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POST-STRUKTURALISME DAN DEKONSTRUKSI

Makalah Kelompok 8
POST-STRUKTURALISME DAN DEKONSTRUKSI

Disajikan Untuk Mata Kuliah Teori, Apresiasi Dan Pengajaran Sastra


Dosen : Prof. Dr. Emzir, M.Pd dan Dr. Nuruddin, MA

Oleh :
Fahrudin      (No. Reg 7316130257)
                                                Nurrahmah  (No. Reg 7316130279)

Pendidikan Bahasa (S2)


Program Pascasarjana Universitas Negeri Jakarta
2014

BAB I
PENDAHULUAN

1.    Latar Belakang
Sejalan dengan berkembangnya karya sastra, berkembang pula teori-teori
dalam mengkaji karya sastra tersebut. Banyaknya teori sastra yang hadir
merupakan bukti bahwa tidak ada satu teori pun yang dianggap sempurna.
Meskipun demikian, tidak dapat diingkari bahwa teori baru yang muncul baik
secara langsung maupun tidak langsung tidak dapat dilepaskan dari teori-teori
sebelumnya. Artinya, teori yang baru merupakan penyempurna teori yang
sebelumnya. Yang termasuk di antara teori-teori yang berkembang tersebut
adalah postrukturalisme dan dekonstruksi.
Postrukturalisme merupakan teori yang hadir setelah teori strukturalisme.
Kedua teori ini (strukturalisme dan postrukturalisme) membahas tentang cara
seseorang pembaca memahami makna sebuah teks sastra. Jika strukturalisme
selalu berorientasi pada struktur yang tetap, postrukturalisme adalah
pemahaman sebuah karya sastra yang tidak hanya terikat pada strukturnya saja,
tetapi boleh dari sisi mana saja.[1]
Teori postrukturalisme terdiri atas beberapa teori, salah satunya adalah
dekonstruksi. Dekonstruksi merupakan ciri khas postrukturalisme.[2] Hal ini
disebabkan dekonstruksi adalah  sebuah teori yang mengkaji makna sebuah
karya sastra dari berbagai sisi, bisa dimulai dari aspek apa saja bahkan dari
persoalan yang paling kecil yang semula tidak diperkirakan banyak orang.[3]
Teori postrukturalisme dan dekonstruksi ini tentu saja salah satu teori
dapat kita gunakan untuk mengkaji sebuah karya sastra dalam penyusunan
tesis. Oleh karena itu, dalam makalah ini kami akan membahas kedua teori ini
berdasarkan hasil diskusi kelompok.

BAB II
PEMBAHASAN

2.1 Post-Strukturalisme
Postrukturalisme terdiri atas kata post + struktur + isme yang berarti
paham sesudah struktur. Artinya, postrukturalisme merupakan sebuah teori
pengkajian sastra yang lahir setelah teori strukturalisme. Dalam sastra, teori ini
berkembang pada tahun 1970-an. Teori ini merupakan perkembangan terakhir
teori sastra, khususnya teori-teori yang didasarkan atas relevansi struktur.
Teori postrukturalisme ini lahir didasarkan atas kelemahan-kelemahan
yang terdapat pada teori strukturalisme. Pada umunya terdapat beberapa
kelemahan strukturalisme. Pertama, model analisis strukturalisme, terutama
pada awal perkembangannya dianggap terlalu kaku sebab semata-mata
didasarkan atas struktur dan sistem tertentu. Kedua, strukturalisme terlalu
banyak memberikan perhatian terhadap karya sastra sebagai kualitas otonom,
dengan struktur dan sistemnya, sehingga melupakan subjek manusianya, yaitu
pengarang dan pembaca. Ketiga, hasil analisis dengan demikian seolah-olah
demi karya sastra itu sendiri, bukan untuk kepentingan masyarakat secara luas.
[4]
Dasar teori-teori postrukturalisme adalah strukturalisme. Oleh karena itu,
sebagaimana halnya strukturalisme, postrukturalisme juga merupakan sebuah
teori yang digunakan untuk mengkaji makna yang terdapat dalam sebuah karya
sastra. Hanya saja, terdapat perbedaan pandangan antara kelompok
strukturalisme dan postrukturalisme dalam pencarian makna tersebut.
Pencarian makna oleh kelompok strukturalisme masih bertumpu pada
struktur karya sastra. Artinya, makna selalu dihasilkan dalam kaitannya dengan
penanda, makna sebagai hasil artikulasi lambang-lambang, makna sebagai hasil
perbedaan antara dua penanda. Hal tersebut berbeda dengan pengkajian makna
menurut postrukturalisme. Menurut postrukturalisme, mengkaji makna tidak
hanya terbatas pada kekuatan struktur, tetapi dapat dikaitkan dengan sesuatu
yang berada di luar struktur.[5] Artinya, makna tidak selalu hanya diwakili kata
(penanda), tetapi justru sering berada di luar bahasa atau kata.
 Pemaknaan sebuah karya sastra jika hanya ditelaah berdasarkan
penanda, bisa saja makna itu hadir setelah penanda tersebut dibandingkan
dengan penanda yang lain.[6] Oleh karena itu, ketika penanda tersebut berdiri
sendiri, kemungkinan belum memiliki makna yang utuh dan baru merujuk makna
yang lengkap ketika dirangkai dengan penanda yang lain. Dengan demikian,
dapat disimpulkan bahwa menelaah makna sebuah karya sastra akan dapat
muncul jika dilihat dari hubungan antarunsur pembentuknya dan dapat juga
muncul kaitannya dengan unsur di luar teks.
Ada dua tahapan dalam menelaah makna karya sastra dengan
menggunakan teori postrukturalisme seperti yang dikembangkan oleh Riffaterre
dan Roland Barthes (dalam Nyoman) sebagai berikut.
1.     Mendaftar semua unsur (struktur) yang terdapat pada karya yang ditelaah dan
meletakkan semua unsur tersebut pada kedudukan yang sama. Setiap unsur
dipahami secara terpisah. Dengan demikian, tidak ada satu unsur pun yang
dianggap tidak penting atau tidak mempunyai peranan.
2.    Unsur-unsur yang telah dipahami dihubungkan dengan unsur lainnya dalam
upaya untuk mengetahui apakah unsur-unsur tersebut merupakan satu jaringan,
baik jaringan antar semua unsur (jaringan X) atau merupakan satu jaringan
dengan unsur lain (jaringan X dengan Y).[7]
Berdasarkan dua tahapan tersebut, jelaslah bahwa esensi pemaknaan
sebuah karya sastra dapat muncul dari hubungan antarstruktur dan unsur di luar
struktur. Unsur di luar struktur yang dimaksud seperti kode budaya dan juga hal-
hal lainnya yang mempengaruhi penciptaan karya sastra tersebut.
Selain menghubungkan dengan unsur di luar struktur, menurut
postrukturalisme memahami sebuah karya sastra itu bersifat bebas, boleh dari
sisi mana saja, karena ia tidak terikat dengan struktur. Dengan demikian, kajian
posstrukturalisme ini juga akan melupakan struktur sebuah karya sastra dengan
melakukan dekonstruksi terhadap karya sastra tersebut. Oleh karena itu, paham
postrukturalisme ini sering juga disebut dengan pengkajian dekonstruksi. Artinya,
sebuah ragam penelitian sastra yang tidak menghiraukan struktur.[8]
Karena tidak menghiraukan struktur, bahkan melupakan struktur dengan
melakukan dekonstruksi terhadap sebuah karya, maka ciri khas dari
postrukturalisme adalah ketidakmantapan teks. Artinya, makna karya ditentukan
oleh apa yang dilakukan oleh teks, bukan apa yang dimaksudkan oleh teks
tersebut.[9] Dengan demikian, terjadi pergeseran dari penerima menjadi
pencipta. Makna teks tidak diproduksi melalui kontemplasi pasif, tetapi partisipasi
aktif. Karya bukan milik pengarang, melainkan milik pembaca. Makna teks
tergantung pada konteks, interaksi pada pembaca, teks tidak tertutup, tetapi
terbuka secara terus menerus berinteraksi ke luar dirinya.
2.2 Dekonstruksi
            Sebagaimana yang telah dijelaskan pada bagian sebelumnya
bahwa postrukturalisme sering disebut dengan pengkajian dekonstruksi, maka
dekonstruksi merupakan ciri utama teori postrukturalisme.  Bahkan, pada
dasarnya dekonstruksi merupakan pengembangan dari postrukturalisme.  Hal ini
seperti yang dikemukakan oleh Yunus (dalam Zainuddin) bahwa dekonstruksi
adalah postrukturalisme yang bersifat eksterm, yaitu pemaknaan karya sastra
yang bisa dimulai dari aspek apa saja, bahkan dari persoalan yang paling kecil
yang semula tidak diperkirakan banyak orang.[10] Artinya, pemaknaan sebuah
karya sastra dengan dekonstruksi dapat menyebabkan unsur-unsur yang semula
dianggap tidak bermakna, bisa menjadi bermakna.
Secara leksikal prefiks ‘de’ berarti penurunan, pengurangan, penolakan.
Jadi, dekonstruksi dapat diartikan sebagai cara-cara pengurangan terhadap
suatu intensitas konstruksi, yaitu gagasan, bangunan, dan susunan yang telah
baku.[11] Selain itu, penolakan yang dimaksud dalam dekonstruksi adalah
penolakan terhadap adanya satu pusat. Pusat yang dimaksud dalam hal ini
adalah fungsi. Dekonstruksi menolak bahwa karya sastra memiliki satu fungsi,
tapi ia memiliki banyak fungsi.
Para postrukruralis sering menggunakan kata pembongkaran, serta
penghancuran struktur untuk istilah dekonstruksi. Artinya, mengkaji makna
sebuah karya sastra berdasarkan dekonstruksi dilakukan dengan cara
membongkar teks untuk mendapatkan makna yang lebih kompleks dan berbeda
dari makna strukturalnya. Selain itu, makna juga bisa digali dari unsur yang
selama ini tidak dihiraukan. Ia bisa berasal dari unsur dalam teks dan bisa juga
dari unsur di luar teks.
Sebuah teks dalam pandangan dekonstruksi akan selalu menghadirkan
banyak makna. Jaringan-jaringan makna dalam teks juga bisa rumit yang
memungkinkan pembaca berspekulasi makna. Makna tidak tunggal, melainkan
bersifat plural, makna tidak tetap, melainkan terus berkembang. Untuk
mendapatkan makna yang seperti ini, maka dekonstruksi mengobrak-abrik teks,
sehingga lari dari struktur yang ada. Oleh karena itu, dekonstruksi membiarkan
teks menentang segala kemungkinan. Dengan demikian, dapat disebutkan
bahwa prinsip dekonstruksi adalah menangkap makna melalui paradoks atau
pertentangan dari apa yang secara logika bisa distrukturkan.[12]
Sebagai contoh, bisa dilihat pada novel Sitti Nurbaya. Secara struktural,
tokoh Datuk Maringgih selalu dianggap sebagai tokoh antagonis. Karena
penempatannya menjadi tokoh antagonis, keberadaan Datuk Maringgih lalu
menjadi tokoh yang jika diukur secara tradisi, perilakunya sangat tidak etis, jahat,
dan menyebalkan. Di samping sebagai rentenir, Datuk Maringgih masih tega
ingin menikahi Sitti Nurbaya dengan tukar pembebasan hutang. Namun, secara
dekonstruksi, Datuk Maringgih belum tentu dianggap tokoh yang antagonis.
Secara dekonstruksi, perilaku Datuk Maringgih bisa saja hanya sebagai
kamuflase untuk menyamarkan ideologi pengarang. Bisa saja Datuk
Maringgih merupakan sebuah ringkikan (seperti ringkik kuda) pengarang akan
kenyataan yang dihadapi bangsa Indonesia. Ternyata dalam perilakunya, Datuk
Maringgihlah tokoh yang tidak mau menurut dengan penjajah Belanda. Dengan
demikian, dalam konsep ideologis, keberadaan Datuk Maringgih, bisa saja
didudukkan sebagai pahlawan. Hal ini jelas bertentangan dengan struktur teks.
Menurut dekonstruksi pemaknaan tersebut bisa jadi justru merupakan esensi
ditulisnya novel Sitti Nurbaya.
Berdasarkan pendeskripsian tersebut, teori dekonstruksi diumpamakan
sebagai teks yang tidak hanya memiliki satu makna, tapi memiliki beberapa
makna yang berbeda yang disebut dengan oposisi biner.[13] Oposisi biner
melihat bahwa tanda yang mewakili suatu teks bukan satu-satunya yang dapat
diinterpretasikan oleh pembaca.
Teori dekonstruksi berkaitan dengan semiotik. Hal ini disebabkan kedua
teori ini berbicara tentang makna-makna yang dihasilkan oleh sebuah teks.
Hanya saja terdapat perbedaan di antara kedua paham ini. Jika paham semiotik
logosentrisme selalu mengandalkan makna pada kata yang diucapkan, dan
kebenaran ditentukan oleh sesuatu yang hadir, dekonstruksi justru berbicara
sebaliknya.
Seperti semiotik, dekonstruksi juga menitikberatkan pada pengembangan
karakter sebuah teks yang di dalamnya terdapat tanda. Metode postrukturalis
memulai analisisnya lewat sebuah asumsi pada sebuah teks yang dapat
dianalisa (didekonstruksi) dan menaruh persamaan dengan konstruksi teksnya.
[14] Menurut teori ini, dekonstruksi sebuah teks tidak dapat tetap sama setelah
direkonstruksi semenjak analisa tentang tanda diinterpretasikan.
Peletak dasar dekonstruksi adalah Jacques Derrida. Derrida adalah
seorang Yahudi Aljazair yang kemudian menjadi ahli filsafat dan kritik sastra di
Perancis. Teori dekonstruksi Derrida ini lebih banyak berdasarkan teori filsafat.
Dekonstruksi dikembangkan menjadi salah satu teori yang paling berpengaruh di
bidang kritik sastra sekitar tahun 1970 dan 1980. Sebuah contoh penting konsep
Derrida adalah konsep perbedaan (concept of differences).[15] Kata differences
berasal dari bahasa latin,  differe, yang sekaligus berarti to differ (membedakan)
yang berkonotasi spasial, dan to defer (menuda) yang berkonotasi
temporal Makna kata differences berada dalam posisi mengambang antara to
differ dan to defer, keduanya berpengaruh terhadap kekuatan tekstual, tetapi
tidak secara utuh mewakili kata difference tersebut. Oleh karena itu, tanda-tanda
megimplikasikan makna, maka makna karya pun selalu berbeda dan tertunda,
sesuai dengan ruang dan waktu. Artinya, antara konsep dengan kenyataan
selalu mempunyai jarak dan sekaligus perbedaaan.

BAB III
PENUTUP

3.1 Simpulan
            Berdasarkan uraian yang telah dipaparkan di atas, maka dapat
disimpulkan beberapa hal:
1.        Postrukturalisme merupakan sebuah teori sastra yang mengkaji makna tidak
hanya terbatas pada kekuatan struktur, tetapi dapat dikaitkan dengan sesuatu
yang berada di luar struktur.
2.        Ada dua tahapan dalam menelaah makna karya sastra dengan menggunakan
teori postrukturalisme. Pertama, mendaftar semua unsur yang terdapat pada
karya yang ditelaah dan meletakkan semua unsur tersebut pada kedudukan
yang sama. Kedua, Unsur-unsur yang telah dipahami dihubungkan dengan
unsur lainnya dalam upaya untuk mengetahui apakah unsur-unsur tersebut
merupakan satu jaringan.
3.        Dekonstruksi merupakan salah satu teori postrukturalisme yang berarti teori
sastra yang mengkaji makna sebuah karya sastra dengan cara membongkar
teks untuk mendapatkan makna yang lebih kompleks dan berbeda dari makna
strukturalnya.
DAFTAR PUSTAKA

Endraswara, Suwardi. 2008. Metodologi Penelitian Sastra. Yogyakarta: Media


Pressindo.

Fananie, Z. 2002. Telaah Sastra. Surakarta: Muhammadiyah


University Press.
Klarer, M. 1999. An introduction to literary studies. Rout ledge.
Kutha Ratna, Nyoman. 2012. Teori, Metode, dan Teknik Penelitian Sastra.
Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar.

[1] Suwardi. Endraswara, Metodologi Penelitian Sastra (Yogyakarta: Media Pressindo, 2008), h.


167.
[2] Nyoman, Kutha Ratna, Teori, Metode, dan Teknik Penelitian Sastra (Yogyakarta: Pustaka
Pelajar, 2012), h.221.
[3] Zainuddin. Fananie, Telaah Sastra  (Surakarta: Muhammadiyah University Press, 2001), h.
144.
[4] Nyoman, Kutha Ratna, Teori, Metode, dan Teknik Penelitian Sastra (Yogyakarta: Pustaka
Pelajar, 2012), hh.143-144.
[5]  Zainuddin. Fananie, Telaah Sastra  (Surakarta: Muhammadiyah University Press,
2001), h. 144.
[6]  Suwardi. Endraswara, Metodologi Penelitian Sastra (Yogyakarta: Media Pressindo,
2008), h. 169.
[7] Zainuddin. Fananie, Telaah Sastra  (Surakarta: Muhammadiyah University Press, 2001), h.
145.
[8] Suwardi. Endraswara, Metodologi Penelitian Sastra (Yogyakarta: Media Pressindo, 2008), h.
167.
[9]  Nyoman, Kutha Ratna, Teori, Metode, dan Teknik Penelitian Sastra (Yogyakarta: Pustaka
Pelajar, 2012), h. 161.
[10] Zainuddin. Fananie, Telaah Sastra (Surakarta: Muhammadiyah University Press, 2001), h.
151..
[11]  Nyoman, Kutha Ratna, Teori, Metode, dan Teknik Penelitian Sastra  (Yogyakarta: Pustaka
Pelajar, 2012), h. 223
[12] Zainuddin. Fananie, Telaah Sastra (Surakarta: Muhammadiyah University Press,
2001), h. 151.
[13] Mario klarer, An introduction to literary studies  (Rout ledge, 1999), h. 88.
[14] Mario klarer, An introduction to literary studies  (Rout ledge, 1999), h. 89.
[15] Mario klarer, An introduction to literary studies  (Rout ledge, 1999), h. 89.
Diposting oleh Matahari dari timur di 23.09 
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Label: teori sastra

Eurocentrism (also Eurocentricity or Western-centrism)[1] is a worldview that is centred


on Western civilisation or a biased view that favours it over non-Western civilisations. The
exact scope of Eurocentrism varies from the entire Western world to just the continent
of Europe or even more narrowly, to Western Europe (especially during the Cold War). When
the term is applied historically, it may be used in reference to an apologetic stance towards
European colonialism and other forms of imperialism.[2]
The term "Eurocentrism" dates back to the late 1970s but it did not become prevalent until
the 1990s, when it was frequently applied in the context
of decolonisation and development and humanitarian aid that industrialised countries offered
to developing countries. The term has since been used to critique Western narratives
of progress, Western scholars who have downplayed and ignored non-Western
contributions, and to contrast Western epistemologies with Indigenous ways of knowing.[3][4][5]

Contents

 1Terminology
 2History
o 2.1European exceptionalism
o 2.2Anticolonialism
o 2.3Debate since 1990s
o 2.4Race and politics in the United States
 3Latin America
o 3.1Effect on beauty standards in Brazil
 4Islamic world
o 4.1Orientalism
 5In the beauty industry
o 5.1Clark doll experiment
o 5.2Mexican doll experiment
o 5.3Beauty advertisements
o 5.4Skin lightening
o 5.5South Korea
 6See also
 7References
 8External links
Terminology[edit]

Eurocentrism as the term for an ideology was coined by Samir Amin in the 1970s

The adjective Eurocentric, or Europe-centric, has been in use in various contexts since at


least the 1920s.[6] The term was popularised (in French as européocentrique) in the context
of decolonisation and internationalism in the mid-20th century.[7] English usage
of Eurocentric as an ideological term in identity politics was current by the mid-1980s.[8]
The abstract noun Eurocentrism (French eurocentrisme, earlier europocentrisme) as the
term for an ideology was coined in the 1970s by the Egyptian Marxian economist Samir
Amin, then director of the African Institute for Economic Development and Planning of
the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa.[9] Amin used the term in the context of a
global, core-periphery or dependency model of capitalist development. English usage
of Eurocentrism is recorded by 1979.[10]
The coinage of Western-centrism is younger, attested in the late 1990s, and specific to
English.[11]

History[edit]
European exceptionalism[edit]
Further information: Great Divergence, The European Miracle, Age of
Discovery, Colonialism, Progressivism, and Western world

During the European colonial era, encyclopaedias often sought to give a rationale for the
predominance of European rule during the colonial period by referring to a special position
taken by Europe compared to the other continents.
Thus, Johann Heinrich Zedler, in 1741, wrote that "even though Europe is the smallest of
the world's four continents, it has for various reasons a position that places it before all
others.... Its inhabitants have excellent customs, they are courteous and erudite in both
sciences and crafts".[12]
The Brockhaus Enzyklopädie (Conversations-Lexicon) of 1847 still has an ostensibly
Eurocentric approach and claims about Europe that "its geographical situation and its
cultural and political significance is clearly the most important of the five continents, over
which it has gained a most influential government both in material and even more so in
cultural aspects".[13]
European exceptionalism thus grew out of the Great Divergence of the Early Modern period,
due to the combined effects of the Scientific Revolution, the Commercial Revolution, and
the rise of colonial empires, the Industrial Revolution and a Second European colonisation
wave.
European exceptionalism is widely reflected in popular genres of literature, especially
literature for young adults (for example, Rudyard Kipling's Kim) and adventure literature in
general. Portrayal of European colonialism in such literature has been analysed in terms of
Eurocentrism in retrospect, such as presenting idealised and often exaggeratedly masculine
Western heroes, who conquered 'savage' peoples in the remaining 'dark spaces' of the
globe.[14]
The European miracle, a term coined by Eric Jones in 1981,[15] refers to this surprising rise of
Europe during the Early Modern period. During the 15th to 18th centuries, a great
divergence took place, comprising the European Renaissance, age of discovery, the
formation of the colonial empires, the Age of Reason, and the associated leap forward
in technology and the development of capitalism and early industrialisation. The result was
that by the 19th century, European powers dominated world trade and world politics.
In Lectures on the Philosophy of History, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel claimed that world
history started in Asia but it shifted to Greece and Italy, and then it shifted north of
the Alps to France, Germany and England.[16][17] According to Hegel, India and China are
stationary countries which lack inner momentum. China replaced the real historical
development with a fixed, stable scenario, which makes it the outsider of world history. Both
India and China were waiting and anticipating a combination of certain factors from outside
until they can acquire real progress in human civilisation.[18] Hegel's ideas had a profound
impact on western history. Some scholars disagree with his ideas that the Oriental countries
were outside of world history.[19]
Max Weber suggested that capitalism is the speciality of Europe, because Oriental
countries such as India and China do not contain the factors which would enable them to
develop capitalism in a sufficient manner. [20] Weber wrote and published many treatises in
which he emphasized the distinctiveness of Europe. In The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of
Capitalism, he wrote that the "rational" capitalism manifested by its enterprises and
mechanisms only appear in the Protestant western countries, and a series of generalised
and universal cultural phenomena only appear in the west.[21] Even the state, with a written
constitution and a government organised by trained administrators and constrained by
rational law, only appear in the west, even though other regimes can also comprise states.
[22]
 Rationality is a multi-layered term whose connotations are developed and escalated as
with the social progress. Weber regarded rationality as a proprietary article for western
capitalist society.

Anticolonialism[edit]
Even in the 19th century, anticolonial movements had developed claims about national
traditions and values that were set against those of Europe in Africa and India. In some
cases, as China, where local ideology was even more exclusionist than the Eurocentric
one, Westernisation did not overwhelm longstanding Chinese attitudes to its own cultural
centrality.[23]
Orientalism developed in the late 18th century as a disproportionate Western interest in and
idealisation of Eastern (i.e. Asian) cultures.
By the early 20th century, some historians, such as Arnold J. Toynbee, were attempting to
construct multifocal models of world civilisations. Toynbee also drew attention in Europe to
non-European historians, such as the medieval Tunisian scholar Ibn Khaldun. He also
established links with Asian thinkers, such as through his dialogues with Daisaku
Ikeda of Soka Gakkai International.[24]
The explicit concept of Eurocentrism is a product of the period of decolonisation in the 1960s
to 1970s. Its original context is the core-periphery or dependency model of capitalist
development of Marxian economics.[citation needed]

Debate since 1990s[edit]


Eurocentrism has been a particularly important concept in development studies.[25] Brohman
(1995) argued that Eurocentrism "perpetuated intellectual dependence on a restricted group
of prestigious Western academic institutions that determine the subject matter and methods
of research".[25]
In treatises on historical or contemporary Eurocentrism that appeared since the 1990s,
Eurocentrism is mostly cast in terms of dualisms such as civilised/barbaric or
advanced/backward, developed/undeveloped, core/periphery, implying "evolutionary
schemas through which societies inevitably progress", with a remnant of an "underlying
presumption of a superior white Western self as referent of analysis" (640 [clarification needed]).
[26]
 Eurocentrism and the dualistic properties that it labels on non-European countries,
cultures and persons have often been criticised in the political discourse of the 1990s and
2000s, particularly in the greater context of political correctness, race in the United
States and affirmative action.[27][28]
In the 1990s, there was a trend of criticising various geographic terms current in the English
language as Eurocentric, such as the traditional division of Eurasia into Europe and Asia[29] or
the term Middle East.[30]
Eric Sheppard, in 2005, argued that contemporary Marxism itself has Eurocentric traits (in
spite of "Eurocentrism" originating in the vocabulary of Marxian economics), because it
supposes that the third world must go through a stage of capitalism before "progressive
social formations can be envisioned". [3]
Andre Gunder Frank harshly criticised Eurocentrism. He believed that most scholars were
the disciples of the social sciences and history guided by Eurocentrism. [4] He criticised some
Western scholars for their ideas that non-Western areas lack outstanding contributions in
history, economy, ideology, politics and culture compared with the West. [31] These scholars
believed that the same contribution made by the West gives Westerners an advantage of
endo-genetic momentum which is pushed towards the rest of the world, but Frank believed
that the Oriental countries also contributed to the human civilisation in their own
perspectives.
Arnold Toynbee in his A Study of History, gave a critical remark on Eurocentrism. He
believed that although western capitalism shrouded the world and achieved a political unity
based on its economy, the Western countries cannot "westernize" other countries.
[32]
 Toynbee concluded that Eurocentrism is characteristic of three misconceptions manifested
by self-centerment, the fixed development of Oriental countries and linear progress. [33]
There has been some debate on whether historical Eurocentrism qualifies as "just
another ethnocentrism", as it is found in most of the world's cultures, especially in cultures
with imperial aspirations, as in the Sinocentrism in China; in the Empire of Japan (c. 1868–
1945), or during the American Century. James M. Blaut (2000) argued that Eurocentrism
indeed went beyond other ethnocentrisms, as the scale of European colonial expansion was
historically unprecedented and resulted in the formation of a "colonizer's model of the world".
[34]

Indigenous philosophies have been noted to greatly contrast with Eurocentric thought.
Indigenous scholar James (Sákéj) Youngblood Henderson states that Eurocentricism
contrasts greatly with Indigenous worldviews: "the discord between Aboriginal and
Eurocentric worldviews is dramatic. It is a conflict between natural and artificial
contexts."[5] Indigenous scholars Norman K. Denzin and Yvonna S. Linco state that "in some
ways, the epistemological critique initiated by Indigenous knowledge is more radical than
other sociopolitical critiques of the West, for the Indigenous critique questions the very
foundations of Western ways of knowing and being." [35]

Race and politics in the United States[edit]


Main articles: Race and ethnicity in the United States and Racism in the United States

The terms Afrocentrism vs. Eurocentrism have come to play a role in the 2000s to 2010s in
the context of the political discourse on race in the United States and critical whiteness
studies, aiming to expose white supremacism and white privilege.[36]
Afrocentrist scholars, such as Molefi Asante, have argued that there is a prevalence of
Eurocentric thought in the processing of much of academia on African affairs. On the other
hand, in an article, 'Eurocentrism and Academic Imperialism' by Professor Seyed
Mohammad Marandi, from the University of Tehran, states that Eurocentric thought exists in
almost all aspects of academia in many parts of the world, especially in the humanities.
[37]
 Edgar Alfred Bowring states that in the West, self-regard, self-congratulation and
denigration of the 'Other' run more deeply and those tendencies have infected more aspects
of their thinking, laws and policy than anywhere else. [38][39] Luke Clossey and Nicholas Guyatt
have measured the degree of Eurocentrism in the research programs of top history
departments.[40]

Latin America[edit]
Eurocentrism affected Latin America through colonial domination and expansion. [41] This
occurred through the application of new criteria meant to "impose a new social classification
of the world population on a global scale".[41] Based on this occurrence, a new social-historic
identities were newly produced, although already produced in America. Some of these
names include; 'Whites', 'Negroes', 'Blacks', 'Yellows', 'Olives', 'Indians', and 'Mestizos'.
[41]
 With the advantage of being located in the Atlantic basin, 'Whites' were in a privileged to
control gold and silver production. [41] The work which created the product was by 'Indians' and
'Negroes'.[41] With the control of commercial capital from 'White' workers. And therefore,
Europe or Western Europe emerged as the central place of new patterns and capitalist
power.[41]

Effect on beauty standards in Brazil[edit]


According to Alexander Edmond's book Pretty Modern: Beauty, Sex, and Plastic Surgery in
Brazil, whiteness plays a role in Latin American, specifically Brazilian, beauty standards, but
it is not necessarily distinguished based on skin colour. [42] Edmonds said the main ways to
define whiteness in people in Brazil is by looking at their hair, nose, then mouth before
considering skin colour.[42] Edmonds focuses on the popularity of plastic surgery in Brazilian
culture. Plastic surgeons usually applaud and flatter mixtures when emulating aesthetics for
performing surgery, and the more popular mixture is African and European. [43] This shapes
beauty standards by racialising biological and popular beauty ideals to suggest that mixture
with whiteness is better.[42] Donna Goldstein's book Laughter Out of Place: Race, Class,
Violence, and Sexuality in a Rio Shantytown also addresses how whiteness influences
beauty in Brazil. Goldstein notes that in Brazil, there is a hierarchy for beauty that places
being white at the top and black characteristics at the bottom, calling them ugly. [44]
Challenging these standards of beauty in Brazil would require society to "question the
romantic and sexual appeal of whiteness."[44] Goldstein said as a result, black bodies would
have to be decommodified, and black women in particular have had to commodify their
bodies to survive.[44]
In Erica Lorraine William's Sex Tourism in Bahia: Ambiguous Entanglements, Williams
addresses how European and white beauty standards have more privileges than darker
skinned and black women in Brazil.[45] Black women in Brazil have to strategise ways to
receive more respect in spaces popular for sex tourism. [45] Williams cites Alma
Gulliermoprieto when she explains that there is a superiority given to light-skinned black
women over darker-skinned black women as light-skinned women were considered more
beautiful because they were "improved with white blood." [46]

Islamic world[edit]
Eurocentrism's effect on the Islamic world has predominantly come from a fundamental
statement of preventing the account of lower-level explanation and account of Islamic
cultures and their social evolution, mainly through eurocentrism's idealist construct. [47] This
construct has gained power from the historians revolving their conclusions around the idea of
a central point that favours the notion that the evolution of societies and their progress are
dictated by general tendencies, leading to the Islamic world's evolution becoming more of a
philosophical topic of history instead of historical fact. [47] Along with this, eurocentrism extends
to trivialise and marginalise the philosophies, scientific contributions, cultures, and other
additional facets of the Islamic world.[48]
Stemming from Eurocentrism's innate bias towards Western civilisation came the creation of
the concept of the "European Society," which favoured the components (mainly Christianity)
of European civilisation and allowed eurocentrists to brand diverging societies and cultures
as "uncivilized."[49] Prevalent during the nineteenth century, the labelling of uncivilised in the
eyes of eurocentrists enabled Western countries to classify non-European and non-white
countries as inferior, and limit their inclusion and contribution in actions like international law.
This exclusion was seen as acceptable by individuals like John Westlake, a professor of
international law at the University of Cambridge at the time, who commented that countries
with European civilisations should be who comprises the international society, and that
countries like Turkey and Persia should only be allowed a part of international law. [49] The
figurative superiority resulting from the rise of "European Civilization" and the labels of
"civilized" and "uncivilized" are partly responsible for eurocentrism's denial of Islamic social
evolution, giving westerners the advantage of an early dismissal of such ideas regarding
Oriental civilisations through comparisons to the West. Along with that, the rooted belief of
the inferiority of non-white and non-Europeans has given justification for racial discrimination
and discredit to the Islamic world, with much of these feelings still present today.

Orientalism[edit]
Eurocentrism's reach has not only affected the perception of the cultures and civilisations of
the Islamic world, but also the aspects and ideas of Orientalism, a cultural idea that
distinguished the "Orient" of the East from the "Occidental" Western societies of Europe and
North America, and which was originally created so that the social and cultural milestones of
the Islamic and Oriental world would be recognised. This effect began to take place during
the nineteenth century when the Orientalist ideals where distilled and shifted from topics of
sensuality and deviating mentalities to what is described by Edward Said as "unchallenged
coherence."[50] Along with this shift came the creation of two types of orientalism: latent, which
covered the Orient's constant durability through history, and manifest, a more dynamic
orientalism that changes with the new discovery of information. [50] The eurocentric influence is
shown in the latter, as the nature of manifest Orientalism is to be altered with new findings,
which leaves it vulnerable to the warping of its refiner's ideals and principles. In this state,
eurocentrism has used orientalism to portray the Orient as "backwards" and bolster the
superiority of the Western world and continue the undermining of their cultures to further the
agenda of racial inequality.[50]
With those wanting to represent the eurocentric ideals better by way of orientalism, there
came a barrier of languages, being Arabic, Persian, and other similar languages. With more
researchers wanting to study more of Orientalism, there was an assumption made about the
languages of the Islamic world: that having the ability to transcribe the texts of the past
Islamic world would give great knowledge and insight on oriental studies. In order to do this,
many researchers underwent training in philology, believing that an understanding of the
languages would be the only necessary training. This reasoning came as the belief at the
time was that other studies like anthropology and sociology were deemed irrelevant as they
did not believe it misleading to this portion of mankind. [51] Through this action, eurocentric
researchers' understanding of Oriental and Islamic culture was intentionally left undermined,
foregoing the reasoning behind the actions and reasoning for the changes in culture
documented by Islamic and Oriental texts and allowing for further possible Western influence
on orientalism, and increasing the difficulty of identifying what is truly Oriental and what is
considered Oriental by the West.

In the beauty industry[edit]


Eurocentrism has affected the beauty realm globally. The beauty standard has become
Westernized and has influenced people throughout the globe. Many have altered their
natural self to reflect this image. [52] Many beauty and advertising companies have redirected
their products to support the idea of Eurocentrism. [53]
Kathy Deliovsky, an assistant professor at Brock University, publishes work that focuses on
"critical race feminism with an emphasis on whiteness studies." [54]
Deliovsky addresses Eurocentrism and whiteness in relation to beauty in her article
"Normative White Femininity: Race, Gender, and the Politics of Beauty." [55] She writes that
"normative femininity is never signified outside a process of racial domination and negation"
when looking at a society built on "European imperialism and colonialism." [55] White
femininity, like whiteness in general, is perceived as normative because it isn't viewed as
"white", but simply as "femininity." [55]
Deliovsky later addresses how those who are represented through a Westernized lens as
"blonde-haired and blue-eyed" in society are typically white women. [55] She points out an
importance of also looking at who isn't being represented and what the implications of that
are as they could reveal two issues: the past exclusion of "Africans, Asians and Aboriginals"
from editorial and advertisement content and then distorted "representation and coverage" of
"racially marginalized" people.[55]
Deliovsky explains in her article that when a standard of beauty is determined, anything that
strays from that standard is considered a "deviation." [55] Women of color could be viewed as
"contextually beautiful (i.e. beautiful in spite of...)," but don't exist as the standard. [55] They can
represent the "exotic/erotic" but not the beautiful. [55]
A 1986 study by Pierre van den Berghe and Peter Frost found a widespread cultural
preference for lighter skin in females.[56] However, they argue that the preference for lightness
often antedates European contact such as in the case of the Aztecs, the Japanese and the
Ancient Egyptians, a strong preference for lightness is found even in societies that were
never colonised by the West, and, even in areas colonised by Europe, preference for skin
lightness is often accompanied by explicit rejection of European phenotypes.[56] Instead they
suggest evolutionary explanations for the preference, noting neotenous traits may induce
male investment and light skin signals fertility.[56]

Clark doll experiment[edit]


See also: Kenneth and Mamie Clark §  Doll experiments

In the 1940s, psychologists Kenneth and Mamie Clark held experiments called "the doll
tests" to examine the psychological effects of segregation on African-American children.
They tested children by presenting them four dolls, identical but different skin tone. They had
to choose which doll they preferred and were asked the race of the doll. Most of the children
chose the white doll. The Clark's stated in their results that the perception of the African-
American children were altered by the discrimination they faced. [57] The tested children also
labelled positive descriptions to the white dolls. One of the criticisms of this test is presented
by Robin Bernstein, a professor of African and African American studies and women,
gender, and sexuality. Her argument is that "the Clarks' tests were scientifically flawed. But
she said that the tests did reflect a negative portrayal of black dolls in American theater and
media that dates back to the Civil War era....Thus, Bernstein said, the choices made by the
subjects of the Clark doll tests was not necessarily an indication of black self-hatred. Instead,
it was a cultural choice between two different toys—one that was to be loved and one that
was to be physically harassed, as exemplified in performance and popular media. According
to Bernstein, this argument 'redeems the Clarks' child subjects by offering a new
understanding of them not as psychologically damaged dupes, but instead as agential
experts in children's culture.'"[58]

Mexican doll experiment[edit]


In 2012, Mexicans recreated the doll test. Mexico's National Council to Prevent
Discrimination presented a video where children had to pick the "good doll," and the doll that
looks like them. By doing this experiment, the researchers wanted to analyse the degree to
which Mexican children are influenced by modern-day media accessible to them. [59] Most of
the children chose the white doll because it was better. They also stated that it looked like
them. The people who carried out the study noted that Eurocentrism is deeply rooted in
different cultures, including Latin cultures.[60]

Beauty advertisements[edit]
Advertisements shown throughout the world are Eurocentric and emphasise western
characteristics.[citation needed] Caucasian models are the primary choice of models to be hired by
globally popular brands such as Estee Lauder and L’Oreal. Regional models in Korea, Hong
Kong and Japan have barely made it to global brands' ads, compared to Caucasian models,
who appear in forty-four per cent of Korean and fifty-four per cent of Japanese ads. By
appearing in these ads, they are emphasising that the ideal skin is bright, transparent, white,
full, and fine. On the other hand, dark African skin is looked down upon. [61]

Skin lightening[edit]
Skin lightening has become a common practice throughout different areas of the globe. One
motivation for the use of skin lightening products is to look more 'European'. [62] In other cases,
the practice began long before exposure to European beauty standards – tan skin was
associated with lower-class field work, and thus constant exposure to sun, while having pale
skin signified belonging to the upper-class.[63][64] Many women risk their health using these
products to obtain the skintone they desire. A study conducted by Dr Lamine Cissé observed
the female population in some African countries. They found that 26% of women were using
skin lightening creams at the time and 36% had used them at some time. The common
products used were hydroquinone and corticosteroids. 75% of women who used these
creams showed cutaneous adverse effects.[65] Whitening products have also become popular
in many areas in Asia like South Korea.[66] With the rise of these products, research has been
done to study the long term damage. Some complications experienced are exogenous
ochronosis, impaired wound healing and wound dehiscence, the fish odour syndrome,
nephropathy, steroid addiction syndrome, predisposition to infections, a broad spectrum of
cutaneous and endocrinologic complications of corticosteroids, and suppression of
hypothalamic‐pituitary‐adrenal axis.[67]

South Korea[edit]
See also: Korean beauty standards and K-beauty
Cosmetic surgery is popular in South Korea. In some cases, this may be due to a desire to
look more Western.[citation needed] However, others argue that the prevalence of cosmetic surgery
in South Korea is not rooted in Western beauty standards, [68] but is instead primarily due to
other factors, such as more general dissatisfaction with appearance and better chances on
the job market.[69][70] According to the International Society of Aesthetic Plastic Surgery, South
Korea has the highest rates of plastic surgery procedures per capita in 2014. [71] The most
requested procedures are the blepharoplasty and rhinoplasty. [72] Another procedure done in
Korea is having the muscle under the tongue that connects to the bottom of the mouth
surgically snipped. Parents have their children to undergo this surgery in order to pronounce
English better.[73] In Korea, cosmetic eyelid surgery is considered to be normal. Korea has
close modern ties with the U.S. which allows constant 

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