MI 700 History of Christian Missions

The Formation and Growth of Korean Nationalism During the Early History of Korean Christianity

Hyeon Gu Lee (SPO No. 617)

I.

Introduction
Throughout the history of Christianity the relationship between the Church and the State,

that is to say the issue of nationalism, has been one of the very sensitive and controversial matters that must be dealt with by both missionaries and indigenous church leaders. This is especially true in the history of Korean Christianity from its beginning. Historically speaking, many Christian thinkers have strongly condemned the identification of nation and state and the churches patronage of it.1 For this reason nationalism often has been regarded as harm, at least not healthy cause, for the church. Nationalism in the history of the Korean Church, however, had possessed a very positive position and played a significant role because of the unique situation: the colonization of Korea by Japan from 1910 (almost from 1905) until the Japanese defeat in World War II in 1945. Before and during the Japanese occupation it was Protestantism that stimulated and encouraged people to form modern Korean nationalism through the evangelical works. Thus Protestant Christianity in Korea was identified with the national consciousness during the period of hardship and suffering under Japanese oppression. In this sense Stephen Neill rightly points out that The independence spirit of the Korean Protestants made them natural allies of every

Kenneth M. Wells, New God, New Nation: Protestants and Self-Reconstruction Nationalism in Korea 1896-1937 (Honolulu, Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press, 1990), 2.

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movement for national independence, and therefore natural objects of the suspicion of the Japanese.2 The budding of nationalism was not evident from its beginning of Christianity in Korea, but it became more and more visible as Korea experienced national events like the March 1 st Independence Movement, in which Korean churches contributed much. Daniel J. Adams, in his article Church Growth in Korea: A Paradigm Shift from Ecclesiology to Nationalism, observes that there are two events that stand out: the Great Revival of 1907, which stressed quantitative growth through the building up of the Church, and the Independence Movement of 1919, which emphasized qualitative maturity through the strengthening of national consciousness. 3 He is right in his observation about the Independence Movement, but he is missing something very significant aspect about the Great Revival that must not be neglected in regard to nationalism. In addition to those two movements, another movement concerning to the issue of Shinto shrine worship also must be mentioned as one of the important factors in regard to Korean nationalism. For this reason, in this paper, four major phases of the early history of Korean Christianity (the beginning, the Great Revival, the March 1st Independence Movement, and The Issue of Shinto Shrine Worship) will be dealt with in relation to the birth and growth of nationalism while paying attention to the characteristics of each phase.

II.

The Beginning
John T. Kim, in his book Protestant Church Growth in Korea, records the first two

missionaries from outside of the country: Carl Friedrich Augustus Gutzlaff and Robert J.
2 3

Stephen Neill, A History of Christian Missions (Revised Edition. New York: Penguin Books, 1986), 292. Daniel J. Adams, Church Growth in Korea: A Paradigm Shift from Ecclesiology to Nationalism Perspectives on Christianity in Korea and Japan: The Gospel and Culture in East Asia ed. Mullins, Mark R. and Young, Richard Fox (Wales: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1995), 13.

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Thomas. 4 According to Kim, Gutzlaff is known to have made efforts to begin the work of evangelism in Korea. He writes:

In 1832, Gutzlaff sailed with the British ship Lord Amherst, which had been sent to open trade relations with Korea and did visit two points on the west coast of Korea. He tried to witness to the Koreans he met and distributed Chinese Bibles and religious tracts for more than forty days. He even succeeded in sending two copies of the Chinese Bible to the king.

The tragic and sad story of the martyrdom of Robert J. Thomas is relatively well known to people in Korea because of the burning of the American trading ship General Sherman in 1866. Thomas didnt work much for evangelism, but his contribution to the beginning of the Korean church was not small. Thomas made his way to shore with his arms full of Gospels and thrust the Scriptures into the hands of the very men who killed him. Robert J. Thomas became the first Protestant missionary to shed martyrs blood in Korea. 5 Interestingly enough, Pyong Yang University of Science and Technology, which was planned and initiated by a few Christians from South Korea, has been built on the very site where the remains of the memorial church of Robert J. Thomas were found. Jai-Keun Choi explains why Christianity received much hostility upon its coming to Korea; the major reason of persecution was its foreignness.

When Catholicism, then called Shak (Western Learning), was introduced to Korea in the latter part of the eighteenth century, it represented a new value system which the governing elite came to perceive as dangerous and threatening, and in the end they responded with a

4 5

John T. Kim, Protestant Church Growth in Korea (Belleville, ON, Canada: Essence Publishing, 1995), 91-92. Kim, Ibid., 92.

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century of persecutions: from 1785, the year after the baptism of the first Catholic, Yi Sunghun, until 1866, approximately ten thousand converts were executed.6

Many think the official beginning of Protestantism in Korea was in 1884 with the arrival of the first foreign Protestant missionary. According to Samuel H. Moffett, however, it is often forgotten that a whole year before the missionaries arrived, a Korean evangelist had converted and gathered together the first Korean Protestants in the country for Sunday worship in his home. His name was Sang-Yun Suh. In The Christians of Korea Moffett writes that Sang-Yun Suh was one of four Koreans baptized in 1876 in Manchuria by two Scottish missionaries, John Ross and John McIntyre.

(Sang-Yun Suh) with his fellow converts began a work of partnership in pioneering with the missionaries that has been a mark of the Korean church ever since. Suh and his colleagues made their way back into Korea and began winning their own converts before any missionary was able to take up permanent work in their forbidden land.7

Then in 1887 he went to the village of Sorai with his friends, from which these men had come, has been honored as the cradle of Protestant Christianity in Korea.8 Interesting is that even though Korea made it policy of exclusion of foreigners from the country, as shown in a series of persecutions of Roman Catholic believers from 1785 until 1866, early missionaries found no room for patriotism among Korean people. James S. Gale reports that Patriotism is a new product, and as yet somewhat abnormal in its character and growth.9 In

Jai-Keun Choi, The Origin of the Roman Catholic Church in Korea: An Examination of Popular and Governmental Response to Catholic Mission in the Late Chosn Dynasty (Norwalk, California: The Hermit Kingdom Press, 2006), 1. 7 Samuel Hugh Moffett, The Christians of Korea (New York: Friendship Press, 1962), 35. 8 Scott W. Sunquist, ed., A Dictionary of Asian Christianity (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2001), 762. 9 James S. Gale, Korea in Transition (Cincinnati: Jennings and Graham, 1909), 117.

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this sense Korean nationalism has much to do with the coming of Protestantism at the end of 19 th century. Thus it might have been true that H. G. Underwood, the first Presbyterian missionary to Korea, never intended to mobilize Korean nationalism, but the work of him and other missionaries surely can be said to have prepared the ground for it.10

III.

The Great Revival

No one can fully understand the unique characteristics of the Korean Church without

paying attention to the Great Revival. According to Moffett, It was a spiritual revival, explosive and spectacular, sweeping through the peninsula from 1903 to 1907, that touched off the massive ingathering of the church and permanently stamped its character with revivalistic fervor.11 Even though the revival was absolutely Gods work not humans, humanly speaking, we can point out a few characteristics as a preparation for the revival. First of all, it began with prayer. Moffett notes the revival began quietly enough in a week of prayer and Bible study for missionaries in Wonsan, led by a Methodist physician from Canada, R. A. Hardie. 12 Gale, as one of the missionaries in Korea at that time, gives us his own witness:

It was in 1906 that the native Christians joined heart with the foreign missionaries in an earnest prayer that God in heaven would look down in mercy and give what the heart longed for, what the hungry souls needed, what the spirit craved for in its thirsty land.13

Interestingly, prayer, which ignited the revival, became a strong element of worship in the church as a result of the movement:
10

In-Soo Kim, Protestants and the Formation of Modern Korean Nationalism, 1885-1920: A Study of the Contributions of Horace Grant Underwood and Sun-Chu Kil (Union Theological Seminary in Virginia, 1993), 3. 11 Moffett, Ibid., 52. 12 Ibid. 13 James S. Gale, Korea in Transition (Cincinnati: Jennings and Graham, 1909), 201.

MI 700 History of Christian Missions

A characteristic form of prayer is dawn meditation, a daily prayer meeting that takes place around 4:30 or 5:00 every morning. Another characteristic of the Korean prayer in the Great Revival Movement was audible free prayer, which also became a strong tradition in the Korean church.14

Secondly, the genuine confession of sin was crucial for the revival. Sunquist describes, Missionaries, Korean elders, and lay members alike joined in the confession of sin and the experience of forgiveness. There was no distinction as to region, denomination, or race.15 Park says confession of sin was a hallmark of the revival and shows us the report of Mrs. Baird:

And such confessions! It was like hell uncovered. Everything from murder, adultery, and the most inconceivable abominations of uncleanness, through arson, drunkenness, robbery, thieving, lying, down to hatreds, spites, and envying was emptied out, and with what shame and loathing.16

Lastly, but not the least, the effort for the unity of Christians also must be remembered, even though it is not mentioned as often. There had been an effort for interdenominational cooperation with the arrival of more missionaries from different backgrounds. As a result of the revival, the church enjoyed great growth. Moffett observes, In five short years, beginning in Wonsan in 1903, the membership of the churches in Korea increased fourfold. He concludes that no better argument had ever been made for the Christians faith

14

Seong-Won Park, Worship in the Presbyterian Church in Korea: Its History and Implications (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1999), 57. 15 Sunquist, Ibid., 453. 16 Park, Ibid., 53.

MI 700 History of Christian Missions

than the cleansing transformation that the revival wrought in the lives of the believers. The revival was the spiritual seal on the founding charter of the Korean church.17 According to Sunquist, it was a time of national humiliation and distress for the Korean people. Japan was rapidly taking over control of the country, first as a protectorate (1905) and then by outright annexation (1910). Hence one of the conclusions he draws from the Great Revival is that At such a time, the revival offered individuals a way to achieve dignity and meaning, as the Christian church became the chief organization outside the orbit of Japanese imperialism.18 While the revival was an intensely emotional movement, Wells comments, it had practical results: indigenization of Christianity; mutual understanding between missionaries and Koreans at a crucial moment; increased awareness of the ethical implications of faith and the need for Biblical study; and energetic evangelistic campaigns that ensured continued rapid growth through 1908.19 Actually it has been a controversial issue whether the revival was merely individualoriented pietism which led Korean churches into being indifferent to national and political issues. The debate still continues, and some accused foreign missionaries of directing an anti-nationalist campaign which functioned as a turning point from national and political issues to person spiritual concerns.20 It might be true that the revival didnt produce any kind of specific nationwide nationalistic and political movement for the country which was at stake foreboding annexation by Japan. Nonetheless the revival in essence was not an apolitical event; it was not at all unconnected

17 18

Moffett, Ibid., 54. Sunquist, Ibid., 453. 19 Wells, Ibid., 34. 20 Ibid., 35.

MI 700 History of Christian Missions

with national issues, and it added considerable impetus to the Protestant education endeavor. Moreover it also affected the nature of subsequent Protestant involvement in nationalism.21 Important is that Christianity of Korea stripped its foreignness to a large extent through the revival. In a different way the revival provided Korean people with national identity in a time of national crisis. In this regard Wells rightly points out:

In a sense very important to the survival and vitality of Christianity in Korea, the revival was not an anti-national movement. It had a particularly Korean flavor about it and, as their own unique experience, impressed upon the Koreans the fact that the faith belonged to their race and nation.22

IV.

The March 1st Independence Movement

The booklet Japanese Diplomacy and Force in Korea by Arthur MacLennan shows us the tragic beginning of the history of Japanese occupation of Korea:

The treaty between Japan and Korea, signed November 17, 1905, speaks for itself as a document which gave notice to the world that the sovereignty of Korea had passed and that the country had become a Japanese state. The manner of making the treaty, however, furnishes the indisputable evidence of the imperialistic intentions of Japan toward Korea and the reasons for her established protectorate.23

At first the attitude of missionaries and some Korean church leaders towards the rule of Japan was not resistant at all. Acceptance of the Japanese administration was not merely a friendly gesture on the part of the missionaries; it was the official policy of the Presbyterian
21 22

Ibid., 36. Ibid., 37. 23 Arthur MacLennan, Japanese Diplomacy and Force in Korea (Korean National Association, 1919), 3.

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mission, the largest mission in Korea.24 This initial favor, however, didnt last long as the rule of Japan became harsher. The history of Japanese imperialism in Korea may be divided into two periods, one covering the period of from 1910 to 1919 (when the Japanese colonial government adopted the hardest and most relentless form of rule), and the other from 1919 to 1945. Throughout the Japanese colonization, a period in which tension and conflict was inevitable between the colony and the colonial power,25 Koreans constantly tried to free their country from Japanese rule. According to Park, it was this period, during the early colonial period from 1905 to 1919, when Protestant church played a significant role for social and political activities while people were not allowed any political organization and action.

The Protestant church came to serve as a place for solace, a political forum, a communication network, and an organizational base for Korean nationalist activities. As the largest organized Korean community, the Protestant church exerted great political influence; church leaders emerged as national leaders; and the Western religion continued to grow rapidly as a Korean one during this period.26

It was so-called Dark Age for Koreans, but it was the Protestant church that functioned as a leading ideological and organizational base for Koreas early nationalist movements.27 In this stream of religious and social background, we meet a sudden explosion of a massive outpouring of public protest against Japanese imperialism, which is generally referred to as the March 1st Korean Independence Movement of 1919. Even though it seemed to be a sudden event from outside, actually it was a well-planned national protest against the Japanese rule.

24 25

Chugn-Shin Park, Protestantism and Politics in Korea (Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 2003), 98. Ibid., 117. 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid., 118.

MI 700 History of Christian Missions

According to Park, the March 1st Independence Movement was a pivotal event in the modern history of Korea, because it was a political liberation movement that was organized and led by the representative religious communities in Korea.28 Sunquist notes that Thirtythree men chose martyrdom. They would sign a declaration of independence and proclaimed it to the world. Of the 33 signers, 15 were Christians, 15 were members of the Chun Do Kyo sect, and three were Buddhists.29 Park also reports that from March to June, 336 pastors and pastor candidates of the Presbyterian church were arrested, which means almost the whole leadership of the Presbyterian church took part in the movement. 30 In this sense, the March 1st Independence Movement was not only a political struggle but also a religious one which was fully founded on faith. Park asserts:

First, the liberation message of the Bible was the basis for their participation. Christians read the Exodus story in their own political context. They identified themselves with the Israelite people, and confessed that the God who had liberated Israel from Egyptian bondage would liberate the oppressed Koreans from Japanese enslavement as well. Second, the March 1st Movement was an Exodus paradigm for the Korean church. Third, the faith of personal and spiritual salvation, and the faith of social witness were blended through the experience of that movement.31

People were invited to participate in the demonstration on the street, and to pray each in his or her own situation. Interesting is that they were asked to fast and pray for a week reading the following lectionary32:

March 1 Esther 3-10, Acts 12:1-15

28 29

Park, Worship in the Presbyterian Church in Korea: Its History and Implications, 65. Sunquist, Ibid., 450. 30 Park, Ibid., 66. 31 Ibid. 32 Ibid., 67.

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March 2 Jeremiah 12, Matthew 5:43-48 and 6:30-34 March 3 Deuteronomy 28:1-4 March 4 James 1, 5:13 March 5 Isaiah 59 March 6 Romans 8

Looking at each scriptural text for each day reveals much of the theological understanding of the Korean church engaging in the March 1st Independence Movement. Taking the first day for example, the story of Esther is about the triumph of the Jews against the Hamans plot to destroy them, and the story of Acts is about the Peters miraculous escape from prison by the help of an angel of the Lord. It is clear that the Korean people identified themselves with the Jews while facing an evil plot by Japan, and the country Korea under imprisonment by Japan identified itself with Peter. Just like the Jews who fasted in a time of a great danger for the victory, Korean Christians fasted, and just like the early church which prayed for Peter in a time of a great threat, Korean Christians prayed for the country. Here we can see a close tie between the Korean Christianity and nationalism. C. W. Kendall, who was in the middle of the March 1st Independence Movement, describes his own experience of that day:

The great white-clad crowds, surging and pulsating with the reawakened freedom, surrounded all sides by the very Japanese who had inflicted upon them unnamable tortures and depredationsand yet, when at last they had the chance to wreak vengeance for their wrongs, refraining from so doing because they felt it would bring reproach upon the honor of their native land.33

33

C. W. Kendall, The Truth about Korea (San Francisco, CA: The Korean National Association, 1919), 30.

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Sadly, however, the movement was not as successful as most Koreans expected. Adams reports that in the aftermath of the movement 7,509 Koreans were killed, 15,961 were wounded, and 46,948 were arrested. In addition 715 houses and 47 churches were destroyed.34 Despite all these sacrifices the achievement of independence seemed still far away. Nonetheless Sunquist finds a noticeable effect from this failed movement:

It could be said that the movement resulted in failure in that independence was not achieved. And yet the movement had a far-reaching effect in unifying the Korean people in their national aspirations. Because the leadership of the movement was closely identified with Christianity, Korean patriots came to have a high esteem for the church. The Christian movement in Korea, quite unlike that in China and Japan, was perceived as an ally of nationalism and not its enemy. This undoubtedly had much to do with the rapid growth of Christianity in subsequent years.35

For this reason the March 1st Independence Movement was not a failure but a success. Through this failed movement Korean churches gained favor and trust from Korean people, which laid solid and long-lasting foundation for coming success of unprecedented revival and growth of Christianity.

V.

The Issue of Shinto Shrine Worship

Lastly, another movement in relation with Korean churches that reinforced Korean nationalism was the Movement of Refusal of the Shinto Shrine Worship. Even though the issue

34 35

Adams, Ibid., 23. Sunquist, Ibid., 451.

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of Shinto shrine worship acted as a main factor of tragic church division and schism, it also strengthened nationalistic aspect of the Korean Church. During the 1930s the colonial policy of Japan attempted to Japanize the Korean people by eradicating Korean culture, history and even spirituality. They had to change their Korean names to Japanese names and use only the Japanese language in all business and educational activities. Park observes that the most brutal part of the assimilation policy36 was the coercion to convert to Shintoism. About Shinto, A. C. Underwood writes, Its beginnings are lost in the mists of antiquity but it is clear that it began as a form of nature-worship. At a later date were added the cult of the Emperor and the worship of ancestors.37 Sunquist explains:

Shinto is the traditional folk religion of Japan, drawing from animism, shamanism, phallic worship, and ancestor worship centered around village shrines. However, it was made the state religion in the early years of the Meiji Restoration after 1868 and identified closely with Japanese foreign policies and national life until 1945.38

In the Meiji government not only the Sun Goddess but also the living emperor as an incarnate god was worshiped. The worship also included the spirits of national heroes who sacrificed their lives for the nation. The emperor worship based on State Shinto led to the belief that the emperor was, by his divine authority, the ruler of the universe and Japan was assigned a mission by him.39 Because of this aspect, the issue of Shinto shrine worship later became a decisive cause of the division of the Korean Church.

36 37

Park, Ibid., 93. A. C. Underwood, Shintoism: The Indigenous Religion of Japan (London: The Epworth Press, 1934), 14. 38 Sunquist, Ibid., 762. 39 Park, Ibid., 93, 95.

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Some Koreans thought the compromise to treat the Shinto shrine worship ceremonies as only patriotic, like saluting the flag, urged by Japanese church leaders, was a reasonable solution. 40 For Korean Christians, however, this was frighteningly reminiscent of Roman emperor worship and the age of the great early martyrdoms. Wi Jo Kang writes:

Korean Christians who had abandoned their own ancient practice of ancestor worship as idolatry were not convinced that paying such respect to Japanese ancestral spirits was not worship. In spite of the efforts to persuade them, most Korean Christians rejected the governments definition and refused to participate in the ceremonies.41

The Roman Catholic Church and the Methodist Church agreed to participate in the Shinto shrine worship because of enforcement by Japanese authorities, and the resolution of the Presbyterian Church of Korea on the Shinto Shrine Issue was passed. It seemed that Japanese authorities had nearly succeeded in forcing Korean Christians to surrender before the Shinto shrines, but they hadnt. Park introduces us to a different side of the history:

Although official churches capitulated, many individual Christians, pastors, and lay people resisted Shrine worship either individually or by organizing a resistance movement called, Movement of Refusal of the Shrine Worship. As churches were closed, resistors gathered in private homes for worship and prayers, strengthening their faith and solidarity for resistance. Over 2000 Presbyterian members were imprisoned; over 200 congregations were closed and more than 50 pastors and lay people suffered martyrdom.

To many Korean Christians, Shinto shrine worship was idolatry and a violation of the First Commandment, so they refused, even at the risk of losing their own lives. It was about giving
40 41

Moffett, Ibid., 74. Robert E. Buswell, Timothy S. Lee, ed. Christianity in Korea (Honolulu, Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press, 2006), 108.

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ultimate loyalty to the emperor instead of Jesus, which was unacceptable to true believers. They saw the Shinto shrine worship not as something that can be compromised on but as a test they should be sure to overcome. To them it was a serious threat to their national identity as well as to their Christian identity, so they resisted and didnt give up. In the situation of official denominations yielded to Japanese colonial government with its conciliation and intimidation, the Movement of Refusal of the Shrine Worship by Korean populace functioned as a strong linkage between nationalists and Christians during the later period of Japanese rule.

VI.

Conclusion

According to Walls, in his book The Missionary Movement in Christian History, one doctrine characteristic of American Christianity as a whole is the separation of church and state.42 He also points out that modern American missions have somehow stripped mission activity of political significance.43 Considering that not a few missionaries of the early period of Korean Christianity were Americans, Walls indication doesnt seem to be applicable to the context of Korea, because American missionaries did a meaningful contribution to the formation of Korean nationalism. It was Protestantism that prepared the ground for Korean nationalism through the mission activities that began at the end of 19th century. The Great Revival, which was facilitated through cooperation and preparation both of missionaries and indigenous church leaders, not only helped Korean people have personal religious experience in a true sense, but also made them

42

Andrew F. Walls, The Missionary Movement in Christian History: Studies in the Transmission of Faith (Maryknoo, New York: Orbis Books, 1996), 232. 43 Ibid., 233.

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acknowledge Christianity not as a foreign religion any more but as theirs and consequently maintain their national identity in a time of national crisis. As a peak point of the harmony of Korean churches and nationalism, the March 1st Independence Movement made a huge positive influence on the future vitality and voice of the Korean Church, and it was the Movement of Refusal of the Shrine Worship by Korean populace that sustained the nationalist characteristic of Korean churches when official denominational bodies surrendered to Japanese rule. In conclusion, it is evident that during the early history of Korean Christianity, several years before and throughout the Japanese occupation, it was Protestantism, its missionaries and indigenous church leaders, that made a considerable and critical contribution to the birth and growth of Korean nationalism.

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Bibliography

Adams, Daniel J. Church Growth in Korea: A Paradigm Shift from Ecclesiology to Nationalism Perspectives on Christianity in Korea and Japan: The Gospel and Culture in East Asia ed. Mullins, Mark R. and Young, Richard Fox. Wales: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1995 Buswell, Robert E. and Lee, Timothy S., ed. Christianity in Korea. Honolulu, Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press, 2006 Choi, Jai-Keun. The Origin of the Roman Catholic Church in Korea: An Examination of Popular and Governmental Response to Catholic Mission in the Late Chosn Dynasty. Norwalk, California: The Hermit Kingdom Press, 2006 Gale, James S. Korea in Transition. New York, Laymens Missionary Movement, 1909 Kendall, C. W. The Truth about Korea. San Francisco, CA: The Korean National Association, 1919 Kim, In-Soo. Protestants and the Formation of Modern Korean Nationalism, 1885-1920: A Study of the Contributions of Horace Grant Underwood and Sun-Chu Kil. Union Theological Seminary in Virginia, 1993 Kim, John T. Protestant Church Growth in Korea. Belleville, ON, Canada: Essence Publishing, 1995 MacLennan, Arthur. Japanese Diplomacy and Force in Korea. Korean National Association, 1919 Moffett, Samuel H. The Christians of Korea. New York: Friendship Press, 1962 Neill, Stephen Neill. A History of Christian Missions. Revised Edition. New York: Penguin Books, 1986 Park, Chugn-Shin. Protestantism and Politics in Korea. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 2003 Park, Seong-Won. Worship in the Presbyterian Church in Korea: Its History and Implications. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1999

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Sunquist, Scott W. ed. A Dictionary of Asian Christianity. Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2001 Underwood, A. C. Shintoism: The Indigenous Religion of Japan. London: The Epworth Press, 1934 Walls, Andrew F. The Missionary Movement in Christian History: Studies in the Transmission of Faith. Maryknoo, New York: Orbis Books, 1996

Wells, Kenneth M. New God, New Nation: Protestants and Self-Reconstruction Nationalism in Korea 1896-1937. Honolulu, Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press, 1990

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