Executive Power and Democratization in the

Northern Andes
Jan. 25, 2011

Adam C. Nisbet

Georgetown University

LASP-90

Nisbet, 1
Executive Power and Democratization in the Northern Andes

Table of Contents

Introduction 29
Executive Power in the Northern 30
Andes 31
The History of Leadership 31
Literature Review 31
Methodology 32
Democratization 34
Ecuador 37
Recent Elections
Referendums
Outside Influences
Political Participation
Freedom of the Press
Foreign Policy
Colombia
Recent Elections
Foreign Policy
Inner Struggles
Freedom of the Press
Venezuela
Chavez
Foreign Policy
Conclusion

3
8

9
12
13
14
14
15
16
19
21
26
27
28

Nisbet, 2
Executive Power in the Northern Andes

The region in South America that now encompasses Ecuador,

Colombia, and Venezuela was once the first Spanish viceroyalty to break

free from the crown and establish their own independent government 1.

Since that separation, these countries have experienced an often volatile

struggle for representative democracy facing a shift toward socialism,

encountering the deficiencies of populism, all with the constant threat of

coup d’états from their standing militaries.

This interdisciplinary study aims to give a brief history of Latin

American government systems and to profile current modes of

representation by analyzing their current executive leadership. In this

1
Gran Colombia (18) July, 2007.

Nisbet, 3
interdisciplinary study we will discuss the political implications of the rise of

Colombia’s new president, Juan Manuel Santos, and the issues this region of

Latin America is now facing including foreign relations with the United

States, and other regional and foreign influences. World trade and foreign

investment has dramatically influenced these areas’ economic sustainability

and propelled substantial growth in the 2000’s.  In the midst of Latin

America’s ongoing development, there are still ongoing concerns over

human rights issues, freedom of the press, and the environment in this

region.  The countries this study will examine have demonstrated a

movement towards representative government which has endured

consistent distress due to their regional, economic, and ethnic diversity.  

On the international front, it appears that there is a notable separation

between the diplomatic routes of the countries; Colombia’s new president

has taken on a dramatic pro-American diplomatic stance while Venezuela

has replaced American influence with those of other countries, including an

“overseas development aid” diplomatic program supported by China, foreign

corporations, in addition to other influences 2.

Aside from international influences the region faces infighting and

regional turmoil across the boundaries of their respective countries due

largely to narcotic trafficking and regional instabilities, often linked to ethnic

2
Burges, Sean W. Building a Global Southern Coalition: the competing
approaches of Brazil’s Lula and Venezuela’s Chavez. Third World Quarterly,
Vol. 28, No. 7, pp 1343-1358. 2007.

Nisbet, 4
or natural rights issues. Colombia alone is still fighting the longest standing

drug war against guerrillas in modern history.3 It is considered to be in a

state of constant civil war4, with millions of internally displaced people. It

currently relies heavily on US funding for humanitarian aid and defense 5. In

Ecuador President Correa, who proposed the popular “citizen’s revolution” in

20046, has been the victim of a recent coup attempt perpetrated by angry

civil servants, including police and military, regarding changes to their

pension plans and this has furthered instability 7. On the other hand, Hugo

Chavez, the president of oil rich Venezuela, condemns anything proposed by

the United States diplomats accusing the United States of constant meddling

in the region. He has even blamed them for the Ecuadorian coup attempt

stating from his Twitter account: “They’re trying to take down President

Correa,” saying that he’s been “kidnapped;”7.  

This study has combined references to scholarly articles analyzing each

country’s progress through the 2000’s and their reach for political stability.

Much of this region relies on overseas development aid to fund further

3
Ardila Galvis, Constanza. The Heart of the War in Colombia. Kumarian Press.
March 2002.

4
Keller, Karen. Critics Fault Former Colombia President Uribe. AOL News.
November 2, 2010. http://www.aolnews.com/world/article/critics-fault-former-
colombian-president-alvaro-uribe/19695763

5
Haugan, Greg. US to give $30M for Colombia land restitution. Colombia
Reports. October 19, 2010.
6
ECUADOR: Correa Success Depends on External Factors. OxResearch Daily Brief
Service. Oxford: pg. 1. August 26th 2009.
7
Kuffner, Stephan and Padgett, Tim.  Ecuador: When the Cops Took on the
President. 1 Oct 2010.
http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,2023011,00.html?iid=sphere-
inline-sidebar

Nisbet, 5
infrastructure costs, and oil related costs which further complicates political

power structures8.  The region has been influenced by many countries during

its history. Today the political spectrum encompasses ideologies such as

Marxism, Socialism, Populism, and Communism, evidence will shed light on

how their leaders currently define their nations through elections and

democratic constitutional systems.  

Regional disputes have recently arisen between Colombia and Ecuador

amid serious regional security conflicts concerning cocaine trafficking

paramilitaries, the FARC in Colombia, and issues related to the remote

border with Ecuador that has been the site of border invasion dispute. To

make the situation even more precarious, Venezuela has been documented

to be openly harboring the same FARC militants because of Marxist ideology 9

and has broken ties with Colombia over this issue 10.  At the same time, this

region is forging many new allegiances with countries such as Iran, China,

and others showing a dynamic and yet questionable future in relations with

the US11. Leaders of the area seem as though they are in a constant dance

between the throws of populisms and disruptive violence.

8
Burges, Sean W. Building a Global Southern Coalition: the competing
approaches of Brazil’s Lula and Venezuela’s Chavez. Third World Quarterly,
Vol. 28, No. 7, pp 1343-1358. 2007.

9
Washington Post. Terrorist on Video; Colombia proves – again – that Venezuela
is harboring FARC insurgents. July 30, 2010.

10
Chavez Breaks Ties with Colombia. Los Angeles Times. Main News; Foreign
Desk; Part A; pg, 11. July 23, 2010.

11
The Economist. “The Dragon in the Back Yard.” August 15th, 2009.

Nisbet, 6
 This study will seek to explain themes in executive leadership in this

region and also explain modern shifts in their constitutional democracies and

a qualitative analysis of their electoral systems. The region is composed of a

very diverse conglomerate of political ideologies, ethnicities and races that

have created a very complex representative spectrum. Ecuador’s

constitutional government has been largely unstable in recent decades

having voted in six national elections in the past four years to hold

constitutional assemblies and to cast obligatory votes for their

representative government repeatedly12. The state of executive leadership

in the Northern Andes can shed light on how these political systems have

progressed. Colombia’s recent election, while having a few outbursts of

violence and death, can actually be seen as a positive example for the region

which showcased democratic debate and enthusiastic voters engaging in

political activism and free speech.

Since the provident political themes of Simon Bolivar’s conquest, these

countries have had a determined will to be represented through democratic

governments. And while each country faces internal crises ranging from

indigenous rights and natural rights, to issues involving their rich and mostly

undeveloped natural resources, they have developed their own political

identity and free-acting will. Even as proposals for school reform in

Venezuela and Ecuador lead to protests and tear gas on the streets of their
12
Bowen, James D. Notes on Recent Elections: Ecuador's 2009 presidential and
legislative elections. Electoral Studies, vol. 29, no. 1, pp. 186-189, Mar
2010.

Nisbet, 7
respective capitals they will still seek reform and progress with so many

factional parties involved staking claim to representative power 13.

This study will also seek to explain the contrasts and links between

these political systems and their goals for the rights of the individual. As

President Correa has explained in his campaigns, the country should ideally

work: “to keep wages in line with the cost of living; to broaden the reach of

basic services; to widen coverage of social security; to make banks more

responsive to people’s needs; and to continue defending Ecuador’s national

sovereignty.”14 This study will also analyze whether, in a time of

international economic lag and constantly shifting diplomatic relations, can

these goals be achieved for Northern Andes and Latin America?

Executive Power and Democratization in the Northern Andes

This region of Latin America has had its share of dictators, thieves in

office, and military coup attempts. Recent history has shown that much of

latin American politics is a battle between the military, president, and the

media. The media is often owned by wealthiest members of society and is

seen as promoting their economic interests, often times opposing the

13
The Economist. Hugo Chavez seeks to catch them young. Venezuela’s
Education “Reforms.” Caracas. August 22nd, 2009.

14
ECUADOR: Correa Success Depends on External Factors. OxResearch Daily Brief
Service. Oxford: pg. 1. August 26th 2009.

Nisbet, 8
president. The military is seen as supporting the will of the people, and is

usually the deciding factor of stability. –and now growing social movements.

It seems that there is a constant tug-of-war between these different

branches, with each party holding the upper hand at different moments in

time. However, now it appears that changes are being made through

constitutional reforms giving the judiciary nonnegotiable power to reinforce

the law and make final decisions pertaining to the legal code.

Often power resides in the hands of one individual whereas it would

make the country stronger to build up future generations of leaders to take

over and carry-on political values in a deliberative fashion.

In this region a push towards Democracy would most nearly mean and

acceptance and strict enforcement of freedom of the press, constitutional

reforms meant to give resolute power to the judiciary branch, limitations on

presidential terms, fair and open elections, and fair competition and

opportunity between party institutions.

The History of Leadership

The history of leadership in this region of the Andes has traditionally

been marked by a strong head of state. In Latin America there have been

dozens of strong leaders from the Peron’s to Pinochet, some of them have

Nisbet, 9
been great leaders and some have been hard-handed dictators’ ever

influencing the politics of Latin America.

The state of executive leadership in the Northern Andes has been

riddled with corruption and violence. Colombia, Ecuador, and Venezuela

were of the first nations to separate from Spanish rule through the conquest

of Simon Bolivar, a figure that has been celebrated as the liberator.  These

countries have a determined will to be represented through a democracy

while each faces internal crises concerning indigenous rights and natural

rights, for their rich and mostly undeveloped natural resources.  And when

proposals for school reform in Venezuela and Ecuador lead to protests and

tear gas on the streets of their respective capitals how can a country seek

reform and progress with so many factional parties staking claim to the

direction of their country?15  

TODAY, these countries are connected through their Bolivarian political

heritage, a constant struggle against hegemonic powers that have lingered

since colonialism that pervade every segment of life from ethnicity, race,

and gender, but each is unique and defined by its own citizens.

Take for instance the situation in Ecuador where the citizens have

voted seven times since 2006, pushing through a new constitution and new

rights for citizens.16 Still there has been coup attempts and struggles for

15
The Economist. Hugo Chavez seeks to catch them young. Venezuela’s Education
“Reforms.” Caracas. August 22nd, 2009.
16
Bowen, James D. Notes on Recent Elections: Ecuador's 2009 presidential and legislative
elections. Electoral Studies, vol. 29, no. 1, pp. 186-189, Mar 2010.

Nisbet, 10
power in Ecuador, where President Correa was recently taken hostage, these

events present a tumultuous forecast of political stability in this region.

By further examining the developments that have arisen in the recent

Colombian, Ecuadorian and Venezuelan elections this study will attempt to

demonstrate the democratic will of the people of each country where much

power is vested in the executive office of the president. Furthermore, in

Venezuela, where the United States is the primary importer of oil, has Hugo

Chavez been responsible for any positive progress?17

Could it be possible that these leaders are right for their specific

nations, as democratically elected by their people, and why would the U.S.

have such a negative outlook for these leaders? It seems that the U.S.’s

perspective is entirely economic and could possibly lead to a cut in economic

and diplomatic ties in the region that is showing a trend of increased imports

and exports, and foreign investment with China and other countries where

China has invested primarily in oil infrastructure. 18

There are so many different competing political issues in each country

that influence the decisions of their leaders. Many of these influences

include international corporations and petroleum economics, international

diplomatic narcotics policies, and struggles for internal representation. Each

of the issues must be considered when analyzing the diplomatic situation in

each country. Still yet, there are fears that the area has slipped into a

17
The Economist. Briefing: Latin American Geopolitics. August 15th 2009.
18
The Economist. Briefing: Latin American Geopolitics. August 15th 2009.

Nisbet, 11
socialistic ideology that may prove an ever greater threat to capitalism and

open markets in the area, but in a region that has grown tired of economic

loans, neo-liberalism, and promises from international organizations such as

the International Monetary Fund (IMF), a reversal to inward looking politics

and taking care of each citizen has become a new theme on the horizon.

The 2000’s have marked an era in which the executive leadership in the

Andes has become increasingly hesitant to cooperate with American

interests or intervention. With the first election of Hugo Chavez and the

beginning of his “Bolivarian Revolution” a tipping point occurred in Latin

America where now the focus of the government is on “resolving economic

inequity, enhancement of the democratic systems, sharing the wealth of

nationalized oil production, and strengthening national sovereignty.” 19 “For

the first time”, Cristina Kirchner, President of Argentina said: “the leaders of

their respective countries look like the people they represent; they are the

face of their nations.”20

Literature Review

The literature consisted of sources published primarily in the 2000’s

and 1990’s, with a few exceptions. Much attention has been given to

providing as much historical perspective on the development of each

19
Stone, Oliver. South of the Border. Cinime Libre Studio. 2009.
20
Stone, Oliver. South of the Border. Cinime Libre Studio. 2009.

Nisbet, 12
country’s governmental institutions, as much as can be provided succinctly,

As well.

Academic and Scholarly articles were used from as many sources and

perspectives as possible. In as many cases possible, contributions from

sources in the Spanish language and from Spanish periodicals and news

outlets as well. For specific facts about the government, constitutional

changes, and legal documents the source was considered through sources

such as the Political Database of the Americas whose archives contain each

of the constitutions throughout amendments and newly implemented

versions.

Methodology

Interdisciplinary methods of were applied to analyze political situations

and to compare separate government powers. As many academic disciplines

as possible were used, including: anthropologic, sociological, political

science, economic, foreign policy, comparative governments, public policy,

and contemporary news accounts of government events to characterize

official statements.

The majority of these accounts are from English sources, on having a

linguistics bias as speaking English as a first language and only sufficing as

an intermediate Spanish reader/writer, therefore this paper will undoubtedly

contain a bias that is inherent its author due to circumstances beyond his

Nisbet, 13
control but furthered by the limitation of language on preferred academic

texts surrounding these items of interest. That must be stated, but in

addition the author has made every attempt to shed light on the most

accurate accounts of events aside from nationalistic, ethnic, racial, or

linguistic perspectives.

Democratization
ECUADOR

After the fall of President Abdala Bucram, Ecuador was considered

Latin America’s most unstable democracy in the late 1990’s and early

2000’s. Some have claimed that Democratic instability has been further

perpetuated by the mounting strength of social movements such as

indigenous organizations.21 The main reason for the downfall of President

Jamil Mahuad was his decision to make the official currency of Ecuador the

U.S. Dollar. Critics even today argue whether it was a positive policy for the

country, while others argue that it brought stability to the country as it made

Ecuador a hub for the U.S. currency in Latin America. 22 The history of

21
International Crisis Group. Ecuador: Overcoming Instability? Latin America
Report No. 22. 7 August 2007.

22
International Crisis Group. Ecuador: Overcoming Instability? Latin America
Report No. 22. 7 August 2007.

Nisbet, 14
instability in the country feeds the people’s lack of trust in banking, leaving

most transactions to be carried out in cash. In contrast with its neighbors

Ecuador’s profits from oil sales is not as exuberant and superfluous but does

provide a significant economic boost. However, when Correa nationalized

the countries’ biggest oil field in 2007 economic growth slowed and the

country was hit hard by the global recession.23

Following Mahud’s downfall, in 2006, Rafael Correa defeated Alvaro

Noboa, a three-time candidate from one of the richest families in Ecuador for

Presidential office. Throughout the campaign religious rhetoric was implored

on both sides, and some have accused Noboa’s campaign of blatant populist

strategies claiming he would distribute “food, clothing, money, and

computers” 24 to some of the poorest areas in Ecuador, stimulating his party

of Conservative-populist ideological leaning citizens in a country where

voting is mandatory. Noboa’s campaign pushed for a closer relationship with

the United States, with progressive housing policies, and even cutting

relationships with Cuba. However, in a country that has become more and

more weary of the United States, Naboa’s ideas were not victorious and

today Ecuador is doing much the opposite of Naboa’s platform. Rafael Correa

formed and ran at the top ticket of the Alianza Pais party (AP). 25
23
Romero, Simon. Ecuador, Ever Unstable, Prepares for New Leader’s Plans. New York
Times. April 14, 2007.
24
Ajl, Max. Defeating the “envoy of God.” Ecuador: Rafael Correa. New
Statesman. December 4, 2006.

25
International Crisis Group. Ecuador: Overcoming Instability? Latin America
Report No. 22. 7 August 2007.

Nisbet, 15
 Throughout the years since his election Correa’s government has

adopted a very pro-Cuban immigration and trade policy mirroring that of

Venezuela and has further distanced itself diplomatically from the United

States, calling for a closing of the military base in Manta. He stated in jest

that he would allow for the base to remain open if the United States

permitted for an Ecuadorian base in Miami. In his campaign, Correa stated

that Ecuador must, “transcend all the fallacies of neo-liberalism” as he has

called for a nationalization of the oil industry, and a constitutional assembly

that closely represented that of Bolivia and Venezuela at the time. And

while his rhetoric has been elevated at moments he has also approached

bilateral talks with the United States. As recently as January 2011 he has

been pushing for a referendum to reform the judicial system in the country,

which he has called corrupt.26

The 2006 election in Ecuador was hailed by international scholars as

innovative for merging traditional and postmodern modes of electioneering

into one successful model; many of these elements are visible through

examples from Correa’s campaign, showing that he may be the right person

at the right time for Ecuador. Some scholars debate whether Correa is a

populist leader or whether he leads through a hybridization model, which

26
Ecuador President Pushes for Referendum. CNN News Room Staff. CNN. January, 18 th 2011.
<http://articles.cnn.com/2011-01-18/world/ecuador.referendum_1_judicial-system-rafael-correa-referendum?
_s=PM:WORLD>

Nisbet, 16
would allow him to appeal with specified messages to different constituents

of the population to build his ruling majority. 27

Carlos de la Torre, an Ecuadorian scholar, has done much research on

the professionalization of politics in Latin America and believes that

advancements have been made in the scope of elections in Latin America

within the last thirty years. The question is whether these, often times

Western or neoliberal politics, have made a positive impact or have merely

assisted interested political agendas. In 1996, while many of these

advancements were underway, David Swanson who was studying the

comparative politics of Latin America termed the phenomenon

“Americanization.” 9 More broadly, these adaptations can be attributed to

democratization, a term that is of significance to this paper which has range

even outside of elections.28 Many theorists had a conflict with the idea that

Latin America was accepting Americanized notions of campaigns and election

politics and argued that these advancements were due to technology or

media trends. Regardless, the advancements in campaign communication in

Latin America, throughout the 1990’s and 2000’s, generally have made

positive contributions to dialog and communal understanding of political

27
De la Torre, Carlos and Conagham, Catherine. The Hybrid Campaign. Tradition
and Modernity in Ecuador’s 2006 Presidential Election. International Journal
of Press/Politics. Volume 14 Number 3. July 2009.

28
De la Torre, Carlos and Conagham, Catherine. The Hybrid Campaign. Tradition
and Modernity in Ecuador’s 2006 Presidential Election. International Journal
of Press/Politics. Volume 14 Number 3. July 2009.

Nisbet, 17
issues. It had become evident that more professionalized campaigns were

needed to cement a majority consensus among citizens, and this meant the

introduction of analytical polling, grassroots organizing, strategy consultants,

and professionally produced broadcasts.

Furthermore, de la Torre describes: “Political scientists produced

studies of party systems and voting behavior showing a Latin American

electorate, especially in the Andean countries, that was growing detached

from traditional parties (Mainwaring and Scully 1995)” which produced

demand for new forms of political campaigns. Many citizens were becoming

more influenced by the postmodern era of campaigning, where candidates

were more visible through direct targeted television advertising, Internet

campaigning, or direct group identification politics, and less by the more

traditional face-to-face, opinion leader, and two step flow models of

campaign communications. However, considering the development situation

in many remote areas and cultural predispositions, campaigns were still

required to harness traditional strategies and create a hybridized model of

campaigning by adapting new strategies to existing forms of technology. 29

Personalization has long been important in Ecuador and Latin American

politics; it is the most traditional form where the candidate is seen as an

individual with a highly personalized story and personality that many can
Urquillas, Jorge and Martin Van Niewkoop. “Defining Ethnodevelopment in Operational
29

Terms: Lessions from the Ecuador Indigenous and Afro-Ecuadorian Peoples Project.” LCR
Sustainable Development Working Papers No. 6. World Bank (January 2000) p. 23.

Nisbet, 18
empathize with. This is characterized by politicians who employ such

strategies to promote their character and popularity more than typical

candidates, and have less close party affiliations.

The 2006 election gives us a clear case of this as well, however the

use of technology and television made this different and Rafeal Correa’s

campaign benefited from his greater ability to work with media and

technology.

In 2007 the International Crisis Group laid out 5 elements they

believed were critical to Ecuador becoming stable and maintaining Correa’s

executive success, they included:

“Uphold the rule of law; prepare the Constitutional Amendment election with

full transparency; seek consensus with opposition; advance the political

party institution; advance broad citizen participation.”30

President Rafael Correa of Ecuador has proven to be a robust and

progressive leader for contemporary Ecuador. At times he has been loved

by his people for standing up to foreign powers over national debt issues and

defending the rights of his people over those of international corporations.

Needless to say, he has had to struggle with a myriad of difficult situations

30
International Crisis Group. Ecuador: Overcoming Instability? Latin America
Report No. 22. 7 August 2007.

Nisbet, 19
since taking over the presidency in 2006. He has been elected for four more

years of his citizens’ revolution where he has promised to focus on basic

services such as broadening water sanitation, economic prosperity,

defending national sovereignty, strengthening the constitution and rule of

law; and collaborating with the needs of the multicultural citizenship.

President Correa has made bold stances against foreign corporations

that choose to operate in Ecuador and has demanded fair value for the

resources extracted from the land, including caveats for natural rights to the

land. 31 Correa proposed the new constitution in 2008 that would give the

president more control over the economy and made far-reaching promises to

citizens including the right for every citizen to have access to clean water,

education through the university level, health care, and other benefits. The

constitution was favorably received and passed causing many political

scientists to compare the policies adopted by Ecuador’s government to their

socialist ally Venezuela.32 While some critics argue that the new document

hands over too many controls to Correa, the Miami Herald reported that

communist scholars from Spain and “Constitutional scholars from Venezuela”

were involved in the writing of the new Ecuadorian constitution which even

provides safe haven for FARC military groups.33 Regardless of its political

intentions, the new constitution has provided many platitudes toward ethnic
31
ECUADOR: Correa Success Depends on External Factors. OxResearch Daily Brief Service.
Oxford: pg. 1. August 26th 2009.
32
Brodzinsky, Sibylla. Ecuador votes to lock in its Shift to the Left. Christian Science
Monitor. September 30, 2008.
33
Petito, Margaret. Ecuador vs. Democracy. The Miami Herald. October 19th, 2008.

Nisbet, 20
right that before now had never existed in Ecuador.34 The new constitution

which was approved 64 to 36 percent, also places term limits on the

presidency, as in the U.S., the president is limited to two four year terms 35.

While it would be easy to criticize each country only for their negative

traits in terms of the United States foreign policy objectives this study will go

further to highlight beneficial reforms in each country that are addressing

core fundamentals toward a democratic society while embracing democratic

deliberation and dialog. This study will determine contrasts between each

country, by analyzing factors of their individual political situation including

foreign policy, citizens’ rights and social movements, constitutional

advancements and elections, and strengthening the judicial system and

placing legal impediments to corruption.

POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

The 1990’s were termed the “decade ganada” for the indigenous

movement in Ecuador, which created new opportunities and social

acceptance for peoples traditionally left out of the economic system and

social class structure. Today, university education is more accessible to

indigenous students in Ecuador than it has ever been. 36 While much of this is

34
Van Cott, Donna Lee. Latin America: Constitutional Reform and Ethnic Right. Latin America. Parliamentary
Affairs.
35
Gallegos, Luis. New Constitution Good for Democracy. The Miami Herald. October 7 th, 2008.
36
Weaver, David. The University and Social Change: University Education for
Indigenous Students in Ecuador. Tulane University. 2010.

Nisbet, 21
due to government policies initiated prior to the Correa administration

although it has been one of his own pursuits as president even more is due

to the effective social movements that took place in the 90’s in Ecuador. To

fully quantify a social movement in these terms, a scholar must take into

account each party of interest in the communal structure, including the

pluralistic community group, the government and stated policies, and the

university institution itself – each with inherent motives. These cross-cutting

relationships have dramatic influence on the progress of a social movement

considering that traditionally state universities in Latin America have been

espoused with the responsibility of enforcing state ideologies that essentially

fund their research, but at the same time scholars, seeking social change,

must question the policies and actions of the state itself.

Another influence on civic education that has developed the

progressive debate over the governments’ responsibility to the poor could be

credited to Leonidas Proaño, a priest that devoted his life to the poor

indigenous living around Riobamba and created the Escuelas Radiofonicas

program that taught Spanish over the radio to remote villagers. He was a

practioner of the liberation theology movement that has had a significant

influence on political attitudes of the poor and social movements within Latin

America.37

37
Exposicion El Obispo de los Indios Sigue Vigente. Leonidas Proano sigue dejano su
legado. <http://www.laprensa.com.ec/ediciones.asp?notid=5519>

Nisbet, 22
 Through the late 1990’s and early 2000’s, Universities in Ecuador have

been making education more accessible to the indigenous populations by

offering bilingual intercultural options for enrollment. Offered in the

indigenous language of Kichwa, through a program called Directorio Nacional

de Educcacion Intercultural Bilingue (DINEIB) the Ecuadorian Ministry of

Education has made several attempts to make higher-level scholarship

available to traditionally marginalized minorities. 38 Such advancements are

important for Ecuador to realize a Democratized society where people may

not be marginalized simply because of their native language or culture and

have an opportunity to interject in the national political conversation.

Several other partnership programs have benefited social mobilization in

Ecuador, including the Consejo de Desarollo para los Negros y Pueblos

Indigenas (CODENPE) a project sponsored by a $50 million grant from the

World Bank.

The Confederacion de Nacionalidades Indigenas de Ecuador (CONAIE)

have presented themselves as a very capable and significant political power

in Ecuador within the last decade and are becoming more and more relevant

to political decision making moving into the 2010’s. CONAIE even has its

own political party called the Pachacutik that was formed in 1996, although

not a majority they were able to influence the development of the new

38
Weaver, David. The University and Social Change: University Education
for Indigenous Students in Ecuador. Tulane University. 2010.

Nisbet, 23
constitution defining Ecuador as a “pluralcultural” nation. The CONAIE

movement appears to be stronger on the local level holding several mayoral

posts in the cities of Cotacachi, Otavalo, and Aluasi. However, in the 2006

presidential election, Luis Macas garnered as little as 2 percent of the

popular vote leaving the question open to whether an indigenous candidate

is capable of winning a national popular contest given that attitudes vary

regionally and socially on the issue. It could be possible that many

indigenous voters are involved in a more localized political movement and

believe in strong responsible candidates on the national front with stronger

populist party institutions39. In this situation Correa’s party would seem very

appealing, considering he also speaks Kichwa, the major indigenous

language spoken in many mountain regions and by tribes of the western

Amazon region; it is spelled as “Quechua” in Spanish. While the movement

has invigorated indigenous rights activists and empowered many, it must

keep working to remain a powerful figure in national politics because their

conglomerate of followers have often been difficult to direct behind a

singular position. Most importantly, the advancement of social movements

in Ecuador, whether it has been through agrarian reform, collective farming

through barrios, or the forming of indigenous political groups, has been one

of the greatest contributions to a sustainable democracy in Ecuador because

Scott, Beck and Mijeski, Kenneth J. Mainstreaming the Indigenous Movement in Ecuador.
39

East Tennessee University. XXI International Congress of Latin American Studies

Association. Chicago, Illinois. September 24-26 1998.

Nisbet, 24
they have led the way to build a “civil society” through the organization of

historically oppressed rural citizens into a communal democracy that

represents the interest of the common person over economic interests. 40

Freedom of the Press

Also of major concern to Ecuador’s Democratization is the threat

placed on free speech by political powers. Government control over

telecommunications companies in Latin America is nothing new, but while

some advances have been made toward fairness, blatant attacks on free

speech still persist.

In Ecuador as with many Latin American regions in the country, the

president gives a weekly broadcasted presidential address that is closely

monitored by citizens and journalists. While these broadcasts were not as

ritualized as those presented by Hugo Chavez’s administration they are

professional, proficient, and resounding. From my own accounts of viewing

the broadcast weekly in Quito, it seemed that Correa was very ambitious

and determined with his policies and was quite capable of laying down a

thorough framework for these ideas through well presented rhetoric.

Correa’s government did however place many publicly funded commercials

during the 2010 World Cup which some foreign onlookers claimed was pure

propaganda.

40
Korovkin, Tanya. Reinventing the Communal Tradition: Indigenous Peoples, Civil Society, and Democratization in
Andean Ecuador. Latin American Research Review, Vol. 36, No. 3 (2001). Pp. 37-67.

Nisbet, 25
 The relationship between Ecuador’s executive leadership and the

media has a long rap sheet of offenses. President Rodrigo Borja in 1990

would immediately interrupt national television broadcasts to respond to

accusations made by the news organization about his family. There has

been a constant struggle between the executive power and the media in

almost every modern day Ecuadorian presidency. These were not purely

conflicts of opinion but instances where the president took excessive power

to eliminate potentially negative opinions from entering the public debate.

Brandt has quantitatively analyzed nearly twenty instances of this in Ecuador

since the 1970’s, and some report that Correa’s administration is no

different.41

Correa’s administration “threatened to cancel the broadcasting of any

television company that conspired against the government. 42

Brandt also states it very well: “To be clear: political democracy certainly
may be effectively deepened by the rise of movements that focus largely on
providing voice to the disenfranchised (22).”

As long as the protests and social movements remain non-violent democratic

systems will be improved by more participation and voices at the table. In
April, 2007, when the judiciary ordered the firing of 57 legislators for
corruption charges, the congresspeople were beaten on the streets as

41
Barndt, William T. Executive Assaults and the Social Foundations of
Democracy in Ecuador. Latin American Politics and Society; Spring 2010; 52, 1;
ProQuest Direct Complete. pg. 121

42
Latin American Weekly Report, 2007a. Ecuador: Politics. June 14, 4.

Nisbet, 26
protestors threw tear gas and prompted the evacuation of the national
assembly. 43

FOREIGN POLICY

To make matters even worse, Ecuador is also in quite a few disputes

with its neighbors including Peru and Colombia. In July 2010 Ecuador

revealed that Colombia had been wiretapping and spying on the phone calls

of President Correa. While Colombia denied the story, the issue was further

complicated by the fact that Colombia had discovered a FARC camp inside

Ecuador territory and led and ambush there without notifying the president.

According to the Observer, President Uribe, and Juan Manuel Santos, the

new president of Colombia and the head of security forces at that time, were

both briefed on that matter three times and still made no attempt to contact

President Correa.44

43
Romero, Simon. Ecuador, Ever Unstable, Prepares for New Leader’s Plans. New York Times. April 14, 2007.
44
Carroll, Rory. Ecuador: Row over spying ends thaw and turns the heat up on
Colombia. The Observer. Week Pages; Pg. 36. July 4th, 2010.

Nisbet, 27
COLOMBIA
Colombia’s Elections
The previous decade in Colombia, for politics and national identity, was

written by the strong leadership of President Uribe, who almost ran for a

third term in executive office until barred from doing so by a decision made

by the Supreme Court. This election was one of the most progressive and

participative in Colombia history, where both parties made significant

contributions to the democratic debate and brought more people than ever

to the table discussing Colombia’s future.

While Colombia fights many battles within its borders one happens to

be that of protecting a free and open press, as many organizations report

that election journalists face major harassment. Threats on the press are

not new to Colombia’s elections either. In 2006 Enrique Camargo, a radio

station director received a message of “You Homo, Stop Talking So Much.”

The message was received after he spoke out about the results of a mayoral

election. Also, in 2005, NACLA reports that three journalists’ lives were

threatened when writing about mayoral elections highlighting a history of

threats on the press and the violent hand of political suppression. 45

Juan Manuel Santos is seen as a conservative and stable leader who

was a security advisor to President Uribe for many years through hard

NACLA Report on the Americas. In Brief. News from Latin America. Colombia: Elections
45

and Threats on the Press. Pg. 42-45. May June 2006.

Nisbet, 28
fought battles with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC),

where Uribe’s administration has been hailed nationally for its progress.

Santos was seen as the “pro-business” candidate and more favorable to

capitalism and open markets than his contender Maukus, a doctorate of

philosophy and member of the Green party.46

Since taking office, it seems that Santos has taken a very pro-

American stance which could make Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez

paranoid of an attack on any stretch of his countries’ border with Colombia.

He has used this excuse to move nearly 15,000 troops to the border of

Colombia and has furthered tensions between his Latin American neighbors.

Much of his paranoia is fueled by the fact that Colombia receives much

financial and military aid from the United States, giving the U.S. access to

many Colombian military bases for anti-narcotics reasons. Venezuela has

purchased $5 billion worth of Russian weaponry, including tanks and aircraft,

furthering fears of war with its neighbors47. By percentage of spending

compared to GDP for Latin American Countries, Jane’s Country Risk reports,

that Colombia is by far the biggest spender on defense, far outspending

Venezuela, and towering over the expenditures of Ecuador. Much of the

reason for Colombia’s spending on arms is due to their long-term civil war

with narcotic guerillas. Much of the battle concerning the FARC and

46
Strange, Hannah. Landslide Win Boosts Crusade to Finish off Rebels;
Colombia. The Times National Edition. London. June 22, 2010.
47
Strange, Hannah. Landslide Win Boosts Crusade to Finish off Rebels;
Colombia. The Times National Edition. London. June 22, 2010.

Nisbet, 29
narcotics trafficking is taking place on the border between Colombia and

Venezuela, and each side has been bulking up troop presence in the region,

heightening fears of a military squabble. Colombia has disclosed that they

have seized Venezuelan rocket launchers from FARC military camps. 48

With Colombia’s new president, it seems that Obama has found a

friend in the Andes. Santos was officially sworn in as president in August of

2010, instituting a popular stance toward American politics and to progress

the ideas of his successor, Uribe. Many American critics have looked on in

hopes that the Santos government will even strengthen relations between

Colombia and the United States, advancing anti-narcotic efforts and

providing military support in the often conflict ridden region .

The Heritage Foundation reports that the United States has invested

more in the “stability and security” of Colombia far more than any other

Latin American nation within the previous decade. 49 There are also hopes of

a U.S.-Colombian Free Trade Agreement. Walser claims that “Colombia in

particular, has a major impact on the security of the Americas because it

remains at the epicenter of coca growing and cocaine processing.” 50 This

48
Strange, Hannah. Landslide Win Boosts Crusade to Finish off Rebels;
Colombia. The Times National Edition. London. June 22, 2010.
49
Walser, Ray. Colombia and Obama’s Latin America Policy: Time to Close Ranks and
Support a Friend. Backgrounder. The Heritage Foundation. No. 2439. July 23, 2010.

Walser, Ray. Colombia and Obama’s Latin America Policy: Time to Close Ranks and
50

Support a Friend. Backgrounder. The Heritage Foundation. No. 2439. July 23, 2010.

Nisbet, 30
undoubtedly, is the reason why there is such a communal relationship

between Colombia and the United States; with the U.S. fitting much of the

bill for the war on the FARC.

Juan Manuel Santos has been a pro-free-market president among a

region that has increasingly moved toward state ownership of markets and

enterprise. While some have criticized human rights violations perpetrated

by the previous administration, President Uribe has left office with the

success of lowering the murder rate by 45% and bringing kidnappings down

by 90%. While Santos’ predecessor was widely popular he stepped down in

respect to the Supreme Courts’ decision to uphold term limits. With Santos’

inauguration came the U.S. foreign policy hopes of better diplomatic ties

with the Washington, and bolstering of exports to the country. However,

some have criticized U.S. congressional Democratic representatives of

impeding and latter rejecting the previous proposed Colombia Free Trade

Agreement hammered out by the Uribe and Bush administrations. The road

ahead for a CFTA looks bleak as Obama has stated in mid 2010 that military

aid provided to Colombia would be reduced by 11 percent for the next

year.51

51
Colombia’s good news; A Pro-American candidate wins a presidential election in a
landslide. Will Washington treat him as an ally? The Washington Post. Pg. A18. June 22,
2010.

Nisbet, 31
VENEZUELA
Since 1974, with the government of President Carlos Andres Perez,

Venezuela has been on a shift towards socialism, with strong leaders

wielding control over the profitable national resources and financial sectors.

Perez was also the first president of Venezuela to nationalize the oil

companies. Venezuela has had its share of criminal presidents as well, it is

reported that Carlos Andres Perez embezzled nearly $17 million from the

country.52 Chavez faced his own coup attempt that brought President

Carmona to power who dissolved every branch of the government, but

within two days with the support of the military Chavez was returned to

power.53 And even today, Hugo’s Venezuelan government has been

considered a Castro style structure where the state owns the markets of “oil,

steel, gas, coal, electricity, and water industries.” These facts could lead to

a devalued economy where competition is stifled leaving Venezuela to rely

on foreign donors.54 Venezuela has even recently established alliances with

Iran, and Chavez’ administration has been accused of subverting democratic

rule by oppressing other political parties and free speech.

Venezuela also has problems with protecting a free press, where the

owners of one of the largest television companies, VeneVision, in 2004

52
Stone, Oliver. South of the Border. Cinime Libre Studio. 2009.
53
Stone, Oliver. South of the Border. Cinime Libre Studio. 2009.
54
Faria, Hugo J. Hugo Chavez Against the Backdrop of Venezuelan Economic and
Political History. The Independent Review. V. XII, n. 4, pp. 519-535. Spring
2008.

Nisbet, 32
agreed to self-censor their broadcasts not to include anything negative about

President Chavez. During the Bolivaran Revolution of 2007 Chavez’s

government had RCTV shut down because of political criticism. 55

Many scholars depict Hugo Chavez as a populist president due to his

statements about the devil and Christ when speaking about his political

ideology. Today’s scholars define “Populism” based on a political definition,

“a phenomena rooted in the basic struggle over control of government,

policy, and core values of the community.” Hawkins has described Chavez’s

discursive populist rhetoric as aligning “Good” with the “Will of the people,”

and “Evil,” as that which opposes it, most commonly the United States or

wealthy elites.56 Furthermore, Venezuela has also seen a referendum and an

acceptance of a new constitution in 2007, which would give the president

further control by expanding the creation of “Communal Councils”, but also

eliminates term limits for the president and expanded terms to seven

years.57

In July 2010, Hugo Chavez cut ties with Colombia, recalling his

ambassador and cutting off diplomatic relations with the neighboring country

due to disputes that Venezuela had been providing safe harbor and possible

support to FARC rebels within their territory. Chavez said in an official

55
Hawkins, Kirk A. Is Chavez Populist? : Measuring Populist Discourse in
Comparative Perspective. Comparative Political Studies 2009 42. 2009.
56
Hawkins, Kirk A. Is Chavez Populist? : Measuring Populist Discourse in
Comparative Perspective. Comparative Political Studies 2009 42. 2009.
57
The Economist. The Americas: Making Socialism Official; Venezuela. London: November
3, 2007. Vol. 385. Pg. 66

Nisbet, 33
statement: “We have no choice but, out of dignity, to totally break our

58
relations with our brother nation of Colombia.”

While Hugo Chavez has recently announced that he may step down as

head of his United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), he has also

reiterated that he will continue to seek election for a fourth term as

president of Venezuela for another 6 years. He amended the constitution in

2000 to end term limits on the presidency.59

Currently, Venezuela’s new National Assembly has its largest group of

opposition party members since Chavez’s rule. They have described him

openly as “ruling like a dictator” and have promised to restore

“Constitutional Rule” in their country where Chavez approval rating has

decreased given that the country’s economy has suffered through the recent

global recession. While the opposition party only holds “67 posts to the 98

held by Chavez supporters” they have won “52%” of the popular vote

allowing some experts to believe that the electorate could choose a different

parties candidate for president in the 2012 elections.60

Chavez Breaks Ties with Colombia. Reuters. Main News; Foreign Desk; Part A; Pg. 11. Los
58

Angeles. July 23, 2010.

Venezuela’s Chavez may end party leadership. Straitstimes.com. Janurary 22, 2011. AFP
59

< http://www.straitstimes.com/BreakingNews/World/Story/STIStory_627066.html>

Minaya, Ezequiel. Venezuela Opposition Lawmakers Vow to Challenge Ruling Party. Wall
60

Street Journal. Caracas. January 5, 2011. < http://online.wsj.com/article/BT-CO-

20110105-712605.html>

Nisbet, 34
 In the two or so years since Raul Castro has taken power in Havana,

Cuba the communist country has reached out to other Latin American

countries, including Bolivia, Ecuador, and Nicaragua, but in the scope of

foreign policy no alliance is held closer to Cuba than their brother country

Venezuela.61

In 2007 President Hugo Chavez went on a tour of Havana showing his

embrace of states included in the “Confederation of Bolivarian Republics,”

where he exclaimed that Cuba and Venezuela are essentially “the same

country.” Coming out of this tour the two countries foreign ministers even

hinted at the possibility of a Latin American bloc such as the E.U. and since

these meetings Chavez has visited the island nation dozens of times

encouraging trade and oil arrangements between the two nations. In need

of sympathizing foreign aid Cuba has received an estimated 9 million barrels

of oil per year from oil-rich Venezuela, intending to make Cuba a contender

in the Carribean oil trade as well.62

In exchange for the oil, Venezuela has been receiving Venezuelan

doctors through a program called Barrio Adentro. While Venezuela is Cuba’s

primary ally and economic partner Cuba is hopeful that the election of

several leftist-executives in Nicaragua, Bolivia, and Ecuador will bring more

61
Wander, Paul and Erikson, Daniel P. Raul Castro and Cuba’s Global
Diplomacy. Cuba in Transition. ASCE 2008.

62
Wander, Paul and Erikson, Daniel P. Raul Castro and Cuba’s Global
Diplomacy. Cuba in Transition. ASCE 2008.

Nisbet, 35
favorable policies for the nation. Each of these nations, aside from Ecuador,

have signed on to a Venezuelan backed trade agreement favoring Cuba

called Alternativa Bolivariana para Los Americas (ALBA).

Furthering the discussion surrounding Venezuela’s foreign economic

investment is its philosophy towards development, which does not seem like

a profitable strategy for the future. Venezuela has been termed an overseas

development approach to leadership, relying on foreign investment and state

control of all industry. “Chavez’s attempt at leadership of Latin America is

packaged tightly in the language of leftist, Bolivarian ideology, subscribing to

an anti-market, anti-entrepreneurial, anti-globalization, and historical

ignorance” in his rhetoric.63

Conclusion
Each of these governments’ current political institutional models have

been influenced by hybridization and globalization but somehow each has

developed their own political identity and chosen their own path toward

representative government through a strong leader in executive office. In

Oliver Stone’s documentary on the Presidents of Latin America, in an

interview with former President of Argentina, Nestor Kirchner said: “Chavez

63
Burges, Sean W. Building a Global Southern Coalition: the competing
approaches of Brazil’s Lula and Venezuela’s Chavez. Third World Quarterly,
Vol. 28, No. 7, pp 1343-1358. 2007.

Nisbet, 36
must take time to build collectively” so that there will be others to carry the

country and not so much power in the hands of one man. 64 Many of these

constitutional reforms have been criticized as power grabs by their

opponents however in Ecuador, Correa established term limits and Chavez in

Venezuela is facing strong opposition in the upcoming elections. In

Colombia as well, the judiciary choose to enforce term limits on former

President Alvaro Uribe that they considered constitutionally correct.

It seems that if the executive leadership is willing to strengthen the

power of the judicial branch through constitutional referendums to be on the

same level as the presidency then stability will endure. The test will be

when time comes to transfer power to new candidates and new parties, will

the constitutional structure hold up and will the civil society transfer power

peacefully? When the ideological weight of a political party is carried by one

leader often the party can fail to sustain itself. However, political

deliberation goes on in the form of social movements and organizations that

bind together behind parties with similar philosophies, creating a pluralistic

form of representation, where the executive must please many different

groups of citizens as opposed to a majority ideology. The fear of populism,

socialism, and autocracy is ever-present in this region in Latin America

however democratic advancements have been made to strengthen citizens’

64
Stone, Oliver. South of the Border. Cinime Libre Studios. 2009.

Nisbet, 37
rights in each country and push forward towards a civil society and

communal representation.

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