Pallavi Paul
Critical Theory
to Cultural Studies
Critical Theory
to Cultural Studies
[11]
- The question that Agamben poses to Foucault’s exposition is that, where can the
zone of intersection between state power and techniques of individualization be
located? Is there a unitary centre where the ‘political double bind’ can truly realize
itself? Finally is it possible and useful to hold subjective technologies and political
techniques apart?
-Agamben argues that in placing bare life within the political realm brings into view
the founding (and concealed) nucleus of sovereign power. In the traditionally
articulated exclusion of bare life from politics, he sees existing an implied inclusion.
To note here is that politics becomes the fundamental structure of Western thought on
which life, and the living being is qualified and the categories of zoe/bios, bare
life/political life, exclusion/inclusion, come into conversation.
-The striking thing then about Modern life, according to Agamben is not what
Foucault pointed out about the impinging of political strategy on individual lives,
because by inclusion/exclusion ‘sacer’/bare life has always existed as the haptic on
the margins of political power. But what can be specifically attributed to Modernity is
the setting in of ‘irreducible indistinction’ between the two. “At once excluding bare
life from and capturing within it political order, the state of exception (emphasis
mine) actually constituted, in its very separateness, the hidden foundation on which
the entire political system rested.” [12]
-Agamben also dwells on the internal paradox of modern democracy which drives it
extremely close to totalitarian systems of power. The ‘aporia’ of modern democracy is
that it presents itself as a vindication and liberation of ‘zoe’ but is trying to transform
its own bare life into a way of life. “…it wants to put the freedom and happiness of
men into play in the very place -bare life- that marked their subjection”.[13]
-It is this aporia that places and drives modern democracy to be complicit with its
seeming enemy. The kind of political practice that needs to emerge then, is that
biopolitics that thinks of bare life not as an exception to politics and therefore not in
an exclusion/inclusion relationship with it.
-The idea of sovereignty, is revisited by Agamben and questions are asked of it
afresh. According to him Carl Schmitt defined the sovereign as “he who decides on
the state of exception”. Here sovereignty borders on the sphere of life and becomes
undistinguishable from it , further the question of sovereignty was often reduced to
‘who within the political order was invested with certain powers, and the very
threshold of political power was never called into question.”[14]
-Now when the massive structures are in states of dissolution and “emergency has
become the rule”, questions must be posed afresh.
-Finally, Agamben’s piece is not only an undoing of the distinctions between ‘zoe’
and ‘bios’, but also between any distinctions that hold apart life and its various
manifestations from the multiple and camouflaged strategies of power (which too are
indistinguishable from each other).