Education Politics and European Integration in Greece (19742004). I. Betsas, Lecturer, University of Western Macedonia G.

Iordanidis, Lecturer, University of Western Macedonia Introduction This paper focuses on the impact of European integration upon Greek education politics and programmes. Electoral manifestos1 and parliamentary proceedings2 are examined in order European integration to be considered interrelated to education topics. Basic questions are: In which cases Greek political parties appeal to the European integration in their politics on education? Are the findings in the educational manifestos compatible with the engagements of Greece in the frame of the priorities of the Lisbon Process and Education and Training 2010? Methodology The research activity has consisted of analysing and interpreting the text data in the theoretical frame of Content Analysis. Key questions are identified. The analysis is focused at the responses of the parties to each question. Data are organized by question to look across all respondents and their answers in order to identify consistencies and differences. Identified themes are organized into coherent categories that are interpreted and conceptualised as it is presented here below. Governments Programmatic Statements (1974-2004) Data set on governments programmatic statements cover a period from 1974 to 2004. This data set has four codings of statements concerning references to EU, European Integration, to Education and Appeal to European reality in educational references. It is worth noting that there are significant differences between two periods. From 1974 to 1985, when references to EU are scarce, reference to European Integration is scarcely one and no appeal to European reality is met. Contrarily to period from 1989 to 2004, when Greek parliamentary debates became more and more concerned with the EUs impact (Table I). This concern intensified and became more explicit the closer the Greece got to accession to Economic and Monetary Unification,

thereby underlining the relevance of the enabling impact in Greek politics 3. However, incidence of references to education is not relevant to interest of EU.

References to education are classified to five categories: education values, education structures, economics, reforms and social impact of education. These

categories have several frequencies to different years (Figure I). It is notable, in our case, that the category Economics is more frequent in 1989,1990,1996 and 2000, when we also meet appeals to European educational reality.

Figure I. References to education in Programmatic Statetments 50 40 30 20 10 0 1974 1977

Ed Values

1974 1977 1981 1985 1989 1990 1993 1996 2000 2004
1981

1985

Ed Structures

Table I. References to EU References References to EU European In 6 12 6 13 17 29 12 31 22 18

1989 1990 1993 1996 2000 2004 Economics Reforms Social Impact

Governments claim linkage between Greek education policy and European integration concerning the: Successful adaptation of country in the European market of 1992 in 1989 Establishment of non-public, non-profit Universities in 1990 Exploitation of European Community resources in 1996 Harmonisation of country with requirements of knowledge society in 2000.

Consequently, Greek governments claim linkage between education policy and European integration concerning mainly economic goals4. The relevant subcategories are: economic redistribution, welfare and transformation of productive forces. European integration impact on Greek electoral manifestos on education (2004) Partys electoral manifesto sets out the partys positions on the educational issues on which the leadership wishes to fight the next national election 5. Are these issues compatible with the engagements of Greece in the frame of the priorities of the Lisbon Process and Education and Training 2010? 2004 was an electoral year appropriate for Greek parties to put some answers. In its election program, the Communist Party supported the increase of direct public funding, 2 years obligatory preschool education, unified school to provide contemporary comprehensive education for 12 years, professional training after compulsory education and unified higher education. Communists, strongly opposed to European integration, are included in the most Euro-sceptical party family 6. In their program they refer to European integration in order to accuse EU concerning: privatization of education, White Paper on Education and Training, Bologna process, adjusting education to the laws of the capitalist market, lifelong learning. New Democracy (ND) formed the government in 2004. The foremost topic of the educational program was the quality of education. ND, the Greek conservative right political party, is strongly in favour of European integration. It refers to European integration in order to appeal to EU as a frame of allusion for: the application of common educational programs in certain courses, suppression of incumbency and the establishment of permanence of executives, learning of foreign languages, ratio of students per room of teaching, education of newcomer executives in the job market and the reeducation of existing personnel, role of informal training in the frame of LLL, students mobility, public expenses on education. PASOK was the leading party for 19 years during the last 34 years, the so called 3rd Greek Democracy. It was founded in 1974 as a radical euro-sceptical party, but since its founding it has transformed into a mainstream social democratic party that is in favour of European integration7. In its election program PASOK supported an open school, which promotes democracy and equality, in which new technologies

have a crucial role to play. Appeals to EU have to do with aspects of Bologna Process and the strategic goals of EU for early school leavers. Reflecting the policy of European United Left, Coalition of the Left and Progress emphasizes the importance of education as a public virtuous and social right, which concerns all members of society, without discrimination. In its election program Coalition appeals to an ideal EU, which should protect social equality and minorities through education. This EU is in contrast with Bologna Process. If we want to describe the activities of the EU in education and training over the last years, we have to refer to the aims of the Lisbon special European Council of 2000. The Lisbon Summit introduced the Open Method of Coordination 8, which is a relatively new and intergovernmental means of governance in the EU, based on the voluntary cooperation of its member states. Member States have full responsibility for the content and organisation of their education and training systems. It is therefore primarily the Member States who should take action to follow up the conclusions of the Lisbon Summit. The open method rests on soft law mechanisms, such as guidelines and indicators, benchmarking and sharing of best practice. This means that there are no official sanctions. Rather, the method's effectiveness relies on a form of peer pressure and naming and shaming, as no member state wants to be seen as the worst in a given policy area. In European Council of Education in Brussels such benchmarks were adopted into six areas9, analyzed here below. The Lisbon Council Conclusions call for a substantial annual increase in the per capita investment in human resources, pointing out that the future of the European economy depends very largely on the skills of its citizens and these in turn need the continuous updating. However, the Greek public budget expressed in terms of GDP, is one of the lowest in EU ranging from 3,79% to 3,96%. In their programs the four Greek Parties supported the increase of public expenditure on education to 5% of GDP. Benchmark on decreasing levels of early school leavers states that by 2010 Member States should at least halve the rate of early school leavers with reference to the rate recorded in the year 2000, in order to achieve an EU-average rate of 10% or less. No such provision is included in NDs program. PASOK, Communists and Coalition seem to accept widely the particular benchmark. PASOK, especially, adopts the terminology of European Council of Brussels (Table II).

New Democracy (ND) No reference

Table II. Early school leavers Pan Hellenic SocialistCommunist Party ofCoalition of the Left & Movement (PASOK) Greece (KKE) Progress (SYN) Reduction of the rate of Obligation of the state Illiteracy and school early school leavers fromto provide 12 yearsleavers should be 6,3% to 4% in 2008 and tocompulsory education confronted, especially in 1,5% in 2010. Greece is free of charge throughgroups such as minorities, found in one of the better public schools andimmigrants, resettles and places in Europe, since thesupport it with parallelwomen as well. Alternative European Union aims earlymeters, that are related differentiated education school leavers to be limitedwith the prohibition ofprograms should be to 10% in each country. children's work, theapplied for these groups. economic aid of poor family

Benchmark on Upper Secondary Education Attainment states that by 2010 Member States should ensure that the EU average percentage of 25-64 years olds with at least upper secondary education reaches 80% or more. In this area, Greece is a Member State with relative medium performance levels. ND, Communists and Coalition support 12 years of Compulsory Education in order to promote participation in the level of upper secondary education. In its program PASOK emphasizes the importance of Second Chance Schools as a structure, which increases the possibilities of social integration and employment (Table III).

Table III. Upp New (ND) Education (PASOK) Schools for

Democracy Pan Hellenic Soc

achieving 15 year-olds in reading, mathematical and scientific literacy should be at least halved in each Member State, compared to the year 2000. Clearly, Greece has

12 years Compulsory Foundation of

Benchmark on key competences states that by 2010 the percentage of low-

low achievements in the field of key competencies, according to PISAs surveys. Surprisely enough, none Greek party involves in its program any commitment to make a special effort in ensuring the provision of basic competencies to students. Benchmark on LLL states that by 2010 the EU-average level of participation in lifelong learning should be at least 15% of the adult working age population (25-

th

possibilities of s and employment.

function in total 5

64 age group) and in no country should it be lower than 10%. Greece has to make a significantly greater effort than others Member States in the field of LLL as it is evaluated in the lowest performance level. New Democracy, PASOK and Coalition support the promotion of the participation in LLL. PASOK, again, uses the relevant terminology of the EU. Contrarily, Communists reject the concept of LLL in the proposed frame (Table IV).
Table IV: Participation in Life New Democracy (ND) Ensure lifelong and catholic learning and in continuous access in order adults to obtain renew knowledge participation knowledge society. for the in Pan Hellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) Enactment of Institutes of lifelong learning. We want, till 2008, to quintuple the number of LLL and educated each year, and to reach gradually to 10% of the adul t population. (KKE) he training linked and two realms and of vocational education higher Long Learning Coalition of the Left & Progress (SYN) Lifelong learning as - compensative educat ion confront illiteracy and to functional Communist Party of Greece

education will eventually be constitute a single system of lifelong learning that is absolutely controlled monopolies by the

requisite adults that is engaded to

Benchmark on Graduates in Mathematics, Science and Technology states: by 2010, all Member States should have at least halved the level of gender imbalance among graduates in mathematics, science and technology, while securing a significant overall increase in the total number of graduates compared to the year 2000. No such provision is included in the programs of ND, Communists and Coalition. PASOK supports the total increase of percentage of graduates of women in tertiary education. Conclusions New Democracy seems to adopt in its program only three of the six European benchmarks in education and training. In the other three areas there is no reference at all. Compared to frequent appeals to European educational reality in New Democracys Program, this conclusion is strange enough. In its program PASOK favors strongly the follow up process of the Lisbon Summit. It adopts five of the six benchmarks and the relevant terminology. PASOK seems to exploit its governmental past, its participation to Union's decision-making procedures in its educational program.

Communists, strongly opposed to European integration, adopt three of the six benchmarks, have no regard for other two and they reject the LLL concept. Although Coalition prioritizes educational equality, its program doesnt refer to benchmarks concerning namely gender imbalance and key competencies. In the other four areas Coalition seems to be strongly in favor. As compared to the European average, Greece is found wanting on the following benchmarks: key competencies, gender imbalance among graduates and LLL. However, key competencies and graduates are almost absent in parties programs. Generally, specialized issues of internal education reform are absent in the particular programs. Generally, with the casual exception of Coalition, the correspondence of a partys political program to several benchmarks seems to be related fairly accurately with how that party stands on the two dimensions that summarize domestic political competition- an economic dimension and a noneconomic, new politics dimension10. The first is a Left/Right dimension concerned with education equality and individual freedom. The second new-politics dimension summarizes several noneconomic issues -communal, traditional values, immigration, minorities, defense of the national community etc.

Bibliography Coalition of the Left and Progress (2004). For a Democratic Reform of Education. Commission of the European Communities (2002). European benchmarks in education and training: follow-up to the Lisbon European Council, COM (2002) 629 Brussels, 20.11.2002. Communist Party of Greece (2003). Unified 12 Years Basic Compulsory School. Proposal of Education Sector of Central Committee of KKE. Marks, G. et al. (2006). Party Competition and European Integration in the East and West Different Structure, Same Causality, Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 39, N. 2, March 2006, 155-175. Marks, G. et al. (2007). Cross-Validating Data on Party Positioning on European Integration, Electoral Studies 26, 23-38. Governments Programmatic Statements in Parliament (1974, 1977, 1981, 1989, 1990, 1993, 1996, 2000, 2004). New Democracy (2004). Our Governmental Program for Education. Pan Hellenic Socialistic Movement (2004). The Governmental Program of PASOK. Pochet, Ph. (2005). The Open Method of Co-ordination and the Construction of Social Europe, in: Zeitlin, J. and Pochet O. (eds.) The Open Method of Coordination in Action. The European Employment and Social Inclusion Strategies. Brussels: Peter Lang. Provata, A. (2006). Greek Educational Policy and European Union (1992-2005) (Influences on the Decision Making) Recreating Linkages between Theory and Praxis in Educational Leadership, Nicosia, CCEAM Conference. Zambeta, E. (2001). Greece and Europe: reflections from Education Policy, Traveling policy/local spaces: Globalization, identities and education policy in Europe Conference, Keele University. Zambeta, E. (2002). Modernisation of Educational Governance in Greece: from state control to state steering, European Educational Research Journal, 1(4), 637-655.

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