An Exploratory Investigation into Impulse Buying Behavior in a Transitional Economy: A

Study of Urban Consumers in Vietnam

Author(s): Nguyen Thi Tuyet Mai, Kwon Jung, Garold Lantz, Sandra G. Loeb
Source: Journal of International Marketing, Vol. 11, No. 2, Special Issue on Marketing in
Transitional Economies (2003), pp. 13-35
Published by: American Marketing Association
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An Exploratory Investigation into
Impulse Buying Behavior in a
Transitional Economy: A Study of Urban
Consumers in Vietnam

As a transitional economy Vietnam is open to many new mar ABSTRACT

keting experiences. Along with slowly increasing wealth,
are in the retail environment as stores begin
changes occurring
to replace individual vendors. The changing retail environment

suggests the usefulness of understanding shopping behaviors

relevant to retail settings. The authors examine impulse buying
behaviors consumers in Vietnam. The authors con
of urban
ducted an exploratory study that included both qualitative and
methods to provide a ur
quantitative general understanding of
ban Vietnamese consumers' impulse buying behaviors. Results
show that individualism, age, and income are re
significantly
lated to impulse buying behaviors of Vietnamese consumers. In
addition, are the most common
personal-use products impulse
items, despite the collectivist nature consumers in
purchase of
Vietnam. The authors' suggest that, at least with re
findings
spect to impulse buying and despite cultural differences, con
sumers transitional economies such as Vietnam may share
from
some common tendencies and behaviors with consumers in ad
vanced economies. The authors discuss other observations and
conclude with suggestions for further research.

The movement to freer markets in transitional economies such

as China, Vietnam, and Eastern Europe has
generated great in Nguyen Thi TuyetMai,
terest in marketing to these countries
challenges unique (Batra Kwon Jung, Garold
1997). issues, and con
Accordingly, marketing specifically
sumer behaviors, in transitional economies are receiving in Lantz, and Sandra G.
creasing attention from both scholars and practitioners. Loeb
Vietnam started its economic reform in 1986, when it shifted
from a
centrally planned economy to a market economy. Sim
ilar to other transitional economies, there is a rapidly grow
ing middle class in Vietnam, especially in major cities
and Nair 2000). Theemerging middle-class con
(Speece
sumers are an attractive market for international firms be
cause are to Western and
they increasingly exposed products
lifestyles through the media (Cui and Liu 2001). Accordingly,
because of the increasingly important role of international
business and the growing interest in cultural differences in
Submitted May 2001
consumer behavior (Maheswaran and Shavitt 2000), it is nec
Accepted May 2002
essary to examine consumer behaviors in general and con
? Journal of International Marketing
sumer buying behaviors in particular in transitional Vol. 11, No. 2, 2003, pp. 13-35
economies, including Vietnam. ISSN 1069-03IX

13
 In the area of consumer behavior, impulse buying is consid
ered an and For more
important widespread phenomenon.
than 50 years, a considerable amount of research has exam
ined this behavior; however, as in many other areas of con
sumer research, studies on have used
impulse buying
theoretical frameworks based on evidence from Western cul
tures and
primarily from U.S. culture. Impulse buying behav
iors are to be universal in nature; however,
presumed largely
local market conditions as well as social and cultural forces
could influence the way consumers operate on (Rook
impulse
1987; Shamdasani and Rook 1989). Although most research
examining impulse buying behavior is from the United States,
a few studies have examined impulse buying behaviors in
other countries, such as the United Kingdom (Bayley and Nan
carrow 1998; Dittmar, Beattie, and Friese 1995; McConatha,
Lightner, and Deaner 1994), South Africa (Abratt and Goodey
1990), and Singapore (Shamdasani and Rook 1989). Almost no
research has examined impulse buying behavior in transi
tional economies; therefore, we believe that examining this be
havior in a transitional economy, such as that of Vietnam, will
contribute to a more complete understanding of this important
consumer behavior.

The term "transitional economy" refers to those countries

Conceptual Background that were centrally planned but now are
undergoing
a market

and Hypotheses transition (Desai 1997; Fforde and Vylder 1996). The transi
tion of these countries also involves the movement from

Vietnam: command to free market economies (Batra 1997) and from

The Research Context closed to open economies (Shultz and Pecotich 1997). Transi
tional economies are considered markets with
emerging
growth potential (Batra 1997), and growth rates are especially
notable among transitional economies in Southeast Asia
(Shultz and Pecotich 1997). Vietnam started Doi Moi, or its
economic reform, in 1986. High growth rates have been the
result: Almost 9% growth was achieved between 1992 and
1997 (Nguyen 2000). Although the growth rate decreased to
5.8% in 1998, it hit 6.8% in 2001, which, after China, is the
second-highest growth rate in the region and among develop
ing economies {Vietnam Investment Review 2002).

Vietnam is considered a promising market for both local and

international firms: The country has a of nearly
population
77 million, of which more than 80% live in rural areas and
approximately 20% live in urban areas (Nguyen 2003). Popu
lation density is high in urban areas, especially in big cities.
There are about 3 million people living in Hanoi and more
than 5 million people living in Ho Chi Minh City (Thong Ke
Publishing 1999).

Similar to other transitional economies and attributable to Doi

Moi, the standard of living has increased for all citizen groups
in Vietnam (Do 1997; Fforde 1997; Shultz and Pecotich 1994),

14 Nguyen Thi Tuyet Mai, Kwon Jung, Garold Lantz, and Sandra G. Loeb
especially in big cities with increasing middle-class popula
tions (Speece and Nair 2000). The findings from a survey con
ducted by the market research company Taylor Nelson Sofres
suggest that emerging consumers, or the class,"
"consuming
account for an average of 37% of the population in major
cities and have average monthly income per household of
US$350 (LanAnh 2001). These consumers have consumption
and entertainment habits such as the streets and
wandering
shopping and playing sports (LanAnh 2001). In addition, the
emerging consumers are more
high-income demanding shop
pers and tend to spend more money when Viet
shopping.
nam's General Statistics Office (2000) reports that nearly 77%
of the population living in rural areas has a per average
capita
annual income slightly more than US$150. The figure ismore
than US$600 for people in Hanoi and US$900 for people in
Ho Chi Minh City.

In terms of marketing infrastructure, although wet markets

remain in rural areas in Vietnam, and
popular supermarkets
centers are in cities. At
shopping increasingly popular major
present, there are approximately 60 supermarkets in Hanoi
and approximately 70 in Ho Chi Minh City (1080 Service
2001). In addition, many small shops along streets,
shopping
centers, and wet markets a of and
provide variety products
services for different income groups. Consumers can
easily
find both foreign and local products that range from expen
sive to inexpensive, which is different from before the eco
nomic reform (Do 1997). According to Beresford and Dang
(2000), such availability is like "a drought meeting a rain
storm" for Vietnamese consumers, especially for the new
middle-class consumers who have income because of
higher
Doi Moi and enjoy the sudden increase in consumer goods
availability.

Along with the "openness" and liberalization of the Viet

namese economy have been
many changes in the value sys
tem and standards, which has caught the attention of public
and government authorities and has caused much debate.
The move toward the market economy "turns [the value sys
tem and standards] upside-down compared to those in the
centrally planned and subsidized economy, and erodes tradi
tional values" and Pham 2000, p. 151; see also
(Boothroyd
2001, p. 20). In terms of consumption more
Toyama patterns,
attention is paid to the differences between the segments of
old thinking and new thinking and between the haves and
the have-nots (i.e., rich versus (Shultz and Pecotich
poor)
1994). The "old thinking" group is more likely to include
older people in the population who lived for a longer time
before the economic reform and those who may not have

many opportunities to access the fruits of Doi Moi. Accord

ingly, these people are likely to hold more traditional values

and to receive less modern influence. Conversely, the "new

Impulse Buying in a Transitional Economy

 thinking" group is more likely to include a younger popula
tion that is more likely to have access to global media and
thus be exposed toworldwide fashion and modern lifestyles.
This includes "urban nouveau riche ... and
group generally
those who are to the seduction of goods"
people receptive
(Shultz and Pecotich 1994, p. 224).

Given the changes in the marketing environment, there is po

tential for impulse buying to occur, especially in major Viet
namese cities. Moreover, it will be worthwhile to observe
how a buying behavior that is widely recognized by its per
vasiveness in Western, developed countries operates in Viet
nam, a transitional Asian economy.

Impulse buying is considered a pervasive and distinctive as

Impulse Buying pect of consumers' lifestyles in the United States. It is reported
that almost 90% of people make occasional on im
purchases
pulse (Welles 1986), and impulse buying accounts for up to
80% of all purchases in certain product categories (Abrahams
1997; Smith 1996). Accordingly, over the past 50 years, there
have been many studies examining impulse buying behavior.

Extant research has focused on a of aspects related to

variety
impulse buying, but mostly on the underlying nature of im
pulse buying, the definition and measurement of the con
cept, and the attempt to distinguish impulse buying from
nonimpulse buying (Cobb and Hoyer 1986; Piron 1991,1993;
Rook 1987; Rook and Hoch 1985).

Inmarketing literature, impulse buying historically has been

defined simply as unplanned purchasing (e.g., Cobb and
Hoyer 1986; Kollat and Willett 1967). Rook (1987, p. 191) re
defines as "when a consumer ex
impulse buying occurring
a sudden, often and urge to
periences powerful persistent
buy something immediately. The impulse to buy is hedo
nically complex and may stimulate emotional conflict. Also
impulse buying is prone to occur with diminished regard for
its consequences." Impulse buying is described as relatively
extraordinary, exciting, and more emotional than rational,
and it is characterized by (1) relatively rapid decision making
and (2) a subjective bias in favor of immediate possession
(Rook 1987; Rook and Hoch 1985). According to Burroughs
(1996, p. 463), "Rook's (1987) inquiry provided a notable lift
to the study of impulsive buying."

Beatty and Ferrell (1998, p. 170) slightly extend Rook's

(1987) definition of impulse buying by defining it as "a sud
den and immediate with no inten
purchase pre-shopping
tions either to buy the specific product category or to fulfill a
specific buying task." By building on the conceptualizations
of previous research, impulse buying could be defined as an
unplanned purchase characterized by (1) relatively rapid de

16 Nguyen Thi Tuyet Mai, Kwon Jung, Gar old Lantz, and Sandra G. Loeb
cisi?n making (Rook 1987; Rook and Hoch 1985), (2) hedonic
complexity and more emotion than rational (Bayley and Nan
carrow 1998; Rook 1987; Rook and Hoch 1985), and (3) non
inclusion of purchases that are reminder items that
simple
fulfill a planned task, such as a gift for someone (Beatty and
Ferrell 1998).

The individualism-collectivism dimension is arguably one

of the most important cultural factors pertaining to the issue Cultural Orientation
of impulse buying (Hofstede 1980; Triandis et al. 1988). Key (Individualism and
individualist concepts include independence, self-orienta Collectivism) and
tion, idiocentricism, freedom, and self-confidence, whereas
Impulse Buying
key collectivist concepts pertain to interdependence, other
orientation, allocentrism, harmony, and conformity (Hui
1984; Triandis et al. 1988). According to Triandis (1994, p.
42), "all of us carry both individualist and collectivist ten
dencies; the difference is that in some cultures the probabil

ity that individualist selves, attitudes, norms, values, and

behaviors will be sampled or used is higher than in others."
In line with this reasoning, Singelis (1994) argues that two as
pects of self, independent self and interdependent self, can
and do coexist in individuals.

According to Lee and Kacen (2000), the theory of individual

ism-collectivism offers into many variables that are
insights
linked to impulsive purchasing and is well suited to the
study of impulse buying behavior. Individualists tend to
make decisions independently of others (Roth 1995) and
therefore have more freedom and should be less constrained
when exposed to impulse buying stimuli. It should be easier
for individualists to open their shopping lists and accept new
buying ideas without considering others' influence much. In
addition, individualists are more to make a
likely purchase
decision when an urge to buy, be
quickly they experience
cause their goals, motivations, and de
they place personal
sires over those of in-group members (Kagitcibasi 1997). In
contrast, collectivists consider themselves members of a
the of others or group
community, emphasize opinions
norms, and care more about the needs and desires of others.

Accordingly, when exposed to impulse buying stimuli, col

lectivists should be more likely to experience some feelings
of constraint; in other words, there are more for them
things
to consider before buying. These feelings of constraint may
block collectivists' ability to experience spontaneous buying.
Consequently, the purchase decision-making process may be
slowed and impulse buying actions less likely.

Because it is an Asian we expect Vietnam to be char

country,
acterized strongly by collectivism. It has been suggested that
with the movement from command economy to market econ

omy in transitional economies, a salient

(psychological)
characteristic is "the move away from collectivist forms of

Impulse Buying in a Transitional Economy 17

 societal organization and mentality toward individualist
forms" (Reykowski 1994, p. 276). In Vietnam, the movement
toward a market-driven economy has created many changes
in social values. The collectivist political values that domi
nated the past still exist along with modern social values,
such as accepting wealth, individualism, and flexibility
(Hoang 1999). In terms of consumption patterns, it also has
been that the trend toward a consumer culture
suggested
"tends to be apposition to many of the values, attitudes, and
behaviors associated with traditional Vietnamese culture"
(Shultz, Pecotich, and Le 1994, p. 248). Therefore, we
expect
that individualism and collectivism coexist in Vietnamese
consumers (with varying levels of each) and that individual
ism and collectivism are measured as two separate dimen
sions that are predicted to have significant impact on
impulse buying behavior (in opposite directions). On the ba
sis of our discussion, we present the following hypotheses:

Hi'. Individualist orientation is positively related to im

behaviors of Vietnamese consumers.
pulse buying

H2: Collectivist orientation is negatively related to im

behaviors of Vietnamese consumers.
pulse buying

Regional Differences. The literature suggests differences between

and Demographic consumers from northern Vietnam (mainly Hanoi) and con
Geographie
Characteristics and sumers from southern Vietnam (Ho Chi Minh City) regarding
their consumption patterns (e.g., Shultz and Pecotich 1994).
Impulse Buying
in Hanoi are considered more traditional and are be
People
lieved to save money, whereas people in Ho Chi Minh City are
considered more modern and are believed to "just spend
money all the time" (Shultz, Pecotich, and Le 1994, p. 245). In
addition, because of a longtime association with the centrally

planned economy, people in the north are expected to hold

more traditional values, a collectivist nature, than
including
are those in the south, whereas people in the south may show
a more individualist nature than those in the north. Because
we predict individualism to relate positively to impulse buy
to relate to impulse we
ing and collectivism negatively buying,
expect that people in the south aremore likely to engage in im
than are those in the north. Thus, we propose the
pulse buying
following hypothesis:

H3: Consumers in the south region of Vietnam (i.e., Ho

Chi Minh City) engage in more impulse buying be
haviors than do those in the north region (i.e.,
Hanoi).

Gender. Gender has received some attention in prior research

as a factor that may affect Several studies
impulse purchases.
have examined whether men or women are more
impulsive
shoppers (e.g., Cobb and Hoyer 1986; Kollat and Willett

18 Nguyen Thi Tuyet Mai, Kwon Jung, Garold Lantz, and Sandra G. Loeb
 1967); however, research findings are inconsistent. Kollat
and Willett (1967) find that women tend to buy on impulse
more than men do (the results were insignificant in another
study by Bellenger, Robertson, and Hirschman [1978]). Cobb
and Hoyer (1986) find the opposite: Women are more likely
to exhibit some element of planning before entering the store,
whereas men are more to be
likely impulse shoppers.

In Vietnam, women are for house

traditionally responsible
work, including daily shopping for meals, but men seldom
shop for meals and generally seem not to have the habit
and/or hobby of shopping. As a result of Doi Moif consumers
have more and varied decisions. However, men
purchase
tend to be in charge of buying big-ticket items, and women
still tend to shop for food and small items. The findings from
a recent survey about emerging consumers in urban Vietnam
show that up to 70% of a family's shopping decisions are
made by women (Lan Anh 2001). In addition, shopping has
become a habit and even a for many women. Cur
hobby
rently, for Vietnamese consumers, it is expected that impulse

buying is more likely to occur with small, low-value items

than with high-value items. Accordingly, compared with
men, women tend to have more chances to be exposed to im

pulse stimuli and are more likely to engage in impulse buy

ing. Therefore, we hypothesize the following:

H4: Female Vietnamese consumers engage in more im

pulse buying behaviors than do male Vietnamese

consumers.

Age and Income. It is suggested in the literature that younger

people have more impulsivity compared with older people

(e.g., Rawlings, Boldero, and Wiseman 1995). With regard to
buying behavior, it is expected that younger consumers are
more likely to experience an urge to buy things sponta
neously when to the relevant objects and to act on
exposed
the urge, whereas older consumers may demonstrate better

ability to control their buying impulses. Accordingly, we ex

pect that older people are more to be calm when cop
likely
ing with the prospect of an impulsive purchase and thus are
less likely to engage in impulse buying.

In Vietnam, younger people have had less exposure than

older people to a centrally planned economy and are less

likely influenced by traditional values and behaviors, such as

leading a simple and thrifty life (e.g., Hoang 1999) and shop
ping at traditional markets (Shultz, Pecotich, and Le 1994).
Conversely, young people are more likely to be pioneers in
adopting new lifestyles, buying new and fashionable prod
ucts, and enjoying shopping in new types of markets that
could trigger impulse buying. Therefore, we present the fol
lowing hypothesis:

Impulse Buying in a Transitional Economy

 H5: Age is negatively related to impulse buying behav
iors of Vietnamese consumers.

In a study by Abratt and Goodey (1990), higher income is sug

gested as one of several factors that can account for the higher
level of impulse buying in the United States compared with
other countries. A study by Mogelonsky (1994) logically sug
gests that impulse buying is reserved for those consumers who
can afford it. Furthermore, we expect those consumers with

higher income to have less constraint in acting on their im

pulses; they could have amore "open" shopping list that allows
them to receive sudden and unexpected buying ideas with less
difficulty in payment. Thus, they may be able to buy on impulse
more than can others. For with lower in
frequently people
comes, an may be more inter
impulse buying tendency likely
rupted by the so-called income block, which may lead to less
impulse buying. InVietnam, Doi Moi has brought opportunities
to increase income and living standards for most people, espe
in urban areas. Therefore, an number of con
cially increasing
sumers are able to afford impulse buying. On the basis of the
preceding discussion, we hypothesize the following:

H6: Income is positively related to impulse buying be

haviors of Vietnamese consumers.

Early studies on impulse buying have emphasized the taxo

Product Type and nomical approach, classifying products into impulse and
Impulse Buying nonimpulse categories. This approach has drawn much criti
cism in the literature because of its lack of diagnostic nature
(Dittmar, Beattie, and Friese 1995; Rook 1987; Rook and
Hoch 1985). Rook (1987, p. 191) notes that though a taxo
nomical approach can be useful, "it tends to divert attention
from the internal motivation and its expression that are cru
cial to the impulsive purchase."

The study by Dittmar, Beattie, and Friese (1995, p. 493)

points out that most early research on impulse buying is only
at a taxonomic level and does "not explain why,
nor
predict
beyond the particular goods studied." The study then inves

tigates types of products that tend to be purchased impul

sively and the underlying reasons for the behavior. The
authors argue on the basis of social constructionist theory
that products are impulsively bought to reflect self-identity.
These products are more likely to be items that symbolize the
preferred or ideal self and, as such, should be influenced by
social categories such as gender. The authors, nevertheless,
note that they give only a preliminary test of the model and
suggest further investigation into the role of identity.

Lee and Kacen (2000) also point out that it is necessary to ex

amine types of products that would enable an individual to
express or group and that cate
personal identity product

20 Nguyen Thi Tuyet Mai, Kwon Jung, Garold Lantz, and Sandra G. Loeb
gories aie likely to be affected by cultural factors. They refer
to the terms "shared products" and "personal products,"
which Han and Shavitt (1994) also examine. Shared products
are defined as ones for which the decision-making process
involved in purchase and the pattern of product usage are
to include or
likely family members friends, whereas per
sonal are ones for which the purchase decision and
products
usage are done an individual.
product usually by

On the basis of the preceding discussion, we the po

recognize
tential impact of product types that are associated with self
identity. However, we believe that modifying the concepts
developed by Han and Shavitt (1994) may be necessary to fit
into the impulse buying context and to meet our interest in
examining the impact of the product types that are associated
with personal and group identity in the Vietnamese context.
we two modified concepts of product
Consequently, provide
types: personal-use products and collective-use products.

Personal-use are ones for which are usu

products products
used an individual, such as fashion cosmet
ally by apparel,
ics, or care and collective-use
personal products, products
are ones forwhich the pattern of product usage is likely to in
clude family members or friends, such as groceries and gifts
for friends or relatives.

In psychoanalytic psychology literature, Freud (1956) inter

as the consequences of two forces:
prets impulses competing
the pleasure principle and the reality principle. The pleasure
principle encourages immediate gratification, whereas the re

ality principle encourages delayed gratification. These two

forces often compete, and "impulses may be difficult to resist
because they often involve anticipated pleasurable experi
ences" (Rook 1987, p. 190).

Hoch and Loewenstein (1991) suggest that close temporal

proximity of the stimulus is a product condition that seems
conducive to triggering a buying impulse. It is stated that
the more immediate a reward, the greater is its reinforcing
value (Chung and Herrnstein 1967). Therefore, the immedi
ate availability of a reward tends to increase both the desire
for it and the consumer's we as
impatience. Accordingly,
sume that when consumers are to personal-use
exposed
are more to the time
products, they likely experience
inconsistent preference induced by close temporal proxim
ity of the stimulus than are with collective-use
they prod
ucts. In other words, the pleasure principle may be more
salient than the reality principle, and the impulses may be
more and because experi
powerful persistent pleasurable
ences and are consumers
gratification anticipated (by
themselves) and immediate (no need to wait until knowing
the others' gratification).

Impulse Buying in a Transitional Economy

 In terms of the decision-making process, it seems there are
fewer constraints impeding the decision-making process for
when consumers a sudden
personal-use products experience
urge to buy them. In contrast, consumers may need to consider
whether their purchases or
benefit others when decid
satisfy
ing to buy collective-use In addition, consumers de
products.
ciding to buy collective-use are more to
products likely
some and therefore are more to
experience "interrupts" likely
maintain their self-control. As a result, an of
impulse purchase
collective-use products might be less likely to occur.

Furthermore, purchases of collective-use products frequently

could be a result of shopping for the family, when items are
bought for family or household use. Shoppers tend to con
sider this task irksome and repetitive (Bayley and Nancarrow
1998). Although collective-use such as necessary
products,
household items, can be "the source of meaning, benefit, of a
burst of adrenalin, of shopping buzz" (Bayley and Nancarrow
1998, p. 11), they are less likely than many personal-use
products to stimulate the strong interest of the consumer.

In accordance with our discussion, we expect that impulse buy

ing is more likely to occur with personal-use products than with
collective-use even for consumers in a collectivist cul
products,
ture such as Vietnam. Therefore, we the following:
hypothesize

H7: Personal-use are more to be bought

products likely
on
impulse than are collective-use products.

To explore impulse buying behaviors of Vietnamese con

Methodology sumers, we used both and methods.
qualitative quantitative
We first conducted focus group interviews to develop a gen
eral understanding of impulse buying behaviors of Vietnamese
consumers. We identified and collective-use
personal-use
categories during the qualitative Next, we con
product study.
ducted a survey to test the hypotheses.

We conducted focus group and personal interviews with two

The first was to obtain a under
Qualitative Study objectives. objective general
standing of impulse buying behaviors of Vietnamese con
sumers before conducting the survey. We report general
findings in the "Results" section. Second, we conducted the

qualitative portion to identify the personal-use and collec

tive-use product categories used in the survey.

Selection of Personal-Use Products Versus Collective-Use Products.

First, we conducted a small number of personal interviews
(20 subjects) in which the subjects were provided a brief de
scription of impulse buying and then asked to list from 5 to
10 items often on Second, we con
they bought impulse.
ducted a focus group of nine participants, who first were con
firmed to have a common perception of impulse buying. We

22 Nguyen Thi Tuyet Mai, Kwon Jung, Garold Lantz, and Sandra G. Loeb
asked these participants about items they often bought on im
pulse. We added these items to the list, which resulted in a fi
nal list of 19 items. The group went through each item and
discussed its likelihood to be an impulse item and the main
purpose of buying it (who would use it). The result of the dis
cussion was a short list of consumer that were more
goods
likely to be bought impulsively for either personal use or col
lective use. we selected 4 items to represent the two
Finally,
and shoes were chosen as the
product categories. Clothing
souvenirs and small as well as
personal-use products; gifts
books for children were selected as the collective-use prod
ucts. Although some items perhaps could be classified as
personal-use in some situations and collective-use in others,
we believe that the selected items capture basic
adequately
differences between the two categories.

Sample. We drew a of 358 subjects from two major

sample
cities of Vietnam: 208 from Hanoi and 150 from Ho Chi Minh
Survey
City. Hanoi, the capital, is located in the northern part of
Vietnam, and Ho Chi Minh City, the largest city in Vietnam,
is located in the southern part of Vietnam. We selected these
locations to ensure the essential conditions for the occur
rence of impulse buying (i.e., major urban cities) and to high
light regional differences.

In our sample,
women account for 65.5% of subjects and
men account for 34.5%; married subjects account for 44% of
and unmarried for 56%. The covers a range
subjects sample
of ages from 16 to 60; the average age is 28.7 (78% are be
tween 23 and 40 years of age). Subjects' monthly income
ranges from less than VND 500,000 (US$33.3) to more than
VND 5 million (US$333), and nearly 40% have monthly in
come greater than VND 1.5 million (US$100).

Measures. We adopted and modified the individualism and col

lectivism scale from Lee and Brislin (1998). The scale measures
individualism and collectivism at a personal level and treats in
dividualism and collectivism as two separate dimensions (see
the Appendix). Because we believe that individualist and col
lectivist natures could strongly coexist among consumers in a
transitional economy, the scale is appropriate for our study. We
measured each aspect of the cultural orientation by eight items
on a seven-point scale (1
= 7 = "strongly
"strongly disagree";
= .69 for individualism; = .76 for collectivism).
agree") (

We measured both attitudinal and behavioral aspects of im

pulse buying in this study: impulse buying tendency and im

pulse buying frequency. The impulse buying tendency scale
measures attitudinal aspects of impulse buying and is

adopted and modified from Rook and Fisher (1995). We used

seven items on a Likert scale = dis
five-point (1 "strongly
5 = =
agree"; "strongly agree") ( .86).

Impulse Buying in a Transitional Economy 23

 We measured the behavioral aspect of impulse buying by asking
the frequency of impulse buying. One item measuring impulse
buying frequency ("How often do you buy things on impulse?")
was adopted from Kacen and Lee (2002).We measured this item
on a scale (instead of a four-point scale), where 1
seven-point
represents "very rarely" and 7 represents "very often."

We measured the age of the respondents by asking the year

that were born, and we calculated actual ages of the re
they
spondents from this. We measured monthly income using
five categories of income levels.

Questionnaire Development. We first developed all scales and

questions in English and then translated them into Viet

namese. Two Vietnamese experts in English checked the
translations. We the questionnaire on a small con
pretested
venience (more than 50 students) and made neces
sample
sary changes for the purpose of accuracy and understanding.

The first posed a series of to capture

questionnaire questions
respondents' cultural orientation, impulse buying tendency,
and impulse buying behavior. The next set of questions asked
about their impulse buying behaviors for specific product
categories representing personal-use and collective-use prod
ucts. Finally, respondents provided demographic informa
tion such as age, gender, and income.

Types of Impulsive Products. In addition to the findings related

Results to the hypothesized relationships, qualitative and survey
data provide suggestions on the impulse buying behavior of
General Findings from urban Vietnamese consumers. The list of high-impulse items
Focus Group and provided the respondents
by in personal and in
interviews
Personal Interviews the focus group suggests that are
these goods
identity-rele
vant items rather than purely functional items and are more

likely to have potential for self-presentation, self-expression,

mood adjustment, and entertainment. This point is consis
tent with findings from the study by Dittmar, Beattie, and
Friese (1995). In addition, the top impulsive items are clothes
and shoes, similar to those in prior studies by Shamdasani
and Rook (1989) and Dittmar, Beattie, and Friese (1995).

Moreover, in line with Stern (1962), impulsive items are

more There was a strong agree
likely relatively inexpensive.
ment in the focus group discussion on the "price threshold"
for an impulsive purchase: It could be a wide range for vari
ous but in general it was less than US$15 per item.
products,
We discuss this issue subsequently.

Motivations of Impulse Buying. The findings from our qualitative

research (focus group and personal interviews) show that im
are more to with
pulse purchases likely happen personal-use
products than with collective-use products. The findings

24 Nguyen Thi Tuyet Mai, Kwon Jung, Garold Lantz, and Sandra G. Loeb
also some insight into consumers' motivations re
provide
garding impulse buying in the specific context of Vietnam's
transitional economy.

The findings suggest that consumers may encounter more

barriers in making a quick buying decision when they expe
rience an urge to buy collective-use rather than
products
personal-use Although many consumers care
products.
much about their relatives and friends and a
experience
strong desire to buy things for others, when exposed to the
relevant objects, their urge to buy may "cool down" because
are not sure about the others' satisfaction and/or be
they
cause of some "bad" in buying
experiences things impul
sively for others.

Whenever I see something that may fit my son [the only

son] I often want to buy for him immediately. However,
he is 15 this year, and it is not as easy to buy for him as
when he was small. I intended to buy a nice
Yesterday,
jacket for him when I saw it but then I gave up my idea. I
was not sure if he likes that material and the style. I think
itwould be better for him to choose for himself what he
likes, (female, 44)

I do not think that Iwill buy anything formy mom with

out checking with her. Once in a shop, a nice shirt

caught my eyes from the first second when I saw it. I

was confident that my mom would love the color and
the the shirt was not welcome
style. However, by her
when I brought it home because she had changed her
taste in terms of color. She did not wear that shirt al
though she wanted to please me. (female, 27)

In addition, the qualitative findings suggest that the lack of

product availability in the past (poor quantity and quality)
makes people's desire for products instant and compelling
when they confront the current variety of choices, like "a

meeting a rainstorm." Therefore, it is easy for con

drought
sumers to have an urge to buy for themselves when exposed
to something relevant. Furthermore, as more cate
product
gories and brands become available in the market, consumers
become more in satisfying their needs and wants.
demanding
They may be disappointed if they are given something that
does not match their needs and wants, such as a result
"gift"
ing from impulse buying. This could be a barrier to impul
sively buying collective-use products.

Shopping Enjoyment and Impulse Buying. Our personal inter

views have some to findings from semistructured
parallels
interviews by Hausman (2000): Consumers use shopping not
just to buy products but also to satisfy needs such as having
fun and seeking novelty. Because of the newly developed

Impulse Buying in a Transitional Economy

 shopping system in Vietnam, this is mainly true of urban
consumers in new forms of markets, such as su
shopping
permarkets, in which they can find a wide range of products
with attractive displays and a good shopping environment.
As expressed by the consumer opinions that follow, it
seems that many people with newly gained wealth, though
new environments, are still "con
they enjoy shopping
scious" and able to control emotions when experiencing the
urge to buy impulsively.

Before [the transition] it was a really difficult time and

not fun at all for me to go shopping. Now, whenever I
can arrange some free time [I am so busy] I often go to In
timex or Five-Mart [supermarkets in Hanoi] with my
husband and my son. I think I can achieve multi-objec
tives. It is a good chance for myself to learn many new
and interesting things in a nice place. I also like to com
pare the prices there with those in the wet markets. At
the same time, we can have relaxed time My
together.
son can some games there, and Imay some
enjoy buy
thing if I really like, (female, 35)

Shopping is not my favorite habit, but I often go shop

ping [in supermarkets] with my wife because she wants
to. I know it is often more expensive to buy things there
but it is a nice place to go and see.
(newly married
male, 27)

It is really a nice to visit [the supermarket]. The at

place
mosphere is much nicer than outside markets. We have
"freedom" to examine products for a long time and do
not need to buy without being bothered by the sellers....
The fixed prices are good because then I can go out to
similar ones at lower
buy bargaining prices. Money
should be spent wisely, (female, 38)

These opinions suggest that for Vietnamese consumers, shop

ping enjoyment may have a significant impact on impulse
buying, but the impact magnitude may still be modest and
the maxim "shop often, buy little" may reflect the shopping
pattern of many consumers (McDonald, Darbyshire, and
Jevons 2000).

Cultural Orientation, Region, Demographics, and Impulse Buying.

Testing Ha through H6 predict the influence of cultural orientation,
Hypotheses
and consumer on We
region, demographics impulse buying.
used multiple regression analyses to test these hypotheses.
Because was measured in two aspects, we
impulse buying
performed multiple regression analysis on each of the two
variables (i.e., Model 1 on impulse buying tendency and
Model 2 on impulse buying frequency). The results are sum
marized in Table 1.

26 Nguyen Thi Tuyet Mai, Kwon Jung, Garold Lantz, and Sandra G. Loeb
Individualism related positively to impulse buying. Its relation
ship was significant with both impulse buying tendency [p <
.05) and impulse buying frequency [p < .01), which provides
supporting evidence for Ha. Collectivism related negatively to
as we However, its
impulse buying, expected. significance
failed to reach the conventional level of significance.

The regional difference did not significantly relate to im

pulse buying in either model, thus H3 was not supported.
Gender showed a significant relationship to the impulse buy
ing However, the was the opposite of
tendency. relationship
our and therefore H4 was not We pro
prediction, supported.
vide possible explanations for this subsequently.

As predicted, we found a significant negative relationship

between age and impulse buying in both models, in support
of H5. A significant income effect was found in both models.

Dependent Variables
Table 1.
Model 1 Model 2 Results of Regression Analysis
variable = variable =
(dependent impulsi (dependent impulse
buying tendency) buying frequency)
Independent
Variables Coefficients t-Value Significance* Coefficients t-Value Significance*

Ha: Individualism (+) .069 1.706 p<.05 .159 2.622 p<.01

H2: Collectivism (-) -.069 -1.483 p < .10 -.100 -1.427 p<.10

H3: Region

Hanoi*

Ho ChiMinh City (+) -.018 -.208 n.s. -.048 -.380 n.s.

H4: Gender

Male*

Female (+) -.172 -2.068 p<.01 -.011 -.089 n.s.

H5: Age (-) -.015 -2.712 p<.01 -.021 -2.620 p < .01

H6: Income (VND)*

<500,000

500,000-999,000 (+) .188 1.526 p<.10 .221 1.203 n.s.

1,000,000-1,499,000 (+) .232 1.779 p<.05 .411 2.105 p<.05

1,500,000-1,999,000 (+) .368 2.084 p < .05 .449 1.704 p < .05

>2,000,000 .086 .640 n.s. .188 .938 n.s.

(+)

Intercept 2.998 7.984 .000 3.985 7.106 .000

F = 2.546 p<.01 F = 2.713 p<.01

R2=.062 R2=.066

*
Reference category for dummy variables.
**One-tail test results.
Notes: Signs in parentheses represent hypothesized relationships; n.s = not significant.

Impulse Buying in a Transitional Economy 27

 Impulse buying was found to be significantly higher in in
come groups between VND 1,000,000 and VND 1,999,999
than in the lowest income group. However, the highest in
come group's impulse buying was not significantly different
from that of the lowest income group, which suggests a pos
sibility of a nonlinear relationship between income level and
Therefore, H6, which a linear
impulse buying. predicts posi
tive relationship between income level and impulse buying,
was not fully supported.

Product Types and Impulse Buying. To test H7, we calculated

means of impulse for each product cate
buying frequencies
gory and then compared them. In line with our
expectation,
are more on im
personal-use products frequently bought
than are collective-use and the difference is
pulse products,
statistically significant at p < .05 (mean 3.71 versus 3.50, re
= 357), em
spectively; degrees of freedom thereby providing
pirical support to H7.

In this study, we investigated impulse buying behaviors of ur

Discussion ban Vietnamese consumers. Although almost any product can
be bought on impulse (Rook 1987; Rook and Hoch 1985), our
investigation found that for urban Vietnamese con
qualitative
sumers, impulse purchases tend to be small, relatively inex

pensive items, such as clothing, items for use in the home,

music items, and gifts. The price threshold provided in the
group discussion can be such reasons as a low
explained by
standard of living in Vietnam and a traditional habit of saving
and planning thatwere dominant before the Doi Moi transition.

We also examined the impact of cultural orientations and

some and variables on
geographic demographic impulse buy
ing behavior of urban Vietnamese consumers, as well as con
sumers' susceptibility to two product categories, personal-use
products and collective-use products, in terms of the behav
ior. Most of the hypotheses were supported by the data,
which highlight some similarities and uniqueness in con
sumer behavior patterns observed in more developed
economies. we found that individualist orienta
Specifically,
tion was positively related to impulse buying. However, we
did not find the negative relationship between collectivist
orientation and impulse buying to be significant. This sug
gests that the economic transition in Vietnam has influenced
consumers' values, attitudes, and consumption behaviors,
which in turn has led to the coexistence of collectivism and
individualism in individuals, the latter of which seems to be
increasing and significantly affecting impulse buying. We
also found that young and affluent consumers were more

likely to engage in impulse buying. In transitional economies

such as Vietnam, this group of consumers is believed to have
benefited most from economic reform. In addition, we found
that personal-use were more on
products frequently bought

28 Nguyen Thi Tuyet Mai, Kwon Jung, Garold Lantz, and Sandra G. Loeb
 impulse than were collective-use products. Taken together,
these findings suggest that despite cultural differences, when
transitional economies achieve a certain level of develop
ment, consumers from transitional economies such as Viet
nam have some tendencies and behaviors similar to
might
those of consumers in more advanced economies, at least
with respect to impulse buying.

Although there was general support for most of the hypothe

ses, those and differences were not
regarding gender regional
Although was not materialized in the be
supported. gender
havioral measure (i.e., impulse buying measure),
frequency
men exhibited a higher impulse buying tendency than did
women. A partial explanation is that though Vietnamese
women more and seem to enjoy
generally shop frequently
shopping more than men do, they may be influenced by past
conditions and values. Before, women
though shopped daily,
they needed to plan all expenses so that their fami
carefully
lies' modest incomes could be spent "wisely." It used to be
that ifwomen bought things that were not of benefit to their
husbands and/or children, would bad rumors.
people spread
was a sign
of a "good"
Consequently, planning purchases
woman, a sentiment that may still be held by many women.
In contrast, it is believed that men often do not enjoy shop
when it comes to bargaining, a com
ping much, particularly
mon practice in Vietnam. If they see something they like,
they may be more inclined to buy it quickly, whereas women
are "more about looking at things, evaluating their
patient
merits, an need" (male, 30).
anticipating upcoming

The research findings show no significant differences in im

pulse buying between Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City. This may
be cultural differences over time be
explained by decreasing
tween them due to the integration inmany fields of the coun
and modern outside influences on consumers
try, mobility,
in both cities. Another refers to the sam
possible explanation
ple limitation including "nonoriginal southerners" in Ho Chi
more
Minh City. A larger and representative sample covering
more cities may be needed to test this point.

Although we found significant relationships between im

pulse buying and cultural orientation and
demographic vari
ables from regression analysis, the regression models

produced low R2 values. The low R2 values could be attribut

able to the following factors: First, by nature, the influence of
and cultural variables on consumer behaviors
demographic
is rather indirect. Many prior studies on impulse buying be
haviors have examined such factors as individual differences

(e.g., shopping enjoyment) and situational variables (e.g.,

mood state) in a specific shopping context. These factors
could have a more direct or stronger effect on
impulse buy
In our however, we focused on cultural and demo
ing. study,

Impulse Buying in a Transitional Economy

 graphie variables whose influence on impulse buying could
be more indirect; therefore, we could expect to obtain low R2
values. Second, the impulse buying
measures used in our

study were general measures of impulse buying; that is, they

were measured without specific product and shopping trip
framing. This lack of product and shopping trip specificity
could be another reason for low R2 values.

To achieve a better of an be
understanding important buying
for havior, impulse buying in transitional economies, and specifi
Suggestions
Further Research cally in Vietnam, this research could be extended in several

respects. First, although we found no regional difference in this

a a
study, study using larger, more representative sample in

cluding cities other than Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City, such as
Danang and Hue, would be useful to further verify the regional
differences in impulse buying behaviors of urban consumers in
Vietnam. Second, considering the widening gap between urban
and rural areas in Vietnam, it would also be useful to examine
the difference in impulse buying behavior between urban and
rural areas. When the conditions for impulse buying behaviors
are in rural areas
improved (e.g., certain level of income, shop
ping infrastructure), itwould be meaningful to examine the im
pulse buying behavior between these markets. In addition,
further research may need to examine the impact of situational
factors, including physical and social factors, on impulse buy
ing, especially in the specific context of transitional economies.
Further research also may need to be conducted in a cross-cul
tural context, using different countries representing different
cultures and levels of economic development. Itwould also be
wothwhile to compare impulse buying behavior among con
sumers in different transitional economies.

Impulse buying is a pervasive behavior and an important as

pect of consumer behavior. Our research has achieved a cer

tain success in this behavior and factors
examining
influencing it in the context of urban Vietnam. The findings
may be important from a theoretical perspective, because they
contribute to a better understanding of impulse buying behav
ior from the new context of a transitional economy. Our re
search also suggests some
managerial implications regarding
promotion of impulse buying through increased physical and
temporal proximity (Hoch and Loewenstein 1991). For exam
could use basic as an at
ple, retailers methods such creating
tractive shopping environment to get more attention and
visits from shoppers and enhancing salespeople's roles in pro

viding shoppers with immediate, anticipated gratification

through their "courtesy," "respect," "helpfulness," and
"charm" (see Hausman 2000; Shamdasani and Rook 1989).
We believe it is crucial to both theory and practice to receive
more research investigating consumer behavior in general and
impulse buying in particular in the context of transitional
economies that have, to date, attracted only modest attention.

30 Nguyen Thi Tuyet Mai, Kwon Jung, Garold Lantz, and Sandra G. Loeb
Items Measuring Impulse Buying Tendency
Appendix.
(adopted from Rook and Fisher's [1995] buying impulsiveness scale)

1.1 often buy things spontaneously.

2. "Just do it" describes the way I buy things.
3.1 often buy things without thinking.
4. "I see it, I buy it" describes me.
5. now, think about it later" describes me.
"Buy
6.1 buy things according to how I feel at the moment.
7.1 carefully plan most of my purchases.

Items Measuring Impulse Buying Frequency

(modified from Kacen and Lee [2002])
1. How often do you buy things on impulse?

Items Measuring Individualism and Collectivism (adopted and modified

from Lee and Brislin's [1998] IC-dimension scale)

Individualist Items
1.When I am not happy with my family, I stay away from them.
2.When members of a family are not happy with one another,
they should stay away from each other.
3.1 behave consistently with my own personal attitudes,
even though my family group may not agree with me.
4. Members of a family should behave in a manner consistent
with their own personal attitudes, even though others
in the family may not agree with them.
6. Members of a family should not have to rely on others in the family.
7.1 pursue that are to my own achievement,
goals important personal
independent of the goals that my family may have.
8. Members of a family should pursue goals that are important
to their own achievement, of
personal regardless family goals.

Collectivist Items
1.1 will stick with my family if they need me, even when I am
not happy with them.
2. Members of a family should stick together, even when they
are not happy with each other.
3.1 behave in amanner consistent with the way my family group
expects me to, even though Imay not personally agree with
their expectations.
4. Members of a family should behave in amanner consistent
with the way others in the family expect them to, even though
they may not agree.
personally
5.1 strive to make an contribution to my
important family.
6. Members of a family should try to make an important contribution
to the family.
7.1 pursue goals that are important tomy family group, even though
these may not be consistent with own desire
goals my personal
for achievement.

8. Members of a family should pursue goals that are important to the

whole family, even though these goals may not be consistent
with their own desire for achievement.
personal

Impulse Buying in a Transitional Economy 31

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