XENOPHOBIA IN SOUTH AFRICA:

UNDERSTANDING THE HUMANITARIAN

ATTITUDE AND ROLE OF ISLAM AND MUSLIMS
IN THE RECENT XENOPHOBIC ATTACKS ON
‘FOREIGNERS’1

Y Mataar (HSRC)

Abstract
South Africa is a constitutional democracy that strives to
protect “everyone” with regard to “equality and human dig-
nity” including minorities, namely religious minorities such
as Muslims, and even ‘foreigners’2 via the Constitution.3 In
spite of the existence of strong and all-encompassing anti-
discrimination legislation, intolerance, and bigotry towards
‘foreigners’ from Somalia, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and
Malawi in particular, proceed unabated. Consequently,
community hostility festered, especially in poorer urban
communities and eventually erupted into deadly violence.
As a minority religion, Islam and its adherents, Muslims
ought to relate to the plight of other minorities such as
‘foreigners’.
Key words: xenophobia/racism, foreigner/non-national,
discourse analysis, human rights, Bill of Rights, human
dignity, equality

1. INTRODUCTION
The role of religion within a constitutional democracy such
as South Africa cannot be denied given the fact that about
80% of the South African population is affiliated to a reli-

1
This study is based on a paper that I delivered at the “International
Conference on Religion and Xenophobia: Islamic and Christian Per-
spectives”, from 17-19 November 2008, at the University of Cape Town.
2
It is acknowledged that this study is laden with power-related terms
such as ‘foreign’ and ‘Black’, and that are socio-political constructions,
but that these will be used solely for purposes of understanding the
xenophobic attacks.
3
See S9 & S10 of the Constitution of the RSA, Act No 108 of 1996.
Xenophobia in SA: The Role of Islam and Muslims 335

gious group (Statistics SA 2004). This study is hence prem-

ised on the idea that conflict in the form of xenophobia or
racism against the ‘Black’ foreigner could be mediated by
constructions of religion, which either rely on negative or
positive notions of otherness and difference that are em-
bedded within religious discourse. Thus, the focus on Islam
as “Black African Muslims show the fastest growth (in rela-
tion to ‘Coloured’ and ‘Indian’ Muslims)… (and) [i]t is ex-
pected that over the next two decades they will constitute
the largest segment of the Muslim population” (Jeppie &
Vahed 2005:280-281).

Many Muslim organisations, such as the Muslim Judicial

Council, made impassioned media calls in response to the
spate of violence and in some instances criminality perpe-
trated against African ‘foreigners’ (Voice of the Cape
2008b). Additionally, the Jamiatul Ulama South Africa, in
their ‘Summarised Jumu’ah Bayaan (Friday Sermon)’
stated: “As Muslims we also have an added responsibility
of protecting the vulnerable who have become victims of
these unfortunate circumstances. Contribute towards relief
efforts initiated by different organizations involved in relief
work” (Jamiatul Ulama SA 2008b). This study thus seeks to
examine positive and negative Muslim attitudes as sub-
stantiated via their impassioned calls made in khutab (ser-
mons) and the media, while considering the human rights
notions of equality and human dignity that the Bill of Rights
confers on everyone. Therefore, consideration would be
accorded to the ways in which xenophobic/racist attitudes
are constructed, and how the role of Muslims in the xeno-
phobic violence of 2008 was shaped by Islamic as well as
human rights discourse. The study additionally intends to
analyse the humanitarian role Islam and Muslims could
play, in preventing the recurrence of xenophobic violence,
by perpetually highlighting the status of the ‘foreigner’ from
336 Theologia Viatorum 33/2 (2009) - Xenophobia

the perspective that everyone is a member of “bani Adam”

(“children of Adam”)4. Especially within some of the areas
affected by the violence, such as Gauteng and the Western
Cape, as depicted in sermons or talks and media reports or
texts that would constitute the principal objects for a dis-
course analysis.

2. ANALYSING XENOPHOBIA, RACISM, AND RELIGION

THROUGH THEORY AND CONTEXT
The Merriam Webster Dictionary defines xenophobia as col-
lective “fear or hatred of strangers or foreigners or of what is
strange or foreign” (Mish 1997). The definition could incorpo-
rate ensuing aggression by a community against foreigners
or non-nationals such as migrants, immigrants, refugees
and asylum seekers. It also indicates that xenophobic peo-
ple would fear or hate all foreigners, since it is their strange-
ness that makes them intolerable. In spite of this, the
incidents involving xenophobic attacks in South Africa, in-
cluding the wave of violence in May 2008, suggests that par-
ticular groups of non-nationals are targeted and as such
“xenophobia is racialised” (Warner & Finchilescu 2003:36).
Here the majority of the xenophobic incidents reported by
the media were perpetrated against ‘Black’ foreigners from
other African countries.5 Furthermore, studies investigating
the experiences of ‘Black’ non-nationals in South Africa
have found that they experience racialised bigotry with
‘Black’ South African men being the most hostile (Morris
1998:116-136). For the purposes of this study then xeno-
phobia will interchangeably be used with racism in its
broadest meaning, since it is driven by the same factors that

4
The related Qur’anic verse enunciates: “And indeed We have hon-
oured the children of Adam…” (Q 17:70).
5
For articles and media reports on xenophobia in Southern Africa see
Southern African Migration Project (2008). For media releases specific
to South Africa see Xenophobia in South Africa (2008).
Xenophobia in SA: The Role of Islam and Muslims 337

eventually result, as in the case of racism, in prejudice,

stereotyping, bias, discrimination, and violence (Sunday
Tribune 2008a & 2008b).
Religious and cultural discourse could play a pivotal role in
driving xenophobia or/and racism. In highlighting the nega-
tive role of religion and the attitude of its adherents toward
the other or non-national, Muller (1999:71) from the Univer-
sity of Stellenbosch observes that “religion and culture are
strategies of meaning and practice rather than timeless and
fixed substances”. Consequently, “religious or cultural ar-
guments” could be understood as portraying “foreigners as
being inferior, less deserving of right or humanity, reducible
to a common negative”, and even “legitimately expendable”
(Muller 1999:71). On the other hand, with designating the
positive role of religion Islam exalts human dignity and
equality, and, therefore, both the teachings of the Qur’an
and the traditions of the Prophet Muhammad detest atti-
tudes of racism, discrimination, intolerance, and any act of
inhumanity towards the other (Hammed 2008:223).
The term religious or racist discourse is somewhat different
to discourse in religion or racism. In this regard it would be
essential to deploy and include the theorist, van Dijk, who is
a scholar in the fields of text linguistics, discourse analysis,
and critical discourse analysis, where he focuses particularly
on the study of the discursive reproduction of racism. The
former, namely religious or racist discourse, is used in a
more generic sense to signify a type of discourse, whereas
the latter, namely discourse in religion or racism, is “under-
stood to mean only a specific communicative event, in gen-
eral, and a written or oral form of verbal interaction or
language use, in particular” (Van Dijk 2002:146). Discourse
about minorities such as non-nationals (in racism or religion)
could represent these others in a negative manner and,
therefore, lead to the reproduction of negative stereotypes. It
338 Theologia Viatorum 33/2 (2009) - Xenophobia

could also “contribute both to interactional and to cognitive

forms of problematization, marginalization and exclusion”
(Van Dijk 2000:88). Here it should be noted that prejudice,
discrimination, intolerance and any act of inhumanity to-
wards the foreigner does not develop spontaneously in an
interaction based on difference (between a national and
non-national), but is “acquired and learned, and this usually
happens through communication, that is, through text and
talk” (Van Dijk 2002:146). As religious sermons and media
reports will be analysed in this study discourse analysis6 will
hence be deployed as a theoretical tool, since it “allows us
to make explicit the inferences about” otherwise inaccessi-
ble especially negative attitudes “of majority group members
(or locals) about minorities (or foreigners) from the proper-
ties of their text and talk” (Van Dijk 1993:94). Moreover, dis-
course analysis would be a valuable tool for exploring
people’s perceptions, attitudes, opinions, and meanings re-
garding religion, racism, or xenophobia in a South African
context.
In 2001, South Africa hosted the United Nations World Con-
ference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia
and Related Intolerance (World Conference against Racism
2001). The outcome of the conference was a programme of
action that every participating country, including South Af-
rica, undertook to implement in their respective countries.
One of the principal obligations in the programme was for
each country to develop a National Action Plan (NAP) to
combat racism, xenophobia, and related intolerance in con-
sultation with national human rights institutions and civil so-
ciety organisations. After a protracted consultative process
6
Discourse analysis entails reading, and analysing texts and practices
for their social and political significances. It also provides a way to
manifest the rules, and structures that produce and maintain dis-
courses, allowing us to challenge prevailing practices and knowledge
about specific issues or events (Fairclough 2003).
Xenophobia in SA: The Role of Islam and Muslims 339

South Africa officially launched its National Forum against

Racism (NFAR) in 2003 (Department of Justice and Consti-
tutional Development, RSA 2003). Despite the prevalence of
the NFAR as well as anti-discrimination legislation, intoler-
ance and bigotry towards ‘Black’7 foreigners continued (Par-
liament of the RSA 2008). Subsequently, community hostility
worsened, especially in poorer urban communities, which
eventually erupted into deadly violence where thousands of
non-nationals were displaced and ‘Black’ nationals killed
about 60 foreigners, an action that is indicative of “anti-Black
racism” (Parliament of the RSA 2008).

The religious sector was foremost in rendering humanitarian

aid to those affected by the xenophobic mayhem in 2008,
and here the religious communities not only contributed
“food and clothes”, but also provided government with ad-
vice “on how to deal with some of the problems we faced as
a country during that trying time” (SA Government Informa-
tion 2008). Many Muslims, along with other religious group-
ings, made fervent humanitarian calls via sermons and the
media in response to the outbreak of xenophobic/racist vio-
lence and in some instances criminality perpetrated against
‘Black’ non-nationals. (See sermons and media reports be-
low). They availed their mosques as temporary shelters and
offered charitable assistance for the displaced immigrants,
migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers, while Muslim relief
organisations provided massive and extensive relief aid to
the destitute. The former Western Cape Minister of Commu-
nity Safety, Leonard Ramatlakane, appropriately said (Voice
of the Cape 2008a):

7
Racial categories such as ‘Black’, ‘Coloured’, ‘Indian’, and ‘White’ are
problematic constructions even within a post-Apartheid South Africa.
Their use, despite the uneasiness, is purely for purposes of highlighting
the effects of racial division.
340 Theologia Viatorum 33/2 (2009) - Xenophobia

I also commend and compliment the civil society formations,

the religious groupings, the NGOs and local community po-
licing forums that have pledged their support… in finding a
lasting solution that would bring peace and stability in our
communities.

A few pertinent religious based initiatives toward “finding a

lasting solution” subsequently proceeded. Firstly, the De-
partment of Justice and Constitutional Development
(DoJCD) hosted a workshop on “Racism in Religious & Faith
Based Groups Sector”, on 5 June 2008, in Pretoria, to iden-
tify racism and its manifestations; develop eradication
strategies; and assign responsibility for eradication.8 Sec-
ondly, the Committee for Theological Dialogue (CTD) con-
vened the “International Conference on Religion and
Xenophobia: Islamic and Christian Perspectives” from 17-19
November 2008 at the University of Cape Town. The con-
ference organisers claimed at the time that they “recognize
(the negative attitudes) that, at times, religious actors have
not lived up to the higher teachings of their traditions and
have thus been complicit in Xenophobia”9 or racism. Addi-
tionally, the conference, which was the first in SA dealing
with this important theme on religion and xenophobia,
sought “to illuminate (positive) Christian and Islamic theo-
logical resources for healing and transformation”.10 Third,
Theologia Viatorum: Journal of Theology and Religion in
Africa at the University of Limpopo will publish a special edi-
tion entitled “You shall love him as yourself; for you were

8
See the 2008 invitation from the Director-General of the Department
of Justice and Constitutional Development to the workshop on “Racism
in Religious & Faith Based Groups Sector”.
9
See 2008 invitation from the Committee for Theological Dialogue to
the “International Conference on Religion and Xenophobia: Islamic and
Christian Perspectives”.
10
See 2008 invitation from the Committee for Theological Dialogue to
the “International Conference on Religion and Xenophobia: Islamic and
Christian Perspectives”.
Xenophobia in SA: The Role of Islam and Muslims 341

aliens in the land of Egypt – The Theological and Ethical

Considerations of Combating Xenophobia in (South) Africa
Today”, as the first volume of 2009.11

3. UNDERSTANDING THE HUMANITARIAN ATTITUDE

OF ISLAM AND MUSLIMS IN THE XENOPHOBIC
ATTACKS ON FOREIGNERS
Jonathan Crush (2008:39) from the Southern African Migra-
tion Project (SAMP) asserts that “South Africa has become
and remains a deeply xenophobic society,” where xenopho-
bic attitudes are “widespread and pervasive, overt and subtle,
permeating all interactions” with non-nationals.12 These atti-
tudes have persisted despite SA possessing one of the
world’s most inclusive and progressive constitutions. One of
the main humanitarian provisions in the Constitution of South
Africa revolves around the aspiration towards equality, human
dignity and the advancement of human rights for everyone.13
Chapter 2 contains a Bill of Rights that outlines the various
human rights that all the people in South Africa ought to en-
joy. In addition, the Constitution’s preamble unequivocally
states that “South Africa belongs to all who live in it” without
any reference to place of birth or citizenship status. Even un-
documented migrants are incorporated within “all” or “every-
one” as they are protected under the right to equality14 and

11
See call for submissions of articles (August 2008) by the editor of
Theologia Viatorum: Journal of Theology and Religion in Africa to be
published as “The Theological and Ethical Considerations of Combating
Xenophobia in (South) Africa Today”.
12
For a “chronology that looks back at the problem of xenophobia since
South Africa’s first democratic elections in 1994” see Williams’ (2008)
“Xenophobic attacks in South Africa: Not a completely new phenomenon”
13
“Human rights are rights inherent to all human beings, whatever our
nationality, place of residence, sex, national or ethnic origin, colour, re-
ligion, language, or any other status. We are all equally entitled to our
human rights without discrimination”. See the definition of United Na-
tions Human Rights (2009).
14
Section 9 of the Bill of Rights stipulates that all people are equal and
342 Theologia Viatorum 33/2 (2009) - Xenophobia

human dignity.15 Regarding the rights of foreigners or non-

nationals, with few exceptions, all the rights, entitlements and
obligations as provided in the Bill of Rights apply to “all” or
“everyone”.16 Bashir Mohamed Abidi, a non-national from
Somalia based in the Western Cape, confirmed in the media
that he, together with many others, received permits to work,
study and open small businesses if he so wished from the SA
government. He, therefore, affirmed: “We have rights like eve-
rybody and no one will take it from us” (Voice of the Cape
2008e).
The humanitarian attitude of Muslims toward non-nationals,
as manifested through the human rights notions of human
dignity and equality to “all” or “everyone”, can be gleaned
from some of the Friday sermons delivered during and
around the period that the violence occurred. Not many khu-
tab focusing on xenophobia were made available in pub-
lished format. In Gauteng, the province most affected by the
violence, the Jamiatul Ulama (Council of Muslim Theologi-
ans) South Africa, published the Summarised Jumu’ah Ba-
yaan (Friday Sermon): Xenophobia in their online newsletter
(Jamiatul Ulama SA 2008b). In the Western Cape, Imam A
Rashied Omar published his khutbah or sermon entitled
“Ta’aruf: Islam beyond Xenophobia”, which he delivered at
the Claremont Main Road Mosque in the Muslim Views
(Omar 2008:28). He also published another khutbah on
World Refugee Day entitled “The Continuing Challenge of
Xenophobia” that he delivered at Claremont Main Road
Mosque, on the mosque’s website (Claremont Main Road

must be treated equally.

15
Section 10 of the Bill of Rights states that “everyone has inherent
dignity and the right to have their dignity respected and protected”.
16
The Bill of Rights limits the freedom of trade, occupation and profes-
sion to citizens, although there are legal avenues for non-nationals to
be able to work legally in the country. The right to vote and to stand for
public office in elections is limited to citizens.
Xenophobia in SA: The Role of Islam and Muslims 343

Mosque 2008). These sermons did not reflect much on the

humanitarian attitude of Muslims toward the xenophobic at-
tacks on ‘Black’ foreigners, apart from making appeals to the
human dignity of non-nationals coupled with the call to sup-
port the widespread relief aid. Thus, they concentrated par-
ticularly on the enduring humanitarian role of Islam and
Muslims.
In appealing to the human dignity of foreigners the Jamiatul
Ulama South Africa, in its Bayaan or Sermon, reiterated that
“as Muslims we also have an added responsibility of protect-
ing the vulnerable who have become victims of these unfor-
tunate circumstances” and we should “[c]ontribute towards
relief efforts initiated by different organisations17 involved in
relief work” (Jamiatul Ulama SA 2008b). Imam Omar, in his
first khutbah, also made a general call for securing the hu-
man dignity of non-nationals by empathising with “the vast
majority of South Africans who (were) responding to the
plight of refugees and our fellow Africans with great com-
passion” (Omar 2008:20). Noticeably, these appeals have
primarily been expounded in the broader media.
The Jamiatul Ulama SA (2008b), in its weekly online news-
letter, expressed the function of the state in protecting the
human dignity of all by
urge(ing) authorities to urgently take necessary steps to
address this matter which can prove to be another defin-
ing moment in the history of our young democracy and a
culture of human rights. All resources should be brought
to bear to safeguard life and property for all.

In their newsletter update they maintained that they provided

meals to more than 5000 foreigners affected by xenophobic

17
The Gauteng-based relief organisation Gift of the Givers (Waqf al-
Waqifin) has spent more than R4 million on the xenophobic crisis. See
Gift of the Givers Foundation (2008).
344 Theologia Viatorum 33/2 (2009) - Xenophobia

violence on the East Rand, while other ways of alleviating

the humanitarian crisis were being investigated together with
civil society organisations and government (Jamiatul Ulama
SA 2008b). Furthermore, they also claimed that “[t]he com-
munity outpouring of goodwill in providing for the basic
needs of these people has been phenomenal, with some
areas having collected enough to provide for the suffering of
weeks” (Jamiatul Ulama SA 2008c). Besides securing the
human dignity of non-nationals through welfare aid the
Jamiatul Ulama also highlighted the provision of equality,
since “foreigners have lived side-by-side with South Africans
in Alexandra (and) (i)t has been mutual coexistence that
goes back many years” (Jamiatul Ulama SA 2008a). Even
though Muslims in Gauteng displayed positive attitudes to-
ward non-nationals they were also complicit in exhibiting
negative attitudes. In this regard there have been instances
where Muslims have shown displeasure and irritation toward
‘Black’ foreigners in particular, who frequent local masajid or
mosques and are referred to as “those people (who) make
the place stink”, thereby trampling on the human dignity of
the ‘Black’ foreigners, albeit the fact that these are places of
worship for all (Jeenah 2008).

In the Western Cape, various Muslim organisations ratified

the positive humanitarian attitude of Muslims and endeav-
ored to protect the human dignity of those non-nationals af-
fected by the xenophobic violence through humanitarian aid.
The Deputy President of the Muslim Judicial Council,
Shaykh Achmat Sedick, corroborated this undertaking when
he stated (Voice of the Cape 2008c):

We need to restore the dignity of these people as their

pride has been trampled upon. We have therefore in-
structed all mosques to open its doors to any immigrant
that may need assistance and we encourage the entire
Muslim community to open up their homes to give sup-
Xenophobia in SA: The Role of Islam and Muslims 345

port to those in need…and look at the humanitarian as-

pect of the situation.

The PRO of the Mustadafin (social-welfare) Foundation,

Alia Lambada, evidently noted at the inception of the vio-
lence in the Western Cape that (Voice of the Cape 2008c):
many organizations have been willing to provide food, but
we have had to say no to them because most refugees
(in the Du Noon area) are Somalis who will only accept
halaal food. We found last night that because most of the
volunteers were non-Muslims, the Somalis were reluctant
to take the aid. They want to see Muslims handing it out
which is why we need more hands to help as volunteers
to hand out the food.

While Muslims were very generous in terms of donating

food, the Foundation was desperately searching for volun-
teers to assist in cooking, food distribution and transporta-
tion to help more than 10 000 displaced foreigners daily
(Mustadafin Foundation 2008). Visibly, in the Western Cape
there was a glaring distinction between the positive relief aid
donated and negative voluntary or welfare assistance that
Muslims provided to the ‘Black’ non-nationals, who preferred
using the term “xeno-afro-phobia”, since the related vio-
lence/hatred was targeted against ‘Black’/African foreigners
solely (Voice of the Cape 2008d). Hence Muslims in the
Western Cape infrequently displayed the attitude of reluc-
tance to interact with ‘Black’ non-nations through their unwill-
ingness to personally assist African foreigners.

4. UNDERSTANDING THE ENDURING HUMANITARIAN

ROLE OF ISLAM AND MUSLIMS IN PREVENTING
XENOPHOBIC ATTACKS ON FOREIGNERS
No doubt the humanitarian role of religious communities is
somewhat informed by their attitude towards non-nationals.
In 1998 the Community Agency for Social Enquiry (CASE)
346 Theologia Viatorum 33/2 (2009) - Xenophobia

conducted a survey of human rights and established that

negative attitudes towards foreigners may be part of a big-
ger problem of human rights awareness where knowledge of
the Bill of Rights was very low18 (Pigou, Greenstein & Valji
1998; Crush 2000:111-112). Recently the South African
Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) revealed that the
xenophobic attacks of May on non-nationals, presents a se-
rious threat to South Africa’s democracy (Sangonet 2008).
The SAHRC disclosed that the country failed to deal with the
problem of race at the inception of democracy in 1994 (San-
gonet 2008). Even though Apartheid has been abolished
separate worship along racial lines remains the norm in
South Africa. The former president of the South African
Council of Churches (SACC), Bishop Mvume Dandala, ac-
knowledged that “the legacy of apartheid has been particu-
larly difficult to overcome in the church as people are drawn
together not necessarily because they want to be together,
but out of necessity” (BBC World Service 2001).
A significant area for consideration with regard to the endur-
ing role of religion and Islam is the harmonious integration of
non-nationals into the Muslim community via the notion of
common religious expression. While mosques could play a
positive role or pivotal function in promoting the status, value,
and rights of foreigners the apartheid legacy of divided reli-
gious worship remains and impacts on non-nationals. Mus-
lims and to a certain degree mosques in post-apartheid South
Africa are still divided along racial lines, for instance with ‘Col-
oured’, ‘Indian’ and ‘Black’ Muslims/mosques, ‘Blacks’ have
remained “on the margins of Muslim community life” (Sitoto
2002:44). The masjid (mosque) could, therefore, either nega-
tively contribute towards social isolation, racism and xeno-
phobia or positively utilise religion/Islam as an opportunity for

18
“Over half of those surveyed (56%) thought that the rights guaranteed
by the constitution were only for South Africans” (Crush 2000:111).
Xenophobia in SA: The Role of Islam and Muslims 347

cultural sharing and integration particularly through accentuat-

ing the humanitarian/harmonising principles of equality and
human dignity. In this regard the published sermons that were
delivered around the period of the xenophobic attacks are
replete with humanitarian/harmonising aspects of equality
and human dignity in relation to the ‘Black’ foreigner.

In Summarised Jumu’ah Bayaan: Xenophobia, the notion of

equality between locals and non-nationals or “all” people was
established via the ayah (Qur’anic verse): “O people! Verily
We created you from a male and a female, and made you
into nations and tribes so that you may know one another…”
(Q49:13). In addition to the aforementioned ayah, a hadith
(saying of the Prophet) was also cited, namely “…Let people
stop boasting about their ancestors. One is only a pious be-
liever or miserable sinner. All people are children of Adam,
and Adam came from dust” (as narrated in Abu Dawud and
Tirmidhi). These substantiations of the equality of “all people”
were furthermore entrenched with another hadith, namely
“Humanity is the family of God, the best human being is kind
to His (God’s) family” (as reported in Mishkat). Humanity is
hence one society bound by a common origin and includes a
host of differences within its oneness and consequently, “ex-
tending a helping hand to a ‘foreigner’ is extending your hand
to your own family member” (Jamiatul Ulama SA 2008b).
Similar textual examples were also included, which explicated
the egalitarian relationship between non-Muslims and Muslim
non-nationals. Although, numerous examples were forwarded
with regard to the textual status of the foreigner, as cited in
the verses of the Qur’an and the sayings of the Prophet,
these were merely deployed to extrapolate the notion of
“equality” of “all people”. However, the khutbah or sermon did
not illustrate how these were applicable to the lived realities of
‘Black’, ‘Coloured’ and ‘Indian’ Muslims of contemporary
South Africa.
348 Theologia Viatorum 33/2 (2009) - Xenophobia

The first sermon of Imam Omar focused mainly on the no-

tion of human dignity as ascertained in the ethical African
principle of ubuntu (I am because you are) and Qur’anic
concept of ta‘aruf (getting to know the other). Here he sum-
moned the same ayah or verse (Q.49:13) as above, but for
a different purpose, namely highlighting the notion of human
dignity (and not equality) by “embracing the stranger as an
extension of yourself” (Omar 2008:27). He further contextu-
alised the ethical concepts amidst the xenophobic attacks
and stipulated that “South Africans have not yet fully imbibed
the great African ethic of ubuntu” (Omar 2008:27) and simi-
larly or implicitly that Muslims have not completely internal-
ised the great Qur’anic concept of ta‘aruf. In this regard he
counseled “all” South Africans “to nurture our future genera-
tions with this ethic of ubuntu” (Omar 2008:27). Once again
he was not explicit about correspondingly including Muslims
within nurturing the ethic of ta‘aruf, that is striving to know
the other or non-nationals, and the self and, therefore, de-
velop an understanding of God.

In the second khutbah or sermon of Imam Omar the notions

of human dignity and equality were concurrently extrapo-
lated from the textual sources and emphasised (Claremont
Main Road Mosque 2008). The former was underscored in
reference to “…the difference of your language and col-
ours…” (Q.30:22), since these form part of “everyone’s” in-
herent dignity that must be “respected and protected” (see
note 15). While the latter was highlighted in the famous
khutbah al-wada‘ (farewell/final sermon) of the Prophet Mu-
hammad, since an “Arab has no merit over non-Arab” or na-
tional has no superiority over non-national and hence “all
people are equal” (see note 14). Though the Islamic dis-
course as delineated above is rooted in human rights no-
tions, Imam Omar does not illustrate how these could be
integrated into a contemporary South African human rights
Xenophobia in SA: The Role of Islam and Muslims 349

culture and thereby confirm the enduring humanitarian role

of Islam in preventing xenophobic attacks on foreigners. The
magnitude and import of this observation is further vindi-
cated via the declaration of the International Organisation for
Migration (IOM), that proclaimed “[a] human rights approach
to address xenophobia can curb violent attacks and reverse
attitudes in South Africa” (Polity 2008).

5. CONCLUSION
Regarding the rights of foreigners or non-nationals, with few
exceptions, all rights, entitlements, and obligations as pro-
vided in the Bill of Rights of the South African Constitution
apply to all or everyone. When analysing the khutab or ser-
mons it was found that they did not reflect much on the hu-
manitarian attitude of Muslims toward the xenophobic
attacks on ‘Black’ foreigners, apart from making appeals
based on the human dignity of non-nationals coupled with
the call to support the widespread relief aid. These appeals
were primarily expounded via the broader media. Even
though Muslims in Gauteng displayed positive attitudes to-
ward foreigners they also exhibited negative attitudes to-
ward ‘Black’ non-nationals who frequent the local masajid or
mosques and, therefore, trampled on the human dignity of
Muslim ‘Black’ foreigners. In the Western Cape, on the other
hand, there was a glaring distinction between the relief aid
donated and the voluntary or welfare assistance that Mus-
lims provided to foreigners. Consequently, some Muslims in
the Western Cape occasionally displayed the attitude of re-
luctance to interact with ‘Black’ non-nationals owing to their
unwillingness to personally assist African foreigners.
The published sermons that were delivered around the pe-
riod of the xenophobic attacks were replete with humanitar-
ian/harmonising principles of equality and human dignity in
relation to the non-national. In Gauteng numerous examples
350 Theologia Viatorum 33/2 (2009) - Xenophobia

were forwarded with regard to the textual (namely Qur’anic

or Hadith) status of the foreigner, but the related khutbah or
sermon did not translate these into the lived realities of
‘Black’, ‘Coloured’, and ‘Indian’ Muslims of contemporary
South Africa. However, in the Western Cape the ethical
concepts of ubuntu or I am because you are and ta‘aruf or
getting to know the other were contextualised amidst the
xenophobic attacks. It was highlighted that “South Africans
have not yet fully imbibed the great African ethic of ubuntu”
and similarly or implicitly that Muslims have not completely
internalised the great Qur’anic concept of ta‘aruf. In this re-
gard bold religious leadership and a broad based human
rights public education/awareness campaign in the masajid
or mosques, madaris or Islamic religious schools and media
would do much to mitigate and even prevent or curtail xeno-
phobic/racist attitudes (or reverse attitudinal dynamics) in
the Muslim community. Though the Islamic discourse, as
delineated in the khutab or sermons and media, was rooted
in human rights notions of human dignity and equality, Mus-
lims did not illustrate how these could be integrated into a
contemporary South African human rights culture. Further-
more, it is also true that even though Islamic scriptural texts
are suffused with directives against racism and xenophobia,
and filled with humanitarian instructions to be compassion-
ate and inclusive, these on occasion are predisposed by the
country’s deeply divided racial history, and by the realities of
living and surviving in present-day South Africa.

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Yusuf Mataar
Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC)
Democracy & Governance Research Unit (D &G)
Private Bag X9182
Cape Town 8000
ymataar@hsrc.ac.za