GlobalConsumerCulture,inEncyclopediaofInternationalMarketing,JagdishShethand NareshMaholtra,eds.,EricJ.

Arnould

ConsumerCulture
Consumerculturecanbedefinedasasocialarrangementinwhichtherelations betweenthe[livedculturalexperienceofeverydaylife]andsocialresources,between meaningful[valued]waysoflifeandthesymbolicandmaterialresourcesonwhichthey depend,ismediatedthroughmarkets.Consumercultureisasysteminwhichconsumption,a setofbehaviorsfoundinalltimesandplaces,isdominatedbytheconsumptionofcommercial products.Itisalsoasysteminwhichthetransmissionofexistingculturalvalues,normsand customarywaysofdoingthingsfromgenerationtogenerationislargelyunderstoodtobe carriedoutthroughtheexerciseoffreepersonalchoiceintheprivatesphereofeverydaylife. Furthermore,consumercultureisalsoboundupwiththeideaofmodernity,thatis,aworldno longergovernedbytraditionbutratherbyflux,andinwhichsocialactorswhoaredeemedto beindividuallyfreeandrationalholdssway(Slater2000,89).Andfinally,consumerculture denoteaneconomyinwhichvaluehasbeendivorcedfromthematerialsatisfactionofwants andthesignvalueofgoodstakesprecedence(Baudrillard1996/1968;1998/1970). Inconsumerculturepredispositionstowardsocialemulation,matching,andimitation expressedthroughmarketplacechoicesareaccompaniedbyapenchantfordifferentiation, individuality,anddistinctionalsoexpressedthroughmarketplacechoices.Togetherthese motivesdrivethecharacteristicallyrapidturnoveringoodsandservices.Thesedynamicsare oftenthoughttohavebeentriggeredbythepurposefulsocialengineeringofmarketers, advertisersandretailers(Packard1957;Ewen1976;Williams1982),andtohavespreadfrom rootsinthefashionindustryintoallpartsofsociallife(Simmel1997/1904;Featherstone1991, 115). Fourmorecrucialaspectsofconsumercultureinclude: 1. Thepervasiveandrapidcirculationofcommercialproducts,thatis,thingsproducedfor exchangewithinacapitalistmarket,takespriorityoverandabovethingsredistributed bygovernmentalthroughthewelfarestateorexchangedamongsocialgroupsthrough giftgiving. 2. Therelativeindependenceofconsumptionactivitiesfromthoserelatedtoproduction andthegrowingpowerandauthoritythisgivestosomeconsumersovermarket dynamics. 3. Changesintherelationshipsbetweendifferentsystemsofproductionandvaluationin societysuchthattheseareallincreasinglyinterlinkedandmediatedbymarketvalues; i.e.,Howmuchdoesitcost?Howmuchwillsomeonepay? 4. Thespecialimportancegiventotheuseofconsumergoodsintheallocationof individualstatus,prestige,perceivedwellbeingandqualityoflife(Lury1996,4). Consumercultureisproducedbyagentswhoworkdirectlyinthemarketeconomyas managers,marketers,andadvertisingcreatives;byindependentbrokerswhoanalyzeand criticizeconsumerproducts;byculturalintermediariessuchasmediafigures(e.g.,movieand televisionstars,celebritychefs,religiousbroadcasters,publicintellectuals,politicians,etc)who

modelanddisseminateattractivemodelsforconsumptionbehavior;andbydissidentswho initiatealternativeresponsestothemassconsumptionsystem,responsesthataretypicallyre appropriatedintothemarketsystemasdifferentiated,nicheproducts(). Thisbroaddefinitionalframeworkallowsustoconsiderconsumptionasaninstitutional field,i.e.,asetofinterconnectedeconomicandculturalinstitutionscomplicitintheglobal productionofcommoditiesforindividualdemandwithenormousscopeforlocalelaboration anddifferentiation(ZukinandMcGuire2004,175).

GlobalConsumers
Theconsolidationofscientificeconomicandofmodernmarketinstitutionstookplaceinthe eighteenthcentury,whenalsothesocialroleoftheconsumer,combiningtraitsofhedonism andrationalitywasdistinguishedfromthewastefulirrationalelitesoftheancientregime (Campbell1987;Sassatelli2007,37).Whereastheearly20thcenturyconsumerwasamass marketconsumer,todaysconsumerischaracterizedbyageneralemphasisonindividualstyle, parallelingthecustomizationandnichemarketingthathasovertakentheeconomy(Sassatelli 2007,48).Thetendencywithinconsumerculturetodayistoviewlifestylesasnolonger requiringinnercoherence;marketersandculturalintermediaries(fashion;entertainment)cater forandexpandtherangeofstylesandlifestylesavailabletoglobalaudiencesandconsumers withlittleregardtoauthenticityortradition(Featherstone1991,26). Andjustastheconsumerwastheorizedintoexistencebytheeconomicphilosophersof th the18 century,andturnedintothelinchpinof20thcenturyeconomiesbyeconomicpolicy makers(Garon2007;Kroen2007)andMadisonAvenueadvertisers(Packard1957;Ewen1976), sotheconsumercontinuestobecreatedontheglobalstage. Forexample,researchbyLamontandMolnar(2001)showthatmarketingprofessionals activelyshapethemeaningsofthecategoryoftheblackconsumer;promotenormative modelsofcollectiveidentitythatequatesocialmembershipwithconspicuousconsumption; believethatAfricanAmericansuseconsumptiontodefyracismandsharecollectiveidentities valuedinAmericansociety(e.g.middleclassmembership);andsimultaneouslyenactapositive visionoftheirculturaldistinctivenessthroughconsumption. SimilarlyDvila(2001)carefullytracestheevolutionofSpanishlanguagemediainthe UnitedStates,aswellasadvertisingspecificallydesignedforLatinos.Thedynamicsofthese initiativespriortothe1980softeninvolvedpromotionsaimedatLatinAmericancountriesthat werethenadaptedandtransplantedtotheUnitedStates.Cubanadvertisingentrepreneursand culturalcapitalandnetworkinglinksgeneratedbytheCubanAmericanethniceconomyproved werecentraltothedevelopmentofLatinomedia.Shedemonstratesthatanemphasison stereotypicaltraditionalfamilyvaluesisatthecruxofHispanicmarketingstrategies,andthe constitutionoftheHispanicconsumer,orLatinidad,moregenerallybythesemedia.Shenotes howimportantunitingLatinosacrossdifferenceofnationality,class,colorandpoliticalideology hasbeeninthebuildinganimageoftheLatinomarketforcorporateclients. Further,CaylaandEckhardt(2008)investigatehowAsianbrandmanagersforgenew websofinterconnectednessthroughtheconstructionofatransnational,imaginedAsianworld. Somebrandmanagersarecreatingregionalbrandsthatemphasizeaputativelycommon

experienceofglobalization,evokeageneric,hyperurban,andmulticulturalAsianexperience, andcontributetothecreationofanimaginedAsiaasurban,modern,andmulticultural. Finally,Mazzarella(2003)hasdocumentedingreaterdetailhowIndianmarketing professionalsmarshaledideasaboutIndianculturaldistinctivenessalongwithstereotypical localnotionsoftraditionandmodernitytocreateadifferentiatedimageoftheIndian consumertomarkettomultinationalcorporations. Inothercontexts,asinCross(2006)discussionofJamaicaorHiwasakas(2000) discussionoftheAinupopulationofHokkaida,Japan,marketingandpedagogicaltoolsareused toshapelocalethnicgroupsasconsumabletouristicentitiesratherthanconsumingsegments.

GlobalConsumerCulture
Globalconsumercultureisdrivenbytheextensionofbusinessesorganizedaround marketprinciplesintoeverycorneroftheplanet.Globalconsumercultureisatoneandthe sametime,ideologyandsocialprocess,assomethingcontinuouslymadeandremadethrough constantlyshiftingrelations,practices,andtechnologiesofmarketmediation(Mazzarella 2004,355). Morespecificallythespreadofglobalconsumercultureisconditionedbytheglobalflow ofdistinctiveculturalresourcesincludingwhatAppadurai(1990)referstoasfinancescapes, technoscapes,ideoscapes,andmediascapes.Financescapesreferstoglobalflowsnotonlyof capitalandcurrencybutofvariousfinancialinstrumentsthatmakemarketsrun.The derivativesmarket,theremittancesbusiness,andthemicrofinancerevolutionareall examples.Remittancebusinesseshavefacilitatedboththeglobalmovementofworkersand alsothetransferofconsumptionresourcestotheglobalsouth.Themicrofinancerevolution hasalsodrivenmarketmodelsoffinanceandconsumptionintothehandsoftheglobalpoor. Technoscapesreferstoglobalflowsofinformationalandmechanicaltechnologiesof bothsimpleandcomplexvarietiesacrossborders.Theglobalcellphonerevolutionisacasein point.Globalconsumerculturealsodependsuponglobalmediatocreateasenseofglobal identifyandmemorywithoutwhichanyculturalidentityisincomplete(Smith1991).Thus, televisedglobalconsumptionspectaclessuchasthemillennialcelebrations,thequadrennial WorldCup,orOlympicfestivalsareimplicatedinthespreadofconsumerculture. Intheglobalmediascapeprivatizedcommercialmediaempires(e.g.,NewsCorp)now coexistwithdecentralizedandfragmentedsmallmediadiverseineconomicandsocial organizationsuchasthecassettemusicculturesthathavebecomeubiquitousintheglobal south(Ginsburg,AbuLughodandLarkin2002,3;White2000).Mediaofmanyformsplay crucialrolesbothinshapingnationalimaginariesincludingnationalconsumerprototypessuch astheprototypicalIndian,Asian,orChineseconsumer(Dvila2002;CaylaandEckhart2008; DongandTianforthcoming;Mazzarella2003;Yang2002)mentionedabove. Ideoscapesrefertotheideologiesofstatesandothermovementsthatcontendfor popularlegitimacyandauthority.Globalizationandstandardizationofmodernconsumer culturearoundtheworldhaveinturnstimulatedlocalizationandheterogeneityofdemandas wellascontestationandresistancetoglobalcompaniesandbrands(Featherstone1991). Ideoscapesthenincludesuchthingsasmodelsofconsumerculturecarriedbyglobalmedia;

andvariousreactionssuchastheanticonsumerNoLogomovement(Klein2002),the rejectioniststreamofIslamicfundamentalismthatviewsfilm,music,fashion,andother trappingsofconsumercultureasanathema;and,morereformistmovementslikethelocalfood andSlowFoodmovements. Globalizationalsomeansthatculturalencountersproliferatethroughthese earthcscapingprocesses,whichhasleadtoanincreasinginterestinidentityconstructive processes,notleastthroughconsumption(Friedman1994;Askegaard,KjeldgaardandArnould 2009).Thus,globalconsumercultureinvolvestheglobalizationofdesires;oftheresponsibility toseekanindividualsenseofselfthroughmaterialsymbols,theneedtoconform;the attractionofamarketmediatedmaterialworld;ofhomogenizedimagesofthegoodlife; (Clammer1997,14);andanexperienceoffragmentationofsociallifeonthereceivingendof globalizationthatfuelsidealistandrejectionistreactions(Hetata2004).

StructuresofCommonDifference
Globalizationisaccompaniedbyaheightenedsenseofdisjunctureanddisorder(Beck 2006),asrapidearthscapinghasupsetanddisplacedrelationshipsbetweentheeconomic centerandperipheryoftheglobaleconomy,andbetweenculturalformsandculturalcontents. Theseearthscapingprocessesandthenoveltechnologies,media,ideologies,goods,and relationscarriedintheirwakeneverthelessoftenremaincloselytiedtoprofessional,political, andeconomicintereststhathaveimportantstakesinmobilizingandregulatingglobal markets.Theseinterests,evenastheycapitalizeontheproliferationofculturaldifference, alsodemandthatsuchculturaldifferenceberenderedmanageableascontentwithinglobally reproducible(andthusmarketable)formsandgenres(Mazzarella2004,351).Thishasledto theidentificationofwhathavebeencalledglobalstructuresofcommondifferenceinglobal consumerculture. Viewedfromanotherangle,thecreolizationofconsumptionpatternswithinglobal consumercultureisubiquitous.Thisisthediffusionof"structuresofcommondifference"(Wilk 1995)referstoconsumptionpatternsthatcombineelementsoflocalandforeignconsumption traditionsthroughglobalizedinsitutionalforms.Ritzer(2004)pointedoutthatglobalfastfood chainsreproduceaninstitutionalformulaacrossculturallocations.McDonald'sispresentin mostlocalmarkets,butoftenundergoessignificantalterationinwhatisofferedandhow (Watson1997).ThankstolocalmodificationsoftheMcDonaldsformula,theJolibeefastfood chainatonetimeenjoyeda59percentmarketshareinthePhilippinefastfoodmarket. Similarly,traditionalTurkishfastfoodcalledkepab,orshishkepab,hasexperiencedarevivalas WesternstylefastfoodoutletshavepenetratedtheTurkishmarket.AndTurkishentrepreneurs inGermanyofferMcDonerKepabTurkishshishkepabinaMcDonaldslikesetting(Caglar 1995).ThesechoicesallowPhilippine,TurkishandTurkoGermanconsumerstoexpressvarying degreesofculturalconformityandculturaldifferencethroughtheirfastfoodchoices. Similarly,thebeautypageanthasbecomeapopularconsumerglobalcelebration.InBelize inCentralAmerica,somepageantsjudgecontestantsaccordingtoEuroAmericanidealsof beauty;otherscelebrateCaribbeanvaluesofrespectabilityandreputationandexpresstensions betweendifferentethnicgroupsthatholddifferentvalueorientations(Cohen,WilkandStoeje

1995).Soapoperas,comicbooks,andmusicalformsprovideotherexamplesofglobal structuresofcommondifference.TheHongKong,HollywoodandBollywoodindustriresprovide threeintertwinedglobalinstitutionalizedforms(Stearns2006,150).Andscholarshavepointed outthatChristmashasbecomethefirstglobalconsumerholiday,astructureofcommon differencethataccommodatesdramaticdifferencesinculturalcontentwithinashared seasonalandaestheticizedinstitutionalformat(Miller1993).

Brands
Brandshavebecomeaubiquitousstructureofcommondifferenceinglobalconsumer culture:theCocaColalogoandNikeswoosharebrandsymbolsthattriggermyriadresponses; theircognitivesalienceandabilitytoarousepassionareundeniable(Foster2008).When peopledemonstrateagainsttheinequitiesofglobalization,theyusebrandssuchasCokeor McDonaldsassymbolsofcorporatepower(seeHolt2002;Klein1999).Brandshavebecome culturalforms;theyencapsulateideasaboutthewaypeopleshouldlive,look,andthink. Brandingisaspecificformofcommunicationthattellsstoriesinthecontextofproductsand services,addressespeopleasconsumers,andpromisestofulfillunmetdesiresandneeds.In otherwords,brandingisaspecificsymbolicform,aparticularwayoftalkingaboutandseeing theworld(Askegaard,KjeldgaardandArnould2009). Theriseofaglobalculturedoesn'tmeanthatconsumerssharethesametastesor values.Rather,peopleindifferentnations,oftenwithconflictingviewpoints,participateina sharedconversation,drawinguponsharedsymbols.Oneofthekeysymbolsinthat conversationistheglobalbrand(Holt,QuelchandTaylor2004,70).Globalbrandsaremost oftenassociatedwithaqualitysignalthatisimportantformanyconsumersworldwide;global brandssetastandard.Hence,globalcompaniesareadvisedtocompeteaggressivelyonquality signalswhileaddressingconsumersskepticismaboutthem.Globalbrandscreateopeningsfor localbrandsthatconveyenduringlocalmeanings(CaylaandArnould2008).Second,global brandsalsoconveyamythofglobalcosmopolitanismtowhichmanyconsumersworldwide aspire(Strizhacova,CoulterandPrice2008).Therefore,globalcompaniesareadvisedto associateglobalmythsofindividualindependence,modernity,andselfactualizationwiththeir brands.Finally,globalbrandsandglobalcompanieswieldextraordinaryinfluence,both positiveandnegative,onsociety'swellbeing.Manyconsumersexpectfirmstoaddresssocial problemslinkedtowhattheysellandhowtheyproduceanddistributetheirproductsand services(Holt,QuelchandTaylor2004,7172).Thus,toimprovetheirglobalimage,firmsare advisedtoinvestininitiativesthatclearlybenefitstakeholdercommunities.

RegionalManifestationsofGlobalConsumerCulture TheOECDCountries
TheOECDcountriesrepresentthemostdevelopedmarketeconomiesintheworld,primarily EuroAmericannations.Inthesecountriesthereisasteadymultiplicationofpurchase

opportunitiesandtheextensionofconsumerorientationsintoareasofactivitythatusedtobe consideredoutsideoftheconsumerdomainsuchaspolitics,highereducation,art,place,and evenrelationships.Thecenterofthecultureofconsumptionismarkedbyanoversupplyof goodsofallsortsincludingsymbolicgoodsleadingtowardsatendencytowardculturaldisorder anddeclassification(Featherstone1991,13),andtheemergenceofpostconsumersocial categoriessuchastherejectionist,theprosumerandthecocreatorofvalue.Individualsare encouragedtoadoptanonutilitarianattitudetowardscommercialgoodsandservicesandto carefullychoose,arrange,adapt,anddisplaygoodstoamakestylisticstatementsthatexpresse theindividual,presumablyauthenticidentityoftheowner(Featherstone1991,114). Fourothertrendscanbenoted.First,OECDcountriesaremovingtowarda dematerializedserviceeconomy.Ofthe1,000largestcorporationsintheworldtoday,almost 200ofthemareservicefirms,andmanyoftheseareinvolvedinextendingservicedeliveryinto cyberspace.Second,theroleofshoppingandpurchasinghastakenondramaticnewmeaning inthesecountries.Eversincetheinventionofthedepartmentstoreinnineteenthcentury France(Williams1982),trendstowardrecreationalandluxuryshoppinghavegrown.Third, whileeliteconsumersinothercultureshaveswelledtheranksofworldtourisminrecentyears; NorthAmericaandEuropehavetraditionallyconstitutedlargetouristmarkets.Themotives thatinspiretouristconsumptionarediverse,rangingfromnostalgicvisitstohistorictownsand villages,toescapistentertainmentatMardiGras,toromanceataClubMedoracruise,to extraordinaryadventuresthroughAfricansafaris,Himalayantrekking,orOutwardBoundtrips. Fourth,historically,businesshasnotgivengreatthoughttowhereitsrawmaterials comefrom,nortowhereitsproductsgoaftertheyhavebeenpurchased.Nowthischanging withtheadventofsustainabilityconcernsinconsumerbehaviorthattakeintoaccount environmentalconcerns,i.e.,wasteandresourcedepletion;socialconcerns,i.e.,ethical consumption,buycottsandboycotts,progressivehumanresourcespolicies;andtheefficiency andefficacyoffirmoperationsthemselves(Arnould,Price,andZinkhan2004).Negative (resistance)andpositive(ethicalbuying)formsofpoliticalconsumerismnowseemtoconcerna widesectorofthepopulation(Micheletti2003).RecentsurveydataonEuropeforexample, showthatover30percentofthepopulationofDenmark,GreatBritain,Germany,Italy,Norway andPortugalareboycottingproductsforpoliticalreasons,choosingspecificitemsbecauseof theirethicalorenvironmentalqualities,orparticipatingintheactivitiesofconsumeroriented associations(Sassatelli2006,221).Ethicalconsumerismisbeingreframedasapositive consumerfreedomandduty. ConsumercultureinJapan,theBRICcountries,inRussiaandtheformerSovietbloc,and inAfricahasbeenheavilyforeign,aclearimport,evenasitappealedtobothnewand traditionalinterests.Foreignness,inturngeneratesthreereactions.Thefirstinvolvesthe appealofthestrangeandthemodernsecond,foreignnesspromptsresistance,inthename ofcustomarybutalsonewernationalidentities...Thirdconsumerismisappropriated, becomingasnaturalasitwasintheWest(Stearns2006,81).

JapanandtheAsianTigers


Asoneofthewealthiestnationsintheworld,Japanrepresentsahugemarket,changing quicklytowardacultureofconsumption(Tobin1992).ThedirectionofJapanseconomic progresssinceWorldWarIIforeshadowedthechangeswenowseeexpandinginother countriesofthePacificRim,thetigers.JapansharesmanyhistoricalvalueswithotherEast Asiancountries.Finance,media,technoandideoscapesoriginatinginJapanhavebeen instrumentalinfuelingtheexpansionofconsumercultureinthisregion. AcharacteristicofJapaneseconsumersisthattheyarehighlyinformedandaesthetically sophisticated.Theyareactivelyengagedincreatingtheirsenseofidentityintermsofgender, age,andlifestyle(Clammer1997,12).Further,thereislessPuritanism[i.e.,Protestant asceticism)andnomoralcondemnationattachedtoacquiringmaterialgoodsinJapanese culture(Clammer1997,14).TwointerestingfeaturesofconsumercultureinJapanarefirst,the associationofhighqualityandprice,henceadesireforbrandnamegoods,andthefollowingof expensivefads;andsecond,theveryhighrateofdiscardandreplacement.Thisreflectsthefact thatvarietyororiginalityaredevaluedinJapaneseconsumerculturerelativetonewnessorup todateness(Clammer1997,24). Japanesehouseholdbudgetsshowinterestingcharacteristics.Proportionsspendon necessities,furnitureandhouseholdgoodshavedeclined,whileamountsspendonleisureand luxurieshaveincreasedalthoughthereisstillahighlevelofsavingsreflectingJapansparticular adoptionofconsumerculturehistorically(Garon2007),andsuchthingsasthehighcostsof housingandeducation.Genderdifferencesarealsosignificantwithrapidincreasesinwomens discretionaryexpenditures.Deptodepartmentstoreswhichhavegonealongwayin commercializingJapaneseculturalvalues,anddomesticatingforeignconsumertastes (Creighton1992)arealsoamongthebiggestpromotersoftraditionalJapanesegiftgiving,a large,distinctive,andsociallyimportantcategoryofconsumerexpendituresinJapan(Clammer 1997,18).Japanesegiftgivingisacommercializedformofmodernintimacy,aformthat createsbondswithoutmuchmoralsubstance,bycontrastwithChinawherecommensalismis animportantbasisofsocialbonding(Clammer1997,19).

BRICCountries
BRICliterallyreferstoBrazil,Russia,IndiaandChina,butmayincludeanumberof countrieswithrapideconomicdevelopmentandgrowthinconsumerculture,thusincluding countrieslikeTurkeyorSouthAfrica.Inallofthesecountriestheemergenceofpowerfullocal brandssuchastheMurat,Mahindra,andTataautomobilebrandsinTurkeyandIndia, respectively,andlargelocalconsumermarketsisabigpartofthestoryofglobalconsumer cultureinthe21stcentury.Anotherimportantpartofthestoryisthepersistenceoflarge numbersofconsumersatthebaseoftheeconomicpyramid,thatis,subsistenceconsumers wholiveonatbestafewdollarsadayandwhoseneedsandaspirationshavefinallybegunto registeronglobalmarketers.

InChina,thespreadofconsumerculturehasbeenfosteredbytheexistenceofstrong consumerinterestbeforethe19thcenturyaspartofanurbancultureandasecularoutlook (Stearns2006).Theappealofanalmostfantasylikemodernitythatpromisessomerelease fromcustomaryhierarchiesandconstraints(Stearns2006,109)hasalsofosteredthe dramaticexpansionofconsumerculture.Finally,economicreformspost1979havediminished statepowerdramaticallyandfreedmanyconsumersfrompoliticalstricturesonconsumption. TheWorldBankestimatesthat250millionto300millionpeoplehaveclimbedoutof povertysinceChinaadoptedeconomicreforms.Onebigstoryisthegrowthofaconsumer middleclassinChina.In2005,atleast4.5millionhadadisposableincomeinexcessof US$30,000(Latham2006,9).Characteristicoftheeffectsofconsumercultureeverywhere, scholarsnotehowconsumercultureisfuellingtheemergenceofnewdisjuncturesand differencesinChineseconsumptionpractices(Latham2006,3),newspaceforChinese citizens,especiallywomen,toexpresstheirpersonaltaste,idealsandvaluesasagainstolder collectiveforms(Gillette2000),aswellasthereemergenceofolderpopularritualpracticesin newconsumerguise(Erbaugh2000;Yang2000). Asinotherplaces,distinctivecharacteristicsofconsumercultureareemergentinChina. Amongthesearetheideaofconsumptionasapalliativetocontinuedtightstatecontrolof politicalfreedomandthemedia;thearticulationofvariouslocalunderstandingsofChinese historyandcharacterinitsbrandingpractices,andtheroleofconsumergoodsinvitalizing Chinasgifteconomyandinparticularthewebofinterpersonalrelationshipsoftenreferredto asguanxi(DongandTianforthcoming;Latham2006).Othershavecommentedonthe interactionbetweenChinasonechildpolicyandthespecialroleofchildrenincreatingthe morehedonicallyorientedChineseconsumeroftoday.Thespeedofdevelopmentandthe successofaonechildfamilypolicyhasplungedchildrenandparentsfromallsocialstratainto aconsumerrevolution.Asaresult,theproportionalclaimsofChinesechildrenontheirfamilys financialresourcesarebothlargerandmoreuniformacrosseconomicstratathanforchildren inearliercasesofconsumerculture(DavisandSensenbrenner2000;56;Watson2006). MuchcontinuitypersistsinChineseconsumerculture;oneexamplehastodowiththe placeoffoodinsociety.AsMintz(2007)evocativelywrites, Itisattablethatchildrenlearntobecomeadults;attablethatbabiesmeettheir grandparents;attablethatpeopledisplaytheircivilizationandcommunicateit.To watchthegiverofarestaurantbanquetsomepaterfamiliaswelcomingthefamilyof ason'sfiance,celebratingagrandchild'sbirth,orjusttreatingfriendsistogeta soberlessoninetiquette,selfdiscipline,andjoy.Theetiquetteisalsooftenself discipline.

InIndia,thegrowthofamiddleclassestimatetorepresent30%ofthepopulation,or250 millionpeopleisthebigstoryoftheearly21stcentury.Still,itislikelythatnomorethan100 millionorsoofthismiddleclassrepresentsaconsumeristsegment.AsinChina,participationin consumercultureisassociatedwithcosmopolitanvalueslikemodernity,democracy,andeven liberation.Nonetheless,themajorityofthelargergroupremainscommittedtoasavings orientation;Indianstendtosave25%oftheirincomesandplacetheirsavingsincashaccounts ratherthanconsumefinancialinstruments.Acrossthepopulationabouthalfofalldiscretionary expendituresareforimportantfamilyceremonialactivities(Srinivas2008)ratherthanforthe satisfactionofindividualdesires,indicativeoftheenduringroleoffamilyinstructuring consumptionpracticesinIndia.Ontheother,handthereisahugeaspiringclass,perhapsas manyas260million,strivingtoattainmiddleclassstatus,withmaybe15millionjoiningthe middleclasseseachyear(Srinivas2008,11)whomayengageinboutsofconspicuousspending. TheIndianmiddleclassisalsodividedalongthefaultlinesofgeography,especiallythenorth southdivide,education,profession,especiallydifferencesbetweentheprivateandpublic sector,class,andcaste. ResearchershavefoundthatthevastmassesatthebaseoftheIndianeconomic pyramidarealsoaffectedbythespreadofconsumerculture.Increasingdesirestoconsume brandedgoodsthatareadvertisedthroughtelevisionisaconsistentandrecurringtheme. Moreover,intertwinedculturalprocessesofconspicuousconsumption,normativechange [imposingalinkbetweenconsumergoodsandmorality],and[interpersonal]competition marknarrativesoflowcasteIndianconsumers.Theyreflectanincreasinglyconsumerist contentofIndianmediathatdepictsthemythiclifestylesoftherichandfamous(Varmanand Belk2008,236;237).

RussiaandtheFormerSovietBloc
InRussiaandotherformerSovietbloccountries,theintroductionofconsumerculturehasbeen inflectedbythedebateaboutwhetherWestshouldbemodelorpariah(Stearns2006,86). HesitationsrootedintheSovietexperienceandEasternOrthodoxreligioustraditionspersist (Stearns2006,91).Inallthesestatesthereisalegacyofanefforttobuildanalternativeto Westernconsumerisminwhichworkersvacations,uniforms,NewYearsgiftgivingandworkers rightsratherthanconsumerservicewereaccentuated.Further,therewasatraditionofelite consumptionthatwasbothunacknowledgedandsecretive,atraditionthathasreemergedin thespectacularnouveauxricheconsumptionbehaviorofthenewRussians,whoprofited fromtheSovietunionstransitiontomarketcapitalism.

LatinAmerica
InLatinAmerica,awidespreadclassofwealthylandownersandafewmerchantsand mineownersprovidedaspurtoconsumerisminthe19thcenturyandamodelofEuropeanand

secondarilyNorthAmericanimitationthatcontinuestocolorconsumptionparticularlyin countrieslikeArgentina.AnothercharacteristicofLatinAmericaistheinfluenceofAmerican chainstores,firstSearsRoebuckinthe1920sandlaterWalmartandsomeEuropeanchainsin the1980sand1990sthatextendEuroAmericanmodelsofconsumptiontomiddleclassbuyers. ThemiddleclassesthathaveaspiredtoEuroAmericanconsumptionstandardshavegrown dramaticallyiferraticallyinBrazilandotherLatinAmericancountriessincetheSecondWorld War.Ofcourse,LatinAmericaalsoencompassesdramaticculturaldiversitythatcolors consumerpreferences;inindigenouscommunities,sometimesnewconsumeropportunities fuelculturalidealsthatarealegacyofreciprocalsocialrelationsandnewstatushierarchies simultaneously(ColloredoMansfeld1999).LatinAmericascenturieslonglegacyofeconomic relianceonrawmaterialsexportshasproducedahugeunderclassofsubsistenceconsumers, manyofindigenousbackgrounds,whostruggletoenjoybasicconsumergoods.These consumersareincreasinglytargetedbymultinationalswithcustomtailoredproducts,creating newsustainabilitychallenges.Finally,LatinAmericahasalsobecomeanimportantsourceof exportedconsumerculturethroughsuchthingsasfood(especiallyMexicanandmorerecently Argentineanculinarystyles),musicanddancestyles(Mambo,Tango,Meringue,Samba,etc), andtraditionsofecstatic,sumptuaryseasonalconsumptionassociatedwithCarnivalandother traditions(Stearns2006,112114).

Africa
Africahasalongtraditionofcommerceandconsumption,eveniftheconsumptionof luxurieswasconfinedtoelitegroupsformanycenturies.InAfrica,commodification,aprocess drivenbytheimperativesofcapitalandthecivilizingprojectsofstateandmission,..hasbeen determinedbyconsumersdifferentialaccesstopowerandculturalresources(Burke1996, 167).DuringthepastfiftyyearsthreeintertwinedstoriesconcernAfricasengagementwith consumerculture.First,Africanengagementwithconsumerculturehasintensified,withthe useofexoticconsumergoodsfromthemetropolitancountriestoconveystatusandprestige figuringprominentlyinthisregard.Cars(seethemamaBenzofTogoorthewaBenziofEast Africa),clothingandbuildingshavebeenimportantindicatorsofstatusasthelatterhavebeen traditionally(Allman2004;Friedman1994;Heath1992).Africanshaveevenenthusiastically embracedthebeautypageant.Thisengagementhasbeenfuelledbythediffusionofmore sophisticatedmarketapparatus,transportation,andcommunications,andtheflowofmigrants betweenAfricaandEurope. Second,longstandingprecolonialconsumptionpracticestypicallyremainstrongly rootedinallwalksoflife,evenascontemporarypracticesassociatedwiththecolonialandpost colonialexperiencesarelayeredoverthem(Burke1996,172).Acontinuingtensionbetween modernconsumerismandolderloyalties,especiallythosetothekingroup,andtoreligionis

playedoutthroughconsumption(Arnould1989).Thus,formanythemotivationdriving consumptionisachievingincreasedfamilysolidarity,notindividualconsumerutopia(Bonsu andBelk2003).InimmediatesubSaharanAfrica,Islamicdresshasbecomederigueurformany politicalandcommercialelites.Athirdissueisthecomplicatedrelationshipbetween consumerismandwhiteracialattitudesandAfricanreactions,especiallyinEastandSouth Africawheremarketingcampaignstendedtoincorporatewhiteracistattitudes. Everywhere,consumerismandmodernismhavebeenconfoundedbyelitesinformer coloniesoftentakingonelementsofmetropolitanconsumerbehavior.Takingchargeof consumerismbecomesanimportantthemeinAfricanconsumerexperience,hencearecent explosionofinterestinneotraditionalclothandclothing.

TheIslamicMiddleEast
TheinteractionbetweenIslamandconsumerculturerepresentsaninterplaybetween powerful,ongoingspiritualandnationalistvaluesandthenewluresofpublicdisplaysof materialism.ThisoccursagainstabackdropofpublicdebateoverWesternsecularism representedbycountrieslikeTurkey,Lebanon,Morroco,andEgypt,andIslamicreligious nationalismrepresentedbycountrieslikeSaudiArabiaandtheSudan.Astrongruralurban, richpoordivide,andbetweenthosewhohavebenefitedfromoilrevenuesandthosewhohave not,colorsattitudestowardsconsumption(Stearns2006). Hugenumbersofinternalmigrantsfromruralvillagestourbanslumsalsofindtheir consumptionchoicessuspendedbetweentheexpressionofsecularandreligiousvalues.Thus, poorconsumersillustratethreemodesofacculturation:insomecase,migrantsreconstitute theirvillagecultureinthecity,shuttingouttheconsumeristideoscape;ortheycollectively pursuetheconsumeristideoscapeasamyththroughritualizedconsumption;ortheygiveupon bothpursuits,resultinginanomicresultsforidentity(stnerandHolt2007).Meanwhile,elite consumersintheIslamicMiddleEastareavidconsumersofWesternluxuriesandmiddleclass consumersareoftenavidconsumersofWesternfashionandmedia.Amongmiddlecalss Islamists,Islamicfashionsindress,gendersegregatedoptionsinshoppingandluxuryvacations havegrowndramaticallyinthepast20years(SandikciandGer2001;2002).

Resistance
Critiqueofandresistancetothespreadofconsumercultureisasoldastheemergence ofconsumercultureinthe18thcentury.Systematiccritiqueoftheinstitutionalbasesof consumerculturehavebeenofferedbysocialtheoriststhathighlightthealienating dehumanizingeffectsofmaterialism(HorkheimerandAdorno1998/1944),whileothershave commentedontheenvy,possessivenessandnongenerositycommitmenttoconsumerculture sometimesentails(Belk1985).Someclassicexpressionsofresistancetoconsumerismhave declinedinrecentyearsintheOECDcountriesalthoughthecritiqueofirrationallowerclass

consumptionorwomensallegedfrivolitypersistinnewerconsumercultures.Globalconsumer culturehasnonethelessfosteredavirulentbacklash.Religious,environmentalist,nationalist, andanticorporatecritiqueshaveemergedwithconsiderablevigor.Manyoftheseformsof resistanceappeartobemotivatedbyaglobalsenseofanxietyabouttherisktolifeand happinessprovokedbytheglobalizationofconsumercultureitself(Beck2006;Spence2006).In oneglobalstudyofglobalbrands,theauthorsfoundThirteenpercentofconsumersare skepticalthattransnationalcompaniesdeliverhigherqualitygoods.Theydislikebrandsthat preachAmericanvaluesanddon'ttrustglobalcompaniestobehaveresponsibly.Theirbrand preferencesindicatethattheytrytoavoiddoingbusinesswithtransnationalfirms(Holt,Qulech andTaylor2004,74). Antiglobalizationactivismisadiversemovementwithsomegroupspromotingvarious anticorporateoranticonsumptionpositions(Klein2002;Schor1998).Somecallforde consumption;othersdisputespecificelementsofglobalvaluechainssuchastheuseofGMOs andsweatshoplabor;stillotherspromotealternativefairtradebrands(seeWitkowski2005for areviewofthesepositions);andstillotherspromotelocalorregionalbrandssuchasMecca Cola(Egypt)andQiblaCola(Peru),ideologicallypositionedasexplicitcompetitorstotheir multinationalcounterparts.Antiglobalizationtakesmanyforms,notallofwhicharetruly resistanttoconsumerculture. Onedifficultyofresistanceforantiglobalizationactivistsliesinthetendencyfor oppositionalforceswhetherpoliticalorculturaltobecooptednotleastbytheglobal mediascape,whichincreasinglymediatesbetweengrassrootspopularculturalmanifestations andmainstreamcorporateconsumerculture.Forexample,Starbucks,thenationofEthiopia, andtheNGOOXFAMwagedarecentbattleovertherighttotrademarkregionalcoffeevarietal namessuchasYirgacheffe,HarrarandSidamo.Thestruggleconcernedtherighttoextracta greatershareoftheretailvalueoftheseregionallybrandedcoffeeseitherforEthiopian producersorforStarbucks.Aviciouscourtandpublicrelationsbattleeventuatedinavictory forOXFAMactivistsandtheEthiopiancoffeeindustry,whichmaynowretainthebranding rights(Arnould,PlastinaandBallforthcoming).Similarly,intheUnitedStates,localcoffee housesandregionalchainsareabletopositiontheirbrandsasantiStarbucksbrands,and incorporatevariouslocal,fairtrade,organic,bohemian,andotherassociationsintotheirbrand imagesthatStarbuckscannotclaim.Stillthesedoppelgangerbrands(Thompson,Rindfleisch andArsel2006)andarejustasmuchapartofglobalconsumercultureastheglobalbrands theycritique.

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