Depocketisation

2 5 5 4/20 1 1 MSc Bu ild ing a nd Urba n De sign in De ve lopme nt De v e lop ment P lanning Unit Un iversity Colle ge London
Depo c ke ti s a ti o n
T E AM
C o co nu t C ur r y
DPU STAFF Camillo Boano V anesa Castan Broto William Hunter Cassidy A Johnson Caren Levy Ruth McLeod Andrew W ade BANGKOK STAFF Supreeya Wungpatcharapon Ploy Yamtree Kung Benjarit Wijtbusaba Marome Poon Khwansuwan Supitcha Tovivich
ACK N OWL EDGEMENTS
We would like to thank...

The students from Building and Urban Design in Development (BUDD) at UCL have had many supportive interactions with people from CODI, community sites, Local Authorities, architects, facilitators, translators and students while in Bangkok. We would like to thank you all. We would especially like to thank Somsook Boonyabancha without whose amazing insight, our trip, fieldwork and subsequent learning process would not have been possible. We have learned tremendously through engaging with the people involved in the Baan Mankong programme and are confident this process will enrich our work as future development practitioners. We hope in some small way to have contributed to your organization. A special thank you to all DPU staff: those that accompanied us in the journey and contributed to the richness of the experience(?), and the staff in London for the logistical support and their efforts in organise the whole trip. Further thanks to all the students that sat side-by-side us and shared their thoughts and ideas. We are very grateful to the Thai students that hosted us in their country and to DPU students both from UDP and BUDD master courses. We spent most of our time together, on conferences, site visits, sightseeing, dinners and parties. It was wonderful to have very special fellows around.
The Rangsit team would like to thank the many individuals that contributed their cooperation and assistance during this process: Rangsit Officials, the Community Leaders, various academic professionals, and the Community Architect. Thank you. A heartfelt thank you to Tim and all the Pasi Chalern community leaders who generously gave their time and knowledge, we learnt so much from you. We would also like to thank our wonderful translators Kung and Fon.All the residents of Pasi Chalern we met over the four days who were willing to take the time to answer all our questions. Thank you to the wonderful community leaders and residents of Bang Khen. Your generosity and enthusiasm was inspirational to us. Thank you as well to our new Thai colleagues, Gao, Best, and Ing. It was a pleasure to meet you all and we hope our paths cross again soon. Thank you so much Patim, Community Leader who works for NULICO and made many things possible for us in Klong Toey; Health Officer and Crown Property Bureau Officer whom we met by chance within the Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong community; District Office Director and Community Development Workers for making the time in their busy schedules to meet and answer our questions. Nattavadee Peanpanichskul, Peerapat Singkalvanich and Prechapong Arkadsopa, Poon Khwansuwan, who were so helpful in our fieldwork in Bang Poo. Many thanks to all the community leaders and members of the communities that we visited in Rattanakosin Island for spending their time to show us around. To the Thai students from the BUDD and UDP courses, Dhrin Anantangmokolchai and Kade Wanida Supaporn for their special work contributing also in interpretation; The Crown Property Bureau officers for their participation and input during our site visits.
C onte nts
Executive Summary
Acronyms Definitions
8 12 12 14 15 16 19 20 21 25 33 47 48 49 52 57 58 60 71 72 74 80 85 88 100 114 124 150 160 166 174
Introduction
Who we are How to read the report, report structure What is a pocket? Bangkok is a city of pockets Actors The six sites Definition Principles Criteria
Bangkok
Transformation
Vision
Depocketisation Strategies Bangkok. Greater than the sum of its parts. List of figures Bibliography Methodology Seminars Bang Khen Klong Toey Pasi Chalern Rangsit Bang Poo Rattanakosin Island
Conclusion
Appendices
Exe c utive S um m ar y
Introduction
Images: 1. Bang Khen canals by Anna Schulenburg; 2. Children at NHA housing site in Pasi Chalern by Amrita Koonar; 3. Informal market at Klong Toey by Sadiqa Jabbar This report is produced by MSc Building and Urban Design in Development students at University College London. It follows a 5 month long study in London and Bangkok, of the Community Organisations Development Institutes Baan Mankong slum upgrading programme.
002
Objectives To analyse the history, relationships, and pressures of To build and apply criteria and principles of trans
Bangkok in relation to poverty and marginalisation. formation to the sites visited in Bangkok in order to assess gaps and opportunities within the programme for intervention. To propose strategies and ways forward for CODI, other relevant actors, and the participant communities.
001
Key findings
Although Bangkok has been described as a pastiche and a collage, we have typified the city through our research as a city of pockets. This characterization is observed at institutional, spatial, and social levels as exceptionalism, which is constructive in giving flexibility within the programme but has the potentially negative output of segregation of communities. The main examples of which are:
The use of architectural typologies which are used in
spirit of the negotiating strategies of the upgrading communities, focused on achieving consensus among participants. However, consensus may come at the expense of the urban design scale including an integrated spatial plan, and density which is not reflective of future land and development pressures. Strong knowledge networks at the community level dont set the example for uneven networking and knowledge sharing among district authorities pointing to the need for districts to be less pocketed and more transparent within the city. Although they remain direct stakeholders of megaprojects and infrastructure, for programme participants have limited opportunities to access and contribute to district and city plans. Executive Summary | PAGE
003
EX ECUT I VE SUMMARY
004
Images: 4. View of Rangsit Town by Ivana Nady; 5. Street life in Bangkok by Anna Schulenberg; 6. Historical wall painting in the Grand Palace, Bangkok by Tatiana Letier Pinto; 7. Residents of Rattanakosin Island outside their house by Su-Ann Tan
Recommendations:
Proposed strategies to a depocketisation of Bangkok include: Scaling density of space in order to pre-empt future development, and allow for more comprehensive community plans which include varied typologies, resilient infrastructure, and more public space. Expanding and re-thinking the role of design and the designer within CODI to play a larger part in knowledge sharing between communities, and build a longer design process into upgrading. Building and strengthening communities of interest beyond administrative or territorial boundaries to collaborate with district authorities and organised communities on district-wide issues. Increase flexibility in access to the programme, taking advantage of the existing tools and frameworks and designing wider varieties of temporary housing. Thus allowing more people to participate and people to live on-site while building their new homes in order to prevent drop-out rates. Lateral dialogue between communities and district authorities, and among authorities themselves to promote participatory processes, incorporating an international academic perspective through knowledgesharing networks. Redistribute power and responsibilities from central to local authorities in the form of decentralisation to build a stronger link between the community level and the decision making processes.
005
006
007
Conclusion
These strategies tackle depocketisation at three operational levels: social, institutional, and spatial. Within these, consideration has been given to the scale of the individual and household all the way to national and international scales. The multi-scalar and multidirectional approach is aimed at increasing flexibility within the programme while decreasing the segregation of low-income people in Bangkok. Executive Summary | PAGE
9

Images: 1. Bang Khen canals by Anna Schulenburg; 2. Children at NHA housing site in Pasi Chalern by Amrita Koonar; 3. Informal market at Klong Toey by Sadiqa Jabbar
College London 5
002
001
003
| PAGE 1 0

Images: 4. View of Rangsit Town by Ivana Nady; 5. Street life in Bangkok by Anna Schulenberg; 6. Historical wall painting in the Grand Palace, Bangkok by Tatiana Letier Pinto; 7. Residents of Rattanakosin Island outside their house by Su-Ann Tan
004
005
006
007
| PAGE 1 1
ACRONYMS
ACHR BMA BMR BUDD CbO CDF CODI CPB DPU JICA MOU NESDB NGO NHA NULICO UCL UCDO UDP Asian Coalition for Housing Rights Bangkok Metropolitan Administration Bangkok Metropolitan Region Building and Urban Design in Development Community Based Organisation Community Development Fund Community Organisations Development Institute Crown Property Bureau Development Planning Unit Japan International Cooperation Agency Memorandum of understanding National Economic and Social Development Board Non-Governmental Organisation National Housing Authority National Union of Low Income Community Organisations University College London Urban Community Development Office Urban Development Planning
DEFINITIONS
L AN D
The term land in this report refers not simply to the ground beneath our feet but to the relationships between people, land owners, and policy in relation to even development and security of tenure. This includes, for example, discussions of water and the ways in which various actors exercise power of the movement of people within the city.
H OU SI N G P R OGR A M
In the case of CODI a housing programme refers to Baan Mankong which, although using housing as a mechanism towards community empowerment, does not centralise housing as an outcome of the programme. However, in the case of the NHAs Baan Eur Arthorn programme, the provision of affordable housing is central to their mandate.
C OMMU N I TY
Communities within the Baan Mankong programme describe organisations of people within a geographic area into savings groups. These groups are networked in coops and greater district-wide or canal-based networks. At times, communities and savings groups have been formed for the sake of participation within the programme. Other times communities were formerly organised. It bears mentioning that when speaking about exclusion community in the conventional sense may be used to describe informal networks of people living together, or communities of place. This would be to show the deficits of gaining access to the program. In this instance the distinction may be made by describing communities versus organised communities.
MAI N STR E AMI N G
In this report mainstreaming is understood as crosscutting: whereas marginalised or sidelined issues are often siloed within independent ministries, organisations, or social factions, mainstreamed issued cut across multiple agendas.
Introduction | PAGE
12
DEF I N I T I O NS
P OOR E S T OF TH E P OOR
The poorest of the poor are people within communities who have not been organised under Baan Mankong because of extreme marginality. For example, the poorest of the poor may be (but are not limited to) people who cannot afford to save money in a savings group, renters, migrants, or people who are too old to commit to a long-term loan. The poorest of the poor are people of exceptional circumstances who are not accounted for in the Baan Mankong program.
P OCK E T
A pocket is a unit of exceptional circumstance. Pockets can either imply great flexibility or segregation. For more on pockets, see page xx.
K NOW L E DG E
Finance in the context of the Baan Mankong refers to a number of things, but has three main components. Firstly, the system which operates at the formal city wide level including banks, developers, and government to name a few. Secondly finance may refers to money borrowed in order to build a house or community services, i.e. to improve housing conditions like the loans given by CODI and including community funds built from repayments to savings coops. Thirdly, finance may refer to other funds provided by communities, banks, or NGOs such as Community Development Funds or loans from local loan sharks.
P OW E R
For the purposes of this report, knowledge refers to the capacity built by communities, authorities, and organisations through the Baan Mankong programme and beyond. The sharing of knowledge occurs informally between communities and also in formal channels such as district level meetings, NULICO, university partnerships, etc.
P OL I CY
Power (though it lends itself to a much larger definition) is the influence of one person over the freedoms and free will of another. Power in Bangkok (especially on the topic of housing the poor) is manifest most visibly in land, finance and the ability of various actors to shape the city to their self-interests.
OR GAN I SATI ONA L CA PA CITY
Policy refers firstly to government level decisions and actions, and secondly to the institutionalised modusoperandi of organisations.
L OCA L R E A L I T I E S
Organisational capacity refers to new capacities built through the communion of various actors. Organisational capacity built at the community level allows communities to leverage their collective interests at a municipal, regional, or national level through the empowerment of community leaders, community boards and members.
P R OjE C T I MP LEMENTATIO N
By local realities we mean the subjective lives and perceptions of individuals.
By implementation we mean the application of theory, planning, design and organisational capacity to space.
P OL I TI C AL I N FLUENCE
Political influence refers to the application of organisational capacity and power to political processes.
F I NA NCE
Introduction | PAGE
13
Si. Tat. At niscipissi tat wisis et alisis nonsenim dionsed dolore molorti scilit lore tincin vercil do eum do odit nibh eugiam, commy nos augait ilis nonsed tatio consequam, sim exeros
008
In tro d u c ti o n
Image: 8.Camillo Boano chairs the panel discussion at CODI by Amy Leaman Images: 9. Our experiences in Bangkok, methodology and activities by Amy Leaman; 10. Panorama of DPU students listening intently to a presentation at CODI by Amy Leaman
I NT R ODUCTION
009
Who we are
This report has been a collaborative effort of MSc Building and Urban Design in Development (BUDD) students at University College London. The students are from a range of countries with different backgrounds and experience. The purpose of the study was to understand the complex interrelationship between poverty, policy, and spatial provisioning in Bangkok, Thailand, through a focus on the Community Organisations Development Institutes (CODI) Baan Mankong programme. The class was divided up into two groups. This allowed our course of 26 students to conduct a thorough analysis of each aspect of the task at hand. The analysis began with the gathering of general information on the city of Bangkok. Lectures, comprehensive literature reviews, maps and Baan Mankong projects were the main sources of initial data. A trip was then scheduled to have a personal look at the city and to meet with CODI officials who identified six cases, on six sites, to facilitate the understanding of living conditions of the urban poor.
010
Introduction | PAGE
15
I NT R O D U C T IO N
How to read the report, report structure

As shown in the graphic below, this report is based on four main analytical layers that were studied through the whole process. Firstly, one of the main tasks developed in London prior to Thailand, was the construction of a definition of transformation and the proposed principles, criteria and indicators that determine it. Then, the city of Bangkok and the work of CODI and the Baan Mankong programme were studied through the reading and discussion of literature in London before the trip. These were also experienced directly in the field. Finally, the input of the six specific sites in which the group was divided and studied with the communities was present in the final stage of our process in the Thai capital. The four layers mentioned above (Transformation, Bangkok, CODI + Baan Mankong and the six sites) were investigated along the process utilising three lenses: the social, the spatial and the institutional. Although these filters help analyse the case, they need to be tied together to build the conclusions of our study. In this sense, each chapter of the report is written and designed as a crosscutting text which links the different layers according to these three filters and ties them to build this analysis and support our strategies. According to this criteria, the findings chapter is an analysis of the context of the case study through the intersection of the three lenses and the city of Bangkok, CODI + Baan Mankong and the six sites, concluding that the capital of Thailand is made up of a sum of pockets. Building on this diagnosis, the next chapter investigates the meaning of the proposed definition of transformation in the specific case of Bangkok, again from the social, spatial and institutional dimensions. All the layers are present to form the concept of depocketisation as a process to transform the city, building on what CODI and the Baan Mankong programme have already done and illustrating it through our six study sites. The last core chapter sets the vision and unpacks the notion of depocketisation in relation to our filters and the four layers to propose a series of strategies to depocketise Bangkok.
Image: 11. How to read the report: The concept of Depocketisation evolves throughout the report by Jos di Girolamo
011
SP A
TI
AL
Introduction | PAGE
16
I NT R ODUCTION
013
012
Methodology
Images: 12. Group interviews by Ivana Nady & Su-Ann Tan; 13. Drawings and sketches by Afraa Ali & SuAnn Tan; 14. Discussions and meetings by Sadiqa Jabbar & Su-Ann Tan; 15. Presentations and workshops by Amy Leaman & Su-Ann Tan; 16. Photos and videos by Amrita Koonar & Su-Ann Tan To investigate the various aspects of Bangkok, CODI and the Baan Mankong Programme, we approached the cases through an extensive literature review, the subjects of which are summarised in a blog that can be visited at http://coconutcurry.wordpress.com/. In parallel, we established principles, criteria and measurements which would assess the transformative nature of the program in our three areas of focus: social, spatial, and institutional. Further to the criteria, we developed indicators which could help us determine trends within the case study. Multiple potential resultant strategies were evaluated and five were selected for our field assignment. Selecting the indicators and strategies left us the challenge of finding a way to control the collection process in the field. This was done with site folders which included the following forms: a daily report, an observer template, a field interview form and an officials interview form. (please see Appendix, pg.84-91) We also included material to elaborate diagrams and sketches according to the particular research on the field. While we did not use these folders as originally intended, they became useful in making sure the entire group could easily communicate with each other and maintain repositories for site-specific information. Expanded information on our London Methodology including descriptions of individual presentations are available in the Appendix, pg. 88. The presentations themselves are included in the attached disc and at: http://www.slideshare.net/CoconutCurryPresents and http://www.youtube.com/CoconutCurryPresents
014
015
016
014
Introduction | PAGE
17
017
POCKET
I NT R ODUCTION
What is a pocket?
When you flip the page, youre going to read the line Bangkok is a city of pockets. This report will explain how we arrived at this conclusion through our studies in Bangkok, but first it becomes necessary to elaborate on what, exactly, is a pocket. When we talk about pockets, we are talking about exceptionalism* at the institutional, spatial, and social levels. Exceptionalism is manifest both as flexibility and as segregation. Flexibility is the hammer in the toolkit of housing and ugrading programs for the poorest of the poor. Without flexibility, housing is too expensive, too unattainable for the urban poor. The Baan Mankong programme, designed as a demand-driven approach, assumes the individual needs of communities, meaning that the outcomes will be as diverse as the participants. At the institutional level, exceptionalism as flexibility means building lower barriers to entry; at the spatial level it means building to suit local conditions, and at the social level it means forming strong communities. These pockets of exceptionalism can be strong bridges between the formal and informal city. However, exceptionalism as segregation is inextricably linked to this process. Communities, institutions, and other partners attached to the programme may form pockets which exclude certain participants, processes, or geographies. The danger of exceptionalism as segregation is that lines become too strongly defined around communities or processes to the point where they can be wedged out of the landscape. At the institutional level it could mean building organisational capacity which is not embedded in other institutions; at the spatial level it manifests as communities which have little room for expansion or integration; and at the social level it means exclusion. These pockets are the barriers between the formal and informal city.
* there is a discourse existing around the term exceptionalism. In this definition we are not referring to this discourse, but reappropriating the term to mean exceptional circumstances, or a divergence from societal rules and norms.
018
Image, last page: 17. Illustration of pockets in Bangkok by Tatiana Letier Pinto; Image, this page: 18. Illustration of de-pocketisation in Bangkok by Tatiana Letier Pinto
The negotiation of flexibility and segregation is what we, in this report, have coined depocketisation. This report will explore Bangkok through its many pockets and take a macro view at how the pockets manifest in space, how they open or block channels to transformation, and how they can articulate with the city towards an integrated and equitable future.
Introduction | PAGE
19
B a n gk o k
019
F I N DI NGS
Bangkok is a city of pockets

020
Bangkoks position within the context of Southeast Asian cities is unique. Bishop et al. state that the capital of Thailand is the only directly uncolonised city in a list which includes Kuala Lumpur, Jakarta, Manila, Ho Chi Minh City, Hanoi, Phnom Penh, and Vientiane (2003: 4). In this sense, the city became an exception and a pocket itself within the regional context. Although this suggests that external ideologies have not been imposed on Thai culture, King Rama IV (1851 - 1868) and King Rama V (1868 - 1910) were inspired by the west to introduce major developments that would dramatically change the spatial characteristics of Thailand (Noparatnaraporn and King, 2007). Ayutthaya had been the capital of Siam, as the country was known before the change to Thailand, until 1782 when it was relocated across the river to Baang Makawk. The first task for planning the new city was to construct exact replicas of the old capitals original royal palaces and Buddhist monasteries. Over time, a system of water networks was expanded and waterborne traffic dominated the city. During the 20th century, Bangkok grew from 13 km2 in 1900 to a metropolitan area of more than 330 km2. Today more than half of Thailands urban population lives in Bangkok. Although Bangkoks area doubled in size by the 1970s, little attention was given to growth management and urban planning (Usavagovitwong, 2011). By 1980, globalisation trends and pressures from the West influenced the rapid development of factories, housing estates and leisure facilities in adjacent provinces. The first official Bangkok city plan was recently issued in 1992 (Khamman, 2011). As a consequence of the speed and the lack of guidance, the city was developed mainly as a Image, last page: 19. Kao San Road, Bangkok by Anna Schulenburg; Images: 20. King Rama IX by Amy Leaman; 21. Queen Sirikit by Amy Leaman; 22. The Grand Palace by Su-Ann Tan; 23. Crown Prince by Amy Leaman; 24. Princess Sirindhorn by Amy Leaman; 25. King Rama V
021
023
024
025 022
Findings | PAGE
21
F I NDI NGS
026
Images: 26. Waterways of Bangkok, by Su-Ann Tan; 27. Different housing solutions without a comprehensive plan intensifies the idea pockets in the city by Anna Schulenberg; 28. Fly overs create closed corridors of connection but they dont interconnect. Besides being a pocket themselves, they create other pockets in the city development by Jos di Girolamo; 29. Visual pockets created by the intense infrastructure of Bangkok. Picture by Jose di Girolamo
sum of infrastructure, industrial, commercial, public and housing projects in a fragmented geography of waterways which were not necessarily integrated in a wider notion of the metropolis. The first evidence of the idea of social, spatial and institutional pockets is a product of this process. Currently, the Bangkok Metropolitan Administration (BMA) plans future growth. However, in a highly centralised country like Thailand the decisionmaking processes also reflect the pocketisation. As it is explained in the next section, few actors concentrate the political power and responsibilities to design and implement policies and initiatives without interacting among them and without involving the lower levels of social organisation. The existence of these gaps reinforces the notion of pockets. At the housing scale, the explosive development and growth of the city increased substantially the urban housing demand. Because of the lack of involvement of the state until the mid-seventies, housing was mainly dominated by market forces with a major impact on affordability for the poor. Consequently, the city experienced a process of social and spatial pocketisation in slums hidden in central areas or along the canals characterised as some of the sites visited. By the late 1990s Bangkok was suffering from a series of economic crises that arose from years of unequal access to financial resources and vigorous pursuit of investments and projects in favour of big business over the needs of low income people. In 2003, on the tail of a slow economic recovery and under of the peoples constitution, the Thai government merged UCDO and Rural Development Fund to form CODI. The Baan Mankong programme was launched through CODI as part of its efforts to address the housing prob-
027
029
028
Findings | PAGE
22
F I N DI NGS
lems of the countrys poorest urban citizens by placing slum communities in a pivotal position in the process for developing long-term, comprehensive solutions to land and housing. Because the Baan Mankong approach is demand-driven, the key is to enforce as few conditions as possible to ensure slum dwellers enough flexible financial management to design their own programmes, at their own pace, while networking and building citywide partnerships with other stakeholders. While supply-driven systems attempt to include the poor at a later stage in the project, demand-conditions attached to projects from the very beginning. The approach lends itself to uniquely tailored solutions and processes that are built around community needs and capacities, while strongly relying on local organisational capacity. The pressures of institutional, economic, social and ideological changes shape the city and vice versa. For instance, in Bangkok the increasing impacts of global and local pressures on land, compound the challenges of provision of sufficient and affordable housing. Communities settle in the cracks of these pressures, confined by mega-infrastructure, natural features and/or marginal land. These physical evidences also strengthen the notion of social and institutional pockets, building barriers of interaction among communities, and between them and the authorities. The decision making processes are also understood as pockets, missing the links between the policies, planning and design and the real needs in the field and the communities. Power is applied rather than shared inducing a vicious circle of segregation. In this context, the work of CODI and particularly the Baan Mankong programme has set a new precedent in partially depocketising the city, envisioning housing policies
Images: 30. Housing solution by Private sector, a 1km building by LPN Development Public Company Ltd. by Tatiana; 31. Slums are the only housing option for the poor by Farida Farag; 32. Space on the boat reserved for the monk by Anna
beyond the simple provision of houses, empowering the poor, building social networks, negotiating flexibility with the authorities and improving housing conditions at the spatial level. However, as it is argued in the following pages, this approach still needs to be expanded to reach an effectively depocketised city in which flexibility and social, spatial and institutional integration are the drivers.
032
030
031
Findings | PAGE
23
033
034
The actors are separated in the wheel by six sections: community organisations, social enterprises or NGOs, the private sector, government, the Monarchy and The Buddhist temple. Each icon corresponds to the actor key. The colored lines represent the type of connection between them and is related in the color key. Combining the position of the actor in the wheel with the connections you can identify what is the main role of each actor. The actors are represented in 3 layers: in black the ones are the ones that operate at this level, in dark grey the ones that dont operate on this level but have relations with other actors at this level and in light grey the actors from and acting in other levels. On the basis of this we can make some analysis, for example at the local level, the Military related to CODI is a landowner but in relation directly to the community the Military is also a source of jobs and opportunities helping to build their local realities. All relations are represented in each level. In the last wheel we see all of them together to illustrate the complexity and the overlapping roles of different actors in different levels.
Findings | PAGE
24
F I N DI NGS
Actors
Bangkok as a city of pockets is reflected in actors dynamics. In our research we identified the main actors that are involved on the transformation process of the urban environment of the city. They play a role in the pocketisation of the city not only at institutional level but at the spatial and social levels as well. The actor diagram is represented as a roulette wheel in which we have CODI at the centre, acting as the main body that turns the roulette to reach transformation. In the graphics, the relations are represented in coloured arrows according to the categories of analysis that the group defined prior to the trip adapting the web of institutionalisation from Caren Levy (Levy, 1998, p.256). They correspond to land, finance, policy making, knowledge, implementation, local realities, political influence and mainstreaming. (See definitions, pg. 12-13) Those relations are shown outside the circle when CODI does not influence or participate and on the inner circle when CODI is directly related and works as bridge between two actors. All relations have an impact in different levels. For a clear understanding of the position of each actor and where they mainly act we have four roulettes: local (including community level), city, national and international scales. Actors and pockets Bangkok is a patchwork of different landowners. Each landowner has their own approach to the development of the city according to their interest. This interest also differs from site to site. The lack of consistency makes each negotiation a specific one. Everything becomes an exception as explain through the concept of exceptionalism (See what is a pocket, pg. 92). Some landowners such as the Treasure Department are more likely to negotiate for upgrading in their land, while private owners prefer reblocking. The diversity of negotiations pockets institutions and these impacts on space and community interactions. The Crown Property Bureau (CPB) is shifting the wheel in the other direction becoming a partner of CODI by helping the urban poor. Being an agency that administrates properties, CPB has financial resources and the interest to improve living conditions of people living on their land. Other institutions such as the Buddhist temple who receives revenue only in the form of donations, or the Port Authority that is immovable in negotiations with slum dwellers are acting passively at times, allowing people to stay on their land. Other times they act aggressively with evictions and use the land for another purposes. In this sense, CPB constitutes an interesting example of a proactive and responsible landowner that works with CODI. This relationship could set a precedent for other landowners. The actor map reveals few connections from government to the community and none of them through CODI. This lack of a mainstreaming agenda leads to institutional pockets. The National Housing Authority (NHA) and CODI both work with housing programmes but they do not necessarily collaborate to each other, moreover they have clearly different approaches to the housing problem in Bangkok. While CODI tackles lowincome communities with upgrading programmes, NHA builds and sells dwellings under different criteria and for wealthier income groups. But even if they have different responsibilities, there are always opportunities to build
035
Images, last page: 33. Key showing the main actors involved in Baan Mankong by Anna Schulenburg; 34. Actor roulette at local level by Anna Schulenburg & Tatiana Letier Pinto; Image, this page: 35. Redistribution of power through CODI by Amy Leaman
Findings | PAGE
25
036a
036b
Findings | PAGE
26
BANGK O K
Actors, cont.
collaboration. For instance, NHA has a big portfolio of land amassed to run their Baan Eua-Arthorn programme. Since this programme was interrupted, the land could be used in partnership with CODI. The National Economic and Social Development Board (NESDB) is a planning agency but is not linked to implementation processes opening again an opportunity to connect existing actors and their related roles. The new connections between government agencies (NHA, CODI, BMA and NESDB) could open the pockets at the institutional level bringing changes at social and spatial levels. The private sector does not play an active role in relation to CODI or the urban poor at the moment and this is a gap. The King is a strong actor and has a lot of influence in Thai society. Despite Thailand being a constitutional monarchy, the King remains the head of the Thai state. NULICO is the community network that works from community to the national level. The network publicises Baan Mankong programme in other communities and encourages them to join. In addition, NULICO advocates for CODIs agenda towards other governments bodies in the form of protest. In this role, NULICO can be interpreted as an invisible political arm of CODI. The actors are dynamic and their roles change according to their levels of operation: at the local level, builders within communities have formed networks to build capacity in construction as well as reduce building costs. Meanwhile, at the city level the community builders are crafting social enterprise to work in commercial projects at market rate prices. The financial system is also one sphere of interconnection between actors. CODI operates mainly with
Images, last page: 36a. Actor roulette at Bangkok level by Anna Schulenburg & Tatiana Letier Pinto; 36b. Actor roulette at national level by Anna Schulenburg & Tatiana Letier Pinto; Images, this page: 37. Landowners involved with site upgrading and relocation by Amy Leaman; 38. NULICOs means of operation by Amy Leaman
public funds that are lent to the community and repaid to CODI. Because CODI is publicly funded, it does not have security funding. As a result, ACHR connects with communities through CODI providing seed funding. The presence of international support allows the continuous movement of the wheel. In addition to finance, international agencies and national networks also play an important role in building knowledge and organizational capacity within communities. Some of them, such as national and international academia, use CODI as a bridge. This is where DPU and UCL stand, playing a role as an international academic organization. We share our knowledge with CODI and the arrows flow back to us. The back and forward, the arrows that goes in two directions, is what gives momentum to the system but the wheel needs more mass, more connections in order to bring the communities to the top.
037
038
Findings | PAGE
27
039
040
Findings | PAGE
28
BAN GK O K
Actors, cont.
Images, last page: 39. Actor roulette at international level by Anna Schulenburg & Tatiana Letier Pinto; 40. Layered actor roulettes by Anna Schulenburg & Tatiana Letier Pinto; Images, this page: 41. Simplified quantity of influence by actors on each site by Tatiana Letier Pinto & Anna Schulenburg
The diagram illustrates the influence of specific groups of actors on the ongoing processes of transformation on each of the six sites. Although the presence of CODI as a channel of mainstreaming is relevant in all of them, its work in Pasi Chalern and Bang Khen as a facilitator among communities and external institutions to share knowledge in relation to housing issues is highlighted. While in the second one this role is strengthen by the community networks created around local realities like the canals, in Rangsit and Klong Toey the presence of NULICO is fundamental building organisational capacity. Opposed is the case of Rattanakosin Island in which the social processes are headed by the CPB as it is also the main landowner. The relevance of land issues is only comparable to Klong Toey where communities coexist with a permanent risk of eviction from the Port Authority. This situation implies an important influence of the central government in the site at the policy making level as in Bang Poo, while in places like Rangsit, the impact of the implementation of local plans is stronger shaping the city including the communities in the decision-making processes.
041
Findings | PAGE
29
042
044
043
Images, this page: 42.Two tanks stand abandoned in the desert during the gulf war; 43. Ronald McDonald says Sawadee Ka in the traditional Thai fashion, illustrating one landmark of globalization; 44. Thai tanks on Rattanakosin island during one of many military coups; 45. the Skytrain; 46. A tsunami warning sign; 47. The Bangkok skyline. Image, next page: 48.Timeline of events impacting housing in Bangkok by Tareq Razouk
045
046
The graph on the following page shows the political, economic and urban changes in different scales; global, national and citywide. It represents chronological events starting from 1950 to 2010, showing how these events affected each other. Since 1950, Thailand suffered from economic and political instability. This fluctuation of stability was a cause of many problems as well as an opportunity for change. It is difficult to look at Thailand in isolation from the international change. The growth of the capitalist economy in 1950s played an important role in concentrating the population in cities. The population of Bangkok reached 60% of the total population of Thailand in 1960. At the same time, this concentration of capital forced people to move to the suburbs of Bangkok. The density of the inner city declined because the capitalist economy needed space for growth. Thus 40% of the urban area of Bangkok became informal settlements by 1968. The economic crisis of the 1970s, which was a result of global and local change motivated Government to launch new developments. In 1980, Thailand reached its economic boom. Privatisation and a slum improvement policy was adapted in this new era of development. The Urban Community Development Office (UCDO) was established in 1992 as a response to the urban poor and tried to directly channel funds to individual communities.. This office was merged with Rural Development Fund RDF to establish The Community Organizations Development Institute CODI in 2000 which initiated the Baan Mankong program in 2003.
047
Findings | PAGE
30
The history of the Baan Mankong program as compared to local, national, and global pressures.
048
BANG POO - FACTORIES/AIRPORT KLONG TOEY - PORT
RANGSIT - FLYOVERS
RANGSIT - FLYOVERS RATANAKOSSIN RANGSIT - FLYOVERS - HERITAGE & TOURISM
RANGSIT - FLYOVERS
BANG POO - FACTORIES/AIRPORT
052
BANG KHEN - CANAL
BANG KHEN - CANAL BANG KHEN - CANAL BANG KHEN - CANAL RATANAKOSSIN - HERITAGE & TOURISM
PASI CHALERN - AGRICULTURE
PASI CHALERN - AGRICULTURE PASI CHALERN - AGRICULTURE PASI CHALERN - AGRICULTURE
KLONG TOEY - PORT
KLONG TOEY - PORT KLONG TOEY - PORT KLONG TOEY - PORT
BANG POO BANG POO - FACTORIES/AIRPORT FACTORIES/AIRPORT - FACTORIES/AIRPORT BANG POO
BANG POO - FACTORIES/AIRPORT
RATANAKOSSIN - HERITAGE & TOURISM
RATANAKOSSIN - HERITAGE & TOURISM RATANAKOSSIN - HERITAGE & TOURISM
RATANAKOSSIN - HERITAGE & TOURISM
F I N DI NGS
049
The six sites

Images: 49. House in Bang Khen by Anna Schulenburg; 50. Typical row of housing in Klong Toey by Sadiqa Jabbar; 51. Canal in Pasi Chalern by Amrita Koonar; 52. General key information across the six sites by Su-Ann Tan In Bangkok we were exposed to six sites which became case-studies of our fieldtrip. Four of them, namely Bang Khen, Klong Toey, Pasi Chalern and Rattanakosin Island, are located within the boundaries of the Bangkok Metropolitan Administration and the other two in neighbouring provinces: Rangsit in Pathum Thani, north of the capital and Bang Poo in Samut Prakarn, south of it. The common factor of all of these sites is the presence of communities involved in the Baan Mankong programme implemented by CODI. They all showcased forms of urban transformation, regardless of the (un)evenness of its impact across communities within those areas and beyond them. Depending on their social, spatial and institutional characteristics, the main issues regarding the Baan Mankong programme and the city were different on each site. In this sense, the particular interaction of local realities, land, finance, knowledge, mainstreaming, policy making and political influence reflects the complexity of the cases. To approach the sites, multidisciplinary teams were created combining students from both master courses, BUDD and UDP. In general, the fieldwork methodologies were focused on in-depth interviews with the community leaders and members, focus groups, site visits and qualitative house mapping. They were complemented with particular tools and activities related to the specific characteristics and needs of each site which are described in the following pages.
051
050
Findings | PAGE
33
Images last page: 53. Community Development Fund structure by Amy Leaman; 54. Stakeholders in the Bang Khen working group by Amy Leaman; 55. District level review committee by Amy Leama. Images, this page: 56. Ruen Mai Patthana leader by his house by Amy Leaman; 57. Local Community Builders Network in Bang Khen by Anna Schulenburg; 58. Canal-side garbage collection by Amy Leaman; 59. Bang Khen canal by Anna Schulenburg; 60. Baan Bang Khen high rise plans by Amy Leaman; 61. Baan Bang Khen high rise site under construction by Amy Leaman; 62. Community Leaders we met by Amy Leaman; 63. Baan Mankong slum upgrading by Anna Schulenburg; 64. Pipat, community leader at the military base to celebrate Buddhas birthday by Amy Leaman; 65. Biofuel social enterprise by Anna Schulenburg
F I NDI NGS
053
Bang Khen
The district of Bang Khen is a trendsetter: The community of Bang Bua was a pilot project for the Baan Mankong programme, for the first time treasury land has been leased to a network of canal squatters and it has a long history as a strong community network formed initially around environmental improvements in 1999. (Wungpatcharapon, 2009) Bang Khen is located in the centre of Bangkok. It is densely developed with housing and commercial areas and has a presence of universities and the military. Pressures are exercised through major infrastructure and transport arteries, including a skytrain station as a cause for evictions. The network comprises 19 low-income communities with over 2,500 households, the majority living along Bang Bua Canal, which forms one district-border. This gave the opportunity for a comparative understanding of 8 communities across 2 adjacent districts at various stages in the programme. We carried out an in-depth site analysis in one site to respond to the additional community brief which asked for cost reduction through recycling of materials to ensure inclusion of poorer members of the community and acceleration of implementation.
054
055
The main questions that emerged in relation to the transformation within the programme pointed to the gap between physical scale and community mobilisation, the role of strategic design and the strengthening of partnerships for scale. See page 114 for more information on Bang Khen
056
059
062
057
063
058
060
061
064
065
Findings | PAGE
35
Images, last page: 66. Examples of house plans around Klong Toey by Sadiqa Jabbar. Images, this page: 67. Rim Klong Wat Sa Pan walkway by Sadiqa Jabbar; 68. Community leader & CODI by Sadiqa Jabbar; 69. Private development offices under flyover near Thala Peenang market by Maira Andrade; 70. Klong Toey daily market by Sadiqa Jabbar; 71. Community member by Sadiqa Jabbar; 72. Market stalls under flyover by Maira Andrade; 73. View of port from district office building by Sadiqa Jabbar
F I NDI NGS
066
Klong Toey
The Klong Toey district is located in the centre of Bangkok. The overall population of the fragmented communities is nearly 200,000. The contrasting presence of the mega infrastructure, largest 24-hour market in Bangkok and substandard housing characterise the district. The districts close proximity to the Central Business District and the location of the port, an important socialeconomic asset, subjects the area to the wider urban pressures of Bangkok. The port is the destination for the series of transport networks that cut through the district. It is owned by the Port Authority; a key player in the development of Klong Toey. The 43 communities that form the Klong Toey district have been affected (or will be at some point) by evictions and fires resulting from land value speculation and major infrastructural developments. The main challenge is access to land tenure, as negotiations with landowners has been an on-going process for many years. There are several actors operating in this site including CODI, NULICO, SIKKHA, and Mercy Foundation, and the Baan Mankong and non-Baan Mankong communities. The strongest community network linkages are between Baan Mankong communities and the weakest between
communities not in the programme and with communities beyond the district itself. Through site visits, qualitative house mapping (see the sketches on the right) and in-depth community committee interviews of 8 communities within the district, it became evident that the Port Authority is a very powerful entity. Some communities on its land are powerless and appear to be stuck in limbo in regards to upgrading due to the lack of land tenure, which feeds uncertainty. While some communities choose to remain on the land and have high social cohesion, others are discouraged. For more detail on the quantitative field work please refer to the Klong Toey section within the Appendices, pg. 124.
067
069
071
072
068
073
070
Findings | PAGE
37
Image, last page: 74. Analysis of current design scenarios by Jennifer Cirne. Images, this page by Amrita Koonar: 75. Canal-side housing in the NHA community; 76. Environment in NHA community; 77. Restaurant owner; 78. Lack of public space on NHA sites; 79. Discussion with community leader; 80. Canal network leading to the temple; 81. Canal behind Baan Mankong housing; 82. Typical design for row of housing; 83. Livelihoods.
F I N DI NGS
074
Pasi Chalern
Pasi Chalern is located in West-Bangkok. The district has undergone rapid urbanisation as a result of major transport infrastructural changes, directly linking the district with Bangkok proper. As a direct result of urbanisation the district saw land prices sky-rocket, with many landowners choosing to sell for high profits. Land speculation also increased as did the threat of evictions. In Pasi Chalern there are predominantly private landowners who bring added complexity to the issue of locating and acquiring suitable land for housing as each landowner is a separate actor requiring separate negotiations. Our Field work was organized across visits to four Baan Mankong sites, two National Housing Authority sites and one Bangkok Metropolitan Authority site. The Baan Mankong projects were at different stages in the process. Two were completed, one was an area of land secured for building and one was a relocation site. We interviewed the Head of Development at the Municipal Office and also had the opportunity to interview the head monk. In total there are 54 communities in the district. In terms of data collection, we conducted a series of semi-structured interviews with many of the residents across all the communities as well as the community leaders. We made field observations which were documented through photos, and sketches. See page 150 for more information on Pasi Chalern
075
078
080
079
076
077
081
082
083
Findings | PAGE
39
F I NDI NGS
Rangsit
084
Images, last page: 83. Mapping of house plan by Ivana Nady; 84. Community mapping by Rangsit Site Team. Images, this page by Ivana Nady: 85. Lakhor Train Station community eviction notice; 86. Rangsit town view from Local Authority Office; 87. Cha-reon Sim community road used for community interaction; 88. Klong Nueng Pattang community construction; Sang-Sau Nakorn community; 89. Lak Hok Train Station community Rangsit is a busy Bangkok suburb on the BangkokAyutthaya transport artery, crowded with shopping malls, universities and high-income housing enclaves. Within Rangsit, one of the major pressures is on land mainly due to speculation for future real estate deals. This makes land far too expensive for the poor to access. In order to gain sufficient information of the complexities within Rangsit, we used the methodologies framework established in London, modifying as needed to for each community. In Rangsit, our fieldwork methods of data collection continued to expand, adapting to the multiplicity of the situations. Regular morning meetings with Rangsit Municipal Representatives were supplemented with afternoon session onsite different Rangsit communities. Our fieldwork in consisted of field observations through photos, sketches and log-books, and interviews both structured and informal with officials and residents. We chose the site of Chareon Sin, a canal community not a part of the Baan Mankong Programme, to do a mapping of the spatial layout. While our community brief was to recommend low cost construction techniques, renewable energy methods and energy saving house design, through our investigations we found that some communities in Rangsit were already undertaking these strategies. Thus promoting the increased networking and knowledge sharing as a better strategy. See page 160 for more information on Rangsit
083
086
089
088
087
085
Findings | PAGE
41
Images, last page by Tareq Razouk 90. Examples of house plans; 91. Extended outdoor space in house. Images, this page: 92. Use of in-between spaces by Parvathi Nair; 93. Mapping of activity and spatial analysis in Klong Mai Tai community by Tareq Razouk; 94. Access route to homes by Parvathi Nair; 95. Use of in-between houses by Parvathi Nair; 96. House made of recyclable material by Parvathi Nair
F I NDI NGS
090
Bang Poo
Bang Poo is located south of Bangkok in the Samut Prakarn province consisting of nine communities. The communities in this region are relatively cut off from the main urban fabric of Bangkok. This is not only due to the physical distance from the city centre, but also the gap between the development processes created by rapid urbanisation of Bangkok.Many communities in this region are currently facing threats of eviction due the road widening process and the shifting of the Government Service Department to this region which is an impact of the proximity to the International Airport. Due to the requirements put forth by the community, our strategy for work on the field was focused on Klong Mai Tai. This community was at the first stage of the Baan Mankong Programme and was looking to re-use the materials from their existing houses in order to reduce the cost of construction. Our field work was an attempt to address this requirement along with an analysis of the spatial cognition and activity pattern of the community. This was an approach to aid the design process for their new homes. Through interviews and discussions with eminent people we also tried to grasp the relation of the community with the rest of the urban fabric. The information gathered was shared with the communities through interactive discussions and workshops. See page 166 for more information on Bang Poo
091
092
093
094
096
095
Findings | PAGE
43
Images, last page: 97. Tha Wang community main road by Su-Ann Tan; 98. Typical shop house row in Jakkrapadipong by Su-Ann Tan; 99. Mapping of household by Jos di Girolamo. Images, this page: 100. Baan Mankong community member by Su-Ann Tan; 101. Nang Loeng community women making school bags by Dhrin Anantamongkolchai; 102. Narrow passageways are common by Su-Ann Tan; 103. House of non-Baan Mankong members by Su-Ann Tan; 104. Nang Loeng community entrance by Su-Ann Tan; 105. Map of landowners in Tha Wang community by Su-Ann Tan; 106. Community member making dinner by Jos di Girolamo; 107. Materials for temporary housing by Jos di Girolamo; 108. Baan Bard community monk bowl making by Su-Ann Tan
F I NDI NGS
098
097
Rattanakosin Island
The Rattanakosin Island has been the centre of power of the Thai State for more than 240 years, where all the key actors, including The Monarchy, The Military, The Parliament and The Prime Minister are based. Subsequently, it is also a pre-eminent area for contestation of power (Webster & Maneepong, 2009). The area concentrates the built and human heritage of the city and reflects the Thai history and culture. Buddhist temples, monuments, markets and traditions coexist in this crowded zone. Tourists are attracted to this exceptional pole without noticing the low-income communities that have been hidden in the middle of the blocks or along the waterways for decades, most of them living in Crown Property Bureau (CPB) or Temple land. The promotion of people as living heritage and the security of tenure are the main issues among the communities. They have created networks to attract tourism and get better tenure conditions, but the results have been different. For instance, the CPB is working with CODI to improve housing and extending the leases but the situation has not improved with other landowners.
The work in the site was focused on understanting the complex land tenure conditions and the relations between the communities and the land owners that allow but also block the possibilities to integrate them in the social, physical and institutional networks of the area. See page 174 for more information on Rattanakosin Island
099
100
101
103
105
106
102
107
104
108
Findings | PAGE
45
109
110
T R ANSF O R MATION
111
Definition
Image, pg.46: 109. What is transformation? snapshot from Interim presentation by Desire Durousseau & Su-Ann Tan. Image, pg.47: 110. Our definition of transformation by Desire Durousseau & Su-Ann Tan. Image, this page: 111. Post-field trip final presentation snapshot by Amy Leaman & Su-Ann Tan
Transformation can be defined in a multitude of ways with different meanings at different levels. As a group we began by discussing the elements which can be associated with transformation and which we understood to be pertinent to transformation occurring. Through our discussion we agreed upon the following: Transformation must be a permanent, not just change at a superficial level but, at the elemental level so cannot go back to the original state It must be sparked by a situation or circumstance It cannot happen overnight, it is a process which occurs exponentially and over many different levels It must be a process which accelerates and gathers momentum and which has no end From these criteria we arrived at the key concepts for transformation, catalytic which refers to the spark which sets the process in motion, irreversible process, which ensures that the change is permanent and evolving through time. These elements will be discussed in more detail through the chapter.
Transformation is a catalytic, irreversible process, operational at social, institutional, and spatial levels.
This chapter will unpack the term transformation through a collectively compiled definition and set the criteria used to assess whether the Baan Mankong programme is truly transformative. This definition of transformation will be referenced throughout this report. Transformation can be defined in a multitude of ways with different meanings at different levels. We arrived at this definition by brainstorming words and elements which for us encapsulated transformation, then, through a process of discussion we refined the definition to the most relevant and applicable ideas. Our definition is broken down into three principles which accordingly, must be present in order for a transformation to occur. These are catalytic, irreversible, and process-driven. We broke these down further into nine criteria by which to assess whether the Baan Mankong programme is in line with our definition and principles and therefore, transformative.
Transformation | PAGE
48
T R AN SF O R MATION
112
Principle 1: Catalytic
In chemistry, a catalyst is a substance that sparks a reaction between two substances while remaining unchanged itself (Clark, 2002). Similarly, transformation is catalytic in that it is born out of an environmental circumstance that does not change an element, but combines two elements together to make a third. Because the catalyst remains unchanged, it cannot be expended. It is enduring in a way that other processes are not and so is truly transformative. In order to assess whether a catalytic process has occurred, our first principle catalytic was broken down into 3 criteria; momentum, enabling, and organisational capacity. Together these criteria describe a catalyst towards transformation. Catalysts do not just spark processes in a linear way, but spark them exponentially. According to the groups definition this can be measured as momentum, the impetus of a body resulting from motion, (Collins Concise Dictionary, 1995, p.858), or a driving power or strength (ibid). The Baan Mankong programme is catalytic if it promotes momentum, i.e. if the programme allows beneficiaries and officials to accomplish more in less time, involving a larger number of actors and deepening its impact. In order to assess whether the Baan Mankong programme promotes momentum, it is necessary to identify whether the impact of the programme is exponential as opposed to linear over time. The catalyst does not of itself build something new, but allows other elements to come together as something new. It creates the environment to keep these processes moving. The Baan Mankong programme is a transformative process if it enables disparate sectors (public, private,
Image: 112. Criteria for Principle 1 by Amy Leaman & Su-Ann Tan
civic, third) to operate within each others environment in order to collectively build something new, by removing barriers from each actors goals. The final criterion for assessing whether the Baan Mankong programme is catalytic is the promotion of organisational capacity. It is a requirement of CODI that the communities mobilise and organise in order to enter the Baan Mankong programme and qualify for funding. At the community level, Baan Mankong supports the organized communities to scale up processes through additional governmental involvement as well as through establishing links and partnerships with international organisations. As Somsook Boonyabancha states, the programme should help build new social systems in poor communities, to link people together and to spark off a variety of collective development activities for addressing other needs and other aspects of their lives in a more integrated way. (Boonyabancha, 2009, p.4)
The importance of hybridity is not to be able to trace the two original moments from which the third emerges, rather hybridity to me is the third space which enables other positions to emerge. Homi Bhaba
49
T R ANSF O R MATION
Principle 2: Irreversibility
113
A feature which distinguishes transformation from change is its irreversible nature. There are two major reasons for this: Whereas change can be undone, transformation is permanent and transformation does not change one thing into another, but turns multiple things into something new. For example, you can make an egg into an omelette but you cannot make an omelette back into an egg. Mainstreaming is key to irreversibility as it is the process of embedding one issue in cross-sector agendas. Alternative, invisible and informal issues are often sidelined and misunderstood. It is not until these issues are brought into public consciousness that effective transformation can occur. The Baan Mankong programme is transformative if it promotes the cause of the urban poor by firmly positioning this across sectors and ensuring other actors share CODIs agenda. An indicator of the level of mainstreaming that the programme has reached may be reflected in the number of non-housing initiatives which utilize the CODI organising model as a precedent. Social justice is perpetually being challenged. An obvious example being the number of forced evictions which take place not just in Thailand but across the world, affecting those without a voice and disregarding their rights. However, when these affected people unite under a collective voice, it is more difficult to challenge their rights. In this way, continuous resistance against countertransformative forces supports irreversibility. The final criterion to measure irreversibility is distribution of responsibility and power, which disables unilateral decision making and promotes irreversibility. Centralized responsibilities point to a disempowered majority. By decentralising processes from national to local govern-
ment, local authorities have more control over decisions and issues affecting their district and can work with communities to balance local interests with national and international priorities. Local communities can directly hold local authorities to account but, more importantly, they can build power through decision making.
50
T R AN SF O R MATION
Principle 3: Process-driven
114
Although transformation impacts on the outcome of actions and interventions, it is a process in itself, not an outcome. Transformation is an evolution, which is accumulative and incremental. For a process to be transformative it must build the knowledge capacity of individuals, and share that knowledge across networks and organisations to constantly improve the learning processes over what has been already experienced or done. The process of sharing knowledge through inter and intra community networks and initiatives works to redistribute power from government and landowners to the communities. Through accumulative knowledge sharing the communities capacity for negotiation with government and landowners is increased, paving the way for them to make sound agreements with relevant actors in regard to their communities. Process-driven programmes utilise organisational capacity and knowledge sharing to iterate on failures and successes towards more successful outcomes. Each cycle of the programme informs the next through knowledge sharing networks to ensure that mistakes or less successful outcomes are not perpetuated but are re-worked and improved with each new programme. These programmes must also be flexible to adapt to address new and unique challenges. The final criterion to measure whether the Baan Mankong programme is process-driven is whether it is successive. The programme develops multiple capabilities within the communities to negotiate with various stakeholders, or assert their rights over government. This is not intended to ensure autonomy of the community, but rather build relationships with existing systems. An important element of being successive is to form de-
fences against vulnerability, not only in terms of security of land and tenure but through forming relationships in multiple sectors and actors, as Dani (2008) states.
51
Si. Tat. At niscipissi tat wisis et alisis nonsenim dionsed dolore molorti processes according to our eum do odit the six sites by Parvathi Image: 115. Map showing transformative scilit lore tincin vercil do criteria across nibh eugiam, commy nos augait ilis nonsed tatio consequam, sim exeros Nair & Su-Ann Tan
115
52
C ATA LY T IC
Momentum
Enabling
Organisational Capacity
As a catalytic process the programme gains momentum towards exponential impact over time. The various communities we visited in Bangkok were at different stages in the process of upgrading, relocation or negotiation. Initially we assumed a hindrance of the Baan Mankong programme was that it was lengthy, however we later realised that being able to participate in the process was far more important than the actual speed and tangible outcomes of the programme. Momentum relies, as well, on the communitys capacity to save, negotiate land, and reduce building costs. Klong Toey for example, is the largest and most densely populated district of informal settlements in Bangkok. Our team visited eight different communities and each had a different approach to upgrading. All of them were at different stages of community capacity, organisation and project completion. The single most important issue in this district was land tenure and ownership, much like many of the other sites. Land affects peoples capacity for development, legality and right to the city. In effect communities, due to their lack of finances, community cohesion and motivation are finding it difficult to move forward. If we envision the Baan Mankong programme fitting in Bangkoks future development, momentum becomes a crucial concern as the land will become scarcer and competition between low income communities and private developers more intense.
One of our criterion to determine if an initiative is transformative is its capacity to enable. By this we mean the capacity to remove the barriers to the success of each actors goals, like a bridge. Initially, on our field visit to the communities we understood that Baan Mankong is enabling beyond our expectations. For instance, in Rattanakosin Island, the programme represents an opportunity not only for lowincome communities, but also for middle-income people who live in land owned by the Crown Property Bureau to get better tenure conditions, extending significantly their lease from CPB from three to thirty years. We also discovered in Pom Mahakan that CODI, as a governmental agency, is an ally of the community against the ongoing process of eviction by another governmental agency: The Bangkok Metropolitan Administration (BMA). In this case, Baan Mankong offers an opportunity of resistance taking risks and playing with the rules at the limit providing funding for permanent dwellings under the label of temporary houses for people to stay in the BMAs land. But after further analysis we came to realisation that Baan Mankong is also enabling below our expectations. The poorest of the poor often squatting or having the worst land tenure conditions are still out of the programme. People living in temple land under one year leases or people who are allowed to live literally over the river but without any formal agreement, cannot apply for housing loans. There is a pending bridge to be built between the poorest of the poor, their goals and the other actors involved mainly related to tenure ownership.
Organisational capacity of the communities is a prerequisite to join Baan Mankong. The programme recognizes the importance of community unity in order to improve their circumstances. Although Baan Mankong builds on the communitys organisational capacity, the importance of promoting local-international organisational capacity and projection of the organisational capacity built by the projects is mobilised towards other projects beyond the programme itself should also be stressed. In the case of Rangsit, the local authorities are cooperating with the communities to redevelop Rangsit city as socially sustainable and inclusive city. Although the alliance between the local authorities and the communities is strong, there are still pending issues like communities facing evictions. Most of them are due to mega projects and infrastructure projects built by private sector and foreign investors. An additional issue in Rangsit city is migration, not only from other provinces but also from central Bangkok as many low income households are unable to afford the increasing living. These issues could be addressed by forming vertical alliances between communities and local authorities as well as local authorities forming networks and sharing knowledge and experiences in order to resist the major profit-making projects that have negative effect on the low-income communities.
53
I R RE V E R S IBILI T Y
Mainstreaming
Mainstreaming is a key to irreversibility as it permeates cross-sector agendas. In order to solve a problem on a larger scale, it needs to start on the ground where all actors understand the vision of achieving scale beyond the community. In Rattanakosin Island, Baan Mankong enabled communities to work together and fight for their rights but what was even more interesting, the Crown Property Bureau adopted the programme after a series of failed attempts to provide affordable housing for the low-income households. Baan Mankong gave the CPB means to collaborate with the communities to acquire a longer lease of land. They brought the programme to people in order to negotiate the land ownership. This case is illustrative of how knowing the programme can benefit not only communities but also other actors. The actors do not necessarily have to share CODIs vision but understanding that it can contribute towards more tolerance and support from not only parties involved but also everyone directly or indirectly affected by housing issues. This will be even of a greater importance in the future when land scarcity will cause more conflicts and pressures.
CODI and CPB joint development plan for Baan Bard community
Continuous Resistance
Continuous resistance relates to issues of social justice and obtaining legal rights to own and control land and property. In Bangkok and the two neighbouring provinces many of the communities were resisting eviction through various means and strategies. As a common trend, communities initially mobilise themselves when there is a threat such as a fire or eviction ordered by the landowner. Some communities face threats of eviction on a cyclical basis and, repeatedly, they come back fighting for their rights as Bangkok citizens. Klong Toeys fragmented communities, for example, are at various stages in the development process. Some groups tend to have more motivation or drive to mobilise their neighbours to collectively make a stand and obtain their rights to the land. One community, living beneath an expressway, resisted eviction threats by holding community meetings, which at first were unsuccessful. But after a fire hit the largest households, a collective decision was made to strive towards rebuilding and saving to enter the Baan Mankong Programme. Fighting is difficult when they are against the State but sometimes it is more draining when challenging a public sector company that seems more powerful than the Government itself. This particular community was taken to court and lost, yet, they still drove to override the courts orders to negotiate land tenure.
Distribution of power and responsibility

To insure inclusive and sustainable developments, all actors involved in the redevelopment of Bangkok should be aware of how their interventions affect the population and space, not only at local level but also in wider context. Decisions on large scale developments should be made through inclusive and democratic processes. It is essential to not only rely on CODI for housing solutions but also think about how to redistribute accountability to other governmental agencies and the private sector. Often, private sector projects contribute to migration and further housing issues causing land scarcity and increasing the density of populated areas. In Rangsit city, these issues have been acknowledged by community leaders and recognized as a gap to be improved. Due to its location and the spread of the Bangkok caused by rapid urbanisation the infrastructure and mega projects are significant concern in Rangsit. Land and density issues are addressed only when stakeholders are empowered to find solutions themselves, and when the responsibility for extreme pressures on the lives of the poor are held accountable.
54
P R O C ESS- DRIVEN
Building and Sharing Knowledge

Image: 116. CODI & CPB joint development plan for Baan Bard community by Dhrin Anantamonkolchai; 117. Recyclable materials collection in Bang Poo by Parvathi Nair Building and sharing knowledge is a cornerstone of the Baan Mankong programme. The efficient networks built over the last few years within themselves and other organisations have enabled this process to a large extent. They collect and share knowledge about various issues from ways to organize their community and saving money to job opportunities for the unemployed. They use their existing connections between communities and also try to expand this web through workshops and other learning programs. In Bang Poo, the communities have an extensive knowledge about reusable materials and low cost construction and they share that knowledge with every community that joins the network. The sharing of knowledge gives people the capacity to participate in the decision making process and enables them to resist top down pressure. In addition the benefit of knowledge sharing is not only for the communities but also for the people who work for and with them. With CODI taking the lead, various organisations and universities are taking a great interest towards strengthening learning networks through the Baan Mankong programme. The transfer of knowledge at various levels is a consistent process and not a definite outcome.
Successive
When we conceived of succession planning in London we were perhaps being overly rigid. First of all, using the word planning didnt quite fall under our principle of transformation being process-driven (instead it implied outcome). For us, succession planning was about autonomy of communities. Take the CDF in the Bang Khen network. We kept trying to measure if this would give the communities financial autonomy or independence. This may be transformative if youre trying to transform a little bubble, but if youre looking for systemic change, autonomy is counterproductive (these sorts of pockets are counterproductive). The community at Bang Khen was using the CDF to bypass CODIs loan conditions to better suit their building needs. In this way, they were using the CDF to feedback into the programme. So maybe succession is dialogue, the transformation of relationships over time. Likewise, one criteria was about the programme having support despite changes of political party. However, political affiliation is arbitrary in this case, not in the sense that it has no bearing on the urban poor, but in the sense that what is important to ensure succession despite political changes is not affiliation to one party but collective political voice.
116 117
55
Vision
118
VI SI O N
119
Depocketisation
social
Image, pg.56-57: 118. A reclining Buddha in Ayuthaya by Amrita Koonar. Image, this page: 119. Social, Spatial & Institutional Depocketisation by Tareq Razouk
According to the notion pockets explained in the introduction, Bangkok is to become a depocketised city at social, spatial, and institutional levels in which CODI through the Baan Mankong programme set a precedent of flexibility and integration (as opposed to segregation) that will be expanded to the wide range of actors who drive the current and future development of the city. Depocketised at social level Bangkok is to be built by strengthened and empowered communities, not with the aim of autonomy but towards building organisational capacity and knowledge within them, especially the poorest of the poor, fostering interaction with neighbouring organisations, the private sector and the local and central authorities, to claim and build together a depocketised city. A community is not understood as a pocket itself but as part of the social network of the city. CODI, the Baan Mankong programme and NULICO have started a revolutionary process in this direction linking communities and connecting them with the local authorities. However, these communities still constitute exceptional cases in the Bangkok context and missing bridges through flexibility and integration among the different actors still need to be built for communities to play a leading role in the development of their own city. Depocketised at spatial level Consistent responses at the urban and built environment levels are to shape the development of Bangkok to follow the complex social dynamics in the city. These
social dynamics are characterised by high levels of informality, mobility and migration and the proposed social depocketisation that started in Bangkok with the work of CODI, the Baan Mankong programme and NULICO. This process should not only integrate the evident physical pockets which are mainly a consequence of the weak planning, the mega infrastructure projects and the complex geography of the city, but also the scale of the housing problem, understanding it as a much more complex issue than the simple provision of houses. The current spatial discourse of CODI in which the design is driven by the communities has not been able to reach a consistent urban scale response for that problem. The role of the design (and designers) needs to be rethought in order to provide flexibility and integrate the exceptions that the slums and the Baan Mankong projects still represent at the scale of the city. Depocketised at institutional level Bangkok institutions are to redistribute the power and responsibilities to ensure that the decision-making processes at the different scales represent the social diversity, the different interests and the particular localities involving actors at every level of organisation. The highly centralised public structure and the capitalist modus-operandi of the private sector within the country often converge in a top-down approach in which the most vulnerable segments of the society are forgotten. This pocketised-from-above way of understanding the institutionalisation has been challenged by CODI and NULICO placing the communities as drivers and active
spatial
institutional
transformative
Vision | PAGE
58
VI SI ON
120
Images by Tatiana Letier Pinto: 120. Illustration of pockets in Bangkok; 121. Illustration of depocketisation in Bangkok
participants in the process of development, at least in the discourse. However, a response from below is still not enough and a process of redistribution of power, responsibilities and resources from central and local authorities is needed, providing room and flexibility to integrate the private sector, international organisations and of course the grass-roots organisations. Although here we unpack the notion of depocketised at social, spatial and institutional dimensions, these three aspects are not isolated elements. They complement each other in an integral and complex process. The interaction of communities at the social level must challenge the institutions and role of design (and designers) to rethink the way they shape the city and the built environment. In addition, the spatial dimension must not only be an outcome of the social processes and institu-tional decisions but also a driver of change and the role of the designer is to push it forward. Similarly, the institutions should share their power and dialogue among them and within different scales and levels of organisation to build the city and the society on diversity in tandem with consensus towards collective objectives. A transformative process towards a depocketised Bangkok is built on the capacity to integrate and be flexible. The following proposed strategies offer concrete alternatives on this direction.
121
Vision | PAGE
59
VI SI O N
Strategies
The strategies put forward in this report are intended to enhance transformation towards our vision for Bangkok to become an equitable city, whereby the Baan Mankong programme can play both a direct and indirect role in achieving this vision. The entry points and impacts for our strategies span micro, mesa and macro scales with unique results in time and space. They may be intended to be a single catalytic action, an expansion of successful efforts, or an enhancing adaptation of existing strategies.
Image: 122. Connecting the strategies together through similarities of delivery and assets by Su-Ann Tan
122
Vision | PAGE
60
VI S IO N
Strategies
Image: 123. Table showing the relations of the strategies against four issues, scale of influence and criteria for transformation (Circles mean that the strategy includes this issue; return to criteria key on page 52 for reference) by Su-Ann Tan
123
Land & Housing Construction Improve Access to and Ability to Remain in the Programme Building & Strengthening Proactive Communities of Interests Finance & Funding Community Mobilisation & Capacity Building Partnerships Scale Criteria
Local to City Level
Local to District Level Local to International Level Local and District Level to City Level Local and District Level to City Level Local to National Level
Rethink the Role of Design(er)
Scaling Space & Density
Shifting Perceptions on Process & Decision-making
Anticipating Decentralisation
Vision | PAGE
61
VI SI O N
Strategy 1
Improve access to and ability to remain in the Programme The programme clearly defines how to access the process, but in defining who has access, one is also defining who does not have access. To build up the inclusive nature of the programme this strategy aims to continue to breakdown barriers which inhibit access to the programme, and generate new ways to include the marginalised. Additionally, this strategy works to mitigate the challenges experienced within the process in order to help people to remain in the programme. We identify persisting barriers in two categories: 1. Barriers which limit an individual or family from accessing or remaining in the programme. 2. Barriers in the structure of the programme to widen the scope for allowing access to and remain in the programme such as: Ability to save or save enough Reluctance to make full and long term commitment to community from the outset Lack of knowledge of the programme / Perception of the programme
Limitations of purely demand-driven tenure Linear process limiting in timeframe for joining a Rigidity of rules and process
Through the use of MOUs between CODI, CDFs, district authorities, and communities temporary alternative routes within the Baan Mankong programme will broaden its inclusiveness, and has the potential to become a mainstream mechanism for adding flexibility to the rules of the programme. This process has taken place successfully in Bang Khen and Rattanakosin Island, where they were able to overcome the barrier of having to pay for offsite housing accommodation whilst at the same time constructing a new house and paying a mortgage. CDFs will play a key role in this strategy, by providing bridge funding. Another initiative entails NULICO and communities actively promoting the programme, including site visits and invitations to community activities in completed projects, expanding the knowledge base and strengthen positive perceptions of the programme. The diagrams visualise two version of the process of Baan Mankong; on the left as a process (the base) that is in allowing for access for a variety of conditions, however in some instances the comunities or individuals have to adapt to the process (changing shape) , or are not able to join at all because of the nature of their cirumstances. On the right the process itself is adapting and transforming for a broader inclusion of individuals. community
Image: 124. Accessibility & flexibility of Baan Mankong by Anna Schulenburg
124
Vision | PAGE
62
VI SI ON
Strategy 2
Building and Strengthening Proactive Communities of Interest Some of the districts visited demonstrated strong relationships between local communities and the district authority. These relationships have mainly pertained to the topics of building codes, project and site specific infrastructure, and land and eviction issues. The aim of this strategy is to build on these relationships around common interests which are proactive rather than reactive. A community leader in Rangsit district said Without struggle there is no progress., through this strategy struggle can move away from survival (reactive) mode towards development (proactive) mode; and in turn reduce the friction inhibiting momentum while providing continuous resistance. Mobilised communities in collaboration with district authorities will identify initiatives important within their local area, and which can be spearheaded by the community. The goal of these initiatives is to ease the struggle for emerging communities, and/or continue to transform the spatial and social aspects of existing communities. An example is an initiative within Pasi Chalern district to create a comprehensive survey of available land within the district to be generated and maintained by mobilised communities and made available to any new communities searching for relocation sites. Information to be maintained could include locations, landowners, adjoining landowners, current land values, and opportunities and constraints of the site. This one-stop shop initiative has the potential to expedite the process of searching for available land for those dealing with evictions, aiding the process and easing the struggle. Operations can be supported through CDF funding. A second initiative
The diagrams visualise two possible outcomes of an implementation of a local infrastructure project as part of Baan Mangkong. We have observed that a canal pathway can be both a cause for eviction and a potential for a multiuse public space which links communities socially and spatially. The diagram is intended as one example of how strategically chosen projects can mobilise a number of stakeholders to achieve mutually benefitting outcomes, bridge differences within the community and support more members of a community to join the program.
Image: 125. Building connections over common interests by Anna Schulenburg
125
is to use infrastructure projects as a tool for bringing individuals, communities, districts, and the city together over shared interests such as the canal network. Collaboration on cross-cutting interests such as these has the potential to breakdown district boundaries and move towards social depocketisation.
Vision | PAGE
63
VI SI O N
126
Strategy 3
Rethinking the Role of Design(er) One of the strengths of the Baan Mankong programme is in its clear understanding of its purpose, goals and the tools it uses for achieving these goals. This next strategy is intended to widen the scope and understanding of the tools in order to enrich the outcomes and move beyond the present goals. Many in communities have not only benefited from becoming mobilised as a community, but also from reducing vulnerabilities within their lives, for example through securing land tenure and housing. Alongside benefits there are some negative impacts, primarily within the spatial environment. From our findings, there appears to be a gap between the potential for additional value that CODI attributes to the role of design within the process, and physical outcomes. What we have seen in terms of a product appears to be very much a second priority to the process. The limited involvement of designers throughout the process has resulted in primitive site layouts, rather than strong urban designs, fuelled by the opportunities for housing as opposed to the house. This strategy aims to balance the relationship between process and product, and help to disseminate CODIs ethos about the value of design more successfully at the community level. Within CODI, the ethos shared at the institutional level, around the value of design should be promoted more actively at community levels. New communities joining the Baan Mankong programme should learn about the process of design and its importance at multiple stages of the project. Communities should be encouraged by CODI to retain design services; either though CODI or the market, and increase the involvement of designers throughout
Image: 126. Expanding notion of design to city scale by Anna Schulenburg
The diagram shows an example of what expanding of the role of design and designers could mean in the program as an opprtunity of raising the comunities role in building the city and being integrated. The focus is currently on land tenure, reblocking and the individual building (top). By considering all types of spaces and elements of the built environment per site and in relation to the city as a whole (middle) an integrated more sustainable approach and influences beyond the popertylines of a single site are possible (bottom). the process. With this shift in ethos and involvement on the ground, the role of designers should move away from graphic translator towards a two-way learning dialogue. Through initiatives such as a design competition geared to market architects, and participation within architectural-based networks, such as the Architects Council of Thailand (ACT), and Open Architecture Network (http:// openarchitecturenetwork.org/), CODI will assist in raising the role of design in housing for the poor on multiple agendas, and in doing so raising the role that poor communities play in building cities.
Vision | PAGE
64
VI SI ON
Strategy 4
Image: 127. People scale & spatial scale by Anna Schulenburg
Scaling space and density The quote people are the scale resonates strongly within the Baan Mankong programme, the essence of this quote is around the social and political power generated from organised or networked individuals. Spatial scale and density can also contribute to shifting power relations in ways which follow the emerging social dynamics of the Baan Mankong programme; it is this form of scale which is the subject of this strategy. With housing in the city, there is a co-existence of spatial density and population density; this unique characteristic can be used tactically to move towards spatial and social integration within the city. Through innovative ways of adding scale and density in spatial configurations, additional benefits and assets can be created. Expanding beyond the site, density can act as a means for integration and incremental depock-
etisation across the city. Socially, people density within communities generates benefits around collective action and the power generated through a visible presence and action in space over time. Linked with strategy 3 and in collaboration with Thai universities, CODIs approach should be extended to illustrate options for building to site relationships, and site design. Where necessary, the delivery of future projects should include site specific design to maximise the sites potential as a community asset. As a catalyst for promotion of densification across the Baan Mankong programme within Bangkok, CODI, along with communities, district authorities and designers should identify suitable projects for implementing mid to high density project.
The two diagrams show versions of relating desities of population and city space. In the case of sites that are reblocked in the program, the population is often defined by the amount of feasible plots that can fit on the site (left). The right diagram indicates increased consideration of spatial configurations, sitespecific design, higher densities through additional typologies or expansion beyond the site, with the positive outcomes described in the text.
127
Vision | PAGE
65
VI SI O N
128
Strategy 5
Image: 128. Changed impact on city having lateral connections by Anna Schulenburg
Shifting Perceptions on Process and Decision-making The strong relationship between the district office of Rangsit City and communities within the district is exemplar in its success at changing the perception of the poor and the role they can play in the development of the district as a whole. Communities within Rangsit City have successfully been involved in participatory processes, for example in the development of the District Plan. This shift away from a top down process to more inclusive relationship in the design, planning and decision-making within the district supports our vision of institutional depocketisation, and in doing so, inducing transformation through the process of mainstreaming . By using the example of Rangsit City, we propose lateral dialogue between Rangsit City and other district authorities to promote the benefits of participatory processes. Additionally, international case studies of participatory processes can be coordinated into a user-friendly format for sharing through NULICO.
Strategy 5 is building on strategy 2. The two diagrams point to the mobilising of different partners around common interests at a district and city scale. The diagram takes the example of infrastructure projects further: While the left shows strong local impact and pressures on districts of the city the right visualises a city wide and more balanced approach through connections across districts and participatory processes. Vision | PAGE
66
VI SI ON
Strategy 6
129
Image, this page: 129. Redistribution through decentralisation by Anna Schulenburg. Image, next spread: 130. Depocketisation Vision through strategies by Jos di Girolamo, Parvathi Nair & Tareq Razouk Anticipating Decentralisation Decentralisation has been a central discussion since the 1997 Constitution, while overtime and through multiple changes within Thai politics it has never been fully implemented. There are many barriers to the realisation of decentralisation; for example, district authorities are reluctant to carryout extra duties without the financial revenue to support these changes, as well, in many cases they do not currently have the knowledge base to undertake these new responsibilities successfully. By anticipating decentralisation, this strategy is intended to indirectly guide the local authority beyond self-governance, in a peoples process, which supports our concept of depocketisation and transformation. Picking up on the knowledge gap at district authority level highlighted by Miss Chantana Chanold during presentation at NHA on 12 May 2011, our proposal is to use the knowledge of the Baan Mankong communities who have completed projects, in collaboration with CODI and NHA in order to raise the knowledge base of district authorities on the synergies of building communities and housing at scale in a collective way. By sharing the peoples process used in the Baan Mankong programme for delivering housing at scale, CODI and communities will be able to articulate to the district authorities how the process works as well as the benefits, and in the process help them to consider a peoples process when adapting to decentralisation. In future iterations of these relationships and dialogue channels, communities will have improved leverage to influencing local ordinances along issues of interest for local communities.
The two diagrams illustrate shifting powerstructure, responsibilities and decisionmaking through the process of decentralisation described in the main text. From left to right the diagrams are indicating an increasing presence of district authorities taking some weight and power from the central government. They also show relationships transforming from a situation that is linear and top-down to multiple and even connections and relationships between communities and district governments which lead back to the central government.
Vision | PAGE
67
Site specific design
site visits and community activities enable smoother access to the programme
Housing not houses

mixed use development projects including infrastructure, cultural features, etc.
Vision | PAGE
68
130
Medium to high density projects to be implemented in the Baan Mankong programme
Scaling the strategies During our field observations it was apparent that the Baan Mankong Programme is successful, at individual community level. There have been numerous success stories and many are in the process, yet the Programme still needs to find a way to reach communities who are currently unable to join. The logical step forward was to generate strategies to scale the Programme not only at city-wide level but also nationally and internationally; there is a lot that the Programme can teach other cities. Therefore the integration of scale within a number of the strategies was crucial in our recommendations. Working in a singular zone of say community, organisational or policy level will not prove successful without the process of networking and negotiating across these multi-lateral scales. The following concluding chapter will discuss our observations and strategies in greater depth
Vision | PAGE
69
Appendix | PAGE
70
SUMMARY
What is this report, its objectives, methodology, analysis, conclusions

Si. Tat. At niscipissi tat wisis et alisis nonsenim dionsed dolore molorti scilit lore tincin vercil do eum do odit nibh eugiam, commy nos augait ilis nonsed tatio consequam, sim exeros Magnim vullaore feum dolent amet volorperosto od miniam, velis elis del ea cortisit, quat. Ut wiscin hent delit aut ad exercidunt utpat ver si blamcon sectet laorper aessim ad euis do od ero con ut niscilla feugiam consenit augue faccum iurerci tat venibh ero et ver senit nullaor sequat veros nibh erit lutpate dolorerillum quismol oreet, summy nulla feummy nonsequat dolore dignississe voluptat ip euguercip ex et am, qui euguero dit ipsum iriuscidunt vulputat. Im ercipit nos augiame tueros eum eratummy nummy non utet ad tie verosto commodi gnisim ipsuscilisis num zzril del dolum alit incipit acin hent augait delis num zzriuscilit lutpat, vullaore eugueros num aliquisi. Alit praesto odigna alis alit augait, sim erit, quisit atem iusto consecte feu feuis num at. Unt iriure magna faccum quat la feu feum volortion el utatem iure feugait la facilluptat lore molor am ing ex et adit vulla conum zzrilla orperos non henim autat, velenisis nim vero etue volor iustrud dunt volobortio el diam, susciduis digna feuis nosto dolese tem zzrilis at, suscidu ipsumsan volor iril deleniatis nulput utat, sustrud te modigniat. Molore tem do dolobore facip er suscilla facilisi. Ullam aliquat umsandio dolenim aut alis et et wis adipsum nullut dio consed tio odigniam illandi onumsandreet wismodolum in veliquismod dignim dolessi. Ommodolute te do delismodit num zzriure magnit irit, susci tismodo lortie duisciduipit lam nonse velis atum do doloreet nisl el ulla conse dolent iriusto conullam zzriustrud el ut inim il ute doluptatum vel dipsum do consequamet, voluptat lobore erosting ero odolore ming euguer in ver sum do elent ute venis duiscing eum eril ing exeriliqui eugue magnibh eum eriliscinit digna adiamconsed magnim quat dipisciduis am nisissit vel utatue
Co n c l u s i o n
001
C O N C L U S IO N
Bangkok. Greater than the sum of its parts.
As outlined at the outset, this report focused on four main layers of analysis comprising transformation, Bangkok as a city of pockets, CODI and the Baan Mankong programme and the six sites where our empirical data was gathered all viewed through the lens of social spatial and institutional levels. Through our analyses both in London and during the field work, it became increasingly clear that Bangkok is a city which is unconventional, in the sense that it is comprised of exceptional communities which function as coherent entities ensuring progress and flexibility to suit the needs and aspirations of their residents. These communities we have termed pockets due to the nature of their structures in terms of social spatial and institutional. However it is also true that in the spaces between these pockets are marginalised members of society who must be incorporated into the mainstream, through depocketisation process. Our strategies provide means of depocketising the city of Bangkok. By building on the strengths of exceptional communities, opening them up and cascading their knowledge and reach across Bangkok they develop a resilient and cohesive city with a strong identity and to which all members of society can proudly call themselves citizens. Image: 131. What is transformation for you? by MSc BUDD C Group Students
The field study, discussions, and presentations from the actors gave us a greater understanding of the Baan Mankong programme as well as highlighted the complex layers of the case in context. They also indicated the struggle caused by the developments of the private sector and foreign investors in Bangkok, making apparent the contrast between the length of time a community project takes to come to fruition and the speed at which private developments and megaprojects are changing the landscape of Bangkok as it strives to develop into a competitive global city. It is crucial to understand how to collaboratively place the Baan Mankong programme in future developments in the city. There is a clear need to form alliances and networks with international and private sector actors to ensure the Baan Mankong Programme continues to strive. Reflections The experience in Bangkok allowed for us as MSc BUDD students and soon-to-be development practitioners to apply the theory, knowledge and skills we have acquired throughout the past eight months in a practical setting. Through the process we have developed a greater applied understanding of the complex nature of poverty; poverty is not only financial but encompasses spatial,
social, and institutional spheres. The poor cannot be treated as a homogenous group or as a problem to be solved. They should rightfully be included in the processes which affect their lives to enable them with the right tools to build their own communities through collective organisational strength and dignity. As BUDD students we are particularly interested in the application of design in processes and, what has become clear, is that design should not only be seen or utilised as a response to social and institutional interests but should be recognised as playing a main role as a catalyst for transformation. Moving forward as development practitioners, from this experience we take with us an inspirational message from Somsook: take what we learn from CODI and the Baan Mankong programme and apply it in our own countries. In this way we can collaborate to make change at a global scale. We are the new wave of professionals, and can take inspiration from the communities we have visited and spent time with and apply the principles of knowledge sharing, and network building among our own international community of practitioners to keep our transformation process moving.
Conclusion | PAGE
72
131
L I ST O F F I GU RES
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 Bang Khen canals by Anna Schulenburg Children at NHA housing site in Pasi Chalern by Amrita Koonar Informal market at Klong Toey by Sadiqa Jabbar View of Rangsit Town by Ivana Nady Street life in Bangkok by Anna Schulenberg Historical wall painting in the Grand Palace, Bangkok by Tatiana Letier Pinto Residents of Rattanakosin Island outside their house by Su-Ann Tan Camillo Boano chairs the panel discussion at CODI by Amy Leaman Our experiences in Bangkok, methodology and activities by Amy Leaman Panorama of DPU students listening intently to a presentation at CODI by Amy Leaman How to read the report: The concept of Depocketisation evolves throughout the report by Jos di Girolamo Group interviews by Ivana Nady & Su-Ann Tan Drawings and sketches by Afraa Ali & Su-Ann Tan Discussions and meetings by Sadiqa Jabbar & Su-Ann Tan Presentations and workshops by Amy Leaman & Su-Ann Tan Photos and videos by Amrita Koonar & Su-Ann Tan Illustration of pockets in Bangkok by Tatiana Letier Pinto Illustration of de-pocketisation in Bangkok by Tatiana Letier Pinto Kao San Road, Bangkok by Anna Schulenburg King Rama IX by Amy Leaman Queen Sirikit by Amy Leaman The Grand Palace by Su-Ann Tan Crown Prince by Amy Leaman Princess Sirindhorn by Amy Leaman King Rama V by Amy Leaman Waterways of Bangkok, by Su-Ann Tan Different housing solutions without a comprehensive plan intensifies the idea pockets in the city by Anna Schulenberg Fly overs create closed corridors of connection but they dont interconnect. Besides being a pocket themselves, they create other pockets in the city development by Jos di Girolamo Visual pockets created by the intense infrastructure of Bangkok. Picture by Jose di Girolamo Housing solution by Private sector, a 1km building by LPN Development Public Company Ltd. by Tatiana Slums are the only housing option for the poor by Farida Farag Space on the boat reserved for the monk by Anna Key showing the main actors involved in Baan Mankong by Anna Schulenburg Actor roulette at local level by Anna Schulenburg & Tatiana Letier Pinto Redistribution of power through CODI by Amy Leaman Actor roulette at Bangkok level by Anna Schulenburg & Tatiana Letier Pinto Actor roulette at national level by Anna Schulenburg & Tatiana Letier Pinto; Images, this page Landowners involved with site upgrading and relocation by Amy Leaman NULICOs means of operation by Amy Leaman Actor roulette at international level by Anna Schulenburg & Tatiana Letier Pinto Layered actor roulettes by Anna Schulenburg & Tatiana Letier Pinto Simplified quantity of influence by actors on each site by Tatiana Letier Pinto & Anna Schulenburg Two tanks stand abandoned in the desert during the gulf war Ronald McDonald says Sawadee Ka in the traditional Thai fashion, illustrating one landmark of globalization Thai tanks on Rattanakosin island during one of many military coups the Skytrain A tsunami warning sign The Bangkok skyline Timeline of events impacting housing in Bangkok by Tareq Razouk House in Bang Khen by Anna Schulenburg Conclusion | PAGE
74
29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36a 36b 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49
L I ST OF F I GURES
50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 Typical row of housing in Klong Toey by Sadiqa Jabbar Canal in Pasi Chalern by Amrita Koonar General key information across the six sites by Su-Ann Tan Community Development Fund structure by Amy Leaman Stakeholders in the Bang Khen working group by Amy Leaman District level review committee by Amy Leama. Ruen Mai Patthana leader by his house by Amy Leaman Local Community Builders Network in Bang Khen by Anna Schulenburg Canal-side garbage collection by Amy Leaman Bang Khen canal by Anna Schulenburg Baan Bang Khen high rise plans by Amy Leaman Baan Bang Khen high rise site under construction by Amy Leaman Community Leaders we met by Amy Leaman Baan Mankong slum upgrading by Anna Schulenburg Pipat, community leader at the military base to celebrate Buddhas birthday by Amy Leaman Biofuel social enterprise by Anna Schulenburg Examples of house plans around Klong Toey by Sadiqa Jabbar Rim Klong Wat Sa Pan walkway by Sadiqa Jabbar Community leader & CODI by Sadiqa Jabbar Private development offices under flyover near Thala Peenang market by Maira Andrade Klong Toey daily market by Sadiqa Jabbar Community member by Sadiqa Jabbar Market stalls under flyover by Maira Andrade View of port from district office building by Sadiqa Jabbar Analysis of current design scenarios by Jennifer Cirne Canal-side housing in the NHA community by Amrita Koonar Environment in NHA community by Amrita Koonar Restaurant owner by Amrita Koonar Lack of public space on NHA sites by Amrita Koonar Discussion with community leader by Amrita Koonar 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 Canal network leading to the temple by Amrita Koonar Canal behind Baan Mankong housing by Amrita Koonar Typical design for row of housing by Amrita Koonar Livelihoods by Amrita Koonar;Mapping of house plan by Ivana Nady Community mapping by Rangsit Site Team Lakhor Train Station community eviction notice by Ivana Nady Rangsit town view from Local Authority Office by Ivana Nady Cha-reon Sim community road used for community interaction by Ivana Nady Klong Nueng Pattang community construction; Sang-Sau Nakorn community Lak Hok Train Station community Examples of house plans by Tareq Razouk Extended outdoor space in house by Tareq Razouk Use of in-between spaces by Parvathi Nair Mapping of activity and spatial analysis in Klong Mai Tai community by Tareq Razouk Access route to homes by Parvathi Nair Use of in-between houses by Parvathi Nair House made of recyclable material by Parvathi Nair Tha Wang community main road by Su-Ann Tan Typical shop house row in Jakkrapadipong by Su-Ann Tan Mapping of household by Jos di Girolamo Baan Mankong community member by Su-Ann Tan Nang Loeng community women making school bags by Dhrin Anantamongkolchai Narrow passageways are common by Su-Ann Tan House of non-Baan Mankong members by Su-Ann Tan Nang Loeng community entrance by Su-Ann Tan Map of landowners in Tha Wang community by Su-Ann Tan Community member making dinner by Jos di Girolamo Materials for temporary housing by Jos di Girolamo Baan Bard community monk bowl making by Su-Ann Tan What is transformation? snapshot from Interim presentation by Desire Durousseau & Su-Ann Tan Conclusion | PAGE
75
110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 Our definition of transformation by Desire Durousseau & Su-Ann Tan. Post-field trip final presentation snapshot by Amy Leaman & Su-Ann Tan Criteria for Principle 1 by Amy Leaman & Su-Ann Tan Criteria for Principle 2 by Amy Leaman & Su-Ann Tan Criteria for Principle 3 by Amy Leaman & Su-Ann Tan Map showing transformative processes according to our criteria across the six sites by Parvathi Nair & Su-Ann Tan CODI & CPB joint development plan for Baan Bard community by Dhrin Anantamonkolchai Recyclable materials collection in Bang Poo by Parvathi Nair A reclining Buddha in Ayuthaya by Amrita Koonar Social, Spatial & Institutional Depocketisation by Tareq Razouk Illustration of pockets in Bangkok Illustration of de-pocketisation in Bangkok Connecting the strategies together through similarities of delivery and assets by Su-Ann Tan Table showing the relations of the strategies against four issues, scale of influence and criteria for transformation by Su-Ann Tan Accessibility & flexibility of Baan Mankong by Anna Schulenburg Building connections over common interests by Anna Schulenburg Expanding notion of design to city scale by Anna Schulenburg People scale & spatial scale by Anna Schulenburg Changed impact on city having lateral connections by Anna Schulenburg Redistribution through decentralisation by Anna Schulenburg Depocketisation Vision through strategies by Jos di Girolamo, Parvathi Nair & Tareq Razouk What is transformation for you? by MSc BUDD C Group Students A1 A2 A3 A4 A5 A6 A7 A8 A9 A10 A11 A12 A13 A14 A15 A16 A17 A18 A19 A20 A21 A22 A23 A24 A25 Appendix Upgrading model from Bang Bua by Anna Schulenberg Bang Khen detail of window by Anna Schulenberg Coconut Curry group hard at work in the BUDD room at the DPU Screen-cap of the field trip analysis blog Screen-cap of the BUDD field trip blog Brainstorm of what is transformation? Su-anns computer screen while editing our first presentation video Shot of the first presentation video being screened on presentation day Amrita, Ivana, and Jen presenting our methodology and strategies at the second interim presentation in London Amy writing down brainstorm notes on criteria for transformation. Field interview template for recording formal conversations with leaders and community members Daily report designed to share information among group members Interview guide for officials and presenters Interview Guide for Officials and Presenters, pg.2 Site overview sheet Observer template for in-the-field observation Personal assessment form for evaluating our personal strengths and weaknesses. Panel discussion at CODI offices on four assigned topics Pasi Chalern presentation at CODI offices. Jose and Amy taking still photographs for a stop animation for the final presentation in London Amrita, Parvati and Maira shooting an interview for the final presentation in London. Community Leader by Sadiqa Jabbar Rattanakosin museum visit by Anna Schulenburg; Seminar at Bang Bua by Sadiqa Jabbar Panel discussion on experience of community leaders by Amy Leaman Conclusion | PAGE
76
L I ST OF F I GURES
A26 A27 A28 A29 A30 A31 A32 A33 A34 A35 A36 A37 A38 A39 A40 A41 A42 A43 A44 A45 A46 A47 A48 NHA housing site visit by Anna Schulenburg Somsook Boonyabancha, Director of ACHR by Sadiqa Jabbar Dr Nattawut Usavagovitwong, Faculty of Architecture Sripatum University, Bangkok by Sadiqa Jabbar Ms. Chantana Chanoud, NHA by Maira Andrade Suwanee Khamman, Deputy Secretary General of NESDB by Anna Schulenburg Kitti Patpong-pibul, Chairman of Housing Finance Association by Sadiqa Jabbar Ballobh Kritayanavaj, Senior Vice President of GHB by Sadiqa Jabbar Chawanad Luansang, ACHR/Openspace by Anna Schulenburg Presentation slides: The many roles of the community architect Slide from community architect presentation by Chawana Luansang Slide from community architect presentation by Chawana Luansang Slide from community architect presentation by Chawana Luansang LPN Development Public Company Ltd, Lumpini Vibrant Community by Anna Schulenburg Aerial shot of Bang Khen, Google maps with illustrated outline by Anna Schulenberg Bang Khen Site group by William Hunter Presentation at Bang Bua community centre by Amy Leaman Group discussions at Bang Bua community by Anna Schulenburg Group discussions at Bang Bua community by Anna Schulenburg Group discussions at Bang Bua community by Anna Schulenburg Boat of the Bang Bua canal network by Anna Schulenburg Group meeting at Baan Bang Khen by Anna Schulenburg Site visit to U-Tid-A-Nuson by Veyom Bahl Facade material survey by Amy Leaman A49 A50 A51 A52 A53 A54 A55 A56 A57 A58 A59 A60 A61 A62 A63-A69 A70 A71 A72 A73 A74a A74b A75 A76 A77 Mapping of reblocking process in Ruen Mai Patthana Tai by Bang Khen Site group Incremental building for cost reduction by Bang Khen site group Material bank by Bang Khen site group Bulk buying of materials by Bang Khen site group Knowledge production in construction by Bang Khen site group Aerial shot of Klong Toey, Google maps with illustrated outline by Anna Schulenberg Lock 7 to 12 Sang Sun Phatana Community Leader by Mariana Dias Simpson Rim Klong Wat Sa Pan Community Leader by Sadiqa Jabbar Interviewing the Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 Community Leaders by Mara Andrade Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong Community Leader by Sadiqa Jabbar Klong Toey Market Leader by Mariana Dias Simpson Interviewing the Lock 1 2 3 Community Leader by Mariana Dias Simpson Rim Klong Pai Sing Tho Community Leader by Sadiqa Jabbar Thala Peenang Market Community Representative by Sadiqa Jabbar Renderings for the winning contract of the proposed Bangkok Port Master Plan 2009-10 by 49Group Klong Toey District office by Sadiqa Jabbar Health centre Nurse by Yuming Lui CPB officer by Sadiqa Jabbar Sang Sun Phattana House 1 resident by Sadiqa Jabbar Sang Sun Phattana sketch of House 1 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar Sang Sun Phattana sketch of House 2 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar Sang Sun Phattana exterior of House 3 by Sadiqa Jabbar Sang Sun Phattana sketch of House 3 by Sadiqa Jabbar Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 House 2 interior by Sadiqa Jabbar Conclusion | PAGE
77
A78 A79 A80 A81 A82 A83 A83a A83b A83c A84 A85 A86 A87 A88 A89 A90 A91 A92 A93 A94 A95 A96 Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 House 1 resident by Sadiqa Jabbar Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 sketch of House 1 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 sketch of House 2 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 House 4 resident by Sadiqa Jabbar Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 sketch of House 3 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar Ruam Jai Pattana residents. Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 sketch of House 6 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 House 6 interior by Sadiqa Jabbar Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 House 6 resident by Sadiqa Jabbar Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong sketch of House 1 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong House 1 exterior by Sadiqa Jabbar Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong House 1 kitchen by Sadiqa Jabbar Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong House 2 ground floor hall by Sadiqa Jabbar Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong House 2 resident interview with Sadiqa Jabbar by Yuming Liu Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong sketch of House 2 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong sketch of House 3 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong House 3 resident by Yuming Liu Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong House 4 resident with Yuming Liu and Sadiqa Jabbar by Naam Pratum Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong sketch of House 4 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong House 5 resident by Yuming Liu Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong sketch of House 5 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar Flower vendor in community space by Sadiqa Jabbar A97 A98 A99 A100 A101 A102 A103 A104 A105 A106 A107 A108 A109 A110 A111 A112 A113 A114 A115 A116 A117 A118 A119 A120 A121 Children in community playground by Sadiqa Jabbar Aerial shot of Pasi Chalern, Google maps with illustrated outline by Anna Schulenberg Discussion with community leader. Explanation of a map. Shop-owner Children outside in Pasi Chalern by Amrita Koonar House 1: Sustainable urban drainage, design guideline by Jennifer Cirne House 2: House to plot relationship, design guideline by Jennifer Cirne House 2: Incremental housing, design guideline by Jennifer Cirne House 2: Increasing access to community, design guideline by Jennifer Cirne House 2: Creating community open space, design guideline by Jennifer Cirne Aerial shot of Rangsit, Google maps with illustrated outline by Anna Schulenberg Community canal by Ivana Nady House on stilts by Ivana Nady House on stilts by Ivana Nady Community facing eviction by Ivana Nady Housing at Lakhok Train Station by Ivana Nady Meeting with local authority by Ivana Nady Aerial shot of Bang Poo, Google maps with illustrated outline by Anna Schulenberg Sketch of temporary shelter by Tareq Razouk Portrait of lady with four children by Tareq Razouk Portrait of lady with four children (side profile) by Tareq Razouk Extended outdoor space in house by Tareq Razouk House 1 plan by Tareq Razouk House 2 plan by Tareq Razouk
Conclusion | PAGE
78
L I ST OF F I GURES
A122 A123 A124 A125 A126 A127 A128 A129 A130 A131 A132 A133 A134 A135 A136 A137 A138 A139 A140 A141 A142 A143 A144 A145 A146 House 3 plan by Tareq Razouk Community participation at design workshop by Bang Poo Site group Measurements of housing materials at design workshop by Bang Poo Site group Aerial shot of Rattanakosin Island, Google maps with illustrated outline by Anna Schulenberg Phom Mahakan by Su-Ann Tan Wat Suntornthammatan knowledge exchange event by Su-Ann Tan Shophouse tailor at Jakkaphatdepong by Su-Ann Tan Wangrom PhraSommootamornpan community member by Su-Ann Tan Interviews at Wat Dusitaram by Su-Ann Tan Tha Wang pathway by Su-Ann Tan Baan Bard monk bowls sign by Su-Ann Tan Wat Sakad coffin making by Jos di Girolamo Rattanakosin Island Living Heritage map of the six visited communities by Rattanakosin Island Site group. Empty Palace located in the community by Tatiana Letier Pinto Door entrance through shop houses by Tatiana Letier Pinto. Panel explaining the wood restoration of the house by Tatiana Letier Pinto Interior of traditional wood house by Dhrin Anantamongkolchai Children dancing in the Community Art Centre by Dhrin Anantamongkolchai Map of landowners in Tha Wang community by Su-Ann Tan Board of community members by Jos di Girolamo Construction site of embankment by Tatiana Letier Pinto Stages of communities in Baan Mankong by Rattanakosin Island Site group Landowners involved in Baan Mankong by Rattanakosin Island Site group Tourism plan across different scales by Rattanakosin Island Site group Community Leader by Dhrin Anantamongkolchai A147 A148 A149 A150 A151 A152 A153 A154 A155 A156 A157 A158 A159 A160 A161 A162 A163 A164 A165 A166 Current house to be rebuilt by Tatiana Letier Pinto Monks bowls to be sold by Tatiana Letier Pinto Her husband working on the monk bowl production by Tatiana Letier Pinto Community leader by Tatiana Letier Pinto Community leaders collection of memorabilia by Dhrin Anantamongkolchai Sketch of community leader by Dhrin Anantamongkolchai 200 year old house sign by Su-Ann Tan Community leaders wedding picture by Dhrin Anantamongkolchai Photo of resident by Tatiana Letier Pinto Plan of the house by Tatiana Letier Pinto Section of the house by Tatiana Letier Pinto Wood over concrete deck by Tatiana Letier Pinto Postman by Tatiana Letier Pinto Main corridors of the house by Su-Ann Tan Member of saving group by Tatiana Letier Pinto His new house by Tatiana Letier Pinto Interviewing resident and CPB officer by Tatiana Letier Pinto Resident with Cassidy Johnson by Tatiana Letier Pinto Timber house of resident by Dhrin Anantamongkolchai Non-Baan Mankong members by Su-Ann Tan
Conclusion | PAGE
79
BI B L IO GR A PHY
(ACHR), A. C. (2001). Housing by People in Asia. (13), 36. Acharya, A. (2009, August). Institutions for Regionalism: Agency and Power in Asia. Retrieved 5 31, 2011, from http://mms.adb.org/Media/Audio/Podcast/ aacharya-05aug2009-full.mp3 Angel, S. (2000). Housing Policy Matters: A Global Analysis. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Angel, S., & Amtapunth, P. (1989). The Low-Cost Rental Housing Market in Bangkok, 1987. Habitat International , 13 (3), 173-185. Angel, S., & Boonyabancha, S. (1998). Land Sharing as an Alternative to Eviction: The Bangkok Experience. Third World Planning Review , 10 (2), 107-127. Angel, S., & Pornchokchai, S. (1989). Bangkok Slum Lands: Policy Implications of Recent Findings. Cities , 6 (2), 136-146. Anzorena, J. (1998). Urban Poverty; Some Lessons from Experience. Environment and Urbanization , 10 (1), 167-186. Archer, R. W. (1992). An Outline Urban Land Policy for the Developing Countries of Asia. Habitat International , 16 (4), 47-77. Archer, R. W. (1992). Introducing the Urban Land Pooling / Readjustment Technique into Thailand to Improve Urban Development and Land Supply. Public Administration and Development , 12 (2), 155-174. Asian Coalition for Community Action (ACCA). (2009, April 26-29). Second ACCA Program Committee Meeting. 35. Rayong, Thailand. Asian Coalition for Community Action (ACCA). (2009, October 24-26). Third ACCA Program Committee Meeting. Surabaya, Indonesia. Asian Coalition for Housing Rights (ACHR). (n.d.). ACHR. Retrieved June 7, 2011, from http://www.achr.net Asian Coalition for Housing Rights (ACHR). (1989). Evictions in Seoul, South Korea. Environment & Urbanization , 1 (1), 89-94. Asian Coalition for Housing Rights (ACHR). (2002). Housing by People in Asia: Community Funds. (14), 32. Asian Coalition for Housing Rights (ACHR). (2004). Negotiating the Right to Stay in the City. Environment & Urbanism , 16 (1), 9-26. Asian Coalition for Housing Rights (ACHR). (2011). The Community Mapping for Housing by Peoples Process. Bangkok: Asian Coalition for Housing Rights
(ACHR). Asian Coalition for Housing Rights (ACHR). (2005, October). Understanding Asian Cities: A synthesis of the findings from eight study cities. Retrieved May 5, 2011, from http://www.achr.net/ACHR%2015%20with%20photos.pdf Asian Coalition for Housing Rights. (n.d.). ACHR. Retrieved June 7, 2011, from http://www.achr.net Asian Coalition for Housing Rights. (2008, December). International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED). Retrieved June 7, 2011, from A Conversation About Upgrading at Bang Bua: http://www.iied.org/pubs/ display.php?o=G02376 Asian Development Bank. (2011, May 22). The Pasig River - Bringing Life into a Dead River . Retrieved June 7, 2011, from You Tube Channel: http://www. youtube.com/asiandevelopmentbank Asian Institute of Technology. (2008). Energy Access in Urban Slums: A Case of Khon Kaen, Thailand. Global Network on Energy for Sustainable Development , 37. Askew, M. (2002). Bangkok: Place, Practice and Representation. London: Routledge. Askew, M., & Williams, L. (Eds.). (1994). Cultural Identity and Urban Change in Southeast Asia: Interpretative Essays. Geelong, Victoria: Deakin University Press. Ayuthaya, M. I. (2005). Intense Multiplicity: Bangkok. Architectural Design , 75 (6), 16-17. Bangkok Metropolitan Administrator (BMA). (n.d.). Department of City Planning, Bangkok Metropolitan Administration. Retrieved June 7, 2011, from http:// www.bma-cpd.go.th/eng-division-urbandevelope.html Bapat, M. (1985). Depriving the Poor to Provide for the Rich: A Case of Slum Clearance through Private Enterprise. Economic and Political Weekly , 20 (41), 1734-1736. Batliwala, S. (2002). Grassroots Movements as Transnational Actors: Implications for Global Civil Society. Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organisations , 13 (4), 393-409. Beane, G. (2009, July 23 ). OMA Opens Up to Bangkok. Metropolis Online Magazine .
Berner, E. (2001). Learning from Informal Markets: Innovative Approaches to Land and Housing Provision. Evelopment in Practice , 11 (2-3), 292-307. Berner, E., & Korff, R. Globalisation and Local Resistance: The Creation of Localities in Manila and Bangkok. University of Bielefeld. Bielefeld: Sociology of Development Research Centre. Bishop, I. D. (2000). Spatial Data Infrastructures for Cities in Developing Countries. Cities , 17 (2), 85-96. Bishop, R. e. (Ed.). (2003). Postolonial Urbanism: Southeast Asian Cities and Global Processes. London: Routledge. Boonyabancha, S. (2003). A Decade of Change: From the Urban Community Development Office (UCDO) to the Community Organisations Development Institute (CODI) in Thailand. London: IIED. Boonyabancha, S. (2005). Baan Mankong: Going to Scale with Slum and Squatter Upgrading in Thailand. Environment & Urbanization , 17 (1), 21-46. Boonyabancha, S. (2009). Community Development Fund in Thailand: A Tool for Poverty Reduction and Affordable Housing. Nairobi: UN Habitat. Boonyabancha, S. (2005). How Upgrading of Thailands Informal Settlements is Spear Heading a Community-Driven, City-Wide, Integrated Social Development Process. Arusha Conference: New Frontiers of Social Policy (pp. 12-15). Tanzania: Arusha. Boonyabancha, S. (2009). Land for Housing the Poor - by the Poor: Experiences from the Baan Mankong Nationwide Slum Upgrading Programme in Thailand. Environment & Urbanization , 21 (2), 309-329. Boonyabancha, S. (1983). The Causes and Effects of Slum Eviction in Bangkok, in r,. In S. Angel, R. W. Archer, S. Tanphiphat, & E. A. Wegelin (Eds.), Land for Housing the Poor (pp. 254-283). Singapore: Select Publications. Boonyabancha, S. (1999). The Urban Community Environmental Activities Project and Its Environment Fund in Thailand. Environment & Urbanization , 11 (1), 101-115.
Conclusion | PAGE
80
BIBL IO G R AP H Y
Boonyabancha, S. (2007). Upgrading Thailands Urban Settlements: A Community-Driven Process of Social Development. In C. O. Moser, & A. A. Dani (Eds.), Assets, Livelihoods and Social Policy (pp. 195-214). World Bank Publications. Bristol, G. (2007). Strategies for Survival: Security of Tenure in Bangkok. Enhancing Urban Safety and Security: Global Report on Human Settlements , 13. Bristol, G. (2007). Strategies for Survival: Security of Tenure in Bangkok. Enhancing Urban Safety and Security: Global Report on Human Settlements , 13. Browder, J. O. (1995). Patterns of Development on the Metropolitan Fringe: Urban Fringe Expansion in Bangkok, Jakart and Santiago. Journal of the American Planning Association , 61 (3), 310-327. Bruneau, M. (1982). Mode of Production and Spatial Organisation in Thailand: Process and Trends. Antipode , 14 (1), 1-10. BUDD Group C. (n.d.). BU3 Field Trip Reading Analyses. Retrieved June 8, 2011, from Wordpress: http://coconutcurry.wordpress.com/ Bunnell, T. (2002). Critical Reflections on Cities in Southeast Asia. BRILL . Carpenter, J., Daniere, A. G., & Takahashi, L. M. (2004). Cooperation, Trust and Social Capital in Southeast Asian Urban Slums. Journal of Economic Behavior & Organisation , 55 (4), 533-551. Carpenter, J., Daniere, A. G., & Takahashi, L. M. (2004). Social Capital and Trust in Southeast Asian. Urban Studies , 41 (4), 853-874. Centre for Architecture & Human Rights (CAHR). (n.d.). architecturehumanrights.org. Retrieved May 31, 2011, from http://architecturehumanrights.org/index.php?/cms/index/17 Chiu, H. L. (1984). Four Decades of Housing Policy in Thailand. Habitat International , 8 (2), 31-42. Clammer, J. (2001). The Dilemmas of the Over-Socialized Intellectual: The Universities and the Political and the Political and Institutional Dynamics of Knowledge in Postcolonial Singapore. Inter-Asia Cultural Studies , 2 (2), 199-220. Clark, J. (n.d.). The Effect of Catalysts on Reaction Rates. Retrieved June 6, 2011, from http://www.chemguide.co.uk/physical/basicrates/catalyst.html Dani, A., & Moser, C. (Eds.). (2008). Assets, Livelihoods, and Social Policy. Washing-
ton D.C.: The World Bank. Daniere, A., & Naranong, A. (2008). Policy Implications and Conclusions. In A. Daniere, The Politics of Civic Space in Asia: Building Urban Communities (pp. 197-211). Oxford: Taylor & Francis. Daniere, A., & Naranong, A. (2008). Tangible and Intangible Civic Spaces in Bangkoks Slums. In A. Daniere, The Politics of Civic Space in Asia: Building Urban Communities (pp. 72-92). Oxford: Taylor & Francis. Daniere, A., & Takahashi, L. M. (1999). Environmental Behavior in Bangkok, Thailand: A Portrait of Attitudes, Values, and Behavior. Economic Development and Cultural Change , 47 (3), 525-557. Daniere, A., & Takahashi, L. M. (1997). Environmental Policy in Thailand: Values, Attitudes and Behaviour Among the Slum Dwellers of Bangkok. Environment and Planning: Government and Policy , 15 (3), 305-327. Daniere, A., & Takahashi, L. M. (1999). Poverty and Access: Differences and Commonalities across Slum Communities in Bangkok. Habitat International , 23 (2), 271-288. DCruz, C., & Satterthwaite, D. (2005). Building Homes, Changing Official Approaches: The Work of Urban Poor Organisations and their Federations and ther Contributions to Meeting the Millennium Development Goals in Urban Areas. IIED. Dick, H. W., & Rimmer, P. J. (1998). Beyond the Third World City: The New Urban Geography of Southeast Asia. Urban Studies , 35 (12), 2302-2321. Doebele, W. A. (1987). The Evolution of Concepts of Urban Land Tenure in Developing Countries. Habitat International , 11 (1), 7-22. Doner, R. F. (2009). The Politics of Uneven Development: Thailands Economic Growth in Comparative Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Dovey, K. (2001). Memory, Democracy and Urban Space: Bangkoks Path to Democracy. Journal of Urban Design , 6 (3), 265-282. Dowall, D. E. (1992). A Second Look at the Bangkok Land and Housing Market. Urban Studies , 29 (1), 25-37. Dowall, D. E. (1989). Bangkok: A Profile of an Efficiently Performing Housing Market. Urban Studies , 26 (3), 327-339. Drakakis- Smith, D. (1977). Housing the Urban Poor in West Malaysia: The Role
of the Private Sector. Habitat International , 6 (1), 571-584. DuPlessis, J. (2005). The Growing Problem of Forced Evictions and the Crucial Importance of Community-Based, Locally Appropriate Alternatives. Environment and Urbanization , 17 (1), 123-134. Durand Lasserve, A. (1983). Land Conversion Process in Bangkok. In S. Angel, R. W. Archer, S. Tanphiphat, & E. A. Wegelin (Eds.), Land for Housing the Poor. Singapore: Select Books. Evans, H. D., & Korff, R. (2003). Southeast Asian Urbanism: The Meaning and Power of Social Space. Mnster: Lit Verlag. Fekade, W. (2000). Deficits of Formal Urban Land Management and Informal Responses Under Rapid Urban Growth: An International Perspective. Habitat International , 24 (2), 127-150. Fraser, E. D. (2002). Urban Ecology in Bangkok, Thailand: Community Participation, Urban Agriculture and Forestry. Environments , 30 (1), 37-50. Ganjanapan, A. (1994). The Northern Thai Land Tenure System: Local Customs Versus National Laws. Law and Society Review , 28 (3), 609-622. Giles, C. (2003). The Autonomy of Thai Housing Policy, 1945-1996. Habitat International , 27 (2), 227-244. Glassman, J. (2001). From Seattle (and Ubon) to Bangkok: The Scales of Resistance to Corporate Globalisation. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space , 19, 513-533. Goh, R. B., & Yeoh, B. S. (Eds.). (2003). Theorizing the Southeast Asian City as Text: Urban Landscapes, Cultural Documents, and Interpretative. World Scientific . Gustavo, R., & Srisuwan, A. (2005). Urban Development Discourses, Environmental Management and Public Participation: the Case of the Mae Kha Canal in Chiang Mai, Thailand. Environment and Urbanization , 17 (1), 171-182.
Conclusion | PAGE
81
BI B L IO GR A PHY
Ha, S.-K. (2001). Developing a Community-Based Approach to Urban Redevelopment. GeoJournal , 53, 39-45. Hamilton, A. (2000). Wonderful, Terrible: Everyday Life in Bangkok. In D. G. Bridge, & S. Watson (Eds.), A Companion to the City (pp. 460-471). Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. Hara, Y., Takeuchi, K., & Okubo, S. (2005). Urbanization Linked with Past Agricultural Landuse Patterns in the Urban Fringe of a Deltaic Asian MegaCity: A Case Study in Bangkok. Landscap and Urban Planning , 73, 16-28. Hara, Y., Thaitakoo, D., & Thaitakoo, T. (2008). Landform Transformation on the Urban Fringe of Bangkok: The Need to Review Land-use Planning Processes with Consideration of the Flow of Fill Materials to Developing Areas. Landscape and Urban Planning , 84, 74-91. Hartman, A., & Linn, J. F. (2008). Scaling Up: A Framework and Lessons for Development Effectiveness from Literature and Practice. Wolfson Centre for Development. Herb, G. H. (2009). Intervention: Mapping is Critical!, in Political Geography, Vol. Political Geography , 28, 332-342. Herb, G. (2009). Intervention: Mapping is Critical! Political Geography , 28 , 332342. Homeless International. (n.d.). Homeless International Profile of the Asian Coalition for Housing Rights. Retrieved June 6, 2011, from http://www.homelessinternational.org/standard_1.aspx?id=0:427&id=0:37131&id=0:262 Intermediary Institutions, Community Organisations, and Urban Environmental Management: The Case of Three Bangkok Slums. (1998). World Development , 26 (6), 993-1011. Iovine, J. V. (2009, July 22). OMA Pixilates Bangkok. Retrieved 5 31, 2011, from The Architects Newspaper Blog: http://blog.archpaper.com/wordpress/ archives/3853 Islam, P. P., & Sheng, Y. K. (1989). Land-Sharing as a Low Income Housing Policy: An Analysis of its Potential. Habitat International , 13 (1), 117-126. Jackson, P. (2004). The Performative State: Semi-Coloniality and the Tyranny of Images in Modern Thailand. Social Issues in Southeast Asia , 19. Jenks, M. (2003). Above and Below the Line: Globalisation and Urban Form in Bangkok. The Annals of Regional Science , 37 (3), 547-557.
Keivani, R., & Werna, E. (2001). Refocusing the Housing Debate in Developing Countries from a Pluralist Perspective. Habitat International , 25, 191-208. Khamman, S. (2011, May 5). Economic and Social Development in Thailand. Bangkok, Thailand. Khan, S. A. (1994). Attributes of Slums Affecting their Vulnerability to Eviction: A Study of Bangkoks Informal Settlements. Environment and Urbanization , 6 (1), 25-39. King, A. D. (2004). Spaces of Global Cultures: Architecture, Urbanism, Identity. Oxford: Routledge. King, R. (2008). Bangkok Space, and Conditions of Possibility, in. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space , 26, 315-337. Kittiprapas, S. (1999). Role of Bangkok and Its Periphery in the Asia-Pacific Region: Toward Globalisation Economy and Sustainable Development. TDRI Quarterly , 14 (3), 18-24. Krongkaew, M. (1996). The Changing Urban System in a Fast-Growing City and Economy: The Case of Bangkok and Thailand. In F. C. Lo, & Y. M. Yeung, Emerging World Cities in Pacific Asia (pp. 286-334). United Nations University Press. Kumar, S. (1996). Landlordism in Third World Urban Low-income Settlements: A Case for Further Research. Urban Studies , 33 (4-5), 753-782. Kusno, A. (200). Spectre of Comparisons: Notes on Discourses of Architecture and Urban Design in Southeast Asia. In A. Kusno, Behind the Postcolonial: Architecture, Urban Space and Political Cultures in Indonesia (pp. 190-205). London: Routledge. Laguian, A. A. (2005). Beyond Metropolis: The Planning and Governance of Asias MegaUrban Regions. Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press. Levy, C. (1998). Institutionalisation of Gender through Participatory Practice. In M. K. Shah, & I. Guijt (Eds.), The Myth of Community: Gender Issues in Participatory Development (pp. 254-267). London: Intermediate Technology Publications. Macleod, G., & Goodwin, M. (1999). Space, Scale and State Strategy: Rethinking Urban and Regional Governance, in Progress in. Progress in Human Geography , 23 (4), 503-527.
Mahony, S. M. (2010). Searching for a Better Life: Young People Living in Slum Communities in Bangkok. Bath: University of Bath. Manickam, N. (2008). Meditations on Culture, Cosmology and Sustainability in Asia, in Are We Up to the Challenge?: Current Crises and the Asian Intellectual Community,. The Nippon Foundation , 238-250. McGregor, A. (2008). Setting the Scene for Development: Pre-colonial and Colonial Southeast Asia. In A. McGregor, Southeast Asian Development (pp. 2043). Oxford: Routledge. McGregor, A. (2008). Transforming Urban Spaces. In A. McGregor, Southeast Asian Development (pp. 129-155). Oxford: Routledge. Meesiri, P., & Perera, R. (2011). Planning Interventions as a Major Driving Force for Transforming Unitary Habitats into Multi-habitats in the Ladkraban District of Bangkok Metropolitan Area. Asian Social Science , 7 (1), 43-59. Missingham, B. (2002). The Village of the Poor Confronts the State: A Geography of Protest in the Assembly of the Poor. Urban Studies , 39 (9), 1647-1663. Mitlin, D. (2001). Civil Society and Urban Poverty Examining Complexity. Environment and Urbanization , 13 (2), 151-173. Mitlin, D., & Satterthwaite, D. (2007). Strategies for Grassroots Control of International Aid. Environment and Urbanization , 19 (2), 483-500. Mitlin, D., & Satterthwaite, D. (2004). The Role of Local and Extra-Local Organisation. In D. Mitlin, & D. Satterthwaite, Empowering Squatter Citizen: Local Government, Civil Society and Urban Poverty Reduction (pp. 278-306). London: Earthscan. Moser, S. (2007). Reclaiming the City: The Fourth Great Asian Streets Symposium. Cities , 24 (3), 242-244. Mukhija, V. (2006). Challenges for International Development Planning: Preliminary Lessons from the Case of the Cities Alliance. Cities , 23 (1), 56-62. Mukhija, V. (2001). Upgrading Housing Settlements in Developing Countries: The Impact of Existing Physical Conditions. Cities , 18 (4), 213-222.
Conclusion | PAGE
82
BIBL IO G R AP H Y
Murakami, A. (2005). Trends in Urbanization and Patterns of Land Use in the Asian Mega Cities Jakarta, Bangkok, and Metro Manila. Landscape and Urban Planning , 70, 251-259. Murphy, D., & Anana, T. (1994). Evictions and Fear of Evictions in the Philippines. Environment & Urbanization , 6 (1), 40-49. Mutebi, A. M. (2006). Deliberative Civic Engagement at the Grassroots: An Exploration of Political Participation in Bangkok. Space ond Polity , 10 (3), 279-298. Nathalang, S. (1999). Rangsit in Transition: Urbanisation and Cultural Adaptation in Central Thailand. Sydney: Macquarie University. Nitaya, C., & Ochareon, U. (1980). Bangkok, Thailand. In M. Sahrin (Ed.), Towards Urban Slums: Slums and Squatter Settlements in the ESCAP Region: Case Studies of Seven Cities (pp. 78-93). Bangkok: UN-ESCAP. Noobanjong, K. (2003). Power, Identity and the Rise of Modern Architecture: From Siam to Thailand. PhD Thesis. Noparatnaraporn, C., & King, R. (2007). Memory or Nostalgia: The Imagining of Everyday Bangkok. Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia , 22 (1), 57-82. Pauker, G. J. (1985). Policy Implications of Political Institutionalization and Leadership Changes in Southeast Asia. Santa Monica: Rand Paper. Payne, G. K. (2005). Getting Ahead of the Game: A Twin-Track Approach to Improving Existing Slums and Reducing the Need for Future Slums. Environment and Urbanization , 17 (1), 135-145. Payne, G. K. (1989). Informal Housing and Land Subdivisions in Third World Cities: A Review of the Literature. Oxford: Oxford Brooks University. Payne, G. K., & Majale, M. (2004). The Urban Housing Manual: Making Regulatory Frameworks Work for the Poor. London: Earthscan. Phien-Wej, N. e. (2006). Land Subsidence in Bangkok, Thailand. Engineering Geology , 82, 187-201. Pinnegar, S. (2009). The Question of Scale in Housing-Led Regeneration: Tied to the Neighbourhood? Environment and Planning , 41, 2911-2928. Pornchokchai, S. (2002). Bangkok Housing Markets Booms and Busts: What do we Learn? Pacific Rim Real Estate Society Conference (p. 9). Christchurch: Pacific Rim Real Estate Society . Pornchokchai, S., & Perera, R. (2005). Housing Speculation in Bangkok: Lessons
for Emerging Economies. Habitat International , 25, 439-452. Prachuabmo, K. (2005, September 1). Setting the Context: Thailand. Housing Finance International , p. 6. (2007). Pre- and Post-tsunami Coastal Planning and Land-Use Policies and Issues in Thailand. In J. S. Broadhead, & R. N. Leslie (Eds.), Proceedings of the Workshop on Coastal Area Planning and Management in Asian Tsunami-Affected Countries (pp. 199-228). Bangkok: Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific. Pugh, C. (2000). Squatter Settlements: Their Sustainability, Architectural Contributions and Socio-Economic Roles. Cities , 17 (5), 325-337. Pugh, C. (2001). The Theory and Practice of Housing Sector Development for Developing Countries. Housing Studies , 16 (4), 399-423. Pupphavesa, W. (2002). Globalisation and Social Development in Thailand. Conference for Globalisation and Social Development: Perspectives from Asia and Europe. Antwerp. Ribero, G. (2005). Research into Urban Development and Cognitive Capital in Thailand. The Journal of Transdisciplinary Environmental Studies , 4 (1), 1+5. Royal Irrigation Department. (n.d.). Royal Irrigation Department. Retrieved 6 7, 2011, from http://www.rid.go.th/index.html Sajor, E. E., & Ongsaku, R. (2007). Mixed Land Use and Equity in Water Governance in Peri-Urban Bangkok. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research , 31 (4), 782-801. Savant-Mohit, R. (2004). Security of Tenure and the Way Forward: The Case of Samakee Pattana, Bangkok. Habitat International , 28, 301-316. Savasdisara, T. Residential Mobility in Private Lower-Cost Housing in Bangkok. Housing Studies , 3 (4), 250-258. Savasdisara, T. (1989). Residential Satisfaction in Private Estates in Bangkok. Habitat International , 13 (1), 65-73. Seik, F. T. (1992). The Provision of Low-Cost Housing by Private Developers in Bangkok, 1987-89: The Result of an Efficient Market. Urban Studies , 29 (7), 1137-1146. Shatkin, G. (2004). Planning to Forget: Informal Settlements as Forgotten Places
in Globalising Metro Manila. Urban Studies , 41 (12), 2469-2484. Sheng, Y. K. (2010). Good Urban Governance in Southeast Asia, in. Environment and Urbanization Asia , 1 (2), 131-147. Sheng, Y. K. (n.d.). Housing, the State and the Market in Thailand: Enabling and Enriching the Private Sector. Sheng, Y. K. (1989). Some Low-Income Housing Delivery Subsystems in Bangkok, Thailan. Environment and Urbanization , 1 (2), 27-37. Sheng, Y. K., & de Wandeler, K. (2009). Self-Help Housing in Bangkok . Habitat International , 1-10. Sheng, Y. K., & Kirinpanu, S. (2000). Sheng, Yap Kioe & Sakchai Kirinpanu. Once Only the Sky was the Limit: Bangkoks. Housing Studies , 15 (1), 11-27. Shigetomi, S. (2006). Bringing Non-Governmental Actors into the Policymaking Process: The Case of Local Development Policy in Thailand. Institute of Developing Economies . Simone, A. M. (2008). The Politics of the Possible: Making Urban Life in Phnom Penh. Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography , 29 (2), 186-204. Sintusingha, S. (2006). Sustainability and Urban Sprawl: Alternative Scenarios for a Bangkok Superblock. Urban Design International , 11, 151-172. Sirisrisak, T. (2009). Conservation of Bangkok Old Town. Habitat International , 33, 405-411. Srinivas, H. (n.d.). Defining Squatter Settlements. Retrieved 6 6, 2011, from Srinivas, Hari. Defining Squatter Settlements, the Global Development Research: http://www.gdrc.org/uem/define-squatter.html Sumner, A., & Jones, N. (2008). The Politics of Poverty Policy: Are Pro-Poor Policy Processes Expert-Led or Citizen-Led? International Development Planning Review , 30 (4), 359-376. Surarith, S. (1990). Womens Struggle for Housing Rights in Thailand. Canadien Woman Studies , 11 (2), 15-16. Swift, R. (2006). The Lease on Life: Richard Swift Breaks Bread with the Resilient Squatters of Bangkok. New Internationalist (386). Tanphiphat, S. (1983). Immediate Measures for Increasing the Supply of Land for Low
Conclusion | PAGE
83
BI B L IO GR A PHY
Income Groups in Bangkok. In S. Angel, R. W. Archer, S. Tanphiphat, & E. A. Wegelin (Eds.), Land for Housing the Poor. Singapore: Select Books. Teilhet-Waldorf, S., & Waldorf, W. H. (1983). Earnings of Self-Employed in an Informal Sector: A Case Study of Bangkok,. Economic Development and Cultural Change , 31 (3), 587-607. Thai Portal Co. (n.d.). Smile Cards for Tourist in Bangkok. Retrieved June 6, 2011, from http://www.thailand.com/travel/news/news-2606091.html (1991). Thailand: The Legacy of Non-colonial Development in South-East. In C. Dixon, & M. Parnwall (Eds.), Colonialism and Development in the Contemperary World. London: Mansell Publishing. The Carbon Studio. (2008). The Carbon Studio: Bangkok, MSc Architecture & Urban Design Studio Report,. New York: Columbia University. Thorbek, S. (1991). Gender in Two Slum Cultures. Environment and Urbanization , 3 (2), 71-81. Tonmanee, N., & Kuneepong, P. (2004). Impact of Land Use Change in Bangkok Metropolitan and Suburban Area. In G. Tress, Planning Metropolitan Landscapes (pp. 114-123). Wageningen, Netherlands: Wageningen University. UN Habitat. (n.d.). Pro Poor Land Management: Integrating Slums into City Planning Approaches. Retrieved 6 6, 2011, from UN Habitat - For a Better Urban Future: http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails. aspx?publicationID=1105 Usavagovitwong, N. (2005). Secure Tenure for Urban Poor Waterfront Housing by Multi-Level Nework Machanism. Dresden: Urban River Rehabilitation Conference. Usavagovitwong, N., & Posriprasert, P. (2006). Urban Poor Housing Development on Bangkoks Waterfront: Securing Tenure, Supporting Community Processes. Environment and Urbanization , 18 (2), 523-536. Vagneron, I. (2007). Economic Appraisal of Profitability and Sustainability of Peri-urban Agriculture in Bangkok. Ecological Economics , 61, 516-529. Van Horen, B. (2000). Informal Settlement Upgrading: Bridging the Gap Between the De Facto and the De Jure. Journal of Planning Education and Research , 19, 389-400. Vandergeest, P., & Peluso, N. L. (1995). Territorialization and State Power in Thailand. Theory and Society , 24 (3), 385-426.
Viratkapan, V. (2004). Factors Contributing to the Development Performance of Slum Relocation Projects in Bangkok, Thailand. International Development Planning , 26 (3), 231-260. Viratkapan, V., & Perera, R. (2006). Slum Relocation Projects in Bangkok: What has Contributed to their Success or Failure? Habitat International , 30, 157-175. Warren, W. (2002). Bangkok. London: Reaktion Books Ltd. Webster, D. (2004). Bangkok: Evolution and Adaptation Under Stress. In J. Gugler, World Cities Beyond the West: Globalisation, Development and Inequality (pp. 82-118). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Webster, D. (2000). Financing City-Building: The Bangkok Case. Shorenstein APARC. Webster, D., & Maneepong, C. (2009). Bangkok. City , 13 (1), 80-86. Wegelin, E. A., & Chanond, C. (1983). Home Improvement, Housing Finance and Security of Tenure in Bangkok Slums. In S. Angel, R. W. Archer, S. Tanphiphat, & E. A. Wegelin (Eds.), Land for Housing the Poor. Singapore: Select Books. Wibowo, A. S. (n.d.). Segmental Development Design for Wonokromo Waterfront Settlements at Surabaya. Laboratory for Housing and Human Settlements , 16. Wilson, A. (2003). Bangkok, The Bubble City. In J. Schneider, & I. Susser (Eds.), Wounded Cities: Destruction and Reconstruction in a Globalized World (pp. 203-226). Berg Publishers. Yeoh, B. S. (2001). Postcolonial Cities. Progress in Human Geography , 25 (3), 456-468. Yeoh, B. S. (2005). The Global Cultural City?: Spatial Imagineering and Politics in the (Multi)cultural Marketplaces of Southest Asia. Urban Studies , 42 (5-6), 945-958. Yeoh, B. S., & Huang, S. (1998). Negotiating Public Space: Strategies and Styles of Migrant Female Domestic Workers in Singapore. Urban Studies , 35 (3), 583-602.
Conclusion | PAGE
84
Ap p e ndi ces
SU MMARY

Si. Tat. At niscipissi tat wisis et alisis nonsenim dionsed dolore molorti scilit lore tincin vercil do eum do odit nibh eugiam, commy nos augait ilis nonsed tatio consequam, sim exeros Magnim vullaore feum dolent amet volorperosto od miniam, velis elis del ea cortisit, quat. Ut wiscin hent delit aut ad exercidunt utpat ver si blamcon sectet laorper aessim ad euis do od ero con ut niscilla feugiam consenit augue faccum iurerci tat venibh ero et ver senit nullaor sequat veros nibh erit lutpate dolorerillum quismol oreet, summy nulla feummy nonsequat dolore dignississe voluptat ip euguercip ex et am, qui euguero dit ipsum iriuscidunt vulputat. Im ercipit nos augiame tueros eum eratummy nummy non utet ad tie verosto commodi gnisim ipsuscilisis num zzril del dolum alit incipit acin hent augait delis num zzriuscilit lutpat, vullaore eugueros num aliquisi. Alit praesto odigna alis alit augait, sim erit, quisit atem iusto consecte feu feuis num at. Unt iriure magna faccum quat la feu feum volortion el utatem iure feugait la facilluptat lore molor am ing ex et adit vulla conum zzrilla orperos non henim autat, velenisis nim vero etue volor iustrud dunt volobortio el diam, susciduis digna feuis nosto dolese tem zzrilis at, suscidu ipsumsan volor iril deleniatis nulput utat, sustrud te modigniat. Molore tem do dolobore facip er suscilla facilisi. Ullam aliquat umsandio dolenim aut alis et et wis adipsum nullut dio consed tio odigniam illandi onumsandreet wismodolum in veliquismod dignim dolessi. Ommodolute te do delismodit num zzriure magnit irit, susci tismodo lortie duisciduipit lam nonse velis atum do doloreet nisl el ulla conse dolent iriusto conullam zzriustrud el ut inim il ute doluptatum vel dipsum do consequamet, voluptat lobore erosting ero odolore ming euguer in ver sum do elent ute venis duiscing eum eril ing exeriliqui eugue magnibh eum eriliscinit digna adiamconsed magnim quat dipisciduis am nisissit vel utatue dolore consequamet, quam exero el ut augiam vel er sis aut accumsa ndignit volobore do consequ amcore exerosto odit nit, si bla adiam, vel dunt nonsequissi blam, veniatem dolesto od eu feummolor in vent nullamet, quisl ullum vulla commod magna commolesent ex ex exerci bla accum delit lut ulputat. Iriure minci ese ming eugait lut iriustin utet ad eugait nonulla adignim dio eum velendipsum vendre te dolorem delenim ing er ip exerat pratem et inci blandit wis do dolore dolore facipis nulla faci tatin ullam doluptat. Ipit, coreetue et la commod miniat, sim er amcorper iustis aliquam conullamcore erciliquam aliquis dolorperiure vel et erci tatum alit alissi elis nonsecte volortie dolor iure cortiscidunt el ea feugue minit adipsum venit dolor si. Aliquis nos nos nonsectet, consequisit prat. Agna autet diam at. Uptatue vent lam do exero dolobore doloborem dionsenis nullaore del dipsumsandre erciliquamet ad et lutet volesectem velesse magna autpatue tetue magna faccum volore min eu faccumm odigna feuisi. La faccummy num inci tet wis esto consed et pratum ilisci tat, si. Tate miniam, quamet, consed magnim volortion heniat. Enisi esse dolor sit am, core te et, veliquisit il dunt erillametuer ing et, si tin henim ipsustrud esequisit, se eugue feumsan hent pratue voloborer iriure vel eugait wismodo esed dolorer iustrud min ullan ulla conulla core do esequi bla accum doloreet, veliquipit, velis ex ea at alit, si. Nos aliquipisit wis at, quat. La feu faccumsan et volumsandre ming eugue feuismolore te doloreet nis enit velendre exercinci eugue ercidunt dolorerit adip eum incinci blaore faccummy nos alissed euis delit acidui elessequatum vulla consequipit nonsecte Existing planning process at Bang in Bang poo A woman shows us her new house Bua dolorem er at luptat lut
A1
C onte nts
Methodology Seminars Bang Khen Klong Toey Pasi Chalern Rangsit Bang Poo Rattanakosin Island
88 100 114 124 150 160 166 174
A2
M ET HODOL O G Y
A3
London methodology
Images, previous page, by Anna Schulenberg: A1. Upgrading model from Bang Bua; A2. Bang Khen detail of window. Images, this page: A3. Coconut Curry group hard at work in the BUDD room at the DPU; A4. Screen-cap of the field trip analysis blog; A5. Screen-cap of the BUDD field trip blog
Months were spent through speculation as to where we were going to go for our fieldtrip. Through an intricately designed fabric of a white elephant it was confirmed that we were going to Bangkok in Thailand. The BUDD group was split into two teams to develop a definition of transformation that we would test in field using criteria and strategies to develop a field trip plan. The terms of reference handed out conveyed basic information about our brief for the terms work and was organised in three parts; pre-field trip, field trip and post field trip. One of the first tasks was to organise our team so as to have a reading manager, meeting chair and a report chair; Tatiana, Desiree and Amrita were voted in for the respective positions. Readings were split amongst the whole team which meant we all had about 14 different texts, articles, websites and various highlighted references to read and report back to the group. These were organised into an in-house Coconut Curry BU3 Fieldtrip Reading Analyses blog which (as mentioned in the methodology section in the report) was not published for public access due to the nature of sharing scanned texts that would otherwise be in breach of copyright laws. A BUDD blog was also set up, Co-Production of Housing at Scale (http://buddbkk.wordpress.com/) for which all students were to post their thoughts and experiences throughout the project process to share with a wider audience out of the Development Planning Unit. We went through intense processes of generating and revising our definition of transformation, strategies, criteria and indicators and the identification and analysis of actors involved in the Baan Mankong Programme. The team was divided into subgroups and sub-subgroups before reformed into the larger group at various stages
to in order to undertake tasks and spread workload while maintaining interest and ownership of work produced. This helped with a more efficient and smoothly organised team which also maintained team spirits. The pre-fieldtrip period comprised a series of preparatory seminars and workshops to provide us with sufficient background knowledge of the programme and techniques for undertaking field work. In doing so we prepared two presentations; the First Interim Fieldtrip Presentation and the Pre-fieldtrip Presentations. Our initial desk research based on the readings helped to formulate our definition of transformation and the analysis of the actors involved. For the second presentation we refined our definition and through intense group work produced a set of transformation criteria, strategies and a methodology for our field work resulting in a toolkit for testing our initial hypothesis. The second stage of the project was the fieldwork outlined in Appendix A. The observations and information obtained proved to be extremely helpful in proving and disproving some assumptions that we had made regarding housing, the accessibility of the programme to the very poor and the contested issue of land. The third and final stage of the project was the post-fieldtrip work during which as a group we collated and organised our research into a grounded critical analysis of the Baan Mankong Programme culminating in our vision for De-pocketising Bangkok as conveyed in the final De-Pockestisation Presentation and the main report.
A4
A5
Presentations can be found on: http://www.slideshare.net/ CoconutCurryPresents & http://www.youtube.com/ CoconutCurryPresents Appendix | PAGE
88
MET H ODOLOGY
A6
Coconut Curry Presentations

Images: A6. Brainstorm of what is transformation?; A7. Su-anns computer screen while editing our first presentation video; A8. Shot of the first presentation video being screened on presentation day During the course of the past few months as part of our field preparations and analysis, we formulated series of presentations undertaken by the team before, during and after our intensive fieldtrip analysing the Baan Mankong Programme. The contents of the DVD are organised in chronological order. 01: Pre-field Interim Presentation The stage one brief was to define transformation and create a set of criteria to measure it. We were also required to identify and analyse the complex relation between the numerous actors involved in the Baan Mankong Programme. The team divided into the criteria team and the actors team. The result after numerous revisions was a definition of transformation with indicative criteria, and an actor toolkit. In order to represent the transformation of the process at this stage we thought it apt to record the work in the form of a series of three short films depicting the transformation definition, criteria and the actor field toolkit. The presentation took place on 18/03/2011 and was the first time that the MSc BUDD and UDP courses had presented as a collective this year.
A7
A8
Appendix | PAGE
89
M ET HODOL O G Y
A9

Images: A9. Amrita, Ivana, and Jen presenting our methodology and strategies at the second interim presentation in London; A10. Amy writing down brainstorm notes on criteria for transformation. Following pages, field kit templates: A11. Field interview template for recording formal conversations with leaders and community members; A12. Daily report designed to share information among group members; A13. Interview guide for officials and presenters; A14. Interview Guide for Officials and Presenters, pg.2; A15. Site overview sheet; A16. Observer template for in-the-field observation; A17.Personal assessment form for evaluating our personal strengths and weaknesses. 02: Field trip Strategies and Toolkit Presentation recording Following the feedback from the pre-field interim presentation we further revised our criteria in order to formulate a set of strategies to test in field. The brief at this second stage was to generate a set of strategies and a methodology for a field trip plan. These would aid our investigation of the Baan Mankong Programme. The result was a toolkit folder (as mentioned in the methodology section in the main report and London Methodology in this Appendix) containing a series of templates to fill our observations and notes from interviews and seminars. In keeping with our previous presentation we thought of remaining out of the PowerPoint presentation format and through group discussions and idea revisions, decided to use an overhead projected camera to present our toolkit folder. The presentation on 06/05/2011 was duly recorded.
A10
Appendix | PAGE
90
FIELD INTERVIEW
TIME: LOCATION : INTERVIEWEE: 1. INTRODUCTION Hello, my name is.... We are a group of students from the University College London and we are here to research the Baan Mankong Programme and we would like to speak with you because we appreciate your point of view. Any results from this interview will be condential and could be used in our nal report which is going to be shared with our department and CODI. The interview should not take more than xx minutes but of course feel free to leave anytime. INFORMATION F AGE: 3. M FAMILY MEMBERS: OCCUPATION: SAVINGS GROUP OTHER COMMUNITY GROUP:
A11
TRANSFORMATION IS A CATALYTIC, IRREVERSIBLE PROCESS OPERATING AT SOCIAL, SPATIAL & INSTITUTIONAL LEVELS Catalytic: Irreversible: Process-orientated: Citizenship: Identity, space, and perception of the poor To what extent does selfperceived identity, and also outside perceptions of identity impact the production of space? Does self-expression in space/ architecture have a positive impact on self-perceptions of Citizenship? Diana Mitlin quotes a slum dweller as saying poverty is not having choices. Does this extend to space, and if so, how is it resolved or exacerbated by the program?
2.
Access to the program
QUESTIONS How long have you lived in the community? Do you want to continue to live here? How has your community changed since you have lived here/over your life? Tell me about the Baan Mankong programme and how it works. How has Baan Mankong programme affected your life What do you hope to get from the BMK programme? How are you involved in the programme? Tell me about your average day (work, kids, etc.) CONCLUSION Thanks so much for your time. We are really grateful for your information Comments, questions, observations from interviewee
Are there tools other than savings, for the mobilization of people, access to resources and negotiating power? Collaboration happens when actors can have complimentary offerings and aspirations. How can the offerings and aspirations of people outside the program coordinate with those of the actors within the program?
4.
Infrastructure Can existing strategies of Baan Mankong (e.g. Savings groups, land sharing) be mobilised towards larger scale urban design strategies which are iterative and exible over time? The Baan Mankong program is oriented around communities of place, but can urban strategies be built from communities of practice or interest?
NOTES ABOUT THE FORMAT OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE
DAILY REPORT
TIME: LOCATION : TIME SPENT IN SITE: GOAL Interviews Names: Extra activities Type of Extra activities:
A12
Outcomes:
Outcomes:
Notes (photos, recordings, etc.):
Notes (photos, recordings, etc.):
Access to the program Are there tools other than savings, for the mobilization of people, access to resources and negotiating power? Collaboration happens when actors can have complimentary offerings and aspirations. How can the offerings and aspirations of people outside the program coordinate with those of the actors within the program?
Mapping- physical/social Types of map: The specic locations/issues which have been mapped:
Conclusions (problems & opportunities & gaps)
Outcomes: Notes (photos, recordings, etc.):
INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR OFFICALS & PRESENTERS

Institution: Name of Presenter: Role of Presenter: Description of the Institution:
A13
Questions (what do we want to know?): 1. 2. 3.
Sub-issues (Matrix, tick boxing)/Categories (ref. Actor Field Tool): Finance Land Policy-making Knowledge Implementation Local Realities Political Inuence Mainstreaming Other(explain)
INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR OFFICALS & PRESENTERS

Connections, Actor-Actor: Immediate Long-term goals/Work in Progress: e.g. expansion, creating new relations, future plans, scaling up?
A14
Reason for
Possible underlying motivations for connections
Potential Connections
Topics of Interest (What does this actor say about...): Citizenship
Conclusion (problems & opportunities & gaps)
Infrastructure
Access to the program
Building and Urban Design
Can existing strategies of Baan Mankong (e.g. Savings groups, land sharing) be mobilised towards larger scale urban design strategies which are iterative and exible over time? The Baan Mankong program is oriented around communities of place, but can urban strategies be built from communities of practice or interest?
SITE:
Brief Description Related Articles from Reading List:
A15
Further Information:
Actors Involved in the Site:
Population Number of Households Number of Communities: Number of Communities within the Baan Mankong Programme:
Opportunities:
Gaps:
Strategies: Stage of Programme: Number of Partial (50%+) or Fully Completed Building Projects: Land Ownership: Tenure Status: Community Brief:
Infrastructure
List of folder Contents:
Can existing strategies of Baan Mankong (e.g. Savings groups, land sharing) be mobilised towards larger scale urban design strategies which are iterative and exible over time? The Baan Mankong program is oriented around communities of place, but can urban strategies be built from communities of practice or interest?
OBSERVER TEMPLATE
People (Age/gender/individuals or groups) Interactions between People and Groups (power relations, formal/informal relationships)
A16
Place (scale, atmosphere, density, type of space: built or open, building typology, public/private split, quality, physical, power relations over space, infrastructure/transport)
Interactions between People and Space (use of space over time, sense of ownership, public/open space, temporary/permanent, ownership, sense of place)
Individual Key Skills Assessment

Name: Site Group: What are your strengths?
A17
What are your weaknesses?
What you would like to improve/develop?
Any other comments:
M ET HODOL O G Y
A18

Images: A18. Panel discussion at CODI offices on four assigned topics; A19. Pasi Chalern presentation at CODI offices. 03: Site and Topic Presentations to CODI and Community Leaders For some this was perhaps the most important set of presentations. They comprised our findings based in individual site groups following a panel debate on four key cross-cutting themes; Land, Housing and Construction, Finance and Funding, Community Mobilisation and Partnerships and Infrastructure. The issue based presentations were discussed within our original teams and presented by one group representative. The presentations on 22/05/2011 were made at CODIs headquarters to the staff and community groups from each of the six sites we visited. A simultaneous translation was in operation so as to allow for a smoother running of the presentations and make a more efficient use of time during the days programme. The running order of our presentations was as follows: a. b. c. d. e. f. g. Issue: Presenting Land and Housing Site 1: Bang Khen Site 2: Klong Toey Site 3: Pasi Chalern Site 4: Rangsit City Site 5: Bang Poo Site 6: Rattanakosin Island
A19
The issue based presentation was an overarching analysis of our investigations of the Baan Mankong Programme observed from all the six sites. Our representative for the panel debate was Amy Leaman who put together the final presentation based on the group discussion. The site presentations were undertaken by field group teams away from the main group. The content of the
presentations were based on site specific observations, reflections and responses to the briefs prepared by the communities. The community leaders were really engaged in the question and answer period; providing animated and heartfelt responses to the presentations.
Appendix | PAGE
98
MET H ODOLOGY
A20

Images: A20. Jose and Amy taking still photographs for a stop animation for the final presentation in London; A21. Amrita, Parvati and Maira shooting an interview for the final presentation in London. 04: Depocketisation Presentation The final presentation back in London was a culmination of our diagnosis of the Baan Mankong Programme based on our observations in field against our original transformation definition and criteria. These informed strategies which we revised to formulate vision for the future of the Programme and the potential for city-wide scaling up. In doing so we highlighted the gaps within the system, conveyed our reflections and the changes we made to our strategies thereafter. The method of representing the field trip analysis and reflections was once again in the form of a film This time we thought of having a narrative to convey our observations in a more informal and engaging manner. The presentation on 03/06/2011, as advised in the brief, incorporated every team member thus enabling everyone a sense of ownership to the work. The film was organised to convey the story of our reflections of Bangkok, what we learnt of the Baan Mankong Programme, how our observations relate back to our pre-fieldtrip transformation definition and criteria and how we formed and made changes to our strategies accordingly. 05: Depocketisation Report The 5 months work culminated in the production of this report. It has been structured so as to give a transformative narrative of our observations of before, during and after the field trip. Our field work showed that each site was a pocket of social and economic activity. The fragmented nature of the various communities and areas of the city showed a lack of visible integration within the wider Bangkok neighbourhood. Therefore the notion of pockets is introduced and discussed within the Introduc-
A21
tion and Bangkok chapters, grounded in our definition, criteria and strategies of Transformation and then a Vision proposed to de-pocketise Bangkok in the penultimate chapter before we make our Conclusion in the final chapter. Due to the nature of the site work and the vast amounts of information collated it is not possible to include every piece of data even within this section. Therefore we have provided a selection of our field work representative of the rich experiences of the Bangkok communities here in the Appendices.
Appendix | PAGE
99
SEM I N AR S
Images: A22. Community Leader by Sadiqa Jabbar; A23. Rattanakosin museum visit by Anna Schulenburg; A24. Seminar at Bang Bua by Sadiqa Jabbar; A25. Panel discussion on experience of community leaders by Amy Leaman; A26. NHA housing site visit by Anna Schulenburg
Our work in Bangkok began through a series of lectures/ seminars, from 10-14 May, as an introduction to Bangkok, CODI and as a means to understanding the status of the Baan Mankong programme and the housing sector, as well as their spatial implications to the citys transformation. In this sense, morning lectures from individuals and representatives of the various actors proved to be critical in seeding the expansion of our perceptions of the local reality, prior to the fieldwork that followed.
A22
A23
A24
A25
A26
Appendix | PAGE
100
SEMI NAR S
A27
Introduction to Thailand Somsook Boonyabancha

Director of ACHR
Thailand was never colonised; it never had a reform so this fostered many problems over the years (i.e. monopoly over land, poor service provision, unaffordable housing to low-income, etc). In a recent past, as a common trend in Thailand, the housing sector did not accommodate the poorest of the poor. Here, and in other parts of the world, it is a sector that tends to isolate and individualise people according to the financial power held by them. Housing solutions in the name of development are often dictated top-down, and decided for the beneficiaries who accept the preconditions and can actually afford to pay for them (it is decided the location, typologies, the affordability, etc.) and this is made evident by social exclusion of those who cannot afford to pay. Having funds from the start is a new thing for a capitalist system as normally it stays within it. The planning system is usually thought of in a very technical manner. Housing typologies do not work very well and condominiums are creating individuals not communities; furthermore, these housing solutions may work for middle class people but certainly do not for the low-income. In order to solve the problem in a big way it is required to go beyond the common technical approach. According to Ms. Boonyabancha city planning is not strong in Thailand. The incompetence of planning is to blame for the categorisation of low-income people as illegal and informal because they cannot afford what it is provided to them through a top-down approach. With this said, the solution from the supply-side
Image: A27. Somsook Boonyabancha, Director of ACHR by Sadiqa Jabbar
this, the new paradigm shift is to accomplish housing development driven by people building new local partnerships.
already exists (i.e. government, private sector, planners, etc), the big challenge, at this stage, is to enable the demand-side to position itself as a main actor. The main issue of the supply-driven approach is that it does not match the needs and aspirations of the targeted urban poor the demand-side. This requires rethinking how to make the demand side become main actors and drivers at the realistic scale of the problems? (Boonyabancha, 2011). Upon
In her speech, Ms. Boonyabancha underlined that for a scaled solution people become the scale and also the solution refuting the belief that the poor are incapable of improving their situation. To tackle the housing provision and land-tenure deficit amongst low-income communities, the government formed The Urban Community Development Office (UCDO) in 1992 and in the year 2000 merged it with the Rural Development Fund (RDF) to form The Community Organisations Development Institute (CODI). Through CODI, the Baan Mankong Programme was launched in 2003, with the people in the epicentre of the solution people as the scale. The Baan Mankong is not only a development program, it is a people empowering
Appendix | PAGE
101
SEM I N AR S
program that encourages them to be the key to its success and to be part of the, usually discriminating, financial system, while being in control of their projects and dictate the pace according to their needs. This [people oriented] financial system is owned by them, worked by them and decided by them (Boonyabancha, 2011). As a pre-requisite to join the programme and benefit from CODIs loan, it is necessary that both land is identified (and negotiated before-hand) and the communitys savings-group is started. The main difference between micro-credit and savings is that the first is a stretch of funding from the government, and the second is a result of discussion, community negotiating and making decisions together. Savings may be an issue for the upper-poor but it is certainly not an issue for the poor. Low-income communities are perceived to be slow, lazy, and wanting to remain in slums. Communities who upgraded are still the same who once lived in a slum. The people are the same! (Boonyabancha, 2011). There experience from the Baan Mankong programme has been spread throughout 15 Asian countries by the Asian Coalition of Housing Rights (ACHR) in partnership with CODI. In Thailand communities connect primarily through things in common such as schools, hospitals, markets, etc, but even though theres desire to improve their housing condition, sometimes they are not able to create change and, here, is when CODI intervenes by offering support. When CODI gets involved in projects it does not consider how much money is needed to implement them, so as a consequence it eventually stops. There are 61 Community Development Funds organized on the citylevel, and when CODI lacks financial resources it relies on reform and the power communities can exert over the Government, by joining together and pressuring for the release of more funding. CODIs activities are strongly dependent of demand; it does not base itself on the planning-level as it does not respond to the governments planning agendas. Regardless of being involved in the planning process CODI is not part of the governments planning strategies. The key to get government officials involved is to create events around success stories so that the project is not successful if not used as a tunnel to widen-up for greater impact. The aim of a Project is not to build a project for the sake of building it, but only successful if building networks and partnerships, within the city, and broadening alliances. Baan Mankong houses are now built according to a sub-standard building codes (standard is for middle-class) as a result of negotiations with city authorities.
CODI is a new and potentially powerful tool which networks and peoples organisations can use as they see fit. There are, though, two crucial conditions for support from CODI, which everyone has agreed are most important: the community has to be the key actor and the process and activities should try to link with others.
Somsook Boonyabancha, 2001, p.17)
Appendix | PAGE
102
SEMI NAR S
A28
Bangkok Urbanisation
Dr Nattawut Usavagovitwong
Faculty of Architecture
Image: A28. Dr Nattawut Usavagovitwong, Faculty of Architecture Sripatum University, Bangkok by Sadiqa Jabbar
Property Bureau. The Crown owns too much land.
Sripatum University, Bangkok

There are six provinces that form the Bangkok Metropolitan Region comprising a population of about 10 million people; Bangkok alone has a population of approximately 6 million inhabitants. Only a 1/3 of Bangkoks population is visible during the daytime. Bangkok is divided into 50 districts. Thailand was absolute monarchy until the modernisation in 1961 when the first NESDP (National Economic and Social Development Policy) was created and the industrial sector was promoted. The fiscal distribution in Bangkok is 46,000 million THB compared to Chiang Mai 1,169 million THB. There are 110 universities in Bangkok in comparison to 160 within Thailand nationally.
Urban growth is a result of land speculation and politics. In 1985 the population was 1 million people this has raised to 6.6 million inhabitants according to the 2009 figures.
wants to rectify this inequality. 10% of the population is rich yet they own 90% of land. Landowners have created a monopoly in the market; 30% belongs to the government, 40% to the private sector and the remaining 30% to the Crown
People especially in densely populated areas live where they can have a job-housing balance and so many units tend to be used for living and working. Most canal side housing is affordable and is in easy access to water. The quality of life in the city is based on housing necessity and accessibility to transportation, healthcare, work and educational institutes. There is a shift towards a pseudo-urbanisation whereby the rights to the land as modes of production induce gaps in wealth distribution that cannot be filled. CODI
Mostly migrants are the movers into Bangkok. Bangkok Communities/Chumchon have agrarian senses i.e. they have moved in from rural areas and over time have become Bangkokian. The question now has to be raised about other programmes especially introducing and promoting a rental housing schemes to address the population growth and the continued growth expected. Migration into the city is increasing daily yet it is not the problem. Labour is required but the authorities dont want them to stay. Therefore the issue becomes more about poverty and subsequent status of the migrants who have nowhere to go; they have no choice but to live in so-called slums, the only affordable place for them to inhabit. In terms of merging and mixing with Bangkok residents due to the culture and community activities it is getting easier to become involved and settled within neighbourhoods. The land use is not strong enough to change peoples culture. Professional support provided combined with community knowledge is a strong approach to tackling the urban problems. The BMR is worried about the number of slums dwellers; with a total of 6.6 million Bangkok citizens, about 1.1 million live in slums. Three millions migrants were reported to have settled in Tou Pai district alone. Land consumes most of peoples money to pay for contractors as well. Funding and budget allocation of money is required. Community committees need to be organised to use their funds efficiently and in the right places. They need to come up with a way to use the fund and help those who cannot afford to reach hospitals. You can link gaps by linking people; building a system that also rebuilds community relations.
Appendix | PAGE
103
SEMI NAR S
Public Housing in Thailand: NHAs Experience Over Thirty Eight Years Ms. Chantana Chanond
NHA
The National Housing Authority (NHA) is under the Ministry of Social Development and Human Security, and since 1973 it has produced or improved 725,000 dwellings. There is not much relationship between city planning and housing. The Bangkok Metropolitan Authority (BMA) is responsible for house upgrading but NHA tries to facilitate the understanding of the local authoritys technicalities of the housing provision process (which is complex). It is not, yet, possible to integrate planning with housing provision. In the past, until the 1940s, there was virtually no housing policy. Housing was an individual and private matter as home owners built own dwellings without no direct intervention from the government. Between the 1950s and 1972, some traces of housing policy could be verified through limited government initiatives, the establishment of the government Housing Bank (GHB) in 1953, and enactment of some national laws (Land Subdivision Law 1972). From 1973 to the present time, a Partial National Policy was established. In this period National Housing Authority (NHA) was formed in 1973, long-term goals were adopted and financial resources were used by the government to subsidize housing, and the Thaksin government enacted a large-scale program with subsidies, facilitating a market driven by housing and real-estate. Meanwhile, the NHA is a major provider of housing for low-and-middle income households (30-40%) with a Market share of 12%. A current challenge is to urban growth. Previously, population growth and rural-to-urban migration drove urban growth but in recent years migration is the most important component of housing demand. Projections for the 10th Plan (2006-2011) show some growth in most urban areas but net growth in the northern region is slightly negative. Since population growth is low, migration will drive the housing market. Demolitions remove dwellings from the housing stock at the rate of 2% per year, and about 98% occupancy is required to allow households to migrate to new house or location. Here, affordability is effective demand related to mortgage terms. Providing affordable housing is a challenge considering policies change often as the government changes every 2.5 years on average; one government may provide highsubsidized or low-subsidized housing projects as they see fit in this period, whereas the length of said projects vary from 3 to 5 years. Another constraint is the bureaucracy in project approval as they need to be approved step-bystep throughout the ladder of governmental agencies. But the biggest constraint can be said to be the fact that the NHA has to provide for as many as possible while being dependent of self-finance! In 2003, the Thaksin government called for a 1 Million House Program (2003-2008). It was called Baan EuaArthorn (BEA) and the NHA was to build 600,000 units, CODI was to build 300,000 units, and the Government Savings Bank was to finance 100,000 units. The NHAs role here was to supervise construction, use industrialized systems to minimize costs and construction times, and mainly focused on urban medium-rise buildings and suburban low-rise buildings. Appendix | PAGE
104
Image: A29. Ms. Chantana Chanoud, NHA by Maira Andrade
A29
SEMI NAR S
Economic and Social Development in Thailand

A30
Suwanee Khamman
Deputy Secretary General National Economic and Social Development Board (NESDB)
The NESDB was established on 15th February 1950 and reports to the Office of the Prime Minister. There are weekly cabinet meetings held on Tuesdays. The role and function of the organisation can be described in regards to their knowledge, agenda and functions. Their agenda comprises government policies, cabinet resolution and taking on specific projects for example Thai Reform or the Baan Mankong programme. This in effect dictates their functions; drafting national poli-
cies, analysing projects and M&E services. The output of these functions are documents based on research, strategic planning and data/information gathering which are relayed to Government through the cabinet meetings, to the ministries and people. The social and economic plan outlet is published every quarter talking about the situation in the social sector which is announced to the public. Their plans are formulated every 5 years through research and evidence backed by documentation. The first plan was developed in 1961 and the course of the next 6 plans aimed to adapt and change responsiveness of the previous plan in order to create new development paradigms; the outcome at this point were social problems and unsustainable development, yet there was as steady economy. The following 8th, 9th and 10th plans aimed to build the foundation, extend networks and ensure networks were in every stage of participation processes respectively. The aim was to move towards a more holistic approach to development; using people as the key drivers of change and transformative solutions. Plans 1-3 were considered the Golden Era of planning; the political fluctuation began during the 3rd to 5th plans. Plans 5 to 7 coincided with the democratic era while the paradigms shifted during the 8th to 10th plans. They are currently on the 11th 5-year plan which will end shortly in July and the next 5 year plan published. The happiness measurement is used to assess the wellbeing of communities. It is the communities themselves who establish their own indicators and define what happiness means i.e. it could be related to their house, food, owning a motorbike etc. The results are compare nationwide as a set of values and save to a CD database.
Image: A30. Suwanee Khamman, Deputy Secretary General of NESDB by Anna Schulenburg
Appendix | PAGE
105
SEM I N AR S
Economic and Social Development in Thailand (cont.)
Communities are encouraged to conduct their own surveys to measure happiness levels. This measurement tool will help measure the sustainability of Thai peoples well-being. The prerequisites to obtain happiness comprise wisdom, morals and patience. Moderation, reasonableness and self-immunity are highly encouraged. These feed into the idea of following the middle path as in the philosophy of the sufficiency economy (ibid). Global changes impact the social development of Thailand. In terms of human quality, urban society is becoming more individualistic as opposed to the community orientated Thai culture. It is also affecting the welfare ideology in regards to the interconnection between Thai and other diverse cultures. These impact the family/kinship and nuclear society in other words the family structure is changing. The effects filter through the society, community and country in the global forum. The vision for the 11th plan was to create A society in which people live together with happiness, equitability, fairness, and resilience to changes (slide 22). It comprised six strategies: 1. Creation of a justice society 2. Human development and lifelong learning 3. Creation of a balance between food and energy security 4. Creation of knowledge based economy at enabling environment 5. Creation of economic connectivity and regional stability 6. Sustainable management of natural resources and environment
There has been a shift in the paradigm thinking of urbanisation and this will be reflective in the next 5-year social and economic plan to be published later this year. The 2010 figures of the change in urbanisation in Thailand were 45.7% compared to 29.4% in 2000 and 31.1% in 1990. Although the rate had dropped about 1.7% in the ten years between 1990 and 2000, the rapid increase in the last decade of 16.3% shows that there need to be changes in the urban policies to deal with such population increases and the new urban densities that were not an issue in the previous decade. Therefore there is a need to support population distribution to match capacity, opportunity and natural resources on a given area (slide 33) as this is the case in most Thai cities and not just Bangkok.
Appendix | PAGE
106
SEMI NAR S
Housing Finance inThailand Kitti Patpong-pibul

Chairman
Housing Finance Association

The economic history of Thailand in the second half of the twentieth century has been highly determined by the international dynamics and it has impacted directly over the housing finance, policies and provision. The financial crisis of the late sixties and early seventies in the United States produced by the high inflation that followed the end of the Vietnam War lead to the end of the dollar-gold convertibility and to the securitisation system for subprime mortgages. The crisis also affected the Thai housing market. Most of the projects were foreclosed by the commercial banks. The Thai government reacted to the housing crisis writing the first law related to housing development in 1972. The following year they institutionalised the housing issue creating the National Housing Authority (NHA) which has been successful until today selling houses and providing cheap loans for the demand. The NHA operates with limited funds provided by the government and consequently it relies mainly on self-funding from the loans and sales. Again the oil crisis of 1981 affected the housing finance schemes internationally, including Thailand. The Government Housing Bank (GHB) had to change the lending system from fixed rate to variable rate. A new system of adjustable mortgages automatically extendable started operating successfully and also allowed Thailand to overcome the second oil crisis of 1989 without affecting the housing market. The lower risk provided better returns for the commercial banks and there was a continuous housing boom
from the eighties, only slowed down by the Gulf War. However, also from that period the Thai government promoted foreign currency borrowing without knowing the risks. Subsequently, the Thai economy busted in 1997. The commercial banks stopped lending house mortgages, and people migrated to the GHB that had the money during the crisis. Currently GHB is the biggest mortgage lender in the country with more than a third part of the market, offering interest rates from six to seven per cent. From 2002 the GHB is providing mortgages in the context of the low-income housing programme Baan Eur Arthorn and also is a relevant actor in the Community Organisations Development Institute (CODI) financial structure of loans and housing provision. The GHB finances CODI to provide loans for low-income communities gathered under savings groups. These are the borrowers and CODI evaluates their ability to repay in the long term. CODI charges a two per cent interest to the groups and they charge a six per cent to the individuals interested on taking loans. The margin is used by the saving groups mainly to develop a welfare system within the communities. The main difficulty is that cheap funds can only come from the government basically from tax money. The market is not able to do that because the operational costs and risks are too high. Then, the main issue is to use tax money wisely as CODI is doing. The challenge of scale the financial strategies is determined by the local situations and it is about getting money from the rich. People always look for the best return for their money so there is no cheap money. The GHB is able to help the poor just because their operational costs are lower under the same risk conditions and because the amount given to CODI is very small for the bank. It is small because housing is not a political issue and as a consequence, it provides low political benefits.
Image: A31. Kitti Patpong-pibul, Chairman of Housing Finance Association by Sadiqa Jabbar
A31
Appendix | PAGE
107
SEM I N AR S
Development of Housing Finance and the Role of Government Housing in Thailand

The GHB was established in 1953 under the Ministry of Finance and was owned by the government as a stateenterprise. The aim was to create an institution specialised in housing finance for which there was a gap in the market. GHBs aim is to help Thai people enter the property market especially first time purchasers who can obtain a home mortgage loan for 0% interest for the first 2 years. The target market is the low and middle-income band. The government does not give any direct funding or subsidy. Thus GHB operates in the commercial market and competes for both lending and funding in the free financial market. The First Home Mortgage Programme will be implemented for a limited period 9th May 30th December 2011; with an underlying political agenda due to the imminent election. The programmes budget is 25 billion Baht to be given out within this 8-month period. The repayment period is no more than 30 years with a maximum loan of 3 million Baht available. As mentioned earlier, the first two years have an interest rate of 0%/year after which there are two groups mortgage applicants; welfare and retail customers. For welfare customers the interest rate rises to 0.5%/year for the 3rd to 5th year periods and up to 1%/year from the 6th year onwards. As for the retail customer the interest doesnt change until the 6th year onwards whereby the increase is 0.5%/year.
Image: A32. Ballobh Kritayanavaj, Senior Vice President of GHB by Sadiqa Jabbar
A32
Ballobh Kritayanavaj
Senior Vice President
Government Housing Bank (GHB)
Appendix | PAGE
108
SEMI NAR S
Community Architect movement in Thailand Chawanad Luansang

ACHR/Openspace
This seminars conveyed an architects perspective of development work, regardless of the contentious addition of community before the title architect. Coming from an architectural background it seemed the most relevant and intriguing perspective, especially observing an entry point into the sector. What are the gaps? What is the reality of the situation? What can architecture contribute to the development world? A people centred approach is one that is encouraged and promoted. Even within the CODI ethos people are indeed the solution. The architects presentation was one of advice as how to successfully include communities in the participatory process. There were a number of things that the architect or indeed the development practitioner needs to be open to in order to succeed in the sector. The need to understand how people lived in the past is important. What were their housing conditions, what are the community characteristics, rituals and culture? What natural resources are at hand, not only for individuals but for the whole village? It is also important to know how people work together to transfer and adapt knowledge, if indeed they do. The architect needs to know how people think. The best way is to listen and let them speak. The project is about building a family, a community. It is not just about the infrastructure or physical improvements. The architects role in a sense is to turn a problem into an opportunity; every problem is the seed of an opportunity for some greater benefit (Luansang, 2011, quoting Deepak Chopra Process and Learning from People Presentation 13/05/11). Nonetheless it needs to be understood that people create their own enterprises however and wherever they can. They will turn problems that they may face into opportunities without thinking too much about. When facing dilemmas people naturally develop methods of dealing with such issues that they know best. So, in a sense, emergency knowledge can be passed on to enable people to become self-sufficient. The participatory design process should involve people from the beginning. Including them in undertaking surveys and mapping for example will help not only the communitys understanding of their needs and the practicalities of a project. But it is also an opportunity for the architect, development practitioner, and the community to develop mutual understanding of each others roles, needs and perspectives. For the architect or development practitioner, it will enable them to find out who the poorest members of the community are. In doing so it will become apparent what the community like, see the problems and opportunities from their point of view, how they live, and what is important to them. It is crucial in the design process to have a clear understanding of the people for whom the outcome or process is targeted. Therefore, it is important to allow them to initiate discussions so that in the future they can continue and adapt the process and are involved in activities within their communities. The participatory process allows people to learn from each other and ideas tend to develop through this point. The skills of each member will emerge; for example the quiet members of the group may be good at coordinating tasks, the outspoken people may have other hidden strengths. However the process is not always about design, the practitioner needs to help the people refine
Image: A33. Chawanad Luansang, ACHR/Openspace by Anna Schulenburg
A33
Let people be the solution
Appendix | PAGE
109
SEM I N AR S
Community Architect movement in Thailand (cont.)

A34
their ideas and enable them to learn what is good about the new site and the potentials it may present. What is it that the community wants, what are the most important aspects? Visualising and measuring units in life size help the understanding and learning process. For example, these methods were used on a project to clarify dimensions and convey the spatial qualities of houses. This was based on the concept of living together. Thai culture encourages extended families to live together, and so the community needed to know how much space would be required for their households. The project was for a low-cost sample housing that enabled the community to learn the construction process, methodology and techniques of house building. The process needs to be open to the people to showcase their ideas. It is good to start from small projects. The usual procedure would be to identify the main problems, generate interest through shared interest, survey of the community, think of ways to make the build as low-cost as possible, form a community organisation and think of building methods. The idea is to encourage people to work together and build mutual trust. The savings groups are a way for people to instigate initiatives and feel more of a collective. The networks that they build are not about just one community but comprise cross-neighbourhood knowledge sharing. This process then indentifies who the real poor are. Different communities come together to form a network, learning from the community architects workshop to do this. The community representatives then go back to their communities and chair their own workshops. The workshops teach people how to draw considering
that they are not architects. The process of involving people in an upgrading scheme enables a collective planning process whereby ideas are shared. The first step is to gather people through community meetings by developing interest and brainstorming problems and current needs for upgrading. This process is important if the community hopes to obtain funding from CODI; as it is a requirement for a community to prove that they are working together. Working with the local authority is imperative in order to gain their support by showing that the community can and is working together. This process of involving the local authority starts with the community having a clear idea about what they want and how they need to achieve this. Then, the negotiation begins with the local authority to gain their interest and involvement. Here the key is to ensure that they are not seen as the enemy otherwise such a partnership will not be successful. Starting with a small issue i.e. garbage collection, is important as it will over time spark other initiatives. This scales up over time as their capacity increases and the shared knowledge and experience broadens. Within the architect team there are varying levels of experience. Some people volunteer their time to take part in development and upgrading projects. Only about 10% of the fraternity can afford to spend time or have the passion to fight for knowledge. Within communities women are important members as they are key observers. They watch their children and indirectly influence where they play so to keep an eye on them while doing their household chores. They also tend to know a lot about the community due to informal conversations between other members of the community.
Image: A34. Presentation slides: The many roles of the community architect
Appendix | PAGE
110
S E M IN A R S
Community Architect movement in Thailand (cont.)

A35
Meetings were held daily. The time to discuss the process was long in order to achieve consensus of other peoples ideas. Within sub groups there were usually 10 people maximum in order to keep discussions efficient. The community develops their own groups. They organised themselves into small groups to discuss and share ideas and came together in a larger group to formulate common ideas to generate a conclusion. Sharing with other communities helps to develop ideas; some are easier to group than others. Scaling up comes in the form of networks. This is can happen on a bigger scale through having contacts and learning from other countries. Focusing on local community architects, this network is formed through the Faculty of Architecture across universities to create a platform to highlight the important issues. Normally a professor would ask students to volunteer in the field. Through a fund 5000 Baht a small architectural programme can be started through which the facilitation of architects to participate can occur. They need to generate interest amongst the students as they are the next generation who can contribute towards a continuing effort to make a difference. In terms of building standards, it is not easy to conform to these as land itself is expensive. A community standard should be created to balance this requirement. The community should set the criteria and set the standards themselves. This can change the experimental nature of the process and provide further platform learning and developing core knowledge. Somsook suggested that the only way to really transform the planning process is to have a proper planning. In order to create a city-wide improvement it is very
Image: A35., A.36, A.37 Slides from community architect presentation by Chawana Luansang
important to have community architects involved. They work with the people and can make other elemental changes. They, as professionals open the possibilities and bridge the link between communities and officials. When people are stronger they can have greater influence but standards and rules come first. CODI started in Thailand but is expanding to other Asian countries.
A36
How could we organize human endeavor if we developed different understanding of how life organize itself?
A simpler way by Margaret J Wheatley
A37
Appendix | PAGE
111
SEM I N AR S
A38
Private Sector Housing

LPN Development Public Company Ltd Lumpini Vibrant Community
Image: A38. LPN Development Public Company Ltd, Lumpini Vibrant Community by Anna Schulenburg The company was established in 1989 and since then has been a residential condominium developer for more than two decades aiming to achieve the Residents Goal Quality of Life. They have developed 80 projects, 180 buildings on 4 million m of land. According to their figures these house 40,000 families which comprise approximately 100,000 people. The LPN corporate business concept comprises the provision of a good quality of life for first time home owners within the middle income group, their focus group. They provide in-house management with the aim of achieving good corporate governance. Everything they do is done meticulously so as to maintain a good reputation within the market. This includes building a good brand equity, effective community management, financial credibility and effective cost management and creating a unique corporate value and culture. The presenter talked about the companys corporate strategy, vision, mission, the values that they hold important and gave the example of a Lumpini Condo Town in Bodindecha-Ramkhunhaeng as a case study of their development. It is important to note here that business values are very higliy regarded. The corporate or private businesses that they operate are with values that will not affect their reputation and brand perception. All the business they undertake they do so with their market image in mind. When asked about whether they had developed on land cleared of slums, he was quite adamant in reiterating that the company does not believe in slum clearance. This would generate problems that could affect their business reputation. The criteria for selecting land comprise the density of people, the place as a destination, cost effectiveness (35,
45 mid width), transportation links, is it dense enough and how big and wide it needs to be as in a proper design process. The condominium are not designed for large families, he suggested that some could be combined to make larger homes but generally if needed people could move out and look for a larger family property. This relates back to the target audience of such developments being middle income earners who are living as single as opposed to extended families. In short there is a particular lifestyle being advertised here, it may not suit all but there is definitely a market for these luxury homes. It gives as an idea of what is happening within the spectrum of residential market in Bangkok.
Appendix | PAGE
112
SU MMARY
A39

Si. Tat. At niscipissi tat wisis et alisis nonsenim dionsed dolore molorti scilit lore tincin vercil do eum do odit nibh eugiam, commy nos augait ilis nonsed tatio consequam, sim exeros Magnim vullaore feum dolent amet volorperosto od miniam, velis elis del ea cortisit, quat. Ut wiscin hent delit aut ad exercidunt utpat ver si blamcon sectet laorper aessim ad euis do od ero con ut niscilla feugiam consenit augue faccum iurerci tat venibh ero et ver senit nullaor sequat veros nibh erit lutpate dolorerillum quismol oreet, summy nulla feummy nonsequat dolore dignississe voluptat ip euguercip ex et am, qui euguero dit ipsum iriuscidunt vulputat. Im ercipit nos augiame tueros eum eratummy nummy non utet ad tie verosto commodi gnisim ipsuscilisis num zzril del dolum alit incipit acin hent augait delis num zzriuscilit lutpat, vullaore eugueros num aliquisi. Alit praesto odigna alis alit augait, sim erit, quisit atem iusto consecte feu feuis num at. Unt iriure magna faccum quat la feu feum volortion el utatem iure feugait la facilluptat lore molor am ing ex et adit vulla conum zzrilla orperos non henim autat, velenisis nim vero etue volor iustrud dunt volobortio el diam, susciduis digna feuis nosto dolese tem zzrilis at, suscidu ipsumsan volor iril deleniatis nulput utat, sustrud te modigniat. Molore tem do dolobore facip er suscilla facilisi. utatue dolore consequamet, quam exero el ut augiam vel er sis aut accumsa ndignit volobore do consequ amcore exerosto odit nit, si bla adiam, vel dunt nonsequissi blam, veniatem dolesto od eu feummolor in vent nullamet, quisl ullum vulla commod magna commolesent ex ex exerci bla accum delit lut ulputat. Iriure minci ese ming eugait lut iriustin utet ad eugait nonulla adignim dio eum velendipsum vendre te dolorem delenim ing er ip exerat pratem et inci blandit wis do dolore dolore facipis nulla faci tatin ullam doluptat. Ipit, coreetue et la commod miniat, sim er amcorper iustis aliquam conullamcore erciliquam aliquis dolorperiure vel et erci tatum alit alissi elis nonsecte volortie dolor iure cortiscidunt el ea feugue minit adipsum venit dolor si. Aliquis nos nos nonsectet, consequisit prat. Agna autet diam at. Uptatue vent lam do exero dolobore doloborem dionsenis nullaore del dipsumsandre erciliquamet ad et lutet volesectem velesse magna autpatue tetue magna faccum volore min eu faccumm odigna feuisi. La faccummy num inci tet wis esto consed et pratum ilisci tat, si. Tate miniam, quamet, consed magnim volortion heniat. Enisi esse dolor sit am, core te et, veliquisit il dunt erillametuer ing et, si tin henim ipsustrud esequisit, se eugue feumsan hent pratue voloborer iriure vel eugait wismodo esed dolorer iustrud min ullan ulla conulla core do esequi bla accum doloreet, veliquipit, velis ex ea at alit, si. Nos aliquipisit wis at, quat. La feu faccumsan et volumsandre ming eugue feuismolore te doloreet nis enit velendre exercinci eugue ercidunt dolorerit adip eum incinci blaore faccummy nos alissed euis delit acidui elessequatum vulla consequipit nonsecte dolorem er at luptat lut
Bang Khen
Ullam aliquat umsandio dolenim aut alis et et wis adipsum nullut dio consed tio odigniam illandi onumsandreet wismodolum in veliquismod dignim dolessi. Ommodolute te do delismodit num zzriure magnit irit, susci tismodo lortie duisciduipit lam nonse velis atum do doloreet nisl el ulla conse dolent iriusto conullam zzriustrud el ut inim il ute doluptatum vel dipsum do consequamet, voluptat lobore erosting ero odolore ming euguer in ver sum do elent ute venis duiscing eum eril ing exeriliqui eugue magnibh eum eriliscinit digna adiamconsed magnim quat dipisciduis am nisissit vel
BANG K H EN
A40
GROUP Amy Leaman and Anna von der Schulenburg (BUDD C), Sepide Hajisoltani and Mahya Fatemi (BUDD D), Victoria Foster, Tanya Murray and Veyom Bahl (UDP) Day 1 16th May Community centre in Bang Bua: Community roundtable with local members of the city network including 6-10 community leaders for introductions to a number of the 19 communities of the district Bang Khen, discussion and exchange Break-out groups on four themes with 2 community leaders each: 1) Role of design and community architects 2) CDF 3) Partnerships 4) Conflict resolution Visit of three communities on both sides of Bang Bua canal by boat together with the community leaders and members of the community network: Sappan Mai 1, Chai Khlong Bang Bua, Ruamjai Pattana Nua Discussion/Q&A with two representatives from Change Fusion (Unltd) working with and providing some funding to the community builders social enterprise (Chang Chumchon). Day 2 17th May Visit of three communities (not along Bang Bua Canal) with the community leaders and members of the community network: Baan Bang Khen, U-TidA-Nuson, Krong Lumpai Workshop (DPU with opportunity for questions with community) to prepare next day detailed sitework. Visited military base and were introduced to communities social enterprise to produce bio fuel from cooking oil. Attended Buddhist ceremony for celebration of Buddhas birthday with the community
Image, last page: A39. Aerial shot of Bang Khen, Google maps with illustrated outline by Anna Schulenberg. Image, this page: A40. Bang Khen Site group by William Hunter
Day 3 18th May In-depth site work in the community Ruen Mai Patthana Tai, based on an additional community brief: How can construction costs be reduced through recycling of materials in order to ensure inclusion of poorer members of the community and in order to accelerate start of construction? Day 4 19th May Presentation of response to community brief to community leaders and visiting community architect and discussion of feasibility Meeting with some members of the Review Committee including local authority representative from the Office of Community Development at Phranakhon Rajabhat University (part of community network) Tour of University grounds and visit of exhibition of student proposals in 3 communities on Bang Bua Canal.
Appendix | PAGE
115
BAN G K H EN
A41
Presentation by Community
Presentations at the community centre of Ban Bua Canal community: Although the actual site visit was not possible because of heavy rain the introduction of several community leaders gave a perspective of the smaller scale of our strategies. It can be seen as listening to a testament of transformation for over 10 years. Image: A41. Presentation at Bang Bua community centre by Amy Leaman; The presentation was given by several members of the community network and gave a broad understanding under the following headings: 1. How did people organise themselves? The beginning of community organisation under the threat of eviction, the forming of the canal network and a welfare fund as well as the obstacles untill today. 2. What was the area like? Portrait of the possibilities of building a house and incomes/loans 3. Difficulties in the process: Account on difficulties and strategies to reach consent in the group, connected conflicts and final inclusion of all communitymembers. One of the most memorable contributions Community was the account of the leader of the housewife group who gave a personal account of her arrival in the slum and subsequent initiatives which brought her to todays situation.
Appendix | PAGE
116
BANG K H EN
A42
Focus Group
Image: A42, A43, A44. Group discussions at Bang Bua community by Anna Schulenburg
Introduction to group discussions during site visits: In order to understand the nature of how we gathered information on site it is necessary to mention the specific context: Due to the fact that the community was very organised and had made arrangements for our visit and that the district of Bang Khen has a very strong and experienced community network most of our exchanges with community members took place in group conversation with a mixture of questions and answers. Also, most of the community members we met in arranged meetings were community leaders. In addition some conversations were held with other community members. While all communities that we visited had joined the Baan Mankong programme they were in very different stages from saving, land negotiation to completion. Out of the eight communities that we were able to visit, the findings as a result of conversations on site for three of them are outlined below:
A43
A44
Appendix | PAGE
117
BAN G K H EN
A45
Sapponmai I
16th May Project stage: The first phase has been completed. Explanation of the layout: Completion of first stage means for a typical canal site along Bang Bua Canal that from the usually two rows of houses that fit on the site the back row has moved further away from the water. This row has already been constructed (average cost 150.000 Baht) and the front row will follow in order to make the practical and symbolical move out of the water onto the land. A complex process for the re-blocking was necessary to reach consensus which is negotiated between all individuals. Between the two rows of houses a path is planned. In the third stage a connecting pathway is built along the canal edge and used as public space and other public space, a condition of CODI, is finalised including a community centre. While this seems to be a typical and proven solution the site had some more specific conditions: The community architect involved from nearby University was active in the layout and re-blocking phase finished in 2003. After that the construction process was done with the help of the community builders Chang Chumchon. The delays and move to another university made his involvement unfeasible. An entrance to the site that is used for the delivery of materials will be closed after construction and the only access to the site will be over a bridge. The steel bridge is financed by several communities in the network who have contributed donations for the realisation.
Image: A45. Boat of the Bang Bua canal network by Anna Schulenburg
Appendix | PAGE
118
BANG K H EN
A46
Baan Ban Khen

The site was of particular interest due to the building typology used on this site and the financing of the project. The construction of a bridge nearby and connected disappropriation of private land threatened the community with eviction and lead to joining the program in 2005. The constraint of a very small size of the plot in relation of the number of household lead to the decision to built a four-storey building to accommodate 44 flats of two sizes (No. 36: 5m x 7m; No.8 3.75m x 7m), these will be inhabited by 32 families. The community office and shops will be located in the remaining flats. Verticality: The problem of allocation in a multi-story building was solved by giving priority to the disabled and shop-owners. Otherwise decisions were made by raffle and the level in the building was reflected in the total cost. Expansion is not possible; people would have to move to a new place. In addition an agreement has been made between the community members not to rent out the flats to maintain cohesion. A downside for the community is that building together is a condition for building community and this is not possible in the added complexity of building vertically. Also the construction time is long and therefore an arrangement for temporary houses has to be made. There are only 3 Baan Mangkong projects in Thailand in which this solution was chosen and two of them were successful. The project wasnt initially supported by CODI. This is due to the increased loansize for a multistorey building. Here the total loan is 200.000 Baht for the larger unit and 180.000 Baht for the smaller one.
Image: A46. Group meeting at Baan Bang Khen by Anna Schulenburg
CDF: Although a tenure arrangement has been made with the Treasury Department for a 90-year lease with 30-year renewal the construction started on the basis of a MoU and finance through the networks CDF fund. The MOU was made between BMA, CODI, Bang Khen district authority, a private landowner TSY, the Treasury department and the local network. This allowed the community to bridge a time, regulations and finance barrier and to create a tangible proof to the local authority. According to the community they would have otherwise interfered in the process with conditions and alterations, for example the use of their own contractors instead of the community contractors. The loan of the CDF was then reimbursed by CODI. The project is under construction. Conflict: As in other projects we visited, the process was not without conflicts between community members including court cases with those who didnt want to leave the plot required to build the project as well as personal differences between the two community leaders (Baan Mangkong and local authority)
Appendix | PAGE
119
BAN G K H EN
A47
U-Tid-A-Nuson
17th Mai: This community stood out for their cohesion and approaches to conflict resolution and knowledge sharing. This community stood out for their cohesion and approaches to conflict resolution and knowledge sharing. Here all community members of 104 households have signed up for the Baan Mangkong program. The community was warned by the community leader of Bang Bua of a threat of eviction in order to build a parking lot, which triggered the joining. A large section of the community has already been built as row houses and douplex houses and a new section is currently under construction with the goal to accommodate all by allowing some spaces for the future. The typology is chosen because of size constraints of the plot. Knowledge: Community members are actively involved in calculating materials and cost estimates and have a system to store and share this information. In addition a community member is studying architecture and working with the community on the design within the typology. Conflict: Here both community leaders have a very good relationship and conflicts are avoided by calling a meeting as soon as an issue arises in oder to solve it is talked about too much which creates the conflict.
Image: A47. Site visit to U-Tid-A-Nuson by Veyom Bahl
Appendix | PAGE
120
BANG K H EN
Ruen Mai Patthana A48
Image: A48. Facade material survey by Amy Leaman
Appendix | PAGE
121
Image: A49. Mapping of reblocking process in Ruen Mai Patthana Tai by Bang Khen Site group
BAN G K H EN
Appendix | PAGE
122
A49
Images: A50. Incremental building for cost reduction by Bang Khen site group; A51. Material bank by Bang Khen site group; A52. Bulk buying of materials by Bang Khen site group; A53. Knowledge production in construction by Bang Khen site group
BANG K H EN
Community brief presentation
A50
A52 A53
A51
Appendix | PAGE
123
Klong Toey
A54
K L ONG T O E Y
Image, last page: A54. Aerial shot of Klong Toey, Google maps with illustrated outline by Anna Schulenberg
GROUP Maira Andrade and Sadiqa Jabbar (BUDD C), Silvia Ch Cervera and Farida Farag (BUDD D), Colin Hagans, Mariana Dias Simpson, Tariq Siddiqui and Yuming Lui (UDP) Day 1 16th May: Site visit to Community 1: 7 to 12 Sang Sun Pattana in the morning, spoke to community leaders, walk around site, speaking to community members and visiting their houses Community 2: Rim Klong Wat Sa Pan in the afternoon, spoke to the community leader and a quick walk around the site Day 2 17th May Site visit to Community 3: Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 in the morning speaking to the community leaders to begin with, prepared set of questions used to ask themed topic questions, walked around site and spoke to some people Visited Community 4: Lock 1, 2, 3 in the afternoon, talked to the community leader again using the prepared set of topics for questions, walk around site talking to people, making sketches Day 3 18th May Visited Community 5: Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong in the morning, talking to the community leaders in the morning, we split into subgroups to continue talking to the community leaders, to talk to the community members and also a group to go on the boat ride down the canal each with a Thai student or leader Afternoon spent on the site continuing sspeaking to community members Made a late afternoon visit to the Community 6: Klong Toey Market community, walking through the market and over the pedestrian walkway to cross the major road to the other side of market Day 4 19th May First meeting in the morning interview with the District Officer and Community Development Officers using prepared questions from the night before, aerial photographs taken from the building of surrounding land Site visit to Community 7: Rim Klong Pai Sing Tho and had lunch with them, talked to the community leaders as a group and then split again to interview to community members Site visit to Community 8: Thala Peenang Market Community, talked with community leaders posing similar questions as in previous site days, talked to one community household taking photos and sketches of the house, walked through site, was a short visit due to time constraints
Appendix | PAGE
125
K L O N G T O EY
Introduction
Klong Toey is the biggest slum in Thailand with an estimated population of 200,000 inhabitants, 80% of the district is effectively slum area. The Port Authority of Thailand has control of majority of the land especially areas comprising high eviction rates. Perceptions of the Port Authority are mixed; some are grateful for the creation of jobs whereas others are fearful due to their housing instability. Negative perceptions result from the fear of evictions heightening through the breakout of man-made fires. One of the site group members, Colin Hagan, found out about a project for the redevelopment of the Klong Toey Port, Bangkok Port Master Plan: Klong Toey, Bangkok, Thailand by a Thai firm 49Group who won the contract through a competition in 2009 (49Group website). This is one of the highly contested developments that are threatening the existence of many of the Klong Toey communities and is discussed further through the interview at the District Office on page 100. Patim, the community leader who had paved the way for our visits to the various Klong Toey communities heads the Baan Kloey community. The original settlement was removed 30 years ago due to the construction of major expressways. Some members of the community tried to continue living under the new expressway that divided their community, but a lorry crashed leaking petrol resulting in a fire. Fortunately nobody was killed in the disaster although 17 families moved away, reducing the size of the community. The area beneath the expressway is currently used to hold community events and gatherings. 6 years ago the community collectively formed a committee and organised to clean the canal and improve the environment through landscaping.
Appendix | PAGE
126
K L ONG T O E Y
Methodology
During the course of the four days on site, the team formulated a structure to the collation of information and division of roles and tasks. The first couple of days passed trying to accustom to the new group dynamics by the end of which we allocated a couple of members to undertake household interviews, while the rest would continue talking to the community leaders. We would relay the information gathered at the end of the day when we regrouped in the hotel. Due to the diverse nature of each community we visited it was not so easy to implement a structured approach to information collection as each required a tailored approach. After the first day we planned to asked community leaders sets of question relating to each of the four themes to be explored; land housing and construction, finance and funding, community mobilisation and partnerships and infrastructure. Team Cs topic was land housing and construction so Mara and Sadiqa formulated a list of relevant questions: What was the role of the architect? How involved was the community in the design to construction stages? How did you decide who got which plot? How long did it take to build? If you could change one thing about your house what would it be? What was your housing condition before Baan Mankong and how has it changed? What kind of land tenure? How does your communitys upgrading connect with neighbouring communities? What was your reason for joining the Baan Mankong programme? At what point did you join? In terms of land registration is it individual or collective?
When the group divided the team members who interviewed households within each of the remaining communities formulated a set of questions covering each of the four issues. The questions were as follows: Did you live somewhere else? How long have you lived here? Who lives in the house, how many people? Occupation where and how far? How much do you spend on living costs? How much do you contribute towards: Community savings? Baan Mankong savings? Did you pay for the housing construction or did you get a loan? CODI? If you paid yourself, why? How many rooms? How much did it cost? How much participation in the design and construction process? Who designed the house, the architect or resident? How were the relations between the architect and resident? What you dream house? How can your house be improved? Do you like living here? Whats the difference between the past and now? Crown Property Do you pay rent? Has the Baan Mankong programme helped you or your community? How? Although rather direct and perhaps basic the pair tried to engage the individuals in a conversation whereby the questions were incorporated. The meeting with the Klong Toey District Office Director was more formal with a set of formulated questions planned in advance (see the interview on the following pages) with a different person asking a question each to engage as many of the team members as possible. This would convey a professional impression of the group in order to obtain qualitative responses to our questions from the Director; as opposed to being dismissed as a set of students undertaking a hypothetical project.
Appendix | PAGE
127
K L O N G T O EY
A55
Discussions with the Community Leaders
Images: A55. Lock 7 to 12 Sang Sun Phatana Community Leader by Mariana Dias Simpson; A56. Rim Klong Wat Sa Pan Community Leader by Sadiqa Jabbar
Community 1: Lock 7 to 12: Sang Sun Phatana Previously the community was called Lock 7-12 as it began as a settlement for the Ports workers in 1957. In 1982 there was a big fire after which the community rapidly rebuilt their houses fearing eviction, saving 1 million Baht over nine years 1982-1991, in addiction. The Port Authority evicted them in 1991, splitting the community into 2 groups; 160 families moved away and of the remaining 140 only 46 are registered to the Port as the original port worker households and thus could have right to the land in the future. They have a collective 30year lease of the land. Since joining Baan Mankong, the relationship with the District Office is good. It deteriorated when the authority cancelled the communitys registration statement in 2002 when facing eviction; the relationship improved in 2003 when they were provided with the land currently occupied. Baan Mankong Programme strengthened the communitys relationship even though there werent any internal problems. In the old area no architects were involved directly after the fire; in the new site the architect and engineers from CODI took the community requirements and organised them into a coherent plan that could be implemented through common themes. Community 2: Rim Klong Wat Sa Pan The community lived closer to the port previously but was evicted. Currently there are approximately 400 houses in the community. In 1992 the eviction threat became more serious triggering the start of a savingsgroup amongst 250 families, although its now reduced to 50 families as over time some people stopped saving over
priority of repairing houses. Talks about physical improvements arose long before CODI and Baan Mankong in 2003, but having no rights to the land posed a problem to joining the programme and also in obtaining public service provision (water, electricity) as the District Office wont supply meters to squatters. Until 1993 they resorted to stealing electricity, but once they approached the Port and negotiated amenities, the District Office finally provided one water-meter and the community installed informal sub-meters. Relocation is not considerate a plausible solution as houses are already of a permanent nature. Moving away would entail starting a new savings-group, and it would be time consuming and difficult to bring people together again! For the community the Baan Mankong programme is a long term objective. Despite their motivation, there is a strong concern they might never join Baan Mankong without land and reluctance of the Port Authority. Community 3: Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 There were 200 houses in their previous community on Port land. First faced eviction in 1985 by the Port on the 70 Rai area land opposite. People were given 15 w (60 m); some people left behind were evicted to another settlement in 1992, 15km away in East Bangkok; they are still there with their allotted 15 w (60m) plots. The families remaining are large, often generations living together because the rights only belong to single family; for example almost 10 people live together. Despite wanting to join the Baan Mankong project they couldnt as they didnt have enough land between 98 families. When the second programme started in 2008
A56
Appendix | PAGE
128
K L ONG T O E Y

A57
Image: A57. Interviewing the Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 Community Leaders by Mara Andrade
they approached CODI while simultaneously negotiating with the Port to obtain one building to create flats that they could manage. The Port refused. Later on they found the current land and negotiated again. The year long process resulted in obtaining the 746.55 w land before they joined the Programme. On the previous site they had a 30 year contract, here they extend every 3 years, theres no ownership. Many people decided not to obtain a CODI loan so they use their own money from the savings group (formed 7-8years ago) to fund the suppliers for individual houses. The architects assisted in dividing plots, creating networks and sharing experiences. Theres recognition the architects involvement was crucial as without it they would not have been able to produce a good overall design for individual houses and common infrastructure. Most people dont have choice in terms of design of houses; poor people dont choose. Community 4: Lock 1, 2, 3 The community leader has a vision to make changes happen in the community. There are many things to be done. He returned a few months ago after 10 years away and yet nothing had changed. The first thing to improve would be the pathways by raising them and installing a drainage system. The water installation occurred upon request; a survey was conducted and installed by the Water Supply Department. Own meters had to be bought. 8000 people comprising 200 families live in this community! Organized community activities are attended by only of 10-12 people. There are no savings groups. The
Port wants to evict them daily and make regular visits. Land was offered in Klong Choc but they fear relocation as theres not job guarantee in the area. Theres no project in partnership with anybody, although the possibility of a Baan Mankong project depends on the government the community wants it but squatting on someone elses land its not possible. They will receive 5000 Baht from the District Office for common repairs but have to pay first in order to receive an instalment and he personally invested 40,000 Baht, and has only received 5000 Baht back so far. Community 5: Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong It is Crown Property Bureau land with 58 houses, comprising 90 families of 237 people. To enter the island a motorboat is required. The island used to be very dense with no green spaces but after a fire broke out 2 years
Appendix | PAGE
129
K L O N G T O EY
A58

ago, 20 of the 58 original houses were destroyed. 50% of the Baan Mankong houses are complete; the other 50% will start soon. There is one newly built house. The rest have been renovated. The communitys ancestry can be traced back to King Rama I, more than 200 years ago, from Batham Thani, a province of North Bangkok. They entered the Baan Mankong programme in 2007, obtaining funding from CODI, 3 years ago. The big fire in September 2009 was a catalyst for many changes. A CPB rule states that if a fire occurs in a community, and they do not have a development plan to recover, than they lose land rights. Fortunately they had one! The Programme taught them to come back together. The community leader was sure people would come and talk about it he has a strong position within the community, he is a character, a person people come to for advice, help and support. Community 6: Klong Toey Market A private company owns the land and rents it to the poor, collecting money from the vendors. Goods are boxed in containers if people are not able to pay the rent. Each 2x2 (4w) space costs about 60,000 Baht per year. There are 5000 formally registered stalls. Daily garbage collection costs 50 Baht. People live in flats above the market. Street vendors are under the District Offices jurisdiction rather than the private company catering for the market stalls. The market has been operating for 14 years and is located near a key demonstration spot on Port Authority land. Most people are aware of the Ports development plan for the area and are planning a demonstration in
A59
Images: A58. Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong Community Leader by Sadiqa Jabbar; A59. Klong Toey Market Leader by Mariana Dias Simpson; A60. Interviewing the Lock 1 2 3 Community Leader by Mariana Dias Simpson p124 (bottom)
A60
Appendix | PAGE
130
K L ONG T O E Y
A61
A62

Images: A61. Rim Klong Pai Sing Tho Community Leader by Sadiqa Jabbar; A62. Thala Peenang Market Community Representative by Sadiqa Jabbar protest as they are anticipating an imminent threat. Over the past 15 years there have been start and stop proposals for development but it hasnt gone through yet. The proposal is for a big green space. The vendors have a 10 year contract of which 3 years have passed since they started renting. Many big restaurants and hotels buy their goods from here; the market is renowned for its cheap and good quality produce which are organised according to provinces depicting the migrant communities. Community 7: Rim Klong Pai Sing Tho The site is located on Port Authority land comprising 44 houses with 57 households. The community are second generation of migrant port labourers in from all over Thailand. The land used to be rice fields but as the population grew, clustering of communities became denser and private businesses formed the area urbanised. Its unclear who the outright land owner is; its partially public and partially CPB land and as they are squatting they cannot join the Baan Mankong programme. They have been working together for 10 years but legally registered as a community 14 years ago. When the area was upgraded house sizes were negotiated rather than standardised in order to even out the playing fields. They combined the housing (1.5 million Baht) and rotary saving (304,000 Baht) funds with the help of Mercy Foundation to borrow 4 million Baht. Each house shares two party walls to reduce construction costs. They belong to different cultures and communities but its more like a family than an urban setting. The community dont know how long they can stay, but would like to live well and learn how to live with the canal. Community 8: Thala Peenang Market The 300 w site comprises a community of 28 houses after the original settlement was divided by the railway. People came from rural areas and have been occupying the land for 94 years. From thousands of families all thats left of the community are 48 and 21 houses on either side of the railway. Infrastructural developments over the last 30-40 years have been major barriers to wider Bangkok. The land belongs to the Port Authority who wants to lease it for commercial use. They call themselves explorers while the Port considers them squatters. The eviction threats brought the community together especially after multiple court orders suing them for occupying the land. A fire broke out destroying 9 houses initiating their urgency to join the Baan Mankong programme. The design of houses is the same by mutual agreement at the planning stage. All houses were pulled down, resized, and re-blocked enabling the construction of four additional houses sheltering 7 families and the community centre. Each 2-storey house cost 230,000 Baht to build over 2 - 3 years. Land remains contested; if they build any more due to lack of rights the authorities will tear them down.
Appendix | PAGE
131
K L O N G T O EY
Response to the Community Brief

The site investigations were quite revealing in disproving and proving some of the assumptions we made in London through the desk research and terms of reference. This led us to formulate four big questions: 1. How does a demand-led process negotiate with an unwilling land-owner? The programmes inability to reach scale in the district due to insecure tenure resulting from fragmented communities, lack of renting and newcomers and stagnant threats that become forced catalysts for change. 2. How can resistance and change networks be created as other drivers are fragmenting communities? 3. There often has to be an event, disaster or threat for communities to mobilise and sustain collective activity. 4. How can planning balance local, national and global priorities and visions? 5. How can people move from survival mode to development mode? This originates from the general consensus among the communities that they are fighting the Port and the Government to obtain the rights to stay on their land. 6. How can design respond to the challenge of upgrading in high-density context? 7. Each community has a different set of ideals and perception based on their experiences. Many are unsure of their future and whether the communities will exist in 20 years time. The community brief initially stated: This district encompasses various approaches to slum upgrading, including land sharing, in-site upgrading, reconstruction and public housing proposals all at various stages of completion This in itself was not really a brief. Therefore based on our observations and findings from talking to the communities, we decided to rewrite the brief that would be more coherent with the problems and opportunities faced by Klong Toey: Enhance communities capacity to effectively negotiate for land and access secure tenure, through the development of a strategic alliance of communities and relevant external actors The proposal was to develop a Klong Toey for All Plan whereby negotiations can formulate an appropriate solution for the development of the area that benefits the district at large and integrates with the rest of Bangkok. In doing so the vision was for Klong Toey to become an inclusive, healthy and spatially cohesive community that functions as a regional, national and global hub. The following pages document a selection of the interviews undertaken by the team of the Klong Toey District Office, Community Leaders and Households. Reference: Klong Toey Site Presentation, 2011.
Appendix | PAGE
132
Images, this page and next: A63-A69. Renderings for the winning contract of the proposed Bangkok Port Master Plan 2009-10 by 49Group
A63
A65
Appendix | PAGE
133
A64
A66
A67
A68
A69
Appendix | PAGE
134
K L ONG T O E Y
A70
Offical Interview
Klong Toey District Office, Community Development Department Interview Director and two Community Development Officers The director was still in another meeting when we arrived, we were welcomed by two Community Development Officers. We made general introductions and while this was happening the Director herself joined us What is your vision for the district? Shes just moved from another district, and heard that Klong Toey was difficult. Klong Toey is a good district exam community development its the only district where people still work together, they know who to turn to without asking and are a strong community Compared to other districts people come here to ask for advice rather than ask for things Follow up: What kind of opportunities and problems do you have? The biggest problem is the PORT land and most communities are located on it. Dont want to continue the contracts as they have plans to change the physical environment An opportunity is for the Port to give back houses and flats District Office would prefer environmental changes than housing i.e. public spaces, parks and greenery Follow up: Whats your vision for Klong Toey in the next 10 years? Personally to work with people within the community
Image: A70. Klong Toey District office by Sadiqa Jabbar
and leave it its difficult to get participation within communities but people dont understand. COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION 10 years peoples networks will be stronger, own thinking and processes for obtaining needs but the LINKS are missing at the moment Physical appearance poor more involved in District Development and Port more friendly
Appendix | PAGE
135
K L O N G T O EY
Offical Interview (cont.)
We have seen different projects proposed for this area, what is the status of these and are curious to hear what you think about these projects. (please refer to images pages 127-128 for proposed master plan) With the mega project they have not much control. Personally its still a plan and so depends on the government which can be changed Green spaces is under the jurisdiction of another organisation not under their control. Spaces under control being developed and designed already and will start very soon i.e. private companies move away because land contract expired which also depends on the Port We heard there is a movement towards decentralisation. Responsibilities from the BMA and D.Os staff capacity to deal with work Some duties translated from different ministries: Welfare, disabled, money Education schools in area directly under them in terms of quality checks Resources have more work bit no one wants to come, dont want to be under district prefer ministries, same number of people Provincial housing? City Planning Development - BMA released zoning what can and cannot build in areas The District Office deals with the rules and regulations. Everything built here is under the District Office but anything not handles is sent back to the BMA, the BMA is still there
Follow up: There is a city planning department for the whole of Bangkok controlled by the City Development Planner. We were told that the District holds monthly meetings with different actors present in Klong Toey. What is the importance of those meetings? (Actors present: communities, foundations, Port, Crown?, etc) Different communities in the district, officers from different departments, officers from electricity, water, foundations, police. Issues raised include how people live and problems with spaces, if things are working efficiently and ways to improve. The District Office contributes 5000 Baht towards communal activities. We have visited some slums in Klong Toey. This is probably a big challenge for the District Office. How do you deal with this issue? The big issue is that people dont want to move. The land issue is something thats not under their control, cant deal with it directly but can help with negotiations and help better improve living conditions, public spaces and infrastructure; otherwise it all depends on the landowner. Want to work as middle person rather than having control. The evictions started 30 years ago
Appendix | PAGE
136
K L ONG T O E Y
Offical Interview (cont.)
Follow up: Sachin Business Area, what previous experiences can you bring to deal with the issue? Have no experience like this the other area comprised rich people who owned land. Only one community on private land was evicted. Acted as the middle person to help negotiate with NHA to obtain cheap land near the airport. The people split into two groups one that stayed and the other that moved. We noticed housing improvement in some of the communities we visited, how does the District Office work with NHA and CODI? No partnerships with either in processes. Give them flexibility in regulations i.e. dimensions between houses, turn a blind eye to enable communities to build houses Klong Toeys current market situation: Location on Port land, private company renting from Port Land just changed to another private company. BMA policy on how the market should be water treatment system, drainage, garbage system the old company moved People didnt want to move and pretested against it like men in black 2 years ago. Port and new company took a long time to get involved and develop its getting better, buildings are being constructed and improvements are being made
How involved in the market development? What is the D.Os role? Help support private company planning would work or not drainage system and circulation, whether people will give permission or not Green spaces fresh garbage for compost D.O. green spaces in district its been tested in other communities its an experiment and will help develop the strategy Masterplan? There is no clear plan. BMA has a conclusion plan District Plan for Tourism 2005-2009 plan is still in progress and should be out soon later this year District Development Plan is an annual revision based on people Why green spaces? Part of the BMA policy is to have green spaces. Bangkok is growing and is becoming more polluted, people are losing health and green space help improve health usually have to go outside, now not many people do *Dont have a land use map in the office but will order it from another department Score card ? Different methodologies, depending on what measuring *Population and migration demographics and data Difficult to tell another department works on stats (for migrants and theme) its not under the Local authority closer to the government body Appendix | PAGE
137
K L O N G T O EY
Interviews
Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong
Images: A71. Health centre Nurse by Yuming Lui; A72. CPB officer by Sadiqa Jabbar
Health Centre Nurse Health Centre built 20 years ago before fire broke out and has the support of land owner (Crown Property) and Ministry of Health to build it. There are some basic health problems, such as cold and flu; community are very healthy. She lives in this community and worked as volunteer. The Health Centre is not busy and so she is the only person who takes care of everyone. She has Sunday off every week. There is an annual health check (lunge, heart etc) undertaken by an external doctor. Crown Property Bureau Officer Before the fire every household participated in Baan Mankong not to build but for the savings group. After the fire the houses affected by the fire were rebuilt, other houses in the community did not understand Baan Mankong and why they didnt have their houses rebuilt which caused some instability. He is now meeting with the community to explain how Baan Mankong works. These people want to come out of the Baan Mankong programme making the membership unstable. The conditions of the Baan Mankong programme comprise involvement in community activities and meetings amongst others.
A71 A72
Appendix | PAGE
138
K L ONG T O E Y
Household Interviews
Sang Sun Phattana A74a
Images: A73. Sang Sun Phattana House 1 resident by Sadiqa Jabbar; A74a. Sang Sun Phattana sketch of House 1 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar; A74b. Sang Sun Phattana sketch of House 2 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar House 1 Twin house 2 families brother and sister with shared wall with doorway between houses 6 people live in both 4 people in one twin and 3 in the other one family member comes and goes Son has been sick for a week with chicken pox/ measles so we cant go upstairs They are happy with the house, it has good airflow but isnt finished they want to lay ceramic tiles House 2 2 bathrooms and 1 kitchen Individual house with gap between neighbouring house reducing house blueprint makes build cheaper, the additional sq footage would add costs and bureaucracy when negotiating land Shared wall adds 25cm to each house The neighbouring block is an NHA scheme for low-income earners There are 5 people in the family Livelihood: makes paper bags to place rubbish, food etc - only one person does this Storage makes use of as much space within the room as possible very efficient Have TVs and computer! NHA building Use as example like a showcase however the room became smaller after being built so people dont move in. It was built eight years ago and was a rushed completion job 3 building Port what about the future generation?
A73
A74b
Appendix | PAGE
139
K L O N G T O EY
A75
Sang Sun Phattana
House 3 The lady calls herself the husband and her husband the wife! He does the cooking, she does the campaigning! The gap between the houses are used as a utility room (washing) with a plastic covering overhead divided into two for both houses Upstairs there are no walls in order to keep an eye on the children, who are here and who are not. Layout is based on habits of the inhabitants open plan <watch tower!> Floor tiles mostly on the ground floor as it is a reception, not on the first floor so as to reduce costs and dont receive guests up here so its ok! Childrens future depends on them but would prefer it if they stay with her, there are no separating wall upstairs. Only used for sleeping o there is more than enough room for the family. Would personally like to get a house out of the area when old and cannot fight anymore and if children dont inherit her fighting blood. Moving into a flat would mean going into isolation which is not part of the culture
Image: A75. Sang Sun Phattana exterior of House 3 by Sadiqa Jabbar. A76. Sang Sun Phattana sketch of House 3 by Sadiqa Jabbar
A76
Appendix | PAGE
140
Images: A.77 Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 House 2 interior by Sadiqa Jabbar; A78. Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 House 1 resident by Sadiqa Jabbar; A.79 Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 sketch of House 1 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar; A80. Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 sketch of House 2 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar;
K L ONG T O E Y
A78
Ruam jai Pattana 7-12
House 1: Community Leader 8 people live in the house Construction workers from outside the community built the house 3rd floor is used for storage; they had initially planned for another room but changed their mind Laundry area spend 4800 Baht a month for space, its cost them 6000 Baht this month Like the house a lot and so does his wife, especially when comparing it to their old house where they had to use eight buckets when it rained! 5 houses on the same plot are smaller but much better; they had problems of snakes in the old place Dries clothes on the structure outside Peoples choice of having one or two storeys depend on how much money they have
A79
They didnt have enough money so built only one floor Construction workers and Port workers usually take materials from there and use it in their own houses <Was asked for money at this point!> Saving now for housing not for welfare will do that after construction Appendix | PAGE
141
A77
House 2 3x6 land 50cm offset from boundary 2 people live in the house, the man and his wife They pay 400 Baht/month for electricity Noticed that they have an AC in their bedroom although they do not have it on all the time Plywood floor Occupation: messenger for a private company and his wife I a assistant teacher in the city teaching Japanese His office is in Klong Toey so would prefer to remain here Good quality usually stays warm The space in front of their house was used for parking spots for bikes but they changed their minds
A80
K L O N G T O EY
A81
Ruam jai Pattana 7-12 A82
Images: A81. Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 House 4 resident by Sadiqa Jabbar; A82. Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 sketch of House 3 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar; A83. Ruam Jai Pattana residents. House 3: 3 floors ground floor for family 2nd and 3rd floors? 11 people live in the family; daughters children, relatives No money to complete construction interiors No gas not good interior No income House 4: Name Chan Pen, 55 years old 1 person lives in the house, 1 room Single and has a brother Cooks in Klong Toey market everyday younger sisters (54 years old) shop but doesnt live here she lives in the shop They had a small house before the Baan Mankong programme, father built the house and has 5 houses the same size in the area, and father and mother live in one of them House 5: His house is still under construction Lived in the area for 30 years Lives with his wife, nephew and his wife and son 7 people live in the house No money so has no roof so the house gets wet when it rains as there is no cover but is used to it Works in the Port building
A83
Appendix | PAGE
142
K L ONG T O EY
A83b A83a
Ruam jai Pattana 7-12
Images: A83a. Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 sketch of House 6 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar; A83b. Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 House 6 interior by Sadiqa Jabbar; A83c. Ruam Jai Pattana 7-12 House 6 resident by Sadiqa Jabbar
House 6: Lives with husband (54 years) and daughter (3 people) How long? for 3 years Daughter (10 years old) will start school again tomorrow She is 40 years old Her office is on the ground floor she has a shipping business importing and exporting goods (basically anything that people request) and lives upstairs 5 years..? Upstairs made using timber so that she can move it to another place if she needs to It was the first house completed in the Baan Mankong Programme in the area 3 years ago It is actually a twin house which she made into one big house there is a one big room upstairs with two stair cases leading up! Many windows to allow for ventilation Same as her house in the country so likes it, they are originally from Lapbiri which is in Central Thailand near Bangkok There is a balcony upstairs (much like many of the houses in the area Ive noticed) People want to copy the design of her house, which was designed by her father The house next door she bought for her parents as they couldnt afford to do so themselves the community didnt give them the money so she paid on their behalf. CODI architect deigned house but she adapted changes to suit her
A83c
Some people in the community like the house and Shack under the expressway: Mother and daughters had been living under the Market vendors
expressway for over 10 years Appendix | PAGE
143
others dont, she doesnt like the environment
K L O N G T O EY
A84
A85
House 1 Spatial single storyed detached house (1 living room & 1 Kitchen & 2 bedrooms & 3 bathrooms - one in each room and kitchen), 90 sqw before fire, 2 floors of the house (made by wood and concrete), and have a balcony on 1st floor after fire, they decided to keep 1 floor of house(made by concrete) that because of health problem of his mom, and improved environment (fresh air, etc) compare with previous plot layout, which was quite dense and constructed with timber, and his mon mentioned that house are more beautiful and better air flow it is not a problem for children go to school, because its very close to the community Occupants most of people are aged from 40 to 80 years old in the community 3 people live in the house (parents & son) parents are retired, and he is 43, who works in another district(Pom Prab) as salesman. Father was born here, and his mother moved here after marriage from other province. BM program fund construction using own savings, and didnt obtain loan from CODI when the fire happened, they moved to stay with his sister. Generally, young people helped old to escape from fire. According to regulation of crown property, people cant stay on the land unless they have development plan, but 1) saving group before
Images: A84. Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong sketch of House 1 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar; A85. Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong House 1 exterior by Sadiqa Jabbar; A86. Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong House 1 kitchen by Sadiqa Jabbar
fire - BM; 2) community lead(Praserd, uncle) talked with community, and then as representative to negotiate with local government, district office and CODI with this problem (rights to stay on land). No architects were involved in the plan, and household (son) did all design, and hired builder for construction (every blue house in the community was designed by an architect) house was not built with loan from CODI, only 2 houses and the community centre (learning centre and health centre and theres a school nearby) were built without CODI funding In this community, there are learning centre, community centre and health centre.
A86
Finance/Cost Cost of of construction was BHT 100,000 Monthly cost is THB 10,000 (include electricity, water and rent - THB 90/months) ?? 3 levels of saving group, which are THB 100, 200 and 300 respectively, the only difference between those three levels is amount of loan (eg: loan more when you put more in the saving group) purpose of saving group in the community include fixed house, emergency use, etc ps: He said that they are happy to live here and no plan it for current house upgrade no complain, and feel happy with community (like a big family)
Appendix | PAGE
144
K L ONG T O E Y
A87
Images: A87. Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong House 2 ground floor hall by Sadiqa Jabbar; A89. Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong sketch of House 2 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar; A88. Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong House 2 resident interview with Sadiqa Jabbar by Yuming Liu
House 2 Old House unaffected by the fire He has been living here for more than 60 years (indicative of his age) 7 people live in the house; 3 family members, son, daughter and daughter-in-law, work (stable job as a civil servant and 2 with unstable office jobs); two are students and 2 are old Is very happy to be living in the area and has good relations with the community; they are like one big family without conflicts Dream house would comprise 2 floors (but already is 2 storeys) Two types of savings groups Baan Mankong and Community that deal with building houses and maintenance and emergencies respectively The household save THB 100/month for the community savings group and THB 100 for BM Pay THB 2000 per month for rent to the CPB and THB 60 for the land In regards to improvements to be made within the community and own house, he replied that no improvements were required for his family but the house opposite needed to be upgraded and fixed His father built the house 80 years ago; not much had changed much in the community until the fire, no architects were involved in design and constructing his house The house is constructed using concrete on the ground floor and timber on the first floor. Wooden poles are elongated using concrete
A88
A89
Appendix | PAGE
145
K L O N G T O EY
A90
House 3 House under construction Has lived in the area for over 30 years; previously lived in a boat which he used to steer up and down the canal delivering concrete but as he is retired has been living in the house prefers living in a boat 6 people live in the house (or will do once the house is completed) His four children all work; in a hotel, an office and two backstage in a theatre He pays rent to the CPB which amounts to THB 60/month or THB 1000/year Once connected the service charge will be THB 2000/month for electricity and water CODI architect designed the house but altered it according to own preferences and is very happy with the whole process The house comprises 2 bedrooms, a bathroom, kitchen (wall still to be added), living room, storage beneath the staircase and front patio on the ground floor and 3 bedrooms, a second bathroom and balcony in the rear on the first floor Original house was destroyed before the fire occurred The construction costs added up to THB 3,000,000 and was paid for by the households own family fund because they could afford themselves; his daughters husband is American Is part of the two savings groups; contributes THB 200 for the BM and another THB 200 for the community savings group The plot originally comprised two houses with shared wall but after the fire the family decided to cobine the two houses to make one big family house
Images: A90. Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong sketch of House 3 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar; A91. Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong House 3 resident by Yuming Liu
A91
Appendix | PAGE
146
KLONG TOEY
A92
Images: A92. Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong House 4 resident with Yuming Liu and Sadiqa Jabbar by Naam Pratum; A93. Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong sketch of House 4 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar
House 4 Lone house owner Lived in the area all his life and lives on his own in the house His house used be made of timber He works in an office nearby in radio communications His electricity bill is free due to his low usage and the water is THB 100/month Contributes THB 200/month towards the community savings group and THB 1700/month for BM everyone in the block pays the same Obtained a THB 200,000 CODI loan The house comprises external patios front and back, one large room divided by furniture and a bathroom he is happy with this as he is the only one living in the house The architects offered the cheapest design for him at his request as he lives alone. He had good relations with the architects, there were no problems If he had more money, he would add an AC, theres no point with anything else as he lives along Uses a gas canister stove for cooking He likes the house and areas because he was born here His female cousin lives next door; other family live in other parts of Bangkok? Thailand? Paid THB 60 rent to the CPB in past but isnt paying anything at the moment because is in the transition process in the BM programme and doesnt know how much he will have to pay; after 10 years he will become the landowner of this plot, if he pays more than THB 60 a month then he will
A93
become the owner quicker
The BM is very helpful because he will become a
landowner in the future; he only owns the house at the moment Participates in community activities and has good relations with people in the area because he knows them as he grew up with most of them The quality of life is better than before when it was crowded, there was a lot of waste water and mosquitoes. The foundations constructed improved the conditions. Drugs was also a problem which caused a lot of fighting but was resolved after the fire
Appendix | PAGE
147
K L O N G T O EY
A95
A94
House 5 Spatial Before fire, her family lived in a large single storyed detached house (made by wood) After fire (now), two storyed detached house (3 bedrooms on the 1st floor, 1 bathroom on the ground floor and open plan divided by furnitures). But not enough for people live, and much smaller than before) Occupants live here in her whole life 10 people live here (herself, husband, 4 children, sister, brother, mother and grandma; nephew is temp live in here) only 3 people works (sister - pharmacist, husband computer shop, nephew - car care) BM program architects designed house for them, and she didnt involve the design process to much(only request for the big door, 2 floors). She knows the new location of her house, but didnt know the size. She has participated in the BM program, but not much and didnt get much more details of house. She is happy with current house, and only problem is not enough space/rooms Finance/Cost cost of construction is THB 370,000 loan from CODI is THB 200,000, and used own money about THB 100,000 (question: how about another THB 70,000 construction fees?)
Images: A95. Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong sketch of House 5 plan by Sadiqa Jabbar; A94: Koh Klang Klong Praka Nhong House 5 resident by Yuming Liu
fee for land rent is THB 60/month, but she doesnt living cost is THB 1400/month (only electricity and
water, buy water from other in the old place and cost is THB 10/pot) saving group: THB 200 (for community), and THB 1700 (for BM program) need to pay it now
ps: This lady mentioned that there is conflict with community, 1) she registered house and had 2-3 register home ID before fire happened, and she believed that her family should at the least have 2 houses now (BM) or a big house (more space). But unfortunately, she only got two storyed detached house; 2) she discussed this problem with Praserd(uncle), but nothing changed; 3) Praserd(uncle) said he is a good person, and whole community respect him, even he is not community leader. However, this is not true. The reason is because he is a rich man and have more power, so people are affraid of he; 4) the backyard (or garden) of Praserd(uncle) should be public space for the whole community as designed by BM program, but now the public
Appendix | PAGE
148
K L ONG T O E Y
Lock 1,2,3
Little boy Images: A96. Flower vendor in community space by Sadiqa Jabbar; A97. Children in community playground by Sadiqa Jabbar
A96
Lives with his father, is in primary class 2 Mother, older brother and uncle also live in the
house Flower craftswoman (in the playground open space next to the pond)
She was born here in the area and has lived here for
more than 50 years She sells the flowers in Pranakon Market He lives in a house nearby with 7 people There are three rooms on one floor She has two children a son and daughter who dont have children yet In Buddhism flowers are used to how respect and sells a lot easily The market is close by and is easy to go to work <had to leave>
A97
3 children in the playground
They live 2 or 3 houses away from the playground They go to school nearby 11 year old boy, 13 and 15 year old girls They come to play in the playground every day after 3pm (after school?) The boy lives in a house with 13 people in two rooms <had to leave> Appendix | PAGE
149
Pasi Chalern
A98
PASI CHAL ERN
Offical Interview
Interviews Day 3 Municipal Office Head of Development department for the district BMA have the option of a MOU with landowners. BMA appoint a committee and Head of District is the heart of the committee [Land issues] What is your role, what projects has she been working on in relation to CODI and BMA? To develop each community needs to get a loan. Local Authority provide an auditor to seek approval for the loan and report to CODI. When the community presents a plan does the office review it? She as head of department will approve it. Then CODI send an architect for feasibility check. What does she think about Ban Mankong and of the developments in the area? Good if the municipal office can be part of helping to establish communities and livelihoods then they are happy to be part of it. How to strengthen the relationship with CODI? Open a space for dialogue between the community, CODI and Municipal Office Why? To share opinions, discuss issues, make compromises and find the middle path. What are the main issues? There is a problem of sub-letting, conflict between groups need to create a dialogue space to make a solution. Every month 54 district communities (leaders) attend a meeting in the office, the head of the district police department, environmental officer are present also.
What is the involvement of the BMA? They promote infrastructure, telephones, local health care advisory role, welfare. Community leaders make proposals to the office of what they would like help with. Do they help with land and housing issues? If community specifically raises the question of land and housing News from CODI is presented at the meetings by Tim (community leader) to inform other districts/ district leaders. Tim introduced the BM programme to the council of community organisation, the council was then able to receive funding from CODI. Who is the council? 54 Community leaders vote people into the council. People were elected according to the 9 working issues. The Local Authority approves appointments and acts as a facilitator. Access to electricity and water.. People must apply for a temporary house registration and from that they can get temporary access to electricity and water. What about waste management? Each community has a certain spot for rubbish, then the council collects from that place, this service is free. What about sewage? This is not included For BM programme all sewage disposal has to be planned before construction. Is there a development plan? It is focused on building roads (infrastructure), nothing to do with development of communities etc. What about other development projects? The community has to initiate then the L.A will facilitate. Is it possible for a dialogue with canalside residents to Integrate the canal into future development plans and not as an after-thought? BMA has a policy of cleaning all the canals. The District also wants to promote the cleanliness of canals for tourism. Do CODI and the Municipality disagree on the development plan? There are conflicts but before discussing they have to set but the rules /framework, where they can come to a compromise.
Image: A98. Aerial shot of Pasi Chalern, Google maps with illustrated outline by Anna Schulenberg
Appendix | PAGE
151
PASI C HAL ER N
Community Leader Interviews

Site 1 - 16.05.2011 Community were donated land by the landowner the government provided funding for the road. The road was built higher than the main road as a flooding defense. However it still floods. There were 2 communities but one decided not to participate and so moved away, another project was negotiated for them. There was a conflict between the 2 communities, they did not join because they were not able to save. When she was moved her with her community she tried to include the existing community however they could not contribute 5bt per day to be in the savings group. There are 79 households in the community. They started saving 7 years ago, they came to the area 6 years ago and joined the BM programme 4 years ago. There is a mixture of employment in the community some people are taxi drivers, some sew, some run shops. It is a good location for them in relation to livelihood. They can choose where they want to live and how She used to run a grocery store but now she is a community leader (still has a shop in the community) She was evicted and came to this area she was able to afford to live among her own socio-economic class but chose to stay here and help. Her children have left university, she is not struggling financially. Construction cost without decoration is 205,000bt for 1 house. The construction was carried out by contractors recommended by the community architect. The architect gave them direction in the planning and design. The community audited the process/construction. Water and electricity throughout the build was tapped from other houses temporarily. After construction they go to local authority for support and give 10,000bt for connection to utilities. After the survey they check whether the cost will be over or under 800,000bt. If under they community dont have to pay, if over they do. Electricity funding comes from CODI for cables and posts. Water meter costs 2500 bt which they pay to the local authority. In order to pay for this some people get a loan or start saving from the start of the process so they have the money by the time it is required. Community? Network of care of households Tim Community formed through common issue of land eviction. Prior to eviction there was no community in the same sense. People lived individual households. After construction, the bond of the community remains as they have helped each other through and given time to each other. How does decision making process happen? Voting system Monthly meetings to share and discuss issues and ideas funding for this comes from CODI and counts towards the infrastructure (inc. technology) Stages First problem they didnt have the knowledge to handle the issues of eviction/BM upgrade Second problem no-one wanted to devote their time to understanding the BM programme/savings Third problem It was hard to gain the trust of the community for saving. They didnt want to give their money away.
Appendix | PAGE
152
PASI CHAL ERN
A99
Community Leader Interviews

How was this addressed? A consultant for the community (ex-soldier) was able to give advice on land and regulations in the community. Together Tim and consultant went out to learn about the process. They advised to save 100bt per month. Began saving themselves and then formed a savings group after a year to show people how it was done and to build trust. The savings group began in January by March they were able to make a proposal for infrastructure and funding. In June they proposed to buy the land. In land buying process there was a problem when they bought it as they have to deal with all the bordering land owners who have to sign and confirm the boundary lines. They had 6 boundaries, some landlords wanted money to attend meetings. Infrastructure was a first compulsory step for CODI this has now changed (trial and error for CODI) CODI had more budget for infrastructure therefore wanted to start off the process at that point. They have land which was donated by the landowner to build a child day care centre, they are seeking funding from the Municipal Office. Relationship with local authority There was a conflict at first after construction they were not given a permit, wanted community to be demolished as did not fit with planning regulations and building codes. Now they have a permit, house registration as they showed it to be a good example. The local authority officer demanded 10,000bt per household for the permit, then he requested 5000bt per household and then eventually 1,500 bt from the community. Why no permit before the build? They were under a court order from the previous buildings so they had to build as quickly as possible. The standards were below the building regulations as the canal set back was 6 metres, they has to be 2m from their neighbours and 3m from the street, which was not practical for them. When they started building there was a lack of communication between L.A CODI and community. CODI helped them to build first and then helped them to pressurise and negotiate with L.A for a compromise on building regulations and standards. They are now in the process of changing the regulations in terms of high density buildings. Even though it doesnt comply they still have an architects input to ensure fire safety is not compromised. They have schools from kindergarten through to high school in the area. Migrants/new comers She helps people out at any stage, she educates and helps them but there is no help or support for new migrants to the area. There is a lack of space and so wants to help people in the community. New people are not considered members of the community. Walkabout In different community the NHA sell the rights to build on the land but the land is still owned by NHA. They clear rubbish from community but the rubbish still gets washed down the river. Other communities have no road access so rubbish cant be collected and its thrown into the canal.
Image: A99. Interview with community leader.
Appendix | PAGE
153
PASI C HAL ER N
Interview with member of savings group (day 2) 1 Name Pranee (F), Age 52 [There are 4 people in the household and 3 of them work; there will be work for them at the new site] She has lived in the area for 20 years, she is moving to the new site because her current landlord has given her notice to leave the house which she rents; he has allowed her to stay until the Ban Mankong project is complete and she is able to move to the new house. Q2 How was the monthly payment for the savings group decided at 3000bt per month? The amount was calculated before she joined the savings group Q3 Were people unable to join the savings group due to the amount of monthly payment? Yes, some people could not join, and 5 people dropped out of the savings group because they could no longer afford the payments. Q4 How long have you been saving? 8 months Q5 Do you want to move? I like living here Q6 Do you know other people that are moving to the new site? Yes, there are some others moving Q7 Have you visited the relocation site? Yes I have visited the site Q8 How did you get there? I travelled by car Q9 How was the monthly instalment amount decided The payment was decided by the committee and CODI Q10 Do you ever meet with the savings group and if so what do you discuss? Yes we meet once a month to talk about the project and what will happen. Interviews BMA site 2 (M) Occupation Taxi Driver Q1 How long have you lived in this house 3 years, but I dont own the house. It is rented from the owner. He does not live in the area anymore. Q2 How much rent do you pay each month? 4000bt per month. I also pay for my own electricity and water. Q3 What do you like and dislike about living here? I like living here because I know everyone, I am happy to live here but its too quiet. Additional The owners tend to work most of the day and just come back here at night to sleep. In general the community is for low to middle income people.
A100
Image: A100. Explanation of a map.
Appendix | PAGE
154
PASI CHAL ERN
A101
The people in the community have come here from different areas/ provinces. 3 (F) 18 years old Q1 How long have you lived here? I was born here and have lived here all my life Q2 Do you go to school? No, I am not educated Q3 What do you do in the day? Nothing much. Q4 How many people live in your house? There are 2 people Q5 How many bedrooms are there in your house? There are 2 but its flexible Q6 Do you go out of the community? Yes, I go around the site but I dont really leave the area. Q7 Is there a hospital nearby? Yes there is a clinic but its private. I go to the government hospital which is free. Q8 How do you travel outside of the community? I walk or ride a motorcycle. Image: A101. Shop-owner 4 (F) Home owner runs general shop from front of the house Q1 How long have you been living here? I have been here for 2 years, but the project started 5 years ago. Q2 Why did you move here? There was a fire at my old house and I was moved here by the government. Q3 Did you know anyone else when you moved here? No, I was the first from my old community to move here and I didnt know anyone. Now more people from the old community have followed. Q4 Was this shop here when you moved, or did you open it yourself ? I made this shop to earn money; I also sell sea food from here in the evening. Before I moved here I was a trainee pharmacist. Q5 Did you get permission from the local authority to open the shop? No I didnt get permission from them but I pay 900bt a year in tax. Q6 How many people live in this house? 5 people altogether Q7 How many bedrooms are there in this house? There are 3 bedrooms and 2 bathrooms Appendix | PAGE
155
PASI C HAL ER N
Interviews Day 3 Site 2 Squatter Settlement 1 (f) Q1 How long have you lived here? Since I was born 46 years ago It is her family home/area. She moved plot due to a fire on the previous land (just opposite from new site). The land belongs to a private landowner (a teacher). The owner wants to evict them but they dont have enough money to move elsewhere. Since the eviction threat they have stopped paying rent to the landowner, this has been for the last 20 years. Q2 Do they know about BM Programme, or know the people from the BM community? Yes she knows some people from the local community. They cannot join the programmed because of lack of money. Their earnings are per day and they carry out different jobs each day so income is not regular or guaranteed. Q3 Re citizenship.. They dont have a registered address, telephone or housing registration. They get access to water and electricity from house nearby to whom they pay some money. They cannot vote. Their children are registered to a nearby house so they will be able to vote when older and will be able to go to school. Q4 How many people live here? 7 all together, her husband, herself and 5 children. Q5 How has the area changed since she has lived here? There was more farming previously, her mother used to grow plants and vegetables. 10-20 years ago the canal was clean, they used it for transport, bathing, there was no pavement before so the whole area was like a flood plain. The government (BMA) made the pavement. There is no flooding nowadays. There is a water pipe which passes through the area but water supply goes directly to private area, no access for locals. The canal leads to the temple, its a short walk. She would like to use the canal like before. Q6 Why dont they want a house registration? They cant ask for it as they are trespassers/squatters. The land was rented from the landowner but then he changed his mind so some people left but they stayed. Her mother had house registration 2 Elderly couple private owners, house and land. Lived in area for 33 years Initially rented the land/house, then bought from the landowner. They have had house registration since 33 years. There is a sense of community living in this area. In the past the husband was a member of the committee of the community. There was a savings group, and he was once a member but no longer. The savings groups still exist. They raised 10 children in this house one still remains other live in Bang Plea area. Land was much cheaper in the past. Appendix | PAGE
156
PASI CHAL ERN
A102
3 Shop keeper (f) Owner of land and building since 2 years ago. Previously lived in a small house just opposite the shop for 30 years. Q1 who built the house? She paid for a constructor Q2 is she part of a savings group? No, saved money by herself Q3 Does she feel part of the community? She lives here so has a sense of community, also runs the shop so everyone knows her. Q4 Who lives in the house? Herself and her dog. Her mother doesnt want to live with her as doesnt like being on the first floor, prefers the ground floor and so has remained in the previous house. Q5 How did she go about building permits? Her husband managed this. She is connected to mains water and electricity. There is no outdoor or open space around the house.
Image: A102. Children outside in Pasi Chalern by Amrita Koonar
4 NHA Owner (f) They bought the land from the co-op (repaying a loan to co-op). The house was paid for separately from a private loan 225sq wa 1900bt per month repayment House loan 300,000bt 3000bt per month repayment Co-op membership 100 bt per month. Has lived here for 4 years, definitely feels part of the community. The committee of the NHA project met once a month. All members met annually. Her husband is the president of the co-op. She is a house-wife, her husband is part of the security for the royal family. 5 people live in the house.
Appendix | PAGE
157
Images, this page: A103. House 1: Sustainable urban drainage, design guideline by Jennifer Cirne; A104. House 2: House to plot relationship, design guideline by Jennifer Cirne. Images, next page: A105. House 2: Incremental housing, design guideline by Jennifer Cirne; A106. House 2: Increasing access to community, design guideline by Jennifer Cirne; A107. House 2: Creating community open space, design guideline by Jennifer Cirne
PASI C HAL ER N
Community brief presentation A103 A104
Appendix | PAGE
158
A105
A106
A107
Appendix | PAGE
159
SU MMARY

Si. Tat. At niscipissi tat wisis et alisis nonsenim dionsed dolore molorti scilit lore tincin vercil do eum do odit nibh eugiam, commy nos augait ilis nonsed tatio consequam, sim exeros Magnim vullaore feum dolent amet volorperosto od miniam, velis elis del ea cortisit, quat. Ut wiscin hent delit aut ad exercidunt utpat ver si blamcon sectet laorper aessim ad euis do od ero con ut niscilla feugiam consenit augue faccum iurerci tat venibh ero et ver senit nullaor sequat veros nibh erit lutpate dolorerillum quismol oreet, summy nulla feummy nonsequat dolore dignississe voluptat ip euguercip ex et am, qui euguero dit ipsum iriuscidunt vulputat. Im ercipit nos augiame tueros eum eratummy nummy non utet ad tie verosto commodi gnisim ipsuscilisis num zzril del dolum alit incipit acin hent augait delis num zzriuscilit lutpat, vullaore eugueros num aliquisi. Alit praesto odigna alis alit augait, sim erit, quisit atem iusto consecte feu feuis num at. Unt iriure magna faccum quat la feu feum volortion el utatem iure feugait la facilluptat lore molor am ing ex et adit vulla conum zzrilla orperos non henim autat, velenisis nim vero etue volor iustrud dunt volobortio el diam, susciduis digna feuis nosto dolese tem zzrilis at, suscidu ipsumsan volor iril deleniatis nulput utat, sustrud te modigniat. Molore tem do dolobore facip er suscilla facilisi. utatue dolore consequamet, quam exero el ut augiam vel er sis aut accumsa ndignit volobore do consequ amcore exerosto odit nit, si bla adiam, vel dunt nonsequissi blam, veniatem dolesto od eu feummolor in vent nullamet, quisl ullum vulla commod magna commolesent ex ex exerci bla accum delit lut ulputat. Iriure minci ese ming eugait lut iriustin utet ad eugait nonulla adignim dio eum velendipsum vendre te dolorem delenim ing er ip exerat pratem et inci blandit wis do dolore dolore facipis nulla faci tatin ullam doluptat. Ipit, coreetue et la commod miniat, sim er amcorper iustis aliquam conullamcore erciliquam aliquis dolorperiure vel et erci tatum alit alissi elis nonsecte volortie dolor iure cortiscidunt el ea feugue minit adipsum venit dolor si. Aliquis nos nos nonsectet, consequisit prat. Agna autet diam at. Uptatue vent lam do exero dolobore doloborem dionsenis nullaore del dipsumsandre erciliquamet ad et lutet volesectem velesse magna autpatue tetue magna faccum volore min eu faccumm odigna feuisi. La faccummy num inci tet wis esto consed et pratum ilisci tat, si. Tate miniam, quamet, consed magnim volortion heniat. Enisi esse dolor sit am, core te et, veliquisit il dunt erillametuer ing et, si tin henim ipsustrud esequisit, se eugue feumsan hent pratue voloborer iriure vel eugait wismodo esed dolorer iustrud min ullan ulla conulla core do esequi bla accum doloreet, veliquipit, velis ex ea at alit, si. Nos aliquipisit wis at, quat. La feu faccumsan et volumsandre ming eugue feuismolore te doloreet nis enit velendre exercinci eugue ercidunt dolorerit adip eum incinci blaore faccummy nos alissed euis delit acidui elessequatum vulla consequipit nonsecte dolorem er at luptat lut
Rangsit
Ullam aliquat umsandio dolenim aut alis et et wis adipsum nullut dio consed tio odigniam illandi onumsandreet wismodolum in veliquismod dignim dolessi. Ommodolute te do delismodit num zzriure magnit irit, susci tismodo lortie duisciduipit lam nonse velis atum do doloreet nisl el ulla conse dolent iriusto conullam zzriustrud el ut inim il ute doluptatum vel dipsum do consequamet, voluptat lobore erosting ero odolore ming euguer in ver sum do elent ute venis duiscing eum eril ing exeriliqui eugue magnibh eum eriliscinit digna adiamconsed magnim quat dipisciduis am nisissit vel
A108
R ANGSI T
GROUP Ivana Nady and Desire Durousseau (BUDD C), Katja Starc and McKenzie ONeill (BUDD D), Alejandro Echeverria, Helen Markides and Amy Scott (UDP) Day 1 16th May Rangsit Local Authority Offices: Presentation by municipality officers explaining their work process. Q & A session with municipality officers and community leaders. The visited four sites. Site visit to Nimit Mai community: completed relocation project. Site visit to Rattana Pathum community: unique community within the Baan Mankong programme as they are using private construction contractor instead of carrying out the work themselves Site visit to Sang San community: strong network of community builders present and make bricks onsite. Day 2 17th May Visited four communities with the community leaders and members of the community network. Conducted several informal interviews with community residents across the four sites. Day 3 18th May o In-depth site work in the community Charen San, based on community needs which were not in totally in line with the community brief of low-cost construction and renewable energy technology. Did mapping exercise with the community. Day 4 19th May Preparing presentations and proposals for community. Presentation of response to community brief to community leaders and visiting community architect and discussion of feasibility. Presentation for municipality officials and community leaders at Rangsit Local Authority offices.
Image: A108. Aerial shot of Rangsit, Google maps with illustrated outline by Anna Schulenberg
Without struggle theres no progress.

Community leader May 2011
Appendix | PAGE
161
R AN GSI T
Nimit Mai
The community had to relocate due to fire on initial location. Completed project comprising of 140 houses. House designs were chosen from CODI design templates. Some houses were built as single family homes, some as two family homes with separate entrances. After a plot is allocated the prospective owner has a year to start the construction work. If there is no activity on the site it gets reallocated.
Cha-reon Sin
Sixty-five households within the community, ninety-four families. The site is located by the canal and is very highly populated. The savings group was organised in 2004 and the upgrading proposal was made to CODI in 2006. Upgrading was never implemented due to unforeseen circumstances within the community. Presently new savings group is being organised with the intention to complete the upgrading mainly focusing on prevention of flooding, sanitation, housing and communal spaces. Land is owned by Irrigation Department and negotiation on land tenure is in process. In exchange for land tenure the community is proposing to maintain and clean the canal.
Rattana Pathum
Image: A109. Community canal by Ivana Nady Eighty-two households have to relocate to nearby location due to current unsuitable living conditions. The relocation land is privately owned and they managed to negotiate the lease for 15 years. They managed to negotiate an affordable price for the project with the private construction company. The company is using local labourers for the project. Plot size is 28 sqm for one house. The community is paying for the infrastructure; however the municipality will take the ownership and maintenance responsibilities after the completion of the project.
A109
Appendix | PAGE
162
R ANGSI T
Fah Mai Sivalee

Community is occupying land owned by the municipality which is has intention to clean the canal causing eviction of the community. Community is relocation to nearby location to a land owned by the Treasury Department. Agreement is for land rental, the lease is for thirty years. Savings group was initiated last year and is currently saving for infrastructure improvements. The design of the houses was chosen by municipality, communities were happy about the choice. The only criticism was about slow bureaucratic process.
Sang-san Nakorn
Sixty-five households within the community, ninety-f20 years ago the site was a vacant land. The size of the site is 200 RAI. Initially it was populated by 50 households, rising to 200 households at the present. There are a lot of migrants from other provinces in the community. In 2005 the community joined CODI and formed a savings group, currently they are saving 200 baht a month per household. The community is facing eviction due to private sector housing development for middle income people. Eviction notice has been served last year, majority or the community wants to move. NULICO and Government have been involved to persuade households who do not want to move into reconsidering. The developer is offering money for relocation; the amount depends on the individuals bargaining capabilities. The land owner has carried out a survey to determine who is willing to relocate and allocated couloured number to each house. Red for households unwilling to move, blue for households open to negotiation and white for vacant properties. The community is affected by drug related problems.
Klong Sawan
Image: A110. House on stilts by Ivana Nady Community had an agreement for a land lease with Irrigation Department which owns the land however the status of the agreement has changes due to migration causing high population density. Some basic upgrading has been completed by the community. Difficulties in securing the funding from CODI because of lack of rights to the land. Demographics: Elderly included into social welfare and more attached to the land; younger generations seem not to want to be there; very young are just there because of their situation.
A110
Appendix | PAGE
163
R AN GSI T
Klong Nueng Pattang

Images: A111. House on stilts by Ivana Nady; A112. Community facing eviction by Ivana Nady; A113. Housing at Lakhok Train Station by Ivana Nady The community bought the land from private owner, cost of land was 30 000 000 baht. Allocated plot sizes depend on household income. The site has been populated by four communities joined in one housing cooperation. All four communities had different level of savings but they agreed to divide the plots according to affordability. Communities do not have to pay for infrastructure, the loan is for land and house construction. Construction work started in 2008, some of the houses are already completed and some are only starting the construction. Length of process depends on households ability to save. Construction work is carried out by community members themselves. Certain people were already skilled construction workers, the others learned skills in the process. CODI is partially funding the community centre, the remainder of the funding has to be provided by the community. Criteria for land selection: 1. Proximity to the existing location 2. Proximity to childrens school 3. Price 4. Access
Lakhok Train Station

117 households under threat of eviction due to railway redevelopment by State Railway. The community is not paying rent for the land. The community joined CODI in 2008 however there was an NGO working with the community before CODI. The NGO Four Regions - is dealing with housing for communities living by the railway. It provides help with housing but does not have a savings process as CODI. Although the NGO is independent of CODI it participates in community meetings with CODI. Community has found the relocation land but it is only sufficient for relocation of forty communities.
A113
A111
A112
Appendix | PAGE
164
R ANGSI T
Official meetings
16th May
Issues identified: Image: A114. Meeting with local authority by Ivana Nady Local authorities dont communicate between each other horizontally No policy to deal with migrants Large scale infrastructure- very top down Land speculation and majority private ownership No program for the CDF Look at spatial densities of prototypes Political pressure on municipality- low income on the media Land tenure and insecurity Municipal Pawn Shop - Low interest rates Sustainability program; municipality vs community driven? Creative city as a strategy for creative economy
A114
Appendix | PAGE
165
Bang Poo
A115
BANG P OO
GROUP Parvathi Nair, and Tareq Razzouk (BUDD C), Noor Al Ghafari and Josue Robles (BUDD D), Anna Sinnott, Kitty Kam, Elian Pea and Felipe Larach (UDP) Day 1 16th May General visite to 7 communities in Bang Poo site includes Day 2 17th May Our methodology consisted of two groups undertaking two tasks at two different scales Interview Housing survey includes spatial mapping, material survey and interveiws Day 3 18th May Housing survey includes spatial mapping, material survey and interviews Day 4 19th May Participatory action research. Design workshop.
A116
Image previous page: A115. Aerial shot of Bang Poo, Google maps with illustrated outline by Anna Schulenberg. Image, this page: A116. Sketch of temporary shelter by Tareq Razouk
Appendix | PAGE
167
BANG P OO
Nangnoal
They had three places to choose but they chose this one because they have a school a market and a temple close. 107 plots Relocation in less than 3 kms. Row house with two families per house. But as in general the families were of more than 4, a family will use two houses. They were relocated because the expansion of the road. Not all move. Some return to their home town and rest to live with someone else. Those who did not move were because the process was too long for them. The owner of the land was an old lady. The participatory process was done by CODI architect. Before they had bigger houses and land. There was a felling of injustice but CODI explained them that both the size of the land and the house depended of the affordability of the loan. The construction time is 8 units (4 row house) in 4 months. The road was supplied by the municipality as was the provisional water and electricity. The sewage system was a sceptic tank. Of the 2.100 B that the pay monthly, one third was to land, the other third to housing (both them payed to CODI) and the last third to the community saving group.
Sam haung
They move from the same site than community 1 because government wanted to develop the area as a service area. They use recycling material for the construction of their houses. Land cost : 15.000.000 B Community has to save 10 percent before joining BM Public infrastructure supported by CODI. Sewage not sceptic tank Loan: 39 MM B for 15 years with 5% interest. Partners: Governador (first stone) and politicians. But municipality very good supporter. Registration: Submitted together. Land is collective, but house registration is individual. After 15 years they are individual owners of everything. They can sell but all the community has to agreed to whom they are selling the house. They plan to be a market for the area. 95% of habitants work in factories.
Bangsamran
Will be relocated because the road expansion Interested in recycling materials Before, 50 households, after 60 households The proposal was made by CODI only to present to royal treasury. Long term rental contract. Will be relocated all of them. Just being approved by treasury department the agreement but not signed yet. They can get money from municipality for infrastructure. The first project was made by students.
Appendix | PAGE
168
BANG P OO
Klong mai pattana

Community members measured the land. They bought the land from different land owners. 5 different communities in one cooperative. Temporary house for relocation.
Srang ton eang

Royal treasury land Many members work in the industrial state. Temporary houses for the people They started saving groups five years ago. They have used their knowledge in construction to reduce the cost of the house. They have used skills from a couple to teach the rest of them how to build. Municipality a great supporter. The network (NULICO) a great supporter Workers are part of community and they are paid by house. University is another partner.
Klong ta kok
Community that has been up-graded in situ. They used low-cost construction methods. They have living here for 80 years. 80 households will be up-graded. XXX will be relocated. The project is approved and the cooperatives already formed. Before cooperative there was another group: women group and occupation group. The just were occupying the land but the will (or past) sign a contract with royal reasury department. The airport has influence them only with the expansion of the road. The houses that are in the area affected will relocated while the other one will be reordered. They have good relation with the other communities that are in BM but only the leaders have more close relations with other communities. The local authorities doesnt understand the importance of this comprehensive plan. Some leaders have been invited to meeting but not the common people. They use the area where we had the meeting as public space.
Taiban moo
The budget of infrastructure of CODI can be used to the foundation of the house. Use of recycling materials in the house as wood, windows and frames.
Appendix | PAGE
169
BANG P OO
Lady with 4 children
Image: A117. Portrait of lady with four children by Tareq Razouk They are living there since 50 years. Main occupation is fishing, sell of food and factories. They are not immigrants One year ago the treasury department told them that they have to leave and they began the saving group. They have to save 10% They have a verbal agreement with treasury department but cannot sign the agreement until they get into BM The registration is done in the municipality. The problems is that they are registering 3 communities together and that is tacking more time. When they were notified the network approach to them and bis because they knew that the eviction was affecting communities around. There were people who didnt want to join BM so they will move the day that they will be evicted. 50 households and 200 people in 5 sub-groups. Only 3 poor couldnt join the BM because they The proposal was made by the Codi Network to present the cooperative to the authorities. 2 design of 3 offered were selected by community. The lay out of the new community has not being made yet. The first to reach 10% choose the first house. But if someone has less than 10% and other has more, while they have the 10% as community they are ok.
Her daughter has the right & they will go to live with her. They have lived there for 35 years. She move there when she got married with her husband. The first problem was this eviction. The rest is just fine She has been involved in BM although she cannot join the programme. She doesnt believe in BM because is just starting. Minimal activities of BM yet. Only saving group. Her husband worked renting a truck. The whole family has to save 2.000 B. They parent put 1.000 while the daughter put the other 1.000 B. The BM reduced their monthly budget. Is not that they are working more. Not a lot of participation yet in planning of BM because it is in a previous stage.
Couple of factory workers

They have 3 children Their parents built the house there because there was vacant land. They save 500-700 monthly to saving group. Both of them together earn around 10.000 B They relations with neighbourhood is relatives, family or cousins. They dont have relation with other communities. Only with other relatives. They have to join BM because they didnt have another choice. They involved in BM in march2010 They believed in BM because they went to visit other communities and saw that was real and possible. They still dont participate a lot in the process because it has not started yet. Just saving. The feel rural people. They would prefer stay where they are. Not move. Municipality is very supportive of them. They buy food from the market or from the truck that comes every day. They have electricity and water with meters.
A117
Appendix | PAGE
170
BANG P OO
A118
Lady in the shop

She lives there since 10 years Works every day from 6am to 8pm She has two children. One finished the school and is a driver and the other didnt and works in a factory. She the best member of the community because she saves more than the rest. The earns around 12.000 monthly, where 10.000 is profit. 2.000 to saving group and the rest to the bank. She assist to all the meeting (every Sunday) She has a lot of relations with other people because the sells products. Municipality support them. CODI only known because the loan. She feels urban not rural. She would prefer to stay there and not move.
Image: A118. Portrait of lady with four children (side profile) by Tareq Razouk
Focus Group
CODI is quite new for them Before this eviction that have suffered from eviction of landowners and authorities. But nothing serious. The help each other with this network of communities (NULICO) They know each other due to community network. Men are not in NULICO because they are in charge of the income which WOMEN manage. Women make BM possible They have reduced their budget to being able to save. They use the BOOKING KEEPING from CODI. Community for them is: Brotherhood, participation, help, support among community members, sense of unity, work side by side. In the participation they were offered a lot of templates buy at the end only three of them fits the requirements of land and space. If they need infrastructure they go to the municipality to ask it.
Old couple that are not in BM

They have lived there all their life, namely natives. They have 4 children Their job was daily workers, but now they dont work and their children support them. They were very afraid with the eviction because they didnt know where to move. They knew that was real when some official came to measure the site. Their children will join the programme and they will go to live with them. They are the one who participate in the programme.
Appendix | PAGE
171
BAN G P OO
Methodology
Due to the requirements put forth by the community, our strategy for work on the field had to be modified. In Klong Mai Tai, the community was looking for low cost methods of construction through the re-use of materials from their existing houses. This was mainly because the community consisted of a majority of low income families. Hence we decided to arrive at a process where while catering to their needs, we as a group of practitioners are able to gather an overall multi scalar understanding of the site. Our methodology consisted of two groups undertaking two tasks at two different scales. At the macro scale a group of 3 visited all the sites for an overall survey, conducted meetings with various people including the community leaders and the local authorities. This was a strategy to obtain an overall cognition of the site and its relation with the urban fabric of the rest of the city. At the micro scale, we decided to team up as 3 people undertaking specific tasks within each household. The 3 tasks included (1) the complete listing in terms of quantity and quality of re-useable materials in each house, (2) a documentation of spatial usage of the house through detailed sketches (3) and a thorough interview of the family members to decipher the activity patterns within the spaces at different times of the day. Our initial aim of the survey was to cover atleast 10% of houses from different income levels inorder to be able to apply the result across the whole community. But due to lack of time we were unable to reach this target. This method of estimating the value of the houses, we realized was an essential tool for the people of the community as they would be able to negotiate the cost of the relocation project. Hence we decided to conduct a workshop to enable the people to carry out this task on their own. The data gathered from the other tasks of the survey led us to realize the importance of in-between spaces in the daily lives of the people. Various ranges of activities took place at the spaces surrounding each household. These spaces were not taken into consideration in the new design proposals for the community. We decided to explore a little more about the dynamic usage of spaces and inturn enlighten the people on what they will miss out on in their new homes. For this, we designed another workshop in two stages. Stage 1 was a quick process where the people marked their homes and the activities they perform outside their homes. Stage 2 required the people to mark out the activities they carry out inside, outside and in between their homes on a sectional view.
Images: A119. Extended outdoor space in house by Tareq Razouk; A120. House 1 plan by Tareq Razouk; A121. House 2 plan by Tareq Razouk; A.122 House 3 plan by Tareq Razouk
A120
A121
A119
A122
Appendix | PAGE
172
BANG P OO
A123
Workshop
After two days of research and observation our group was eager to understand the relationship between the people and the spaces surrounding their homes as well as within their homes. In order to test our assumptions about the uses of these spaces, we conducted a workshop, which allowed us to capture a better idea of that relationship. This workshop is designed not only for our own personal information collection, but also for the community to realize the importance of the in between spaces in their community in order for them to have a positive influence on the design of their new homes in order to adapt it to their needs as individuals and as a community. The First thing we had to do for this exercise was to produce a land use map. A few members of the group went around to map the physicality of the households from an aerial perspective with the guidance of a Google map image. However this mapping process was not complete until the workshop started. The base map was made simple and adaptable to their corrections as well. We began to understand the uses of the spaces not only from our eyes but also from those of the residents. The community was invited to participate primarily by identifying their own homes and those of their neighbors. Together they mapped out the locations of their home to familiarize themselves with the context of the map. Once this part of the process was complete, the community was asked to take a piece of the provided paper and write different uses around their homes and neighborhood. This process didnt include many men, but mostly women of all ages; from the very young, to the very old. There was a mix of personalities, some very eager and some very shy, but the energy remained enthusiastic and positive from the round table to the construction material-recycling workshop.
Images: A123. Community participation at design workshop by Bang Poo Site group; A124. Measurements of housing materials at design workshop by Bang Poo Site group
A124
This process was applied in a new approach regarding the usability of in-between spaces. A section was also drawn to show the transition between different types of space and people were asked to write in each space what they do in comparison to other spaces. Appendix | PAGE
173
Rattanakosin Island
A125
A126 R AT TAN AK OSIN ISLAND
Image, last page: A125. Aerial shot of Rattanakosin Island, Google maps with illustrated outline by Anna Schulenberg. Images, this page: A126. Phom Mahakan by Su-Ann Tan; A127. Wat Suntornthammatan knowledge exchange event by Su-Ann Tan; A128. Shophouse tailor at Jakkaphatdepong by Su-Ann Tan; A129. Wangrom PhraSommootamornpan community member by Su-Ann Tan; A130. Interviews at Wat Dusitaram by Su-Ann Tan; A131. Tha Wang pathway by Su-Ann Tan; A132. Baan Bard monk bowls sign by Su-Ann Tan; A133. Wat Sakad coffin making by Jos di Girolamo
GROUP Su-Ann Tan, Jos di Girolamo and Tatiana Letier Pinto, (BUDD C), Afraa Ali and Dhrin Anantamongkolchai (BUDD D), Kade Supaporn, Alexandra Chorlton, Elsa Burzynski and Biao Wei (UDP) Day 1 15th May Visit to the Wangrom PhraSommootamornpan community with CPB officials. Interviews with households. Visit to the Baan Bard community with CPB officials, including also the Temple land area. Focus group with the community leaders and interviews with households. Visit to the Wat Sakad community with CPB officials. Interview with the community leader. Visit to the Wat Dusitaram community with CPB officials. Interview with community member. Visit to the Jakkaphatdephong community with CPB officials. Interview with the community leaders and households. Visit to the Wat Suntornrhammatan community with CPB officials. Interview with the community leader and households. Day 2 16th May In-depth research in selected communities visited the previous day, divided into 2 subgroups: Baan Bard + Wat Sakad Jakkaphatdephong + Wat Suntornrhammatan Day 3 17th May Visit to the Pom Mahakan community. Presentation of the community leader envisioning the future of
the community and Interviews with households. Elaboration of a master plan proposal for the redevelopment of the Pom Mahakan community to demonstrate the real possibility for the community to coexist with the park planned by the BMA has for this area.
A127
Day 4 18th May Visit to Tha Wang community with CPB officials. Presentation of a master plan proposal for the redevelopment of the Pom Mahakan community. Presentation in the Pom Mahakan community of the diagnosis and the strategies elaborated for the area and discussion of them with representatives from the different communities visited.
A128
A129
A130
A131
A132
A133
Appendix | PAGE
175
A134
R AT TANAK OSIN ISLA ND
Communities
Wan g ro m P hra Sommoota mor npa n
Image, last page: A134. Rattanakosin Island Living Heritage map of the six visited communities by Rattanakosin Island Site group. Image, this page: A135. Empty Palace located in the community by Tatiana Letier Pinto 54 households 267 people Palace located in the community belonged to Rama IV son. Community had already upgraded before Baan Mankong Programme, and now programme is being used for land rental negotiation. Livelihoods: Royal servants. Sub-renters from 1st generations. Residents are a mix of low and middle-income occupants. Land ownership is a mix of CPB and private ownership. Spatiality: shop houses, courts, narrow streets, no formal community space. Multiple sources of funding: CODI and CPB (200,000 Baht from each). Loan has been granted but remains in the bank until they have a proposal in plans. Savings group was set up before Baan Mankong programme by CPB. Theyve been saving for two and an half years. Middle class contribute to savings group. The community is organized in many committees: activities, accountants, CPB coordination.
B a a n B a rd
136 households 473 people
This is one of the oldest communities and they are looking to strengthen local economy through tourism
A135
They joined Baan Mankong programme 4 years ago but took a year to understand how it works. The focus is upgrading by rebuilding on the same land Livelihoods: Monk bowl production Land ownership: CPB and Temple 15 residents live on Temple land and cannot get grant until they have proof of acceptance from Temple to negotiate. Temple does not grant receipts meaning residents have no proof of occupancy. The difference of land ownership has split the community, Temple land residents seem to feel insecurity of tenure and as a result oppose upgrading. Proof of occupancy has to be provided to avoid eviction (receipts or old objects) CPB puts restrictions on building heights, 2 storeys. 90% of community belong to savings groups Temple land residents are not part of savings group The minimum contribution is 200 Baht per month (100 for membership and 100 minimum for welfare), you can contribute more if you want to Local authorities are beginning to wake up and talk to the community MOU between BMA and CPB has been proposed for the community - BMA see Baan Bard as an important example of housing intervention The Community centre was part of infrastructure proposal to CODI. The first project concluded. On the elections for community board roles someone of the Crown Property Bureau must be present.
Appendix | PAGE
177
R AT TANAK OSIN ISLAND
Communities
Wat Saked
Image: A136. Door entrance through shop houses by Tatiana Letier Pinto. 79 households 437 people 2 years of Baan Mankong Programme, no clear understand how it works in the beginning. Huge diversity between economic status of residents Livelihoods: Wood craftmans and basically coffin making 90% of resident own shops Spatiality: Normal street, not an alley way for entrance/ exit Land ownership is CPB and Temple Land is not a major issue, Baan Mankong programme is being used as a tool to mobilise people and address issues they have with the local economy Economic interests in upgrading community Physical upgrading had already been done without CODI grants, 300,000 baht paid from their own funds to upgrade and private businesses contributed with some materials eg. paints 120 baht per month to rent land Collaborating with universities: art gallery, childrens activities. Partnership with private sector in palace: community is able to use space for community activities outside of working hours (agreement is between CPB and private company) No interaction from owners of shop houses and community.
Wa t Dusita ra m
65 households including 40 shops 143 people 37 houses not participating in Baan Mankong. Spatiality: entrance through a door of a shop house in main road, community is behind row of shop houses. Land ownership is CPB. Started savings groups 3,5 years ago. 100 Baht / month per household. 40 members of savings groups, including residents of shophouses and other houses. Residents of shophouses participate in savings groups for infrastructure improvement. Fund for infrastructure approved by CODI but not received yet. Shophouses/middle class vs poor behind the shophouses. Lack of interactions, fragmentation. No community space yet.
A136
Appendix | PAGE
178
R AT TAN AK OSIN ISLA ND
Communities
j akkaphatdephong

Wa t Suntor n th am m atan
233 households 800 people Community center as an art center with activities for childrens Want to involve richer people in the community to improve perceptions. Community Leader approached households door by door to promote Baan Mankong programme. Shop houses and lower-income housing seem to have some conflict. Middle income households are interested in Baan Mankong for the sake of getting an extended lease. Land ownership is CPB and Temple. Village fund- used for daily needs and livelihoods. They want to promote an historic walk between the 6 communities eco-tourism walk. Organisation of community activities and events.
Images: A137. Panel explaining the wood restoration of the house by Tatiana Letier Pinto; A138.Interior of traditional wood house by Dhrin Anantamongkolchai; A139.Children dancing in the Community Art Centre by Dhrin Anantamongkolchai
52 shop houses and 27 wooden houses at the back 500 people Spatiality: entrance through a shop house in main road or space left between two shop houses. Land ownership is CPB. The houses in the main road were built after WWII. Upgrading of shophouses funded by CPB 6 years ago. Some individually funded upgrading eg. Wood house behind coffee shop. 129 people participate in the savings groups. Started savings groups 3,5 years ago. 100, 000 Baht have been collected until now. Tension between shop owners and people behind. Residents behind not ready to join BMK, sceptical vs shophouses really wanted infrastructure grants. They belong to a network different than NULICO called Kor por chor sor for people who live in CPB land
A138
A137
A139
Appendix | PAGE
179
Communities
P h o m M ah akam
Images, this page: A141. Board of community members by Jos di Girolamo ; A140. Map of landowners in Tha Wang community by Su-Ann Tan; A142. Construction site of embankment by Tatiana Letier Pinto. Image, next page: A143. Stages of communities in Baan Mankong by Rattanakosin Island Site group 53 households 399 people Land ownership is CPB and BMA. The settlement started 239 years ago under King Rama III. People who work for the palace live here. Livelihoods: traditional living: craft maker of birdcages, Cock farm, thai massage. Theyve been evicted once by BMA that promises houses in a settlement in the outskirt of town but the new settlement was never concluded and they never moved. Started saving groups 12 years ago 200 Baht per family They use the fund to make house improvements They are very organized with a community committee board with 11 chairs all voluntary based. They received a loan from CODI for temporary houses with that loan they could reblock four houses. They dont have any subsidy for infrastructure because of the land uncertainty. Codi has just approved another loan for reblocking of two more houses.
Tha Wang
77 households 500 people Land ownership is CPB, University and Water Department. Community is more than 100 years old. Community living in CPB and University are in Baan Mankong Programme, people in water department cant join the programme but they belong to savings groups. They have a health centre and a saving groups centre. Government together with Water department are building a embankment. People who used to live in the area were temporally removed. When the construction works finish they will be back and the company that is responsible for the construction will help them build their houses. The community will be only in charge of the material. Two new houses were build in the community under Baan Mankong Programme. They belong to CPB land and are under a land rental agreement with other 7 houses. The cost is 2,500 Baht / month.
A140
A142 A141
Appendix | PAGE
180
Timeline
R AT TAN AK OSIN ISLAND
St ag e o n B a an Mankong progra mme of e a c h c ommuni ty
Appendix | PAGE
181
A143
Actors
Temple Image, this page: A144. Landowners involved in Baan Mankong by Rattanakosin Island Site group. Image, next page: A145. Tourism plan across different scales by Rattanakosin Island Site group
Crown Property Bureau The graphic illustrates the complex relations among the communities in Rattanakosin Island, the land owners and CODI as an existing or potential mediator between them to improve tenure conditions. Each coloured portion of the graphic represents the different land owners and their size was defined according to the number of people living on their land. The CPB is the main land owner, followed by the Temple and the BMA in third place. Finally, the Marine Department and the Silpakorn University are minor land owners in particular communities. CODI is placed in the centre of the graphic and the arrows coming from it represent the existing (white) or potential (grey) relation with the communities at the level of finance ($) or knowledge. Then, the arrows coming from the land owner, CODI or the communities themselves illustrate their existing or potential role organising or evicting the communities. As an example, in CPB land, CODI is providing subsidies for infrastructure but not knowledge. Actually, is the CPB itself the institution that is encouraging communities to get organise and to establish links among them. In BMA land, the communities are organised by CODI that is also providing loans for temporary houses and promoting knowledge-sharing through NULICO. However, the BMA has been constantly trying to evict the communities from its land.
A144
Marine Dpt.
Silpakor n University
Bangkok Metropolitan Authority
Appendix | PAGE
182
RAT TA N A K O SI N I SL AND
Living Tourism
A145
The graphic illuThe graphic shows the complexity of tourism agenda of Rattanakosin Island and how that impacts in the community. Different plans were produced in different levels, city, national and international but apart of being different they dont even relate to each other. Plans in the city level consider the community as part of the conservation (Academia and CPB) but as far we go from the community the conservation regards only the built environment and not the living heritage. Community are never consulted about those plans and it is a top down approach. On the city level, the university had proposed a plan linking all the communities of Rattanakosin Island in a bicycle route and they were purely integrated with the built environment. But the community leader of Phom Mahakam claimed that those ideas never reached the local authorities and finished in a report just for the university. The BMA plan is the programme of Tourism Office (TAT), in this plan the communities are hardly take in consideration, the BMA plan envisage a historic city centre with the buildings was museums for external visitors. On the national level two different plans had already been proposed, one by NESDb in 2008 and other a Masterplan in 199. None of this plan had been applied. The communities would like to make part in the decision and proposed ideas including them in the conservation plan.
Appendix | PAGE
183
Community Leader
Baan Bard
Images: A146. Community Leader by Dhrin Anantamongkolchai; A147. Current house to be rebuilt by Tatiana Letier Pinto; A149. Her husband working on the monk bowl production by Tatiana Letier Pinto; A148.Monks bowls to be sold by Tatiana Letier Pinto She lives here since she was born, 60 years ago. She is the organizer of the Saving groups. Her livelihood is the production of monk bowls. The monk bowls product in Baan bard follows all the rules of the ancient book of Bushism, that is why the hand made production is so special compare to machine process. This community is trying to bring attention to the importance of the monk bowls and to explore this also in a touristic manner bringing visitors inside the community. From the network of six community that wants to develop tourism, this is the only community that features in the Lonely Planet. Her house is under process of re construction in the same plot of previous one. They got a loan from CODI and plans were already been approved but they are waiting for the money to be released by the Bank. The process of upgrading involves an architects from Codi that come to check each house if need upgrading or just a refurbishment. After that he proposes a plan for CODI, CPB has a rule that you need to follow architect advices otherwise CPB wont increase leasehold.
A146
A147
A149
A148
Appendix | PAGE
184
Community Leader
Phom Mahakan
For the leader of the Pom Mahakan community is more important the collective history than his personal story. On his speech, he constantly highlighted the importance of the history of this site, because of the presence of the temples and the forts but moreover because of the living heritage that people represent. The community has been living there for 229 years and some of the traditional livelihoods are still present among the inhabitants. Bird cages, music instruments and handicrafts are produced according to the original techniques exclusively there, but the authorities have overlooked this almost extinct heritage at the moment of planning the city. In spite the community bought the rights to the land to the royal servant decades ago, the BMA expropriated it paying ridiculous compensations about 20 years ago to build a park, offering a relocation project 30 kilometres away, which actually never was completed. Some people left but others stayed in the site and at the present time are still dealing with a constant threat of eviction. The community has built strategic networks with public agencies and universities to remain in the site and to propose to the authorities an alternative to coexist with the park. For instance, CODI has become an implicit ally for resistance, providing funds to rebuild some of the houses under the label of temporary ones. They know that their proposal needs to be based on touristic arguments and in this sense design plays a major role, being consistent with the traditional architecture. In this context, the DPU students also formed part of their strategy designing an alternative master plan for the redevelopment of the area, in which the built and living heritage can complement each other.
Images: A150. Community leader by Tatiana Letier Pinto; A151. Community leaders collection of memorabilia by Dhrin Anantamongkolchai; A152. Sketch of community leader by Dhrin Anantamongkolchai; A153. 200 year old house sign by Su-Ann Tan; A154. Community leaders wedding picture by Dhrin Anantamongkolchai
A150
A151
A152
A153
A154
Appendix | PAGE
185
R AT TAN AK OSIN ISLA ND
Tha Wang
Images: A156. Plan of the house by Tatiana Letier Pinto; A157. Section of the house by Tatiana Letier Pinto; A158. Wood over concrete deck by Tatiana Letier Pinto; A159. Postman by Tatiana Letier Pinto; A155. Photo of resident by Tatiana Letier Pinto; A160. Main corridors of the house by Su-Ann Tan Female. Age 43 She lives on a stilt house on Chao Phraya Rive since she was born. Her house was built with wood materials on the top of the old concrete pier. Her husband has a stabile income working in the government, she is a street vendors. She is not part of Baan Mankong Programme because she cant, she squatter on Water Department land. Beside that, she participates on the saving groups because she need help to improve her living conditions in the house. She has no intention to move and is very satisfied where she lives. She has an address and one meter per house to pay electricity and water. When we there visiting the postman came to deliver a letter.
A156
A155
A157
A158
A159
A160
Appendix | PAGE
186
Wang PhraSommootamornpan
Male Age 58 He lives in a 2 storey house with his wife and two sons. He is the husband of the saving groups leader. Theyve been saving for 2 and half years. He insists that everyone has to pay the saving groups because it is just 400 Baths x month for each house. They just bought a house outside Bangkok but want to stay in the community. The house is for the future of sons and grandsons because they are not sure if they will have the right of their current house for so long. They live in Crown Property land and the lease at the moment is 3 years.
Images: A161. Member of saving group by Tatiana Letier Pinto; A162. His new house by Tatiana Letier Pinto
A161
If you could not pay, you cant live in Thailand.

Talking about the affordability of the saving groups - 400 Baths per month
A162
Appendix | PAGE
187
Wat Dusitaram
Female Age 90 on May 2011 She lives in this community since she is 11 years old. Her house has 79 years old it has just been restored. This community is on Crown Property Buraeu Land and she pay a rent for the land. She participates on the saving groups, 120 Baths per month.
A163
Images: A165. Timber house of resident by Dhrin Anantamongkolchai; A164. Resident with Cassidy Johnson by Tatiana Letier Pinto; A163. Interviewing resident and CPB officer by Tatiana Letier Pinto
A164
A165
Appendix | PAGE
188
A166
jakkaphatdephong
Female 40 years old She came from Cambodia and lives in this house for 15 years. She is a fruit vendor and her income is 500Baths per day. 10 people lives in the house and it is 2-3 families. (number according to interview) She rent the house from the person who rent the land from Crown Property Bureau. The original land renter, the person who has the leasehold, doesnt live in the community. She doesnt participate in the saving groups because she doesnt fell confident to join Baan Mankong Programme. She want to be sure that this is good before joining. Image: A166. Non-Baan Mankong members by Su-Ann Tan
Appendix | PAGE
189

Depocketisation

Diunggah oleh

Informasi Dokumen

Hak Cipta

Format Tersedia

Bagikan dokumen Ini

Bagikan atau Tanam Dokumen

Opsi Berbagi

Apakah menurut Anda dokumen ini bermanfaat?

Apakah konten ini tidak pantas?

Hak Cipta:

Format Tersedia

Depocketisation

Diunggah oleh

Hak Cipta:

Format Tersedia

2 5 5 4/20 1 1 MSc Bu ild ing a nd Urba n De sign in De ve lopme nt De v e lop ment P lanning Unit Un iversity Colle ge London

ACK N OWL EDGEMENTS

We would like to thank...

8 12 12 14 15 16 19 20 21 25 33 47 48 49 52 57 58 60 71 72 74 80 85 88 100 114 124 150 160 166 174

The use of architectural typologies which are used in

By local realities we mean the subjective lives and perceptions of individuals.

How to read the report, report structure

Bangkok is a city of pockets

BANG POO - FACTORIES/AIRPORT KLONG TOEY - PORT

RANGSIT - FLYOVERS RATANAKOSSIN RANGSIT - FLYOVERS - HERITAGE & TOURISM

BANG KHEN - CANAL

PASI CHALERN - AGRICULTURE

PASI CHALERN - AGRICULTURE PASI CHALERN - AGRICULTURE PASI CHALERN - AGRICULTURE

KLONG TOEY - PORT

KLONG TOEY - PORT KLONG TOEY - PORT KLONG TOEY - PORT

BANG POO BANG POO - FACTORIES/AIRPORT FACTORIES/AIRPORT - FACTORIES/AIRPORT BANG POO

BANG POO - FACTORIES/AIRPORT

RATANAKOSSIN - HERITAGE & TOURISM

RATANAKOSSIN - HERITAGE & TOURISM RATANAKOSSIN - HERITAGE & TOURISM

RATANAKOSSIN - HERITAGE & TOURISM

The six sites

Distribution of power and responsibility

Building and Sharing Knowledge

Local to City Level

Rethink the Role of Design(er)

Scaling Space & Density

Shifting Perceptions on Process & Decision-making

Image: 124. Accessibility & flexibility of Baan Mankong by Anna Schulenburg

Image: 125. Building connections over common interests by Anna Schulenburg

Image: 126. Expanding notion of design to city scale by Anna Schulenburg

Image: 127. People scale & spatial scale by Anna Schulenburg

Site specific design

Housing not houses

Medium to high density projects to be implemented in the Baan Mankong programme

What is this report, its objectives, methodology, analysis, conclusions

Bangkok. Greater than the sum of its parts.

What is this report, its objectives, methodology, analysis, conclusions

Coconut Curry Presentations

Coconut Curry Presentations

Access to the program

NOTES ABOUT THE FORMAT OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE

Notes (photos, recordings, etc.):

Notes (photos, recordings, etc.):

Conclusions (problems & opportunities & gaps)

Outcomes: Notes (photos, recordings, etc.):

INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR OFFICALS & PRESENTERS

Questions (what do we want to know?): 1. 2. 3.

INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR OFFICALS & PRESENTERS

Possible underlying motivations for connections

Topics of Interest (What does this actor say about...): Citizenship

Conclusion (problems & opportunities & gaps)

Access to the program

Building and Urban Design

Actors Involved in the Site:

List of folder Contents:

Individual Key Skills Assessment

What are your weaknesses?

What you would like to improve/develop?

Any other comments:

Coconut Curry Presentations

Coconut Curry Presentations

Introduction to Thailand Somsook Boonyabancha

Image: A27. Somsook Boonyabancha, Director of ACHR by Sadiqa Jabbar

Sripatum University, Bangkok