first, they were remem-
bered and, second, they are capable of finding a place in a chronologically ordered se-
quence” (Hayden White, The Content of the Form: Narrative Discourse and Historical Rep-
resentation [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987], p. 20).
3. Sandoz Pharmaceutical Company, Delysid Product Monograph, reprinted in Albert
Hofmann, LSD: My Problem Child: Reflections on Sacred Drugs, Mysticism and Science (New
York: McGraw-Hill, 1980), pp. 46–48.
4. Ibid., p. 47.
5. Humphry Osmond et al., eds., Psychedelics: The Uses and Implications of Hallucinogenic
Drugs (London: Hogarth Press, 1971), p. 425.
Boire / An Assemblage of Law, Psychiatry, and Chemical Artifice 147
6. This term was evidently coined by Ralph Gerard; see Gerard, Neuropharmacology:
Transactions of the Second Conference (New York: Josiah Macy Jr. Foundation, 1956).
7. Jean Etienne Esquirol’s, Des maladies mentales (On mental illness) (Paris: J. B. Baillière,
1838). Esquirol is also credited with introducing the term hallucination; see Roland
Fisher, “The Perception-Hallucination Continuum (A Re-examination),” Diseases of the
Nervous System 30:3 (1969): 161–171.
8. Jean-Jacques Moreau de Tours, Du Hachisch et de l’aliénation mentale (On hashish and
mental alienation) (1845), in John Miller and Randall Koral, White Rabbit: A Psychedelic
Reader (San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 1995), p. 209.
9. Kurt Beringer, Der Meskalinrausch (The mescaline intoxication) (Berlin: Julius
Springer, 1927).
10. The Compact Edition of the Oxford English Dictionary (1971), s. v. “artificial”: “Op-
posed to natural. Made by or resulting from art or artifice; contrived, compassed or
brought about by constructive skill, and not spontaneously; not natural.”
11. Ibid., s. v. “natural”: “Constituted by nature; having a basis in the normal constitu-
tion of things. Existing in, or formed by, nature; consisting of objects of this kind; not
artificially made, formed, or constructed.”
148 Configurations
12. A number of plants, including seeds of some Morning Glories (Ipomoea violacea)
and Hawaiian Baby Woodrose (Argyreia nervosa) contain lysergic acid amide (LSA), a
drug that has a long history of shamanic use and a molecular structure similar to
Delysid’s; see Richard Evans Schultes and Albert Hofmann, The Botany and Chemistry of
Hallucinogens (Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas, 1980).
13. Max Rinkel, H. Jackson Deshon, Robert W. Hyde, and Harry C. Solomon, “Experimen-
tal Schizophrenia-Like Symptoms,” American Journal of Psychiatry 108:8 (1952): 576.
14. Ibid., pp. 576–577.
Boire / An Assemblage of Law, Psychiatry, and Chemical Artifice 149
I felt myself one with all romanticists and dreamers, thought of E. T. A. Hoff-
mann, saw the maelstrom of Poe (even though, at the time I had read Poe, his
description seemed exaggerated). Often I seemed to stand at the pinnacle of
artistic experience; I luxuriated in the colors of the altar of Isenheim,15 and
knew the euphoria and exultation of an artistic vision. I must also have spo-
ken again and again of modern art; I thought of abstract pictures, which all at
once I seemed to understand.16
Dr. Sidney Cohen, one of the early researchers in the field, later
wrote that for the first ten years of research with Delysid, “there was
no question but that its administration inevitably produced a psy-
chosis.”17 But then something strange happened:
reports from isolated groups insisted that something different from madness
was being induced. In these circles the talk was of revelation, of great insights
obtained, of feelings of profound unity and experiences of self-transcendence.
Even the illusions and hallucinations, instead of being terrifying and disorga-
nizing, were described as pleasurable and meaningful.18
Dr. Humphry Osmond was one such researcher who believed that
labeling Delysid a “psychotomimetic” was negatively affecting how
researchers evaluated the drug. The habit of researchers to downplay
Delysid’s power to elicit positive insights in favor of characterizing
the drug as modeling pathology was regrettable, said Osmond, who
argued that the psychotomimetic model was a conceptual straight-
jacket that threatened to restrain other, perhaps far more important
uses of the drug. Speaking to fellow researchers at a New York Acad-
emy of Sciences conference in 1957, Osmond counseled:
The primary interest of these drugs for the psychiatrist lies in their capacity to
mimic more or less closely some aspects of grave mental illnesses, particularly
schizophrenia. The fact that medical men have been preoccupied with tran-
sient states resembling mental illnesses that have been called model psycho-
ses, however, does not mean that the only use for these compounds is in the
study of pathological conditions. This misunderstanding, unless corrected,
15. Interestingly, the Isenheim Alterpiece (ca. 1515) includes a painted portrayal (bot-
tom left of right-most inside wing) of a man suffering from St. Anthony’s Fire, an ex-
cruciating inflammation of the nerves later linked (in the seventeenth century) to the
ingestion of ergot-infested rye.
16. Hofmann, LSD (above, n. 3), pp. 38–39.
17. Sidney Cohen, Drugs of Hallucination (1971), p. 70.
18. Ibid.
150 Configurations
can deprive us of much knowledge and prevent the growth of new and fasci-
nating researches.19
The term psychedelic caught on22 and Delysid, better known to-
day as LSD (D-lysergic acid diethylamide tartrate), became its quint-
shou
essential exemplar.
*** cent
Re-branded to allow for more positive interpretations of the experi- betw
ence, some of which were nothing less than rapturous, word of LSD
began spreading. Especially among artists, philosophers, and mys-
tics, few wanted to be left behind. But just as researchers were begin-
ning to reexamine LSD outside of the psychotomimetic interpretive
straightjacket, a rash of women in Europe gave birth to babies with
serious birth defects. The problem was traced not to LSD, but to an-
other experimental drug, a sleeping pill named Thalidomide.
In response to public concerns that loose regulations in the
United States could lead to a similar fiasco, the U.S. Congress passed
new regulations that tightly limited research with experimental new
drugs.23 Prior to 1963, human experiments with newly created drugs
were largely unregulated; the 1963 regulations radically expanded
the powers of the FDA, requiring companies to prove that a new
drug was reasonably safe and effective in nonhuman animals before
commencing human testing. If animal testing was successful, hu-
man testing could begin, but only in stages, with each new stage
requiring both pre-approval and post-evaluation by the FDA. While
safeguarding against a U.S. tragedy like the European Thalidomide
crisis, the new regulations added substantial costs and delays to the
process of developing potentially safer and more effective new
drugs.24
In 1963, the same year that these new regulations came into effect,
Sandoz’s patent on LSD expired. Without any way of generating a
protected profit from its investment, Sandoz concluded that it could
22. Just a year after Osmond suggested abandoning the label “psychotomimetic,” the
World Health Organization published a report that encouraged ongoing scientific
research with psychedelics and expressed dissatisfaction with the moniker “psychosomi-
metic,” remarking: “The relationship between a model and a real psychosis . . . is far from
clear. The term, therefore, can only be accepted with the greatest reservation, and it is
suggested that, until superseded by a happier one, it should not be used”; see “Ataractic
and Hallucinogenic Drugs in Psychiatry: Report of a Study Group,” WHO Technical
Report Series no. 152 (Geneva: World Health Organization, 1958), pp. 34–35.
23. Pub. L. No. 87-781, 76 Stat. 780 (1962), codified in various sections of 21 U.S.C.
24. Lehman Brothers Healthcare Group has estimated that the costs of bringing a new
drug to market under current FDA regulations can reach as high as $675 million; see
Lehman Brothers, “Drug R&D Costs, Success Rates, and Emerging Technologies: A Look
at Three Future Scenarios” (1997), in Pharmaceutical R&D Statistical Sourcebook (Dublin:
Parexal International, 2000).
152 Configurations
***
The genie, however, was already out of the bottle. For a fee of fifty
cents payable to the U.S. Patent Office, enterprising chemists could
acquire the recipe for making LSD. These chemists stepped in to
supply a booming legal market just as Sandoz cut back supply and
popular demand for the drug was mushrooming.25 In 1965, respond-
ing to a swarm of media reports that depicted America as a country
ravaged by dangerous drugs of all sorts, federal lawmakers moved to
prohibit the unregistered possession, manufacture, or sale of any
drug having a “depressant,” “stimulant,” or “hallucinogenic effect
on the central nervous system.”26 The following year, the law was
amended to explicitly enumerate six prohibited substances having a
hallucinogenic effect: dimethyltryptamine (DMT), d-Lysergic acid
diethylamide (LSD), mescaline, peyote, psilocybin, and psilocin.27
Sandoz responded by ending all further production and distribution
of LSD, psilocybin, and psilocin.28
Congress followed up on the law in 1970, passing a massive federal
criminal law29 (tenuously based on its power to regulate interstate
commerce), which, among other things, created a category of con-
trolled substances denoted “hallucinogens.” The six compounds al-
ready labeled hallucinogenic by the earlier law were joined by eleven
25. On March 25, 1966, Life magazine published a cover story titled “The Exploding
Threat of the Mind Drug That Got Out of Control,” reporting that “[a]t least one mil-
lion doses of LSD” would be taken in 1966, and concluding that “the genie of LSD,
with all its tantalizing possibilities for good and evil, is out in the open”; see http://
www.psychedelic-library.org/magazines/lifelsd.htm. See also Edward M. Brecher and
the editors of Consumer Reports, “Chapter 50: How LSD was Popularized, 1962–1969,”
in The Consumers Union Report on Licit and Illicit Drugs (Boston: Little, Brown, 1972), pp.
366–374.
26. Drug Abuse Control Amendments of 1965, Pub. L. No. 89-74, 79 Stat. 226 (1965).
While the new law outlawed possession of hallucinogenic substances, not all posses-
sion was outlawed. An accompanying provision carved out a large exception, permit-
ting any person to possess hallucinogenic drugs so long as they were for his or her own
personal use or the use of a member of his or her household (sec. 511 [c]). In the fall of
1968, the exception for personal use was eliminated (Pub. L. No. 90-639, 82 Stat. 1361
[1968]).
27. 31 Federal Register 4679 (March 19, 1966).
28. See letter of A. Cerletti, then-director of the pharmaceutical department of Sandoz,
dated August 23, 1965; reprinted in Hofmann, LSD (above, n. 3), pp. 62–64.
29. 21 U.S.C. sec. 801 et seq.
Boire / An Assemblage of Law, Psychiatry, and Chemical Artifice 153
***
By adopting the term hallucinogen(ic), the American legal system
forged into federal criminal law the outdated psychotomimetic
characterization of the substances. By a simple selection of a word,
the states of mind elicited by the substances were relegated and re-
duced to the distorted and deranged broodings of the mad. By the
1970s, the term psychedelic was likewise over-saturated with mean-
ing, loaded with visions of swirling kaleidoscopic lettering on 1960s
rock posters and dark images of a wayward hippie counterculture.
Asserting that neither of these labels “deserve greater longevity, if
our language is not to perpetuate the misunderstandings of the
past,” a group of five scholars proposed yet another rhetorical recu-
peration in 1979. Their choice was “entheogen”:
In Greek the word entheos means literally “god (theos) within,” and was used to
describe the condition that follows when one is inspired and possessed by the
god that has entered one’s body. It was applied to prophetic seizures, erotic pas-
sion and artistic creation, as well as to those religious rites in which mystical
states were experienced through the ingestion of substances that were transub-
stantial with the deity. In combination with the Greek root gen-, which denotes
the action of “becoming,” this word results in the term that we are proposing:
entheogen. Our word sits easily on the tongue and seems quite natural in English.
We could speak of entheogens or, in an adjectival form, of entheogenic plants or
substances. In a strict sense, only those vision-producing drugs that can be
shown to have figured in shamanic or religious rites would be designated en-
theogens, but in a looser sense, the term could also be applied to other drugs,
both natural and artificial, that induce alterations of consciousness similar to
those documented for ritual ingestion of traditional entheogens.32
Conclusion33
fade in
A close-up, low-angle shot of a sterile marble floor. The narrow depth
of field reveals what appears to be a long hallway, interrupted by out-of-
focus black movements that resolve into the shoes and slacks and deter-
mined strides of professionals.
It could be the inside of a madhouse, or a courthouse.
Men34 are talking about simulations, about delusions, about various
forms of guilt. Their voices rebound and mix, an auditory montage
supplemented with discontinuous announcements over an intercom
system and overlaid with other sounds and noises of bureaucratic offi-
ciousness. On a table rests an open manila folder, a page reads:
synopsis: a forty year old man35 discovered in a private cabin under the influence of
these drugs are “entheogenic” sacraments essential for his religious practices.
32. Carl A. Ruck, Jeremy Bigwood, Danny Staples, Jonathan Ott, and R. Gordon Was-
son, “Entheogens,” Journal of Psychoactive Drugs 11:1/2 (1979): 145–146.
33. “The notion that sequences of real events possess the formal attributes of the stories
we tell about imaginary events could only have its origin in wishes, daydreams, and
reveries. Does the world really present itself to perception in the form of well-made
stories, with central subjects, proper beginnings, middles, and ends, and a coherence
that permits us to see ‘the end’ in every beginning?”; see White, Content of the Form
(above, n. 2), p. 24.
34. “You are undoubtedly aware that thanks to zooformalin one can temporarily be-
come—or rather, feel oneself to be—a turtle, ant, ladybug, or even a jasmine blossom,
with the help of a little botanil inflorescine—subjectively of course, it is also possible
to undergo dissociation into two, three, four parts. When the number of personality
splits reaches a two-place figure, you obtain a thronging effect. At which point we are
no longer dealing with an ego, but a wego. A plurality of minds in a single body” (Stan-
islaw Lem, The Futurological Congress (from the Memoirs of Ijon Tichy), trans. Michael
Kandel [New York: Seabury Press, 1974], p. 124). “I shall . . . imagine that I have an
opponent who follows my arguments with mistrust, and here and there shall allow
him to interject some remarks” (Sigmund Freud, The Future of an Illusion, trans. James
Strachey [New York: Norton, 1961], p. 21).
35. “[M]an had been a figure occurring between two modes of language; or, rather, he
was constituted only when language, having been situated within representation and,
Boire / An Assemblage of Law, Psychiatry, and Chemical Artifice 155
The defendant may believe what he will as to peyote and marijuana and he may
conceive that one is necessary and the other is advisable in connection with his reli-
gion. But it is not a violation of his constitutional rights to forbid him, in the guise
of his religion, to possess a drug which will produce hallucinatory symptoms similar
to those produced in cases of schizophrenia, dementia praecox, or paranoia, and his
position cannot be sustained here—in law nor in morals.36
as it were, dissolved in it, freed itself from that situation only at the cost of its own
fragmentation: man composed his own figure in the interstices of that fragmented
language” (Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences,
trans. Alan Sheridan [New York: Vintage, 1970], p. 386).
36. State v. Bullard (1966), 148 S.E.2d 565, 569.
37. Peyote Way Church of God, Inc. v. Smith (1984), 742 F.2d. 193, 197.
38. Freud, Future of an Illusion (above, n. 34), p. 43.
156 Configurations
39. G. G. Hay, “Feigned Psychosis: A Review of the Simulation of Mental Illness,” British
Journal of Psychiatry 143 (1983): 8–10.
40. Grace Tsai, “Schizophrenia,” DiscoveryHealth.com, http://health.discovery.com/
centers/mental/schizophrenia/schizophrenia.html.
41. The Bible, King James Version, Exodus 20:4.
Boire / An Assemblage of Law, Psychiatry, and Chemical Artifice 157
aids. The point is that the law does not bar the defendant from practices
indispensable to the pursuit of his faith. Rather, it compels him to aban-
don reliance upon an artificial aid and to utilize other, perhaps self-in-
duced means to attain the desired intensification of apperception.50 It’s
quite clear that the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment
doesn’t guarantee a person the right to use the most effective reli-
gious practices. Exercise entails natural effort, it cannot be reduced
to efficiency or effectiveness, or to the ease of popping a pill. Granted,
arguendo, that drugs can facilitate or precipitate a religious or mystical
experience, the record shows that the experience can be reached through
less convenient means such as fasting, prayer, meditation, hypnosis, etc.
Therefore, denial of the exemption would not infringe on the rights of the
petitioners to exercise their religion.51
So far, we’ve been assuming that he is operating in good faith;
that he sincerely, but mistakenly, believes that his drug-induced hal-
lucinations are of a religious nature. But, there is another possibility
that we must consider. It is possible that all this talk about religion is
a ruse. After all is not simulation inherently misleading, fraudulent,
and deceptive? I do not want to impute dishonesty, but I think it is
our duty to consider that this man may be misrepresenting his hal-
lucinogen use as “religious” in a desperate effort to find a legal safe
harbor for what is, in actuality, pure and simple illegal drug use. The
law [may] exert its force in situations where, under guise of religion, indul-
gence is sought in acts offensive to law and morality alike, in the disin-
genuous belief that they are constitutionally protected. There is no immu-
nity, of course, to devotees of such ancient observances as a dionysian
symposium or a bacchanalian orgy, even though conducted under a pro-
fane pretext of divine worship.52
There is a decided facility for drug abusers to enter into the membership
of the Church of the Awakening. This would provide a ready means to
acquire immunity from the law if the petition were granted. “Bad faith” of
future members and monitors is a real problem under the proposed re-
quirements enumerated by the Church. Granting of the exemption would
create serious breaches in drug abuse legislation and open the door to
pseudoreligions conceived for the purpose of circumventing drug laws in-
tended to control the misuse of drugs.53
I am tempted to suggest that there may be multiple layers of deceit
here. Simulation upon simulation. Addiction upon addiction. We
50. People v. Collins (1969), 273 Cal. App. 2d, 486, 488.
51. Federal Register (above, n. 48).
52. State v. Hughes (1965), 209 App. 2d, 872, 881.
53. Federal Register (above, n. 48).
160 Configurations
54. Robinson v. California, 370 U.S., 660, 672 (1962), J. Douglas, concurring.
Boire / An Assemblage of Law, Psychiatry, and Chemical Artifice 161
attitude exists. These beliefs may be held. They may be expressed but
where they are antithetical to the interests of others who are not of the
same persuasion and contravene criminal statutes legitimately designed to
protect society as a whole, such conduct should not find any constitutional
sanctuary in the name of religion or otherwise.60 The hallucinogens
threaten to dissolve the very possibility of community, by turning
people inside and away from rationally shared perceptions. In a
seeming paradox, however, they have a lure that draws others into
this interior nowhere. Were this potential contagion—the desire to
use hallucinogens—to reproduce itself and spread, the inevitable re-
sult in the aggregate would be an externalized social obsession with
interiority. Society would fracture and fissure as large segments of
the population “desocialize”61 or “drop out.”62 It would be difficult to
imagine the harm which would result if the criminal statutes against
marihuana were nullified as to those who claim the right to possess and
traffic in this drug for religious purposes. For all practical purposes the
anti-marihuana laws would be meaningless, and enforcement impossible.
The danger is too great, especially to the youth of the nation, at a time
when psychedelic experience, “turn on,” is the “in” thing to so many, for
this court to yield to the argument that the use of marihuana for so-called
religious purposes should be permitted under the Free Exercise Clause. We
will not, therefore, subscribe to the dangerous doctrine that the free exer-
cise of religion accords an unlimited freedom to violate the laws of the
land relative to marihuana.63
We have seen something which in a way is most alarming, more alarm-
ing than death in a way. And that is the loss of all cultural values . . .
these people . . . are deculturated, lost to society, lost to themselves.64
This is why, even today, we can permit Indians to ingest peyote in
their primitive ceremonies. Indians who practice the “old ways” are
inconsequential; they have chosen not to participate in our society
to any substantial degree. In effect they are lost in their mythical
world, their radical subjectivity tolerated because they are of zero
import to organizing our wider society.65 They are separate and apart
60. United States v. Kuch (1968), 288 F. Supp., 439, 445–446.
61. Derrida, “Rhetoric of Drugs” (above, n. 58), p. 37.
62. Timothy Leary, The Politics of Ecstasy (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1968), p.
223.
63. Leary v. United States (1967), 383 F. 2d, 851, 860.
64. Sidney Cohen in testimony before the U.S. Congress, as quoted in Jay Stevens,
Storming Heaven: LSD and the American Dream (New York: Grove Press, 1987), p. 279.
65. It bears noting that even this marginalized subpopulation’s use of peyote is only
grudgingly permitted pursuant to a few federal laws and regulations; see “American
Boire / An Assemblage of Law, Psychiatry, and Chemical Artifice 163
from us; effectively quarantined. Hell, the Amish too could use a
hallucinogen if they wanted.
But this man is one of us. Give him smallpox in a blanket and we
will perish.66
. . . and so it was that the lotus eaters devised not death for our fellows,
but gave them of the lotus to taste. Now whosoever of them did eat the
honey-sweet fruit of the lotus, had no more wish to bring tidings nor to
come back, but there he chose to abide with the lotus-eating men, ever
feeding on the lotus and forgetful of his homeward way.67
Revelations aside, we have entered the historical period of God in
the Age of Chemical Reproduction. As Kempis stressed,68 the imita-
tion of Christ is to be applauded; but God’s simulation must be
strictly prohibited.
And so it was.
Case closed.
fade out
Indian Religious Freedom Act,” 42 USC 1996; 21 CFR 1307.31. In 1990, the U.S. Su-
preme Court ruled that while statutes may protect religious use of peyote by Native
Americans, the Constitution’s Free Exercise Clause does not; see Employment Div., Ore.
Dept. of Human Res. v. Smith (1990), 494 U.S. 872. Three years later, Congress passed the
Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993, which prohibits the federal government
from substantially burdening a person’s exercise of religion, unless the government
“demonstrates that application of the burden to the person” represents the least restric-
tive means of advancing a compelling interest (41 USC 2000bb-1[b]).
66. Many Native American’s believe that their ancestors were given smallpox-infected
blankets by representatives of the U.S. government, and there is evidence that this may
have occurred; see E. Wagner Stearn and Allen E. Stearn, The Effect of Smallpox on the
Destiny of the Amerindian (Boston: B. Humphries, 1945), pp. 73–74.
67. Homer, The Iliad and the Odyssey, rendered into English prose by Samuel Butler
(Chicago: Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1952), bk. 9.
68. Thomas à Kempis, The Imitation of Christ (1425; reprint, Middlesex, UK: Penguin,
1975).
164 Configurations
69. Gonzales v. O Centro Espirita Beneficente Uniao do Vegetal (2006), 546 U.S. 418 126 S.
Ct. 1211; 163 L. Ed. 2d 1017; 2006 U.S. LEXIS 1815; 74 U.S.L.W. 4119.
70. Ibid., 126 S. Ct. 1211, p. 1217.
71. See note 65 above.
72. Gonzales v. O Centro Espirita Beneficente Uniao do Vegetal (above, n. 69), 126 S. Ct.
1211, p. 1217.
73. Ibid., p. 1220.
74. Ibid.
Boire / An Assemblage of Law, Psychiatry, and Chemical Artifice 165