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Department
of Sociology,Universityof California, Berkeley,California 94720
Abserace
The new sociology of knowledgeexamines how kinds of social organization
make whole orderings of knowledgepossible, rather than focussing on the
differing social locations and interests of individuals or groups. The review
begins with the effects on knowledgeof the media through which it is pre-
served, organized, and transmitted. Wethen analyze collective memory,ex-
aminlng social conditions that shape howknowledgeis transmitted through
time. The review then e×arnines howpatterns of authority located in organi-
zations shape both the content and structure of knowledge, looking at how
authority affects the scope, generality, and authoritativeness of knowledge.We
then review recent work on howsocial power, particularly that embodiedin
institutional practices, shapes knowledge. Weexaminehowknowledgerein-
forces social hierarchies and howthe boundaries and categories of systems of
knowledge are constituted. Looking at power, gender, and knowledge, we
discuss newversions of the standpoint theories that characterizedthe traditional
sociology of knowledge,l~inally, we briefly review recent work on informal
knowledge.
INTRODUCTION
boundaries and categories that define the basic terms of systems of knowledge
are constituted. Lookingat the recent literature on power, gender, and knowl-
edge, we discuss revitalized versions of the standpoint theories that character-
ized the traditional sociology of knowledge, exploring hownew approaches
deepen the understanding of what a social standpoint involves. Finally, we
turn briefly to recent work on informal knowledge, that knowledgeordinary
people develop to deal with their everyday lives.
Perhaps the most dramatic example of howsocial factors affect the basic
structure of knowledge is what Goody& Watt (1963) called "The Conse-
quences of Literacy." Historians, anthropologists, and psychologists have ex-
amined howthe introduction of new media for the recording, transmission,
and cumulation of knowledgechanges knowledgeitself. Walter Ong (1971,
1977, 1982), in a set of sweepingarguments, has contrasted the organization
of literate and oral cultures, arguing that the mediain whichwordsare trans-
mitted have repeatedly transformed consciousness.
Others (Olson 1977, Goody1986, Graff 1987, Finnegan 1988) have drawn
the contrast betweenorality and literacy less starkly. Akinnaso(1992) notes
the presence of both formal and informal learning in literate and nonliterate
societies, showingthat formal learning can create intellectually disciplined,
specialized, decontextualized knowledgeeven in nonliterate societies. Ewald
(1988), arguing that writing conveysauthority only whenstate powerprivi-
leges it (Clanchy 1979), examinesthe fascinating case of an African kingdom
whoserulers actively resisted writing in order to maintainthe flexibility and
ambiguity of the gift exchanges on which their powerdepended.
Eisenstein (1969, 1979) has argued that print, which multiplied and thus
preservedidentical copies of texts, decisively transformedthe shape of schol-
arly knowledge:corrected texts could be assembledand replicated, freed from
the inevitable corruptions of scribal transmission; rediscoveredtexts could be
permanentlyrather than only temporarily recovered; authorship of texts could
be established; texts and authors could be placed in a firm historical sequence;
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COLLECTIVE MEMORY
knowledge. This work has developed in two important directions. First, re-
searchers have shownthat muchpresumedtradition is in fact "invented" to
serve current social purposes (Hobsbawm& Ranger 1983, Wilford 1990),
especially defining nations and the character of national communities(Ander-
son 1983, Schwartz 1987, Hobsbawm1990, Kammen1991). Students of the
French revolution have shownhownew traditions and rituals helped create
new political realities (Hunt 1984) and, less charitably, howmemoriessuch
as that of the storming of the Bastille (Schama1989) wer~ concocted
political entrepreneurs. Onthe other hand, Schwartz (1991:234) has empha-
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sized how,in shaping the present, memoriesof the past provide "a stable image
upon which new elements are superimposed."
The second important line of research on collective memoryinvolves sys-
tematic analysis of the factors that lead events or objects to be retained or lost
as part of the stream of collective memory.Schudson(1992) has carefully
analyzed howWatergate entered and influenced collective memory.Using ~he
image of culture as a repertoire or repository ($widler 1986), he asks why
somethings are retained and others forgotten. He notes that events are more
likely to be rememberedif they happenedduring one’s lifetime, if they are
commemorated,if they touched people personally, and if they concern the
public center of national life, as Watergatedid. He also notes that events may
be rememberedindirectly (as when new scandals are dubbed" gate")
institutionally (whennewrules or procedures, like that of the "special prose-
cutor" are created). Schudson(1989:175) has systematized arguments about
the powerof culture, arguing that "a cultural object is morepowerfulthe more
it is within reach, the moreit is rhetorically effective, the moreit resonates
with existing opinions and structures ... the morethoroughlyit is retained in
institutions, and the morehighly resolved it is towardaction."
Interest in the uses and practical determinants of cultural memorycome
together in the study of literary or artistic canons--whatis preservedas part
of a cultural heritage. Escarpit’s (1971) brilliant workmadeclear that "exter-
nal" factors as well as the qualities of aesthetic worksthemselvesaffect what
will be retained in the culture. Hedemonstratedthat political upheavalsstrong-
ly influenced whether works entered the French literary canon, and that
whether a book was likely to be preserved as a "great work" depended on
whether its author was part of a cohort youngenough to keep the workalive
until a new generation could rediscover it. Lang&Lang(1990), in an analysis
of the reputations of English etchers, point out that survivors whopreserve,
catalog, and promotean artist’s workgreatly increase its chances for renown.
Barbara Hermstein Smith (1983) argues somewhatpolemically that what
enters the literary canon dependson the interests of those whocontrol it.
Tompkins(1985) has shown how Hawthorne’s work was systematically pro-
moted by those whose status claims he embodied, and Tuchman& Fortin
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3~0 S~D~R&ARD~
THE NEWSOCIOLOGY
OF KNOWLEDGE311
312 S~D~R&ARD~
314 SWIDLER
& ARDITI
THE NEWSOCIOLOGY
OF KNOWLEDGE
from different social milieus use to makesocial and cultural distinctions. Like
Meyer(1977), Bourdieu emphasizes the larger lessons conveyedby a hierar-
chical, stratified systemof education, rather than simplythe relatively advan-
taged or disadvantagedposition of particular social groups within it. Class or
status group advantage, captured by Bourdieu’s(1984) term "cultural capital,"
is not simply accumulatedcultural expertise. Rather, like economiccapital,
cultural capital includes the taste, confidence, and familiarity that allows the
culturally advantagedto reap a higher return on cultural investments than do
those whobegin with less.
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THE NEWSOGIOLOGY
OF KNOWLEI~E 321
INFORMAL KNOWLEDGE
There has also been a resurgence of workon informal knowledge(Geertz
1983), that is, the knowledgeordinary people developto deal with their
everydaylives (Gramsci1971). Whethersuchliterature is properlysociology
of knowledge,or whetherit belongswithin a broadenedsociologyof culture
or a sociologyof consciousnessremainsto be seen. But at least someworks
are of interest here becausethey examinehowordinarypeopleactually take
up and use (or reject) the knowledgegeneratedfor themby elites (Gamson
1992,Swidler1995).Billig (1987,1992)analyzesthe intellectual structure
ordinary thinking and the uses people makeof popular culture. Riessman
(1990)has examined howpeopleconstruct narratives of their lives.
The sociology of formal and informal knowledgehas converged, partly
throughthe workof the newcultural historians whohavedrawnexplicit links
betweenfolk knowledge and high culture (Greenblatt1988,Hunt1989,Muker-
jee & Schudson1991), and partly becauseof intellectual innovations, like
attention to "discursivefields" whichallowscholarsto discoverlarger organ-
izing principles within popularformsof knowledge.
The emphasison "practice" in cultural studies (Ortner 1984) has had
salutary effect in makingexplicit the problemof howideas become plausible
to those whohold them. WilliamSewell, Jr. (1992) has madean important
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CONCLUSION
Little of the workreviewed here explicitly locates itself in the sociology of
knowledge.Despite diverse disciplines, perspectives, and substantive foci,
however,these literatures allow at least somepreliminary conclusions. First,
social authority shapes the authoritativeness of knowledge,affecting both the
authority knowledgecan effectively claim and the forms that knowledgeclaims
take (see Asad 1993). Second, distinctions, social and intellectual, are made
alonglines ef social differentiation, particularly hierarchical ones. Third, shifts
in the mediathrough whichknowledgeis transmitted, especially the transition
to print, have dramaticeffects on the entire organization of knowledgesystems.
Fourth, to explain whynew knowledgeemerges and to account for the social
effects of ideas, scholars need to pay careful attention to factors that directly
affect the institutions and actors that produceand distribute knowledge.Fifth,
analysis of howthe social location of actors affects their knowledgemust
account for the constitution of actors themselves. Sixth, knowledgeand power
are intimately related because powerallows people to enact realities that make
their knowledgeplausible.
The new sociology of knowledge,not yet a unified field, does not have a
single problematic around which debates revolve. Nonetheless, there are op-
portunities for fruitful research along the manylines where the literatures
brought together here converge and diverge. For example, the issue of the
"authoritativeness" of different kinds of knowledgeraises manyquestions,
amongthem for whomand to what extent officially approved forms of knowl-
edge really do have authority. Hoggart (1957) argued manyyears ago that
English working-class culture remainedpredominantlyoral into the twentieth
century, and Whitehead’s (1974) study of occultism suggests widespread re-
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jection of the authority of modem science. But this raises the question of what
it meansfor knowledgeto be "authoritative." Is it necessary that most lay-
persons actually share it7 Or, like medievalCatholicism, are forms of knowl-
edge authoritative because established political authorities accept them? Or
because they define public discourse, whatever people maythink privately?
Anddo the officially authoritative forms of knowledgestructure the claims
even of heretics and dissenters?
If social authority structures knowledge,it is importantto ask precisely what
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(1986), for example, has madea strong case that British colonial rule had
enduring effects in Nigeria, making"ancestral village" a central political
identity while deemphasizingthe political significance of religion. But how
precisely did British rule privilege village identity, and whydid this identity
remain salient in post-colonial Nigerian polities? Moregenerally, is it an
authority’s control over specific incentives and sanctions, or rather control
over central symbols that anchors systems of knowledge?Or do authorities
influence knowledgethrough their control over the institutions of intellectual
life? Howdo conflicts between political and intellectual poweraffect the
structure of knowledge?
Similar questions can be asked about howsocial inequalities structure cat-
egorical distinctions. Mostintriguing is howsocial categories becomenatural-
ized. Is it only, as Foucault claims, because powerfulinstitutions enact dis-
tinctions that they cometo appear incontrovertibly real? Or can classifications
crystallize on morepurely cognitive or interactionist grounds?Andunder what
circumstances do distinctions remain hazy?
These questions and others like them--about howmedia of intellectual
transmission structure knowledgeor howdiffering standpoints influence def-
initions of what constitutes knowledge--suggestthat researchers wouldbenefit
from greater awareness of the cumulative gains being madein the sociology
of knowledge.Such awareness might stimulate explicit attention to the con-
cepts and causal modelsthat underlie particular historical or comparative
arguments.
AC~O~E~MENTS
Wewould like to thank Elizabeth A. Armstrong and Ricardo Samuel for
expert research assistance. Elizabeth Armstrong, Paul DiMaggio,Claude Fi-
scher, Jeff Manza,John Martin and an anonymousreviewer provided valuable
commentsand advice.
AnyAnnual
Revlcw
chapter,
mybepurchased
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fromthe Annual ReviewsPreprlnts
Review
andReprints
chapter,
service.
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415-259.5017;emall:arpr@dass.org
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