ARMY SERVICE FORCES MANUAL

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3a C

CIVIL AFFAIRS HANDBOOK

nctor s ie cpFRANCE
o re Keenneb

SECTION 2: GOVERNMENT AND ADMINISTRATION

REPRINT OF PRELIMINARY DRAFT. CIVIL AFFAIRS HANDBOOK ON FRANCE, SECTION 2

of restricted matter. - The information conSDissemination tained in restricted documents and the essential characteristics of restricted material may be given to any person known to be in the service of the United States and to persons of undoubted loyalty and discretion who are cooperating in Government work, but will not be communicated to the public or to the press (See also par. 18b, except by authorized military public relations agencies. AR 380-5, 28 Sep 1942.)

HEADQUARTERS,

ARMY SERVICE FORCES,16 DECEMBER 1943

ARMY SERVICE FORCES MANUAL

M352-2
Civil AFFairs

CIVIL AFFAIRS HANDBOOK

FRANCE
SECTION 2: GOVERNMENT AND ADMINISTRATION

REPRINT

OF PRELIMINARY

DRAFT,

CIVIL

AFFAIRS

HANDBOOK

ON

FRANCE,

SECTION

HEADQUARTERS, ARMY SERVICE FORCES,1

DECEMBER 1943

n
tained
States In

. .Dissemination

in
and

restricted may be
to persons work,

documents to any
of will

The infcrnation conof restricted matter. and the essential characteristics 0' restricted person known to be
and

material

given
but

in the
to the

service
who public or

of

the
the

United
press

undoubted not be

loyalty

discretion

are

cooperating to

Government

communicated

except by authorized AR 380-5, 28 Sep

military

public

relations

agencies.

(See a'so

par.

18b,

1942.)

NUMBERING SYSTEM OF ARMY SERVICE FORCES MANUALS

The main subject matter of each Army Service Forces Manual

is

indicated

by consecutive

numbering within the following categories: M1

-

M99 M199

M10 M2?O0 M300 M400 M500 M600 M'700 M$00 M900

M299
M399 M499 M599 M699 M799 M899 up

Basic and Advanced Training Army Specialized Training Program and PreInduct ion Training Personnel and Morale Civil Affairs Supply and Transportation Fiscal Procurement and Production Administration Miscellaneous Equipment, Materiel, Housing, and Constrution

HEADQUARTERS,

ARMY SERVICE FORCES,

Washington '25, D. C., 16 December 1943.

Army Service Forces Manual M 352-2, Civil Affairs Handbook --

France.:

Section 2,
vision

Government

and

Administration has been prepared under the superGeneral, and is published for the information

of The provost

Marshal

and guidance of all concerned.

[SPX

461

(31 Aug 43)]

By command of Lieutenant

General SOMERVELL:

W. D. STYER, Major General, General Staff Corps, Chief of Staff.

OFFICIAL:

5.

A.

ULIO, Major General, Adjutant . General.

24-82088ABCD

Q.,IjIL

AFFAIRS

HAND

1. 2.
3.
4.

Geographical and Social Background Government and Administration

Legal Affairs
Government Finance I oney and Banking Natural Resources Agriculture Industry and Commerce

5.
6. 7.

8.
9.
10. 1. 12. 13. 14.

Labor
Public Works and Utilities Transportation Communications Public Health and Sanitation Public Safety Systems

15.
16.

Education
Public Welfare

24-48 180 ABC

INTRODUCTION

Purposes of the Civil Affairs Handbook. International Law places upon an occupying power the responsibility for maintaining civil order in the areas occupied. The basic purposes of civil affairs officers are thus (1) to assist the Commanding General of the combat units by quickly establishing those orderly conditions which will contribute most effectively to the conduct of military operations, (2) to reduce to a minimum the human suffering and the material damage resulting from disorder and (3) to create the conditions which will make it possible for civil government to function effectively. The preparation of Civil Affairs Handbooks is a part of the effort to carry out this obligation as efficiently and humanely as is possible. The Handbooks do not deal with planning or policy. They are rather ready reference source books of the basic factual information needed 'or-planning and policy making. For these reasons, it should be clear that the data contained in this section does no imply any given program of action. Revision for Final Publication. Significant area information is immediately needed to make certain that organized data is in hand whenever events require it. Arrangements were therefore made with the cooperating agencies to organize all immediately available material in accordance with a prepared outline. Hence, this section on French Government and Administration should be regarded as a preliminary draft. It time permits, it will be revised with special reference to (a) the details of local administration and (b) the most recent developments in respect to government.

OFFICERS USING THIS MATERIAL ARE REQUESTED TO MAKE SUGGESTIONS AND CRITICISMS INDICATING THE REVISIONS OR ADDITIONS WHICH WOULD MAKE THIS MATERIAL MORE USEFUL FOR THEIR PURPOSES. .THESE CRITICISMS SHOULD BE SENT TO THE CHIEF OF THE SURVEY AND RESEARCH SECTION, MILITARY GOVERNMENT DIVISION, P.M.G.O., 2805 MUNITIONS BUILDING, WASHINGTON, D. C. (OR PHONE WAR DEPARTMENT EXTENSION 76370).

24-48 180 ABC

GOVER1NMENT

AND ADL IN ISTRAT ION CONTENTS

g.

General

(1)

Major Constitutional

Functions

(2)
.

Citizensrip
Legislatdi'e
Organization and Membership Pressures Exerted on the Legislative Body Legislative Control over the Executive and the Administrative (d) Vichy and the Legislature The Executive (a) Third Republic (b) Vichy Government (a (b) Cc) 4 4

national Govermsent'
(1)

4
9 10
11 11

(2)

11
16

(3)
c.

Administration

(a) Third Republic Cb) Vichy Government Provincial or Other Governmental Units

1.6
25

(1)

27
27

The Department Under the Third Republic

(a) (b) Autonomous Functions of'the Department Chief Departmental Organs i. The Prefect ii. The Chef de Cabinet iii. The Secretaire General iv. The Bureaux des Pref'ecture's v. The Inter-Departmental Councils vi. The Conseil General vii. The Commission Departmentale Amount of Supervision Exercised Over Local Governments

27
28 28 28

28
29 29 29 30

(C)
(2) (3)

The Department Since 1940

(a) Councils The Arrondjlssement Under the Third Republic (a). The Sub-prefect Ob) The Council of the Arrondissement The Canton Under the' Third Republic

30
31

32
32 32 33

(4)

(5)
d.

The Arrondissement and the Canton Since 1940

33 34

Local Government (1) The Commune Under the Third Republic

(a)

The

Municipal Council

34
34

(2)

(b) The.Mayor (c) The City of Paris Cd) The City of Ly4on The Commune Since 1940 (a) Rural Communes (b) Urban Communes Cc) Large Cities with Special i. Paris ii. Lyon iii. Marseille

34 38, 36 36
Status

36

38
39
40

38

(3)

Reorgancization of Units of Local Government

22-4818OABC

Page
e. Special Units of Government C1) Educational Districts Railway Administration (2) 40 40 40

(3)
(4)

(5) (6) (7)

(8)
f.

Economic Regions Military Regicns Naval Districts Cominications Districts Judicial Districts
Police Districts

40
41

41
41

41
41

Political Parties and Other Organizations of Political Significance (1) Intioduction Political Parties (2) (a) Introduction Cb) The Right i. Federation Republicaine Resembling the URD Parties ii. iii. Alliance Democratique iv. Parties Resembling the Alliance Democratique v. Rassemblement National Populaire vi. Parti Populaire Francais

41 41 42 42 43 43 44 44 45 45

vii. Progres Social Francals

viii. Francisme ix. Ligue Francaise (c) The Left i. The Radical-Socialists ii. The Socialists

46 47
48 48 48 46 49

iii.

The Communists

51
52

(3)

iv. Minor Parties Para-Military Formations

(a)
(b) (c) Cd)

The Legion

53 53
54 55 56 56 56

(4)

The Milice FraflSaise (SOL) The National Revolutionary Militia (LVF), The The Anti-Bolshevik Legion Tricolor Legion, and the African Phalanx. Other Para-Military Formations (e) Pressure and Subversive' Groups Representing Big Business and High Finance

(a)
(b) Cc) Cd)

Introduction
The Comit' The Banaue Des Forges (CORSID) Worms Group

57
57

i. (5)

Personnel

The Qfgoulards Introduction Action Franiaise The Monarchist Movement

The Royalist Right

(a) (b) tc)

57 58 59 60
60 60 61

(6)

Other Rightist Pressure Groups Group "Collaboration" (a) (b) National Collectivism The Front Paysan (c)
(d) The Jeunesses Patriotes

61 61 62 62
62

Ce)
(f) (g)

Solidarite

Francaise

62
62 63

France Amicale ae La Fierte de France

(7)

Labor Unions (a) Before 1940 (b) Since 1940

The Freemasons

63 63 63 66 66
67

(8)

(9)

Youth Movements Introduction Ca)

(b) Chantiers de la Jeunesse, &c.

24-48180ABC

domw

Page 1. ii. iii. Reg ions Groupements Groupes

iv
(c)

Equipes

(teams)

(d) (e)

Compagnons de France 1. Provinces ii. Pays iii, Bailliages iv. Cites Ecoles de Cadres Collaborationist Youth Movements i. The Jeunesses Populaires Francaises ii. The Jeunesse Fraciste iii. The Jeunessgs Nationales Populaires iv. The Jeurip Legion v. The Jeunes du M rechal vi. The Soci~t6 de Preparation et d'Education Sportive 71 vii. Jeunes de l'Europe Nouvelle 71 viii. Ligue des Jeunes de France et L'Emp ire?

(f)
(g)

Scout Movements

71
71 72 72 72 72
de

(10)

Catholic Youth Movements i. The Association Catholique de la Jeunesse Francaise ii. Students' Federations (h) Miscellaneous Youth Organizations i. Camelots du Roi ii. Union'Chretieune de Jeune Gens et Jeunes Filles, etc. The Underground

72

(a)
(b) (c) (d) (e)

Introduction
Liberation Frannaise, Liberation, Tireur The Communist Underground The Socialist Underground Underground Labor Unions Franc-

72 72
73
75 75

(f)
(g) (h)

The Clerical Underground

The "Secret Army" and the Guerillas Miscellaneous Crganizations

75

75
76

Ci)
Selected

Some of the Underground Publications

Circulating in France

References

8o

Charts of Goverhmental Organization Maps Index

2'4-88 ABC o

GOVERNAENT AND ADMIN ISTRAT ION --A.

FNCE

General

(1)

Maor constitutional features

Although the Third Republic was not established until after the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, there has been relative continuity in

the French constitution since the Revolution of 1789. Many of the laws still in force in France date from the period of the Revolution or from the reign of Napoleon. At the foundation of the system is the Declaration of the Rights of Man,
which changing forms of government have never wholly displaced. Many groups in France do not consider that the republican form of government has been irrevocably adopted, and discussion of the propriety of other forms, both of the right and of the left, is an important element in politics. Under the Third Republic the principle of the separation of powers was maintained. The legislative and executive functions pertained to two distinct bodies. While the judicial function remained independent, it was not equal in degree of power to the legislative and the executive; it could only decide controversies, but could not initiate any sort of action. None of the three powers might usurp the functions of another. Under the Third Republic the presideat of the Republic, legislative officers,and mayors of communes were elected, as were the members of various sub-national councils with advisory functions. The bulk of executive and administrative officers were appointed. All male citizens aged twenty-one years or over and not under disabilities stemming from court action were entitled to vote. In spite of long-continued agitation for female suffrage, women were not allowed to vote in general elections. The Vichy Government is non-democratic in form. Power is vested in the Head of the State, who designates his own successor. No elections, even local ones, have taken place since the Vichy Government came to power. The majority of the old elected bodies and officials have been set aside. The Vichy government attempted to give its acts an appearance of legality by causing the National Assembly (Senate and Chamber of Deputies) to vote Petain the power to promulgate a new constitution, which was to be ratified by the nation, The last condition has not been fulfilled, nor have any institutions for the expression of the public will been tolerated. The question of preserving in future

2*-48a18se

the continuity of republican government, is closely connected with a law of 15 February 1872 (the Treveneuc law). This was written to provide for the restoration of republican authority, in case a form of government contrary to the general will should at some time be imposed upon the people. This law is at present being widely discussed as a basis for the restoration of French authority in France. It provides that if the legislative body is illegally dissolved or prevented from meeting, the individual elective departmental councils (Conseils Gdndraux) shall meet as soon as and wherever in the department they can. The presence of a majority of the members shall be required for their deliberations. These councils are to exercise full public authority for an interim period until at least half their number shall have been able to meet and send delegates to a Central Assembly which shall convene wherever the legal government has set itself up. This Assembly in turn shall exercise full powers until the normal legislative body can be reconstituted by restoration of the former body or, if more than a month has passed, by general elections to form a new one. If the Treveneuc law were to be used to restore French government in France, two major difficulties would present themselves at the outset: Vichy has replaced the elected Conseils G4ndraux with appointed ones. Moreover, it is extremely difficult to say what the legal government is or where it has been set up. Once the latter point is settled and some procedure devised and agreed upon for reestablishing the councils, the Treveneuc law could be used. It might prove effective as a means of re-establishing French government even before the total liberation of the national territory, and it has the advantage of undisputed constitutionality. (2) Citizenship

The following figures indicate the distribution of aliens and nationals among the French population as a whole: year 1931 1936 total population 41,834,900 41,907,000 nationals 38,934,900 39,453,500 aliens 2,900,000 2,453,500

If the distribution of aliens in various age and sex groups can be assumed to be similar to the distribution in the population as a whole, tables for 1931 giving the distribution by age and sex indicate that the electorate was about 11,000,000 strong. About 1,000,000 persons who would normally vote are now prisoners of war and another million French nationals (ome of them women and therefore not voters) are now working in Germany (estimate is for May 1943).

2-8

180 ABC

IL1 r11i

r.L

"

;Y

-3Under the Republic, French nationals were defined as those persons born of a French father, born on French territory, or naturalized in accordance with the French naturalization law, which was not strict. Except insofar as exercise of suffrage is inseparable from the concept of citizenship, no distinction was made between nationals, and there were no non-citizen nationals. Naturalized persons suffered under only one disability: they could not be elected to the national legislative body until ten years after naturalization (law of 26 June 1889). A number of groups were, however, excluded from the suffrage. These were: all women, all men under twenty-one, all persons in active military service, all persons certified to be mentally incompetent or undergoing treatment in a mental institution. Temporary deprivation of suffrage was imposed on those who had served criminal or correctional sentences, bankrupt tradesmen, and ministerial functionaries dismissed for gross incompetence. The suffrage was not always exercised by those entitled to it; some twenty per cent of the qualified electors habitually failed to vote. The French citizen under the Third Republic enjoyed such rights as equality before the law and guarantees of personal liberty -- freedom from arbitrary imprisonment, freedom to hold property or to work where he chose, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of conscience, freedom to participate in meetings or form associations. The last right was not without limitation, for the Communist party was formally suppressed soon after the beginning of the war with Germany. The most conspicuous duty of the citizen, beyond conforming with the laws, rules, and regulations enacted by competent authorities, was that of performing a period of compulsory military service. The length of such service varied from time to time, although the principle was firmly established. The Vichy Government has made efforts to' change the basis of citizenship from democratic universality to totalitarian exclusiveness. Two groups of nationals have been placed under disabilities: those whose fathers were not French, and Jews. All naturalizations granted after 10 June 1927 are being reviewed, and several thousand denaturalizations have been pronounced in accordance with a law of 16 June 1940. Frenchmen whose fathers were not French are excluded from the following occupations: law, medicine, architecture, and all public services in national or local government. Restrictions of the rights of Jews go much further; in fact Vichy's policy with regard to them indicates an intention not only to deprive them of all rights but to rid French territory of them entirely (see section on Geographical and Social Background, published separately.) Even the ordinary rights of French citizens born of
24-48180 ABC

-4French parents are seriously curtailed, Suffrage, while not formally withdrawn, has not been exercised since the Armistice. The French citizen may be subjected to "administrative internment," which is imprisonment without trial and upon the order of an administrative official; his enjoyment of property may be curtailed or abolished by the creation of special geographical zones; he may be required to work where the state sees fit,

whether in France or in other German-controlled

territory; and his freedom of speech, press, meeting, and association have all been swept away. Unless he is Jewish, his freedom of conscience has suffered the least, and religion remains one of the
few fields in which his desire for self-expression

can still find a legal outlet. With the demobilization of the Army, the period of military service has been transformed into a similar period of service in a labor battalion, From time to time it is reported that French war prisoners or other Frenchmen of military age are about to be forced to fight against Russia on the eastern front. Such reports are impossible either to substantiate or to disprove. 12. National Government

(1)

Legislature
(a) Organization and membership

Under the Republic, the legislative body was a single authority composed of two assemblies: the Senate (314 members) and the Chamber of Deputies (618 members), Ordinarily they deliberated separately. A measure had to pass both houses in order to become law. They united in a National Assembly when revision of the constitution was being discussed, and also united as Congress, an electoral college, to elect the president of the Republic. The Senate sat
alone as the High Court (see under Legal Affairs).

According to the constitution

of the Third Republic, the Chamber and the Senate
each met in ordinary session for five months. The ordinary session might be suspended twice, for a period of a month each tme, if it grew

so uproarious as to threaten the public peace, but it was necessary to compensate for such suspension by postponing the closing date of the session. Every fourth year the Chamber of Deputies adjourned in April for elections, and the new Chamber met in June to complete the ordinary session. The
Government might also summon an extraordinary ses-

sion, which it opened and closed as it saw fit. ]t became customary to summon such a session in the fall of every year, since the budget was rarely completed in the ordinary session, All plenary sessions were held in public and their proceedings
2u Ac

IILllp~l~gPBT~

-5published in the Jo na Officiel; committee proceedings (see below) were secret, but the reports drawn up as a result of the deliberations of the committees were published. According to the Constitution, the president of the Republic, with the consent of the Senate, might dissolve the Chamber of Deputies and call for new elections. Actually this provision was used only once during the life of the Republic and was generally considered to be a dead letter. The Senate could not be dissolved under any circumstances. Each body every year elected officers from among its own members to direct its work. These included a president, vice-presidents, secretaries, and various officials charged with the management of the staff and the maintenance of order. In both cases the president, besides his salary as an elected representative, received an additional saary as president and was supplied with a residence. The president of the Republic invariably consulted the presidents of the legislative bodies before forming a ministry. Like the presiding officers in the Congress of the United States, the presidents of the Chamber and the Senate traditionally did not carry their party politics into their positions, but presided with absolute impartiality. Each body made its own regulations, by resolution, for the conduct of its work. These determined the method of voting, the formation of committees, and the rules of discipline for the members. Voting was always public. Commonly it was by show of hands, but if the result was doubtful it might be by ballot, each member depositing in a box a slip with his name on it indicating his vote. If the second method was followed, voting by proxy was possible, the members present casting the voting slips of absentees. Finally, if a majority of the members demanded it, each might be required to cast his ballot in person in response to a roll call. Permanent committees to make preliminary studies and reports were set up in each house; a special committee to deal with a special piece of legislation might be constituted when necessary. Members of committees were chosen partly through nomination by bureaux and partly through nomination by "groups." The bureaux were sections to which the members were assigned by lot (11 in the Chamber of Deputies and 9 in the Senate). Each bureau nominated from one to fur committeemen. A group was an association of members of a house holding similar political views. The groups did not, however, correspond to political parties (their political complexion is discussed in detail below). All members were invited to join these

24-48180 ABC

groups, although there were always a few who did not join any and who gathered together to function as a non-group group. Each group was assigned a certain number of committeemen, approximately proportionate to the number of its members, which it selected itself from among its members. Certain procedures and penalties were established which might be used when members become unruly. The president of either representative body might call a member to order, or might make an officially recorded call to order which entailed the loss of half of the member's salary and might be increased to include exclusion from fifteen sittings and loss of half of the member's salary for two months. Defiance of this last penalty might be punished by exclusion from forty sittings and imprisonment for three days. Such disciplinary measures were, in general, less frequently required in the Senate than in the Chamber of Deputies. Any man might be elected to the legislature who was above the prescribed age limit (twenty-five years for the Chamber of Deputies, forty years for the Senate) and who had the right to vote, although his fulfillment of this last condition did not need to be evidenced by enrollment on the list of voters of any electoral district. Beyond being an elector, he must have been a French national for at least ten years and might not be a member of any family which had reigned in France, or a member of the armed forces on active service. In general, the holding of another national office was incompatible with membership in either representative body, although exception was made in the case of the higher executive and administrative officials and for temporary tenure of office by members of the legislature. Members were usually drawn from the following occupational groups: journalists, doctors, landowners, manufacturers, and labor representatives, but a large majority were lawyers. The party composition of the houses is discussed under political groups, below. Members of the Chamber of Deputies were elected from constituencies set up as territorial districts. Each arrondissement elected a deputy; arrondissements with a population of more than 100,000 were divided into two or more constituencies. These districts were extremely unequal in population, varying from about 20,000 to 150,000 or more. Various experiments with other methods of representation were tried, but none proved satisfactory. Members were elected for four-year terms, all expiring at once. A man might be re-elected as many times as he could secure the necessary votes. A candidate might run in only one constituency in any given election. Members of the Senate were elected
24-48180ABC

7 -

-7indirectly. Their constituency was the department and they were chosen by 1) the departmental council (Conseil Gen1ral), 2) the arrondissement councils of the department, and 3) senatorial delegates selected by the municipal councils of each commune in the department having more than 500 inhabitants. The number of senatorial delegates depended, roughly, on the population of the commune. A candidate might run in more than one constituency, but if he was successful in more than one he had to decide which he would represent. Members were elected for a term of nine years, one third of the body being elected every three years. The Senate was often far out of date in the matter of representing the political complexion of the country; the term was long, and even at the time of election, the electors might have been in office for a considerable time, and therefore no longer truly representative of the people who had elected them. Members of each house received a salary of 82,500 francs, which compared favorably with salaries of other public officials. They were allowed free railroad travel in return for a small deduction from their salary. They benefited from full .immunity, criminal and civil, covering acts committed in the exercise of their office. During sessions a member might not, without the consent of his Chamber, be prosecuted on criminal charges except police infractions. General powers pertaining to the Chamber and Senate as the legislative body were: the enactment of laws, supervision over government finance, control over the executive through questions and interpellations and investigations, and regulation of certain administrative matters. All acts of the legislative body, duly passed by both houses, signed by the.president, and countersigned by a Minister, were called laws. All bills went through committee procedure and one debate on the floor before the final vote. The law-making powers of the legislative body were not limited by judicial review on constitutionality. Two sorts of bills might come before the legislature: projets de loi signed by the president of the Republic and countersigned and introduced by a Minister, and propositions de loi resulting from the initiative of either house. The two houses had similar powers of initiative, although it was necessary for financial measures to be introduced in the Chamber of Deputies, In drawing up the budget the Chamber had sweeping power to determine what expenditures should be made; legislative consideration of controversial matters could often be forced by the inclusion of relevant items in the budget. The Chamber of Deputies often tried to push the Senate by sending the budget to it just before the end of the session. The special items were thus left over for consideration in the extraordinary session. If the Senate vetoed a budget

24-48180 ABC

-8item voted by the Chamber and the Chamber revoted it, the Senate by custom was expected to yield. No new items of expenditure might be introduced by the Senate, but the Government might initiate increases in appropriations while the Senate was considering the budget. The regulations of each house determine the forms of control over governmental policies as revealed by governmental acts. The question was a dialogue between the member asking the question and the Minister replying (or possibly an exchange of notes in the Journal Officiel), and did not give rise to debate or any sort of vote. An interpellation opened a general debate which was followed by a motion to continue the ordinary work of the house; this motion might be a simple one expressing no opinion on the preceding debate, or might express the confidence or lack of confidence of the members. A Minister against whom a vote of no confidence had been passed had to resign. Only a few Ministers would remain in office in the face of a vote of no opinion. Investigation, rarely used, was the examination of a particular act or policy by a committee of one of the houses; the committee might hear witnesses, and would present its findings for discussion on the floor. The effectiveness of such measures of control is discussed below in connection with the executive. Certain administrative matters were dealt with by laws passed by the legislature: departmental or communal questions (los d'int4 ret local), authorization for the formation of religious congregations, and other matters which by usage or statutory provision were so handled. In law and in fact the Chamber of Deputies was much the more important of the two houses. By virtue of the number of its members, it had the deciding voice in electing the president of the Republic. It also had the primary control in the making and unmaking of Governments. In practice nearly all important bills, as well as all financial measures, were first introduced there, while the Senate merely provided a second consideration as a check on over-hasty action. This dominant position* of the Chamber of Deputies is usually not made clear in the textbooks on French government, but in practice it was incontrovertible. The legislative body, having had a relatively short constitutional life, had remained largely without tradition, and its various forms and procedures were by no means regarded as fixed. The Chambers did a moderately good job of representing the people and defending political liberties; the functions of law-making and forming stable governments they performed very badly at times. A legislator, especially in the Chamber of Deputies, was usually
24-48 180 ABC

-9chosen not for his ability but for the advantages he was expected to win for his constituency. The greatest difficulty under which members of the Chamber of Deputies labored was preoccupation with their re-election. They were obliged to spend much time, which rightfully belonged to legislative endeavors, in maintaining their political fences. Scandals such as the Stavisky affair and the riots of 1934 actually implicated more government officials than legislators, although the legislature bore the brunt of public resentment. (b) Pressures exerted on the legislative
body

The deputy was in practice the political boss of the district he represented. He was able, through his hold over the Ministers, to dictate appointments and promotions and generally to control the distribution of local favors. On the other hand, legislators collectively were subjected to all sorts of outside pressures. The Government sought to make its wishes felt in the composition of the Chamber of Deputies. Through its cooperation in the distribution of favors and fulfillment of promises made in candidacy,tcould either secure or prevent the reelection of a deputy. Prefects and other administrative officials, acting in accordance with agreements with higher officials, often engaged in electioneering for the candidate enjoying government approval. Conscious of its economic importance, big business deliberately entered the field of active politics after World War I. It favored keeping the purchasing power of the masses on a high level. Therefore it supported social legislation and French participation in the International Labor Office. The most powerful big business group is the Comit es Forges (an association of steel manufacturers) which still plays a mysterious but undeniable role in French politics. Under the Republic its methods certainly included pressure on the legislative body, and probably more sinister types of activity. Although the press used to he regarded as a great influence in politics, it seems probable that it was actually the other way round: politicians used the newspapers to publicize their own actions and to plead their cause. On the other hand, the Comitd des Forges controls several important papers. The Catholic Church has traditionally been a conservative and even a reactionary influence in politics. It has known its greatest power under monarchical or imperial government. It' influence on the legislative body was not direct,

24-48180ABC

10 -

although it might be exercised through individual members. Politically speaking, the Church remained in disrepute throughout the early part of the twentieth century, and the legislators tended to oppose everything which favored it in any way. This has not been so under the Vichy regime. French Freemasonry is a stronghold of anti-clericalism. It is an important association for the allotment of political spoils, although the Radical-Socialist P1ty (see below) has largely displaced it as a fighting element in French politics. (c) Legislative control over the executive and the administrative

Although the Chamber and the Senate together elected the president of the Republic, he then became separate from them, and was controlled by them only in so far as they exercised control over the Cabinet. As noted above, the president did not name a cabinet without consulting the president of each representative body. The mechanisms (question, interpellation, and investigation) by which the legislative body called executive officers to account for specific acts have been described above. The impermanence of Ministries has often been blamed upon the workings of interpellation. Actually the trouble was deeper-seated and derived from the very composition of the two houses. There was almost never a coherent majority; so the support of a Cabinet had to be derived from a combination of political groups. If these groups shifted or re-formed on new issues, the Government was left without its legislative backing. Unattractive as these conditions sound, cabinet positions were much coveted. Members not in the Cabinet were anxious to unseat those who were in, in the hope that they might be called to hold a portfolio in the next government. Through interpellation and a vote of no confidence, a cabinet mgmber might be forced to resign because of an act of an administrative official of which he had virtually no knowledge. The deputies watched for questionable acts in their constituencies and pounced on the Minister who was nominally responsible. The two houses exercised a broader control over the Government in the consideration of bills introduced by the Ministers. They might, without attack in the form of questions or interpellations, make it impossible for the Government to carry out its policies by refusing to pass the necessary laws. Failure to pass an iportant bill submitted by a Minister might force the resignation of that Minister or of the whole cabinet. Control over administrative departments could be exercised indirectly through control
24-4 180ABC

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over the executive, or directly by financial measures. The voting of the budget, accompanied by examination of accounts, made possible a detailed review of administrative conduct, while the withholding or according of appropriations enabled the legislature to dictate the future activities of the administrative branch. The deputies were, however, dependent on the administrative officials to listen to them in matters of patronage. The relation between the deputies and the administrative was a sort of give and take in which the deputy traded his vote on some matter of interest to the particular iinistry concerned for the privilege of naming his candidate to an administrative position. (d) Vichy and the legislature

On 10 July 1940 the two houses met as the National Assembly and passed a constitutional law, duly signed by the president of the Republic, delegating to Petain all power to promulgate a new constitution. This abdication is of extremely doubtful legality. Even if the two bodies could delegate their own powers in toto, they certainly could not delegate the powers of other governmental institutions. Petain's second Constitutional Act of 11 July 1940 provided for the exercise of legislative power by himself in collaboration with a ministerial council, pending the formation of new Assemblies in conformity with the constitution yet to be drawn. The old representative bodies were left with no other power than that of being asked for their assent prior to a declaration of war, an empty power in view of the French military position. According to Constitutional Act no. 3, also of 11 July 1940, the Senate and Chamber of Deputies continue to exist until further order. No further order has been forthcoming, nor have new assemblies been formed. The offices and staffs of the two bodies have been forced to close up, leaving no mechanism for calling sessions. However, the legislature continues to exist, although the normal interval for new elections has been greatly exceeded. New elections would normally have been held in 1940, but the term of office of the current houses was indefinitely prolonged because of war conditions. The members of the Chamber and the Senate are scattered, a number of deputies having joined the Fighting French in London, or gone to North Africa. Others are held in prisons either by' the Vichy Government or German authorities, and still others actively support the Vichy regime. (2) The Executive (a) Third Republic

The president of the Republic was the constitutional Head of the State, but he shared his executive power with the Ministers and, more particularly, with the president of the Council of
24-48180 ABC

- 12 Ministers, sometimes described as the Premier or Prime Minister. The president of the Republic was elected for seven years by an absolute majority of the two legislative houses, sitting together for the sole purpose of electing him. He was usually chosen from among their members, although technically any French citizen who was not a member of any family which had reigne in France or who had not been deprived of political rights by a court order might be chosen. Women were not specifically excluded, and a naturalized Frenchman might legally be elected without the ten years' delay after naturalization required before election to a legislative body. The president might be re-elected (the last president is serving his second term) although tradition was against it. In any case, the term was personal; there was no such thing as filling out the unfinished term of a predecessor. The term of the man elected ran for seven years from his election. The president of the Republic was generally considered to be a rather colorless person. While he was surrounded by much display and pomp at every move, he was little more than a figure head from the point of view of political power. He was, however, the permanent element in an otherwise constantly shifting executive. The constitution guarded against the possibility of an interregnum between presidents by providing for automatic meeting of the electors before the expiration of the term and for immediate meeting if the president resigned or died in office. In theory, the powers of the president were very broad: he was commander-inchief of the armed forces with the right of assuming active command; he might pardon criminals; he represented his country in international dealings, and .his treaty-making power was not subject to review; he appointed all civil and military officers, could cut legislative sessions short after five months or force a month's vacation twice during the session; he had a suspensive veto over all legislation; he selected the president of the Council of Ministers, and presided over the more important Cabinet meetings. Actually the president could exercise none of these powers alone. All bills and decrees signed by the president had to be countersigned by a Minister; he could not receive a foreign ambassador or a French official without having a Minister present unless he had approval, tacit or express, of the president of the Council. The attribute of the president which carried with it the most real power was that of choosing the president of the Council of Ministers. Because of the lack of a party with absolute majority in the Chamber, there were usually a number of possible choices, and the president's action in choosing between them often truly determined policy.

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The president of the Republic is Albert Lebrun, elected in 1932 and re-elected

in 1939. He is a Radical-Socialist in domestic politics, and in foreign policy he opposed the Armistice of 1940, wanting to move the Government to North Africa and continue the fight. His present whereabouts are unknown. At pne time he was thought to have taken refuge in a neutral country, but he may well be a prisoner of his enemies -either the Vichy Government or the Germans. The constitution made no provision for the President of the Council, who was in fact the head of the French government. He was a very transitory head indeed, his tenure of office bping dependent upon the political whims of the legislative branch, upon his ability to hold his cabinet together, and upon his relation with the permanent administrative officials. The average life of a French cabinet was somewhat less thanline months. A particularly adept president of the Council might remain in office through the life of more than one Cabinet by a reshuffling of other Ministries. Only seven presidents of the Council have held their positions as long as two years, and the longest was only two years, eleven months, and eleven days (22 June 1899 to 3 June 1902). The president of the Council was chosen by the president of the Republic for his ability to command a majority in the Chamber. Theoretically any one over twenty-one years of age might be so appointed, but to function effectively he had to be either a deputy or a senator. The president of the Republic, while not required to do so by law, always consulted the presidents of the two legislative houses in making his choice. The president of the Council appointed the other.ministers, coordinated their activities, and directed the shaping of governmental policies. He therefore had some control over the countersignatures necessary to validate the acts of the president of the Republic. Although the president of the Council had most of the executive power nominally belonging to the president of the Republic, he could not expect to hold it long, while the president of the republic was a constant factor and in all probability would appo i nt the successor of any president of the Council. The Cabinet, or Council of Ministers, included the heads of the various Ministries and Ministers without Portfolio. They were chosen by the president of the Council, whose selections were ratified by the president of the Republic. Legally, all Ministries were on an equal footing except for the Minister of Justice who was also vice president of the Council of Ministers and president of the Council of State and of the Court
of Conflicts (Tribunal des Conflts -- see under Legal Affairs). Next greatest prestige was accorded the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Ministry of the Interior was very important politically because

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14 -

it controlled the prefects, whose influence on elections was tremendous. The Ministry of Finance came next in importance because, after the budget had been voted, it distributed funds. Education, War, Marine, and Agriculture were important because they had large budgets and controlled a large number of officials. All the others were considered minor portfolios. Ministers without Pottfolio might be brought in when it was politically desirable to include in the Cabinet more people than there were portfolios. The president of the Council often decided not to take a portfolio, although he could do so if he wished. The Ministers met formally as the Council of Ministers, presided over by the president of the Republic, to consider all important matters. The president of the Republic might take part in the discussions, but had no vote. Minor decisions were made in the Cabinet Council without the president of the Republic, the president of the Council acting as chairman. The Council deliberated secretly and the Cabinet as a whole had joint responsibility for all decisions taken, whatever might have been the votes of individual members. The Ministers were responsible to the legislative body for the carrying out of the laws enacted. They were assumed to have a control over their Ministries and a knowledge of the actions of administrative officials which, in fact, they usually lacked completely. Such knowledge and control not only presupposes technical knowledge of the field, but would require long experience in the Ministry and familiarity with its procedures, whereas the Ministers were primarily politicians. Actually Ministers had to sign many documents having to do with the work of their Ministries which they could not take the time to understand. Their responsibility to the legislative body was implemented by the means of control described in the discussion of the legislature. Part of the function of the Ministers was, at the behest of the legislative body, to safeguard the public against dictatorial action by administrative officers. Attached to the Cabinet were under-secretaries of State, or vice-ministers. They were sometimes appointed to assist the Minister of a particularly important agency, but were more often appointed to handle some branch of administration which was important enough to warrant a semi-autonomous status. Hygiene, Physical Education, Technical Education, Fine Arts have all been so handled. The number of under-secretaries varied from one cabinet to another. They could not countersign a presidential act, nor did they attend all Cabinet meetings, but they had the same responsibility as the Min ers t the legislature and fell with them.

2*-aiS

6.

15 -

(b)

Vichy Government

The Chief of State (Petain) in June 1940 took all executive power as well as all legislative power. Ministers and Secretaries of State were appointed by him,as were all other officials, and were responsible to him alone. He is responsible to no one and his acts do not need to be countersigned by a minister. Since that time Petain has been forced to turn over most of this power to the Chief of Government, Laval. Petain, as Chief of Stateserves at his own pleasure, and designates his successor. He appointed and conferred legislative and executive powers on Laval, the Chief of Government. Laval is now in a much stronger position than Petain himself. Petain is, in fact, weaker vis-a-vis Laval than was the president of the Republic visa-vis the president of the Council of Ministers, because Laval is not likely to be ousted except by the action of a foreign power. Petain assumed the duties od president of the Council of Ministers along with his assumption of all the other Dowers of the Chief of State. The vice-presidency of the Council was separated from the Ministry of Justice and became an office comparable to the presidency of the Council under the Republic, until Laval became Chief of the Government in April 1942 and as such presided over the Council. The Council of Ministers has been retained. The Ministers are the creatures of the Chief of State or the Chief of Government and, with that backing, have more influence over their agencies than did the Ministers under the Third Republic. A number of General Secretariats were created for the handling of special problems in the central administration. They are responsible to the Minister to whom they are attached. The nomenclature of Ministries under Vichy is constantly shifting, and furthermore what was a Secretariat of State one day may be a Ministry the next and vice versa. The whole cabinet is extremely fluid; its composition in May 1943 is shown in the following list: Chief of Government - Pierre Laval Minister of Foreign Affairs - Pierre Laval Minister of Interior - Pierre Laval Minister of Information - Pierre Laval Minister of State without Portfolio Lucien Romier Minister of Justice - Maurice Gabold Minister of Agriculture and Food Supply Max Bonnafous Minister of Education - Abel Bonnard Minister of Navy and Colonies - Admiral Blehaut Minister of National Defense - General Bridoux Minister of Finance - Pierre Cathala
24-248180ABC

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Minister of Labor - Hubert Lagardelle Minister of Health - Dr. Raymond Grasset State secretary attached to Laval Fernand de Brinon State secretary for Internal Administration, Ministry of Interior - Georges Hilaire State secretary for Police, Ministry of Interior - Robert Bousquet State secretary for Information Max Bonnafous (acting) State secretary for National Economics Pierre Cathala State secretary for Communications and Industrial Production - Jean Bichelonne Instead of legislative bodies, the actively functioning assemblies are the Conseil National (National Council) and the Council of State (see below), an administrative organ held over from the Third Republic. The National Council was created on 22 January 1941, and was conceived as a sort of temporary national representation to bridge the gap until the creation of the new assemblies which are to form part of the new constitution. Its only power is to consider and give advice on questions submitted to it by the Chief of State. It functions through committees of ten to twenty-five members and can meet in plenary session only when called to do so by the Chief of State. The members are nominated by the Chief of State upon suggestions from the Cabinet and may be dismissed by him. About a third are members or exmembers of the legislative bodies. Up to the end of 1942 seven committees had been set up, namely: Administration, Municipal Reform, Information, Economic Organization, Paris, Youth, and the Constitutional Commission. All deliberations are secret. There has been no plenary session. In April 1942, when Laval became Chief of Government, the National Council practically ceased to function. A large part of its members, while supporting Petain, were unwilling to work with Laval and unacceptable to him. (3) Administration (a), Third Republic

The administrative agencies of the Third Republic were the Ministries plus certain independent offices. Although their number and nomenclature could be changed only by statutory enactment, such changes were fairly frequent. In 1939 the Ministries and other agencies were as follows: Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres -- besides usual matters pertaining to any ministry of foreign affairs, had offices for Morocco, Tunis, and the mandated territories of the Near East.

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A'C

17 -

Ministere de l'Agriculture -- performed functions of supervision over agricultural production; included service for suppression of fraud, veterinary administration, national stud farms, administrations of waters and forests and waters and rural engineering, associations of presidents of Chambers of Agriculture, various agricultural schools, laboratories and research stations. Ministere de l'Air -- beside supervising matters of civilian aeronautics, included national meteorological office. Ministere des Anciens Combattants et Pensionnes -dealt with interests of war veterans and their survivors; also supervised military cemeteries. Ministere des Colonies -- general service subdivided by function; also offices for individual colonies. This Ministry, like the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, had an office for the mandated territories of the Near East. Ministere de Commerce et de l'Industrie -- beside dealing with matters of production and trade, included administration of weights and measures, national bank for foreign commerce. Ministere de la Defense Nationale et de la Guerre -controlled Army, military aviation, defense installations, supervised military courts. Ministere de l'Economie National -- a general economic planning agency. Ministre de l'Education Nationale -- had charge of all public education and teaching staffs from primary schools through universities. Included academies, museums, libraries, national theaters, opera, such national industries as Sevres and Gobelins. Ministere des Finances -- drew up budget and distributed appropriations; also included state monopolies (matches, tobacco, etc.), national printing office, administration of registry and stamps (for official documents). Caisse de D4pots et Consignations -- administered credits and debts of state; contracting agency for state. Ministere de l'Interieur -- directed prefects, Suretd (police), dealt with all matters not assigned to other agencies.

24-a48100 ABC

18

Ministre de la Justice --

acted as administrative agency for courtsand penal establishments; Chancellery of Legion of Honor loosely attached to it.
--

Ministere de la Marine
and establishments;

controlled naval forces supervised naval courts.

Ministere de la Marine Marchande -dealt with matters of merchant marine, port installations other than naval bases, fishing. (Inland shipping under Public Works.) Minist re des Postes, Telegraphe et Telephone -operated mail, telegraph, and telephone services, all of which were state monopolies. Also exercised national control over radio broadcasting, operated a number of public radio stations.

Minisgere de la Sant(rPublique --

included housing, relief, Red Cross, and various public health services, institutions, and inspectorates.

Tourisme -- under. a Commissioner-General and attached to the Ministere des Travaux Publics; included services for the promotion and regulation of resort-towns, sightseeing places, etc. Also supervised touring club, automobile club, Alpine club, and similar organizations. Ministere du Travail -supervised labor conditions, hours of work, social insurance, private insurance companies, Caisses dcEpargne (savings banks).

Ministere des Travaux Publics --

operated railroads; maintained roads, waterways, and ports; supervised exploitation of mineral resources; carried out public building projects.

Banque de France -institution which held and administered all state funds; also exercised supervision over private banks. Headed by a Governor. Credit National pour faciliter la reparation des dommages causds par la Cuerre -institution for granting public assistance where necessary to undertake larger projects for rehabilitation of areas damaged in war of 1914-18. (A more detailed analysis of each agency can be found in Didot-Bottin, Almanach A nuaire d Commerce et ]l ndustrie for 1939 The administrative organization was a series of more or less independent hierarchies tied together, only loosely at best, by the Cabinet and a few semi-active inter-ministry committees. Although the Ministries were in theory subordinate
V
24r48sease

"0H

- 19 to the Ministers, in practice the permanent administrative staff of a Ministry made all the plans for administration and drew up documents for the Minister's signature. Usually the Minister had not enough familiarity with the working of the Ministry to understand most of the papers presented for his signature, even if he had time to read them. Each Minister had a personal staff or cabinet, separate from the permanent staff of the Ministry, on which he relied to watch over pending matters and to safeguard him against abuse of his signature. This personal staff was dependent upon the Minister, entering and leaving office with him except in so far as he was able to find places for individual members of it on the permanent staff of the Ministry. This cabinet included a chief, an assistant chief (sous-chef), a secretary, and several attaches. The chief was sometimes a permanent official of high rank whose knowledge and experience were invaluable to the Minister, or sometimes a person without special knowledge whom the Minister felt to be especially trustworthy. The attaches were generally given a very low salary or none at all and were attracted to the position as a valuable apprenticeship for a future political or administrative career. During its limited incumbency the cabinet of a Minister could have considerable effect on the permanent staff because it handled requests for change in status of personnel. The permanent staff of the Ministries was not under any uniform or comprehensive control such as in the U. S. Civil Service Commission. Although each Ministry handled its own recruiting, examination, etc., there was a general pattern and a consistent effort to unify procedures. Each Ministry was divided into a number of divisions called directions or services. Some, such as the personnel service, accounting service, and purchasing division, were to be found in almost every Ministry. Others were subdivisions of the work for which the Ministry as a whole was responsible. The heads of these divisions had parity of rank and were under no permanent supervising or coordinating officer. In most Ministries they met in council once a week or oftener, sometimes with the Minister, to make decisions in matters affecting the Ministry as a whole. Each of these divisions was in turn subdivided into bureaux,each of which dealt with one phase of the subject with which the service or direction dealt. The bureaus were the fundamental working units of the administration. The decisions of the Minister were based upon the information they supplied and the solutions they suggested. A grave defect in the system was that there was virtually no lateral communication even within a single Ministry. If an employee of one bureau

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needed had to to the degree having

information from another bureau, his request go through all the hierarchical steps up very top and then come down again. The of subdivision was greatest in those agencies the largest number of employees.

Distinct from the headquarters offices at the seat of government were the field services and officials scattered throughout the territory of France. The territorial administrative units were the departments (dipartements), of which there were ninety, including one for Corsica. Several departments might be grouped into distinct units for the purposes of a particular branch of administration, as the twenty-one military regions, each under a regional commander, the twenty-seven judicialdistricts, the seventeen educational districts, and the districts of various technical services. Under the Third Republic, however, regional divisions were the exception and most administrative matters were handled through officials stationed in each department. The following were the administrative branches with extensive field services: Post, Telegraph, and Telephone; Public Instruction; Finance (Direct taxes and registration, Indirect taxes, Customs); Justice; Interior (Prefects and their staffs); Public Works (Roads and Bridges, Mines). The Ministry of Foreign Affairs had its field services abroad. The chief political officer of the department was the prefect (pre'fet). He, with his sub-prefects (sous-prdfets), was the local agent of the Minister, to whom the Minister delegated supervision over the national employees in his district. He had not the security of tenure of headquarters employees and other field employees, but was appointed and removed at will by the government, and was subject to no requirements for eligibility. The prefect's immediate superior was the Minister of the Interior, but the former controlled all the national officials in the department, including those not otherwise attached to the Ministry of the Interior. Beside supervising the enforcement of government policies, the prefect was empowered to make certain technical decisions, upon which he normally took the advice of the more specialized personnel in the department. These included matters as various as the appointment of teachers and the granting of permission to build a bridge over a state highway. The prefect had extensive powers in the investigation of criminal offenses and the pursuit of criminals. His police powers are described in Section 14. He also might exercise rights similar to those of the public prosecutor (rocureur de la Republique) or the luge d'instruction (see section on Legal Affairs, published separately). Like the

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Ministers, the prefects had personal cabinets. There was usually a cabinet chief and a secretary and as many other employees as were necessary to handle the work of the office. The staff might be divided into bureaus performing various functions. Each department was subdivided into arrondissements, each with a sub-prefect (sousprdfet) at its head. The chief and almost only importance of the arrondissement was as the area of jurisdiction of a Court of First Instance (see Section 3). Politically it was the electoral district for the Chamber of Deputies (see above). The cantons (subdivisions of arrondissements) had no administrative head, but were used as areas of police, justice, taxation, and army recruitment. Funds for carrying on the work of administration were voted by the legislative body in the annual budget (see Section 4). No agency might spend funds for anything other than the specific purpose fr which they had been appropriated -- unspent appropriations could not be shifted about within the Ministry to which they had been granted. There were, however, "secret funds" appropriated to certain Ministries which could be spent for any purpose that the Minister saw fit and for which no account 'was required. Each Minister prepared his own budget and the Minister of Finance drew up the financial bill. The Council of State (Conseil d'Etat) functioned as the adviser to and regulator of administration. It was composed of legal advisers and technical experts, chosen at the bottom by rigid examination. A proportion of the posts in the higher grades were reserved to persons rising from lower grades of the Council of State, and the others were usually filled by persons taken from other branches of the administration. There was no obligation to consult the Council or to take its advice, or even to reveal what its advice had been. In complex matters the legislature migA stipulate that details should be taken care of by "rules of public administration." Such rules were customarily drawn up by the Council of State for the signature of the president of the Republic. The Council had five sections, of which one was confined to the judging of administrative actions (see Section 3). The Minister of Justice was the nominal president of the Council of State, but this fact had little significance for the operation of the Council whose active head was its vice-president. Recent figures on the number of personnel in the government service are lacking.

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22

The following table shows the estimated totals and their distribution among various services in 1927:

Administrative Unit Public Instruction

Fonctionnaires
-----

Auxiliary
Temporary Emplovees

&
--

Laborers
--

Totals
--

144,087

2,639

37 18,461
10,135 50,000

146,763

Finance
P.T.T.

61,807
110,740

12,151

24,622
230

War Navy

6,457 3,255

695
322

26,704
10

Public Works 17,815 Liberated 86 Regions Agriculture 9,515 Pensions 98 6,031 Judiciary Penitentiaries 4,267 Techanical. 1,893 Instruction 1,710 Fine Arts 1,550 Labor and Hygiene Interior 1,954 166 Printing establishment Foreign Affairs 1,120 Aeronautics 426 Merchant " Marine 1,034

92,419 145,397 56,687 30,654 18,147

10,002 425

968 89

11, 056
10,029 8,980

8,453
36 3 383 429
511

429
65
278

6,067 4,355 2,553 2,197

58 7 16
1,521

-2,068
2,065 1,687 1,631

95 505
651
229 10

6 426

1,503
1,266
1,000

3
7

Colonies
Commerce

983
615

193

8 109,641

816

Smaller Units 7Z 2 Totals 376,381

1.,30
540,750

In the same-year it was estimated that ninety-eight per cent of the TtfonctionnairesF-- were in field services. The hierarchical order of employees,

from top to bottom, was as follows in most Ministries: *Directors (directeurs), heads of services he sA
service), assistant directors sous-di teur

heads of bureaus (chefs de ) , assistant heads of bureaus (sous-chefs de-e , principal cl ef clerks e'dacte r nrincipa , chief clerks r principal clerks commis rincipaux), clerks comi ,
chief copying clerks ex " ditio aires princinau), 6x dditionnaires , chief employees copying clerks (employes princi aux , and employees em 10 . All these grades from heads of bureaux down were divided into several numbered classes corresponding to salary levels. Maximum. and minimum limits for the salary levels for different classes were set by the *annual appropriation acts and the Minister of each department was free to determine the levels within these limits.

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23

Long-continued efforts to achieve uniform pay for., uniform work from Ministry to Ministry had made considerable progress toward that end,. although the, job was by no means done. The aggregate pay roll for 1927, including salaries, bonuses, and indemnities (see below), amounted to 7,997,000,000 francs, or twentytwo per cent of the total government expenditures. The average per capita compensation was 11,500 francs. The minimum and maximum salaries set by law at that time were 6,900 to 75,000 francs. The following table compares the salary levels of a number of grades in 1928:. Directors Assistant directors Heads of bureaus Chief clerks Clerks .0,000-75,000 4,000-50,,0 0 32,00'40,000 12,000-22,000 9,000-16,000

Assistant heads of bureaus 24,000-30,000

According to the law of 1 October 1930, salaries were made to range from a minimum qf 9,000 to a maximum of 125,000 francs a year. In addition to the basic salary,: public officials received various special allowances and perquisites according to the individual .s family obligations or cost of living in the place to which he was assigned. Both were fixed amounts, the same at all salary levels, the amount of the latter being determined by the size of the town or city where the individual was employed. No cost-of-livinig bonus was given in towns below $,000 population, while the maximum allowance given in Paris was 2,000 france a year. Moving expenses were allowed when change in place of employment necessitated a change of resTravel expenses were allmwed in first, idence. second, or third class railroad accommodations, Bfar the according to the rank of the employee.. Br greatest financial attraction of the public employ was its pension system. Many persons in the government service joined it because they were more in. terested in stable employment and assured provision for rtirement than in the somewhat larger remuneration iey might have received in private enterprise. All employees of the national government except manual workers benefited from the provisions of the pension system (a separate, less generous systenm applied to manual workers) . Employees paid in a percentage of their salaries and, upon retirement, drew back a pension based upon the length of their service and their salary during their earning period. The pension received after reaching retirement age was at least half the average salary for the ,last' three years of active service. To this might be added family allowances or allowance fvr dependents, which might not bring the total payment above three-

2$-x{818O ABC

- 24 -

quarters of the average salary for the last three years of active service. The .contributions were paid in to, and the pensions paid out o, the general funds of the Treasury, the Treasury thereby taking care of any difference between receipts and disbursements. The practices of favoritism in the government service, once uncontrolled in France, were much reduced by the use of entrance examinations and systematic promotion and assignment. Deputies could no longer bring pressure on administrative officials to appoint their proteges regardless of qualifications; on the other hand, once an individual had succeeded in the examination or been declared eligible for promotion, a push from a deputy might be necessary to find him a position and get him into it. Dismissal, however, was all but impossible. The employee had a strangle-hold on his position, and if he was incompetent often the only way to get rid of him was to promote him. The qualifying examinations were usually very difficult, placing emphasis on literary and philosophical education rather than on technical skills. Higher education was all but indispensable in order to pass them. This factor formerly limited public employment to persons from particular social classes, but recently with scholarships being given to sons of factory workers and peasants, employees were recruited from almost every class of the population. Normally women did not reach the highest positions in the civil service, although a substantial and constantly increasing proportion was found in the lower ranks. War veteran preference was handled by reserving a certain number of positions, particularly in the field services, for such persons. Civil servants were traditionally inclined to conservatism in politics; in fact,it was several decades after the foundation of the Republic before there was any substantial number of republicans to be found among them. By 1940 there was wide representation of all sorts of political philosophy, from the old-line ultra-conservatives to the notoriously radical public school teachers. An important element in the Fren:h civil service was the activity of unions of administrative employees. They received their original impetus as organs of protest against favoritism in the granting of promotions. Such unions were permitted but were denied the right to strike. In times of stress, however, they did strike in .spite of the prohibition. Public education unions were forbidden in principle, but were actually widespread and tacitly recognized by authorization of the prefects to deal with them. The unions functioned to protect their members against the tyranny of higher officials, being able to bring sufficient pressure to oust such officials, and to protect employees
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25 -

against the operation of political favoritism. (b) The Vichy 'Government

While retaining the same general system, the Vichy Government has even further complicated administrative procedure through the division of Ministries between Paris and Vichy and the multiplication of administrative agencies. Difficulties not inherent in the system are caused by the complexity of texts to be applied and by the incompetence of officials. Some texts apply only in the Vichy Zone, others in both zones, and all may be altered or nullified at, any time by orders of the German command. The Ministries function partly in Vichy, partly in Paris, with many having two chiefs, one in each place. The Ministers must spend much time commuting between the two centers; to add to these troubles, many offices have lost their archives. While the number of Ministries has remained fairly small, semi-independent agencies headed by Secretaries-General or Commissioners, are almost innumerable. Jurisdiction is hopelessly overlapped, and each agency, with its own officials, works on fast and furiously in virtual isolation from other administrative bodies. Personnel has been considerably changed throughout, as have personnel practices. Admission by competitive examination has in principle been retained, -as evidenced by announcements in the Journal Officiel of such examinations for various positions. However, several classes of persons are excluded from the service altogether, namely citizens of foreign parentage, Jews, andmembers of secret societies. A law of 18 September 1940 made it possible to dismiss any official without legal formalities. As a result prefectoral staffs, the teaching profession, the Council of State, and the diplomatic service have been completely transformed, while directing staffs have been almost universally recast. All existing unions of civil servants were dissolved by a law of 15 October 1940, but associations confined to officials of equivalent rank in a single Ministry were allowed to continue to function under the direction of officials approved by the Minister. These associations may in turn be grouped into unions within a single Ministry. The Council-of State under Vichy has acquired increased power ahd has been almost entirely revamped as to personnel. It has semi-legislative duties in that it prepares drafts and texts as requested or gives advice on bills drawn up by the Government. (The permanent staffs of the Ministries used to perform this function, in a more or less informal manner, but the upsetting of the staffs by Vichy may have made this no longer feasible.) It also calls the attention of public powers to reforms
24-48180 ABC

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in legislation or regulations that appear to be in the national interest. In administrative matters the Council of State gives advice, when requested, on proposed rules of administration, as it did under the Third Republic. The handling of field services has been profoundly changed through the setting up of regions corresponding to the old French provinces. There are seventeen regions, each including several departments (except the region of Corsica,which consists of that department alone). The administrative head of the region is the "regional prefect", the prefect of the department in which the 'seat of the region is located. He is assisted by a director of his cabinet, chosen among the sub-prefects of the region, and a secretariat. A deputy prefect in the department which is the seat of the region handles those affairs which are strictly departmental. The regional powers of the prefects extend to police (described under Public Safety), economic questions, and the-discipline of officials. The heads of the relevant field services stationed in the department are "regional directors." The power of the regional prefect in economic matters is exercised, as the law phrases it, with the assistance of an intendant des affaires 6conomiues. These intendants are specialists, selected by the Ministries of the Interior and of National Economy for their qualifications, so it is probable that they are the true administrators, the prefects almost invariably following the course they have mapped out. The prefect and the intendant have authority over the regional heads attached to the "economic" agencies, i.e. those dealing with agri-.. cultural and industrial production, supply, labor, transport, and equipment for communications or for production belonging to the state. With regard to the discipline of officials, the regional prefect may for reasons of law and order suspend any or all national officials in the region on condition of reporting to the Chief of Government and to the head of the service or services concerned. The region, it must be said, is a valuable addition to French administration. It joins together areas with common interests and often, since it derives from the old province, with common traditions. As an adjunct to the department, which is an arbitrary unit, it may prove valuable after the Vichy regime has gone. It has a genuine functional basis which is entirely lacking in the division into departments. Vichy has created a new administrative

24-48180 ABC

27

office, that of the cantonal agent. This official acts as an intermediary between the prefect and the mayors of communes to direct the latter in the carrying out of those functions which are of general interest. He is appointed by the prefect and the expenses of his office are defrayed partly by the State and partly by the department. No information about his functions is available other than the text of the law providing fcr the position. Under Vichy, the central government reaches all the way down to the communes. Mayors and councils in communes of more than 2,000 inhabitants are no longer elected but are appointed, by the prefect if their population is under 10,000 and by the Secretary of State for the Interior if it is more. Even in communes of under 2,000 inhabitants the elected officials may be dismissed, and if this happens, since Vichy does not hold elections, they must be replaced by appointed officers. Their powers are principally concerned with local government, but this system of appointment makes them responsible to the central authority for their conduct of local affairs. Another innovation by Vichy strengthening the hold of the central authorities over all phases of administration is the institution of com- missaires du pouvoir, They are directly responsible to the Chief of Government, and their authority spreads to all administrative services and to the whole area of France. By the law published 12 August 1941, there are eleven commissioners under the direction of a commissioner-general. Their duties are to study and propose measures for improving the work of the administrative services, to receive complaints from the public against the services, to detect and eliminate abuses, and to see that orders of the central authority are carried out in the spirit of the National Revolution. They have all powers necessary to perform these duties, including that of suspending public officials. They are, in effect, the police over the administration. .,Provincial (1) or other governmental units

The Department under the Third Republic (a) Autonomous functions of the Department

Although the Department was an administrative division of the central government, it also had autonomous functions of its own. Upkeep of such public buildings as police stations and court houses, maintenance of certain second-rate roads, narrow-gauge railways, and streetcar lines, supervision of public health, the care of the poor, the needy sick, the aged, the orphans, the feeble-minded were all departmental functions. To carry out these functions the department was endowed with legal personality:

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it could own property, make contracts, buy and sell. It also had the right to levy taxes for its own budget. In terms of the full range of governmental activity, however, these autonomous departmental functions were pretty insignificant. (b) Chief departmental organs i. The Prefect

The chief departmental executive official was the prefect. Since he was essentially a political agent of the central government, his functions in that capacity have been previously treated. However, in a good many matters affecting his department the prefect acted not on instructions from Paris, but on his own judgment. In the first place, he appointed a large number of local officials -- elementary school teachers, welfare workers, public works employees, and petty functionabes engaged in the administration of the penal, postal, and telegraph systems. In many instances, to be sure, the prefect's appointive power was more nominal than real. He was subject to much political pressure, particularly from Deputies, in making many appointments; while the selection of elementary school teachers was really in the hands of the consultative committees on primary education. A second area in which the prefect exercised considerable discretionary power was in the administration of matters pertaining to the assessment and collection of direct taxes, penal institutions, public works, and military recruiting. Third, the prefect had to pass on acts that affected the public domain. Fourth, as guardian of the public, interest, he had considerable responsibility and authority in preventing the abuse of power by local officials. He could suspend a member of a municipal council, for example, or annul a decree of a mayor on grounds of illegality. Fifth, the prefect had responsibilities for the maintenance of order, and was empowered upon occasion to call out the armed forces. ii. The chef de cabinet

The chef de cabinet was appointed at the pleasure of the prefect. There were no set qualifications for this pos, which was commonly regarded as a steppingstone to the position of sub-prefect. The chef de cabinet was a sort of private secretary to the prefect and at the same time he was the prefect's principal agent in dealing with other officials and the public. iii. The secretaire general These officials were clerks
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who in many cases had little to do. Sometimes they were charged with supervision over the various branches, or divisions, into which the staff of the prefect was organized
iv. The bureaux des prefectures

The various functionaries in the office of the prefect were organized, according to the needs of each particular department, into bureaux. The particular set-up in each department was ordered by decree of the prefect, but had to be approved also by the conseil general and by the Minister of the Interior.
v.

The inter-departmental councils

In 1926 twenty-two interdepartmental councils replaced the conseils de prefecture that had formerly existed in each department. Each was composed of a president and four councillors. In addition, the old prefectural council for the Prefecture de la Seine at Paris was retained. This latter was a more sizable body consisting of a president, two sectional presidents, and ten councillors. Each inter-departmental council was administratively subordinate to the prefect in the city where it was located. These councils had become primarily courts of administrative law, although they retained certain advisory functions with respect to the prefect. vi. The Conseil General

The General Council was the representative assembly of the department. Its members were elected by universal manhood suffrage for terms of six years. Half of the total number were chosen every three years. Each canton had one representative on the General Council, so that the total number of councillors varied from seventeen to sixty-seven. General councillors were required to be twenty-five years of age, and theoretically were supposed to maintainaresidence in the department; but as many as a quarter of the membership could be composed simply of taxpayers. The General Council had two regular sessions annually -- one beginning the first Monday after Easter, the other in August at a date set by the Council itself. It could also be summoned to extraordinary sessions at the behest of the central government. The General Council usually sat for only a few weeks out of the year, and members received a daily fee plus a travellihg allowance. The functions of the General Council were fixed by act of parliament. They included the apportioning of direct tax assessments to the various arrondissements, the voting of departmental loans, the upkeep of such roads and buildings and institutions for the orphans, the destitute,

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and the feeble-minded as were within its jurisdiction. The General Council was also required to give an opinion on matters referred to it by the central government, and it could pass resolutions on.nonpolitical subjects. The General Council was not supposed to be a political body, but because members were entitled to vote in the election of Senators, seats on the Council were of real political value. A sizable majority of the presidents of the Council were usually either Senators or Deputies. Yet the General Councils were'not so much enmeshed in politics as to lose their reputation as dispassionate and hard-working bodies. vii. The Commission departementale The departmental commission was a standing committee of the General Council. It was composed of four to seven members and was required to meet once a month. The General Council could delegate any of its powers to the departmental commission except the fixing of the tax rate or the borrowing of money. The departmental commission also had certain powers of its own which were particularly related to the checking of the financial administration of the prefect. It was required to examine his budget proposals and his monthly financial statements; it also had to approve contracts negotiated by him. (c) Amount of supervision exercised over local governments

It has already been seen that the prefect was charged with the appointment of many local officials and that he likewise was given extensive authority to prevent the abuse of power by them. As a further check, the prefect was empowered to suspend for one month mayors, deputy-mayors, and municipal councillors. He likewise had the right to veto certain resolutions, to issue orders for maintaining public health and security, and to impose local taxes. He had supervision over communal budgets, accounts, and certain types of loans. His control over local authorities was, in short, very extensive. (2) The Department since 1940

The routine jurisdiction of the department as a unit of local government has not been much affected, so far as is now apparent, by the Vichy "reforms." To the new regional divisions have been transferred mainly emergency powers over such matters as labor, agriculture, and rationing.

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The prefects were always political watchdogs. In their files were kept elaborate records on officials of all kinds -- school teachers, policemen, magistrates. The departmental as well as the new regional prefects have now been granted large powers for rendering summary "justice." Early in 1941 the prefects were authorized by M. Peyrouton, at that time Minister of the Interior, to place anyone, simply upon suspicion, in a concentration camp or in jail. This is called administrative internment. The most significant changes in departmental organization concerned theelective assembly (the Conseil General) and its standing committee (the Commission departementale). By a decree of 12 October 1940 these bodes were abolished and their functions were transferred to the prefect, There continued to be an administrative committee, however, Its membership, numbering from seven to nine men, was appointed by the Minister of the Interior from former members of the Conseil General. The powers of this administrative committee were strictly advisory. It could be convened only at the call of the prefect and could consider only such matters as were presented to it. After Laval came into control a gesture was made toward restoring Republican institutions in local government, but only as a blind for the dictatorial purposes of the regime. Departmental councils were instituted by a law of 27 August 1942 which stipulated: 1. The number of members must not exceed that of the old General Council. 2. Members are to be named by the Minister of Interior from men who have served on General Councils, councils of the arrondissement, municipal councils, and "special delegations", or have held the office of mayor. 3. The officers of the departmental councils will also be appinted by the Minister of the Interior, and will consist of a president, two vicepresidents, and from two to six secretaries. 4. Each departmental council will meet twice a year at the call of the president. 5. The council may also be convened by the prefect after consultation with the president. 6. Sessions of the council are not to last longer than ten days. public. 7. Sessions are not to be open to the (The meetings of the defunct General Councils
k+x

ts1' ?.,

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.,

- 32 had been open to the public.) The prefect or his representative must be in attendance. 8. The departmental councils could discuss only those matters presented by the president after approval by the prefect. 9. Except for those specifically withdrawn, the departmental councils have the same functions as the General Councils formerly had. The officers of the departmental councils replace the former standing committees of the General Councils. 10. The decisions of the departmental councils go into effect after one month, but they may be vetoed by the president or the Ministry. It was explained that, while faithful respect for decisions of the government is the basis of authority, it was, nevertheless, desirable for the various government services to get into closer contact with the people, in order to know them better and to defend their material and moral interests better. Because of this high mission, the new assemblies would have to rise above the partisan ideological quarrels that had hampered the work of the former bodies. The government would under no circumstances permit political agitation to be renewed. It was pointed out that while the members would be hand-picked so as to exclude resolute opponents of the new regime, nevertheless they would all be parliamentarians and municipal officials who at least once had passed the test of popular election. The departmental councils were brought into existence quite slowly. By December 1942 there were as yet but twelve of them. Their governmental performance does not seem likely to surpass the innocuous role originally assigned to them. (3) The Arrondissement under the Third Republic

Each department of France was subdivided into arrondissements. The arrondissement never developed beyond the rudimentary stage as an organ of local government. It served to some extent as a unit of administrative and judicial activity, but its chief function was political. (a) The sub-prefect

The sub-prefect was the agent of the prefect in the arrondissement. He had no independent jurisdiction of his own, and consequently his role was that of errand boy. (b) The council of the arrondissement The council of the arrondissement
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was composed of at least nine members elected by universal manhood suffrage for a period of six years. Half the members were elected every three years. The council of the arrondissement was empowered only to petition the prefect, and individual councillors occasionally sat on military appeal tribunals and acted as deputies for the sub-prefects in signing permits to shoot game and the like. Because of the insignificant nature of its duties, the council of the arrondissement was something of a joke. Yet the title of councillor was prized locally. This was partly due to the fact that the arrondissement was a vital unit in the operation of the French electoral machinery. Councillors participated in elections to the Senate, and the arrondissement itself remained, in spite of periodic changes, the basic unit of representation to the Chamber of Deputies. By the law of 21 July 1927 each arrondissement with less than one hundred thousand inhabitants was entitled to elect one deputy, while more populous arrondissements were apportioned a greater representation. (4) The canton under the Third Republic

The canton, like the arrondissement of which it was a subdivision, formed an administrative unit of little consequence. It had neither an administrative head nor -representative institutions. Certain matters with respect to the judicial apparatus, the police, taxation, and recruiting the army were handled within the territorial framework of the canton. Otherwise it functioned simply as a regional division for voting. (5) The arrondissement and the canton since
1940

Although the councils of the arrondissements had been virtually without competence, they were shorn even of that by a law of 12 October 1940. The sub-prefects henceforth were to exercise these powers. The chief function of the councils, to be sure, had been that of participating in the election of senators, and that function theoretically remains, although the elections themselves have been suspended. A law of 16 September 1941 seemed to indicate that the canton was to become a more significant unit in the administrative organization of France. This law empowered the prefects to name cantonal administrative agents who were to act as liaison officers between the prefects and sub-prefects on the one hand, and the various mayors within the canton on the other. The cantonal administrative agent was to advise the mayors with respect to the problems that faced them, and he was to see to it that the mayors faithfully carried out the orders

24-48180 ABC

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- 34 prescribed for them. In general, the creation of these new cantonal officials was indicative of the government's intention to bring local officials completely under control, but evidence is lacking to substantiate the assumption that the cantonal agents have become really significant officials or even that any of them have been appointed at all, d. Local Government (1) The commune under the Third Republic

There was no distinction between urban and rural government in France. The unit of local government was in all cases the commune, of which there were roughly about 38,000. Of these more than 20,000 had less than 500 inhabitants, and more than 35,000 had less than 2000 inhabitants. All communes indiscriminately, with the exception of Paris and Lyon had the same constitutional powers and the same type of political organization. (a) The municipal council

Each commune had a municipal council of from ten to thirty-six men. Members of the municipal council were elected by universal manhood suffrage for terms of six years. To be eligible for election a man must maintain a home in the commune or be a taxpayer. Three-quarters of the municipal council, however, had to be actual residents. Members were entitled to no compensation except for the actual expenses involved in carrying out their official duties. Sessions of the municipal council had to be held four times a year, and they were open to the public. The council had broad power to do whatever it considered beneficial for the commune, provided this did not involve something that specifically was excluded from its domain; but curbs on the right of the council to spend and raise money distinctly limited its activities. Nevertheless, many communes after 1918 embarked upon elaborate programs involving playgrounds and housing projects. (b) The mayor

The mayor was elected by the municipal council for a term of six years, and he was its executive agent. Until recently he always served without pay, but within the last few years there was an increasing tendency to vote him a regular salary. The office of mayor was not supposed to be political, but it was. This has been attributed, perhaps erroneously, to the fac that the municipal councils, like the Conseii Generaux, chose delegates to participate in elections to the Senate. Yet although the mayor usually represented the majority political faction in the commune, a good record, as

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in the case of Herriot in Lyon, was likely to insure indefinite tenure irrespective of the "fluctuations of party politics. The mayor occupied a dual role. He was not only agent of the municipal council, but also responsible for superintending the execution of the prefect's statutes and decrees in his commune, upholding law and order, and assisting in the recruitment of army personnel. In addition, he had charge of drawing up the list of legal voters, he supervised elections; registered births, deaths, and marriages; appointed subordinate officials and fixed their salaries. Assisting the mayor were one or more deputies elected by the municipal council. In the smaller communes the local schoolmaster commonly acted as the mayor's secretary, but elsewhere the secretary was a full-time official. (c) The city of Paris

The city of Paris had a form of municipal organization different from that of the other communes. As the metropolis of France, spreading out so as to include almost all the department of the Seine, it presented governmental problems of peculiar difficulty and particular importance. The control of Paris was historically associated with the control of France. The municipal institutions of Paris were so organized, therefore, that Paris could not readily get out of hand. This involved first of all an extension of prefectural powers directly over the municipality. Two officials of the central government -- the prefect of the Seine and the prefect of police -- were at the head of the commune. There was no mayor. Instead, the city was divided into twenty arrondissements each of which had a mayor so-called. These mayors of arrondissements were not, however, equivalent to the mayors of other communes. Their functions were limited to such matters as supervising the registration of births, marriages, and deaths. Furthermore, these mayors were not elected, but were appointed by the President of the Republic. Each of the arrondissements was divided into four quarters, and each quarter elected a member of the municipal council. Municipal councillors were also automatically members of the General Council of tha department. They were well paid. Decisions of the municipal council required the approval of the prefect. The General Council of the department of the Seine had the same powers on the whole as the General Councils of other departments. In addition to the members of the municipal council of

S24-48180 ABC

36

Paris it included also representatives from the suburbs. (d) The city of Lyon

Lyon also had a special type of municipal government. The measure of control by the central government was by no means so extensive, however, as in the case of Paris. Control of the police had been given to the departmental prefect, but the mayor was still an elected official. The city was divided into seven arrondissements each of which elected two deputy mayors (adoints). (2) The Commune since 1940

The uniformity of constitutional power and political organization that had previously characterized all communes, both urban and rural, has now been done avay with by Vichy. Communes with less than 2000 inhabitants now have one type of organization for local government; communes with more than 2000 inhabitants have another. These changes in the structure of local government represent the intrusion of authoritarian principles at all levels, but especially in the area of urban government. (a) Rural communes

In the rural communes elections to municipal councils were adjourned by a law of 21 March 1941. At the same time these councils were perpetuated with their previously elected personnel, and their powers were extended; but the central government enlarged its own powers of intervention. The prefect previously was authorized to suspend mayors, deputy-mayors, and municipal councillors for one month; this period has now been extended to' three months, and in the case of municipal councillors the prefect can also dismiss them outright. Beyond this the central government has reserved for itself the right to declare mayors and deputy mayors "resigned from office", as well as to dissolve municipal councils. In case a municipal council is dissolved, it is replaced by a "special delegation" appointed by the Minister of the Interior,. It is now permitted for women to serve on a municipal council. Extensive use has been made by the Vichy government of it's powers to coerce local governments. Between September 1940 and the beginning of 1943, 2,324 municipal councils have been dissolved because of inhfficiency or hostility to the government. Vichy went to some pains to emphasize the fact that of these only 498 had been dissolved for political reasons. The rest, so it was claimed, owed their demise to purely administrative

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considerations. (b) Urban communes

The category of urban communes includes all towns with a population of more than two thousand, except for Paris, Lyon, and Marseille which have distinctive municipal institutions of their own. By the law of 16 November 1940 the urban communes have been deprived of representative organs of local government. Mayors, deputy mayors, and municipal councillors are now all appointive offices. In urban communes with less than ten thousand inhabitants the mayor and deputy mayors areappointediby the prefect; in towns of more than ten thousand inhabitants they are appointed by the Minister of the Interior. As for the municipal councillors, in communes with less than fifty thousand inhabitants they are appointed by the prefect from a list presented by the mayor containing twice as many names as there are vacancies. In communes with more than fifty thousand population the appointments are made, following the same procedure, by the Minister of the Interior. Detailed regulations in the law of 16 November 1940 specified the number of deputy mayors and municipal councillors for each commune. These specifications were as follows: Deputy mayors 1. 2 in communes with 2,001 t 2. 3 " " 5,001 3. 4 " " " 10,001 4. 6 " n " 50,001 5. 10 " " " 100,001 Municipal councillors 1. 2. 3. 4. 18 in communes with 2,001 to 5,000 inhabitants 20 " " " 5,001 to 50,000 " 22 " " " 50,001 to 100,000 , 24 " " "100,001 inhabitants and over. to 5,000 inhabitants. to 10,000 a to 50,000 to 100,000 " inhabitants and over.

Municipal councillors are required to be tax-payers; they cannot be the recipients of public assistance nor members of national assemblies. Each municipal council must include one father of a large family, one woman, and one representative of a workers' union. In October 1942 the mayors were brought still more under the control of the central government; a circular issued by Laval specified that they were to act only on instructions from their prefects. This reduced the mayor, who before 1940 had occupied a dual position as representative of his constituents and of the central government, to the level of the sub-prefects. The mayor still receives

24-i818Q ABC

38
no salary; he has lost most of his dignity in order to become the prefectts errand boy. Under these circumstances it is not surprising to hear that the work previously undertaken by the mayors is now as far as possible being done by the paid staff of the prefect. Nevertheless, the government has been at some pains to reassure the mayors that they are still valued and valuable public servants. At the very time when they were being deprived of their powers they were told that the reforms to renovate France depend upon their vigilance. (c) Large cities with special status. i. Paris

A law of 26 December 1940 set up a temporary regime in the city of Paris. The main innovation involved the suspension of the municipal council which was replaced by a consultative budget committee. This committee consisted of ten members, five of whom were members of the municipal council. A few months later another law of 16 October 1941 established a new, but still temporary municipal organization. This new law was to be in effect until 30 April 1942, but its stipulations were subsequently extended for one year. The municipal council was called into being anew, but under the name Corps municipal de la Ville de Paris. It was to consist of the prefect of the Seine Department, the prefect of police, and ninety councillors. Of these latter, 44 were to be new appointees, 46 were to be named from the old municipal council. The council was no longer an elective body; the councillors were to be appointed by the Minister of the Interior upon the recommendation of the prefect of' the Seine Department. It was stipulated that twelve members of the council should be selected from the unionized workers. The president of the council was M. TrochY. Laval replaced him 4n May 1943 by M. Pierre Taittinger. The corps municipal has been given only advisory powers, and considers only such matters as are brought before it by the prefect. Most of its business is transacted by the committees into which it is divided. The chief subjects upon which :it deliberates are: 1. 2. 3. 4. The budget of the city of Paris. The regulation and levying of taxes. Food supplies. City loans. 5. The creation and suppression of Associations de Communes. 6. Public services.

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39 -

A second body called the Commission administrative du Departement de la Seine replaced the former General Council of the Seine Department. Its membership numbering 140 was apportioned between the city and the suburbs, and its functions corresponded at the departmental level to those of the Corps municipal in Paris itself. M. Georges Bernard has been named by Laval to the presidency of this body. ii. Lyon A new regime was instituted in Lyon. by a law of 1 June 1941. A municipal council of thirty members, including the mayor and his deputies, was appointed by the Minister of the Interior. All of these individuals could be suspended for three months by the prefect or dismissed by a ministerial order. M. Edouard Herriot, mayor for so many years, was replaced on 21 June 1941 by Georges Villiers, a mining engineer. In January 1943 the new municipal council was dissolved; its members, according to the allegation, had devoted insufficient attention to the affairs of the city. The government replaced the municipal council by a special delegation under the presidency of Dr. Bertrand, a proT fessor at the Lyon Medical Faculty. A few days later it was reported that a new municipal council had been created, twenty-six members had been named, and Dr. Bertrand had been appointed mayor. iii. Marseille

Prior to the outbreak of the war there had been considerable agitation to put the municipal government of Marseille. The powers of the mayor were transferred to the prefect of Bouchesdu-Rhone. The prefect was authorized to turn over the actual administration, however, to a deputy. Under him were three executive agents -- a director of administrative services, a director of financial services, and a director of technical services. These officials were to be named by the Minister of Interior on recommendation of the prefect. A corps municipal replaced the former municipal council. It consisted of: 1. 2. 3. The prefect of his deputy. The president of the council -- named by the Minister of the Interior. Twelve members including a vice-president. These officials were to be named by the Minister of the Interior from a list pres.nted by the prefect containing twice the number of vacancies.

All the above officials can be dismissed at the pleasure of the Minister of Interior.

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*^

0-

(3)

Reorganization of units of local

government

A law of 28 February 1942 authorized widespread changes in the boundaries, names, and capitols of all units of local government from the department to the commune. Furthermore, in the case
of the communes, they could be arbitrarily suppressed

and amalgamated with other communes. Such comul.. sory unions would be administered by a committee appointed by their prefects, and they would receive
by transfer the munes . corporate rights of the former com-

Except in certain, isolated cases fecting a few communes the law of. 28 February not been followed through. Seven communes in so-called "red zone" of the department of the

afhas the Marne

were suppressed in June 1942.

The problem of inte-

grating the local administration.not only of Paris and its suburbs, but also of the entire Parisian province, has been under consideration for some time; but this problem apparently has not gone beyond the stage of discussion.

e.

Specal uits of government

(1) Educational districts

France is divided into seventeen districts known as academies for the administration of public education. Each academy is headed by a rector, who was formerly appointed by the President of the Republic upon the recommendation of the Minister of National Education. The rector has general supervision over the educational services of his adademy. Each academy has an educational council presided over by the rector. (2) Railway administration In 1937 the Societe Nationale des

Chem i

s 'A Fer Francais was formed.

This state cor-

poration took over the obligations and assets of-

the railways, and undertook to operate them all until 1938 when they were to revert to the state, For
purposes of administration the railway system is North, West, five regions; those of the divided into East, Southwest, and Southeast. Under Vichy this organization, with headquarters at Paris, has been retained, but a headquarters for the unoccupied zone has also been set up at Limoges. (3) Economic regions France wav divided into twenty economic

regions sponsored by the Ministry of Commerce, but

Regional based upon the local chambers of commerce. committees have an important advisory function with

21-

88o AC'

41 -

respect to the Ministries of Commerce and Labor, and they are also empowered to operate public utilities and undertake public works, as well as to advertise and promote the development of the economic resources of the region. (4) Military regions.

France was divided into twenty army areas for purposes primarily of recruiting and mobilizing the military personnel. Usually each military region was regarded as the territorial basis for an army corps, and was commanded by a general. (5) Naval districts

By a decree of 22 April 1927 three

naval districts, known as arrondissements maritimes, were instituted. Each district was headed by a vice-admiral with the title of maritime prefect. (6) Communications districts

The various services under the Minister of Communications are also administered on a regional basis. Each region is headed by a director and a chief engineer. The former has charge of the postal service; the latter of the telephone, telegraph, and radio services.

(7) Judicial districts

There are twanty-seven appellate districts (ressorts) in France. Some of the boundaries of these districts have been changed since 1940 so as to conform to the demarcation line between Occupied and Unoccupied France. (8) Police districts

The new Regions created by Vichy serve as intermediate districts for police administration. Each regional prefect has special police powers and is assisted by an intendant of police. . Political parties and other organizations of political significance (1) Introduction

Political parties have not been the only organizations in France to express significant political opinions or to exercise an important influence upon the development of political life. Leagues, labor unions, employers' associations, youth movements, and the like have all played significant roles. This was true in the days of the Third Republic, and it is still true today, even though many organizations are now obliged to operate
24-48180

AC

42

clandestinely. The bewildering number and the complexity of French parties and political organizations reflect the tremendous diversity of political views held by Frenchmen. Even today, when most Frenchmen have one paramount aim -- liberation -- the tradition remains strong. (2) Political parties (a) Introduction

Americans are accustomed to the existence of two major political parties, coherently organized and firmly disciplined. In France, however, the situation has always been markedly different. Under the Third Republic a political party existed in the country outside the national legislature. Within the legislature the Senators and the Deputies were organized into roups. Sometimes a parliamentary group included most of the Senators or Deputies from a particular party and was known as the group of a party. However, there were parties to which no groups corresponded, while there were groups which did not match up with any particular parties. France has never had large parties in the American fashion. In the days of parliamentary government cabinets invariably relied upon a coalition of several groups for support. Thus the famous Popular Front of 1936-37 was not a political party at all, but a coalition of parliamentary groups representing several parties of the Left. Similarly, the laxity of party discipline in France would horrify a veteran American politician. Only some of the leftist parties, the Communists in particular, have ever made their Senators and Deputies hew to the party line. Both under the Third Republic and under Vichy,individual politicians have capitalized on the fluidity of the situation to transfer allegiance from one party or group to another. It was by no means exceptional for some representatives of a party to refuse to join the rest of the party's parliamentary group in the support of a particular cabinet. Conversely, a member of a parliamentary group was sometimes so individualistic that he had no party affiliation at all. The party and group labels used in France have complicated matters still more. They are almost invariably inaccurate, usually outmoded, and frequently meaningless. The Radical-Socialist Party is a classic example, for it is neither socialistic nor particularly radical. Two simple facts have always been

24-48180ABC

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present underneath all this confusion. One is the political individualism of the French. The voters often ignored the party and group affiliations of the Deputies they elected. Personalities frequently counted for more than did parties. A Deputy was regarded by his constituents as their personal representative in the Chamber and, consequently, accountable to them at all times. The other fact is the fundamental and traditional division between Right and Left. On almost every significant domestic, issue, aside from the liberation of France, the men of the Left and the men of the Right are still found in opposing camps. The former are the heirs of the Jacobin tradition of the French Revolution. They champion the interests of the mass of Frenchmen, they object to the political influence of the Church, and, the Communists excepted, they believe in a democratic, parliamentary republic. The men of the Right, on the other hand, share the oligarchic views of big business and large landowners. They wish to revive the political influence of the Church, and, with little affection for the parliamentary system, they stand for a fairly authoritarian government. It used to be customary to classify the Center as a third major political division. But during the 1930's, and especially after 1936, the old Center parties lost strength rapidly. Their remaining adherents, with few exceptions, gravitated to the Right. By June 1940 the Center had vanished. A Vichy decree in August 1940 indefinitely suspended all the political parties which had existed under the Republic. Many of them however, were subsequently re-formed, some above, and some under ground. The fundamental schism between Right and Left still persists, even though both sides have supplied recruits not only for the underground but also for the ranks of Vichyites and collaborationists. (b) The Right i. Federation Republicaine (URD)

During the 1930's the strongest party of the Right was the Federation Rdpublicaine or URD (Union Republicaine Dmocratique). It was well organized throughout France and in the Chamber elected in 1936 it controlled 59 seats out of a total of 618. The party of big business, the URD was aggressively opposed to trade unions, social legislation, anti-clericalism, the taxation of wealth, and the intervention of the state in industry. Dismayed by the appearance of the Popular Front, it made a series of unsuccessful attempts to form an effective counter-organization.

24-48,180 ABC

-44-

On questions of foreign policy, the members of the URD were divided. Louis Marin, the leader of the party, has always been implacably anti-German, but another faction preached appeasement. Accordingly, after the suspension of the party by Vichy, its adherents split into two groups. One camp is said to have re-formed the party clandestinely and to be represented on the secret Council of French Resistance (the co-ordinating committee of the underground). The other faction has turned collaborationist and supplied v'ichy with some of its staunchest supporters, notably Philippe Henriot, whose speciality is vicious journalism, and Xavier Vallat, for a time Commissioner-General for Jewish affairs.

ii.

Parties resembling the URD

elmost indistinguishable from the URL) were three other parliamentary groups -(1) Grouse des Republicains Indendants et d'Action Sociale et Groupe Agraire Ind pendan , (2Groupe Ind endante d ction Potulaire, and (3) Grou des Ind*endants RKublicains -controlling, respectively 39, 16, and 12 seats in the Chamber elected in 1936. They represented an assortment of small parties which have evaporated completely since 1940. Many of their adherents have joined up with Vichy,

but some haye not. Hepri de Kerillis, an associate of the Ind pendants RJublicains, who is now in the

United States, was virtually the only Deputy of the Right who refused to vote his approval of the Munich agreement of September 19 3 8. iii. Alliance Democratiaue

The Alliance Democratiaue was not a political party at all, but a sort of staff headquarters co-ordinating the 'activities of several parties -(1) the Centre Reublicain, (2) the RPublicai de Gauche73)the Indendants de Gauche, and (4) the Radicaux.Ind~jiendants, In the Chamber

elected in 1936 many of its adherents sat in the roue de l1Alliance des Rdpublicains de Gauche et des Radicaux Ind~pendants which occupied 44 seats.
Once considered the bulwark of the Center, the Alliance De ocratique became identified with the Right during the 1930's. Like the TRD, it opposed the Popular Front, championed a

balanced budget, and advocated a policy of laissez

faire in economic and social affairs. In the United States it would be bitterly opposed to the reforms of the New Deal. The Alliance Democratiaue differed from the URD in respect to the Church, for its rlicy was neither cleriaal nor anti-clerical. At the time of the Munich agreement, the Alliance Ddmocratigue was divided. Paul Reynaud attacked the policy of appeasement,

24-48180ABC

~wImu
-

45

while Pierre Etianne Flandii

(the leader of the

Alliance) and Joseph Barthelemy defended it passionately. Accordingly, Vichy attracted a number of recruits from the ranks of the Alliance, the most conspicuous being Barth4lemy, who served until re-

cently as Minister of Justice, but is now accused

by the Axis of anti-collaborationist tendencies. The attitude of Flandin is ambiguous: he served Vichy briefly as foreign minister and is now said to be in retirement on his Algerian estate. Reynaud, on the other hand, the last Premier of the Third Republic, is a German captive. Some elements of the Alliance Democratiaue, like Reynaud., are

resolutely anti-Axis.

They are said to have revived

the organization clandestinely and to be represented on the secret Council of French Resistance. iv. Parties resembling the Alliance Democratioue

Several very minor parties, which have disappeared since 1940, held political beliefs closely.-akin to those of the Alliance Demo-

crati ue.

These included (1) the Ropublicains *i3y

Centre (Alsatian autonomists), (2) the Gauche Radicale, 3 the Parti Agraire,. (4) the Conservateurs, and (5) the Centre Rpublicain et Social. v. Rassemblement National Populaire

The Rassemblement National Populaire (FNP) is the most pretentious of collaborationist parties. It was founded (February 1941) by Marcel Deat, a renegade Socialist, a renowned de-

featist, and the author of the notorious article, 't ny D:e for Danzig?" published in the spring of Blatantly pro-German, the RNP has the approv1939.
al of the i'azis and flays Vichy for the tepidness of its collaboration. Deat is an ardent supporter of Laval, though the two have periodic loverst quarrels. Ddat and his faction favor authoritarian government, and their greatest ambition is to make the RNP the single French party Otherwise, according to the familiar fascist pattern.

the program of the

tunistic. 1941:

PUP is extremely vague and opporpronouncement of December

Witness Deat's

We want an anti-liberal, anti-capitalist, anti-Bolshevist regime, therefore a European And that is why we need and Socialist regime. within the Rassemblement National Poplaire all men, not only men of good will, but men of will. I want men to come from everywhere, from the Right, from the Lett, from yesterday and even before yesterday...even from nowhere,

29-48 18OABC

46

that is if they have never indulged in any militant politics. The Headquarters of the RNP are at Paris, but t3 orgaliization and activities extend to the whole of the Occupied Zone. Subsidiary to the RMP are; (1) a para-military formation, the militia; (2) a youth organization, the Jeunesses Nationales Ponlaires; and (3) a-workers'

group, the Front Social da Travail.

In spite of

the tremendous quantity of publicity which the RNP has received, it has not attracted a very large following. Deat's supporters are chiefly discontented intellectuals, convinced pacifists, and perverted idealists. They also include a handful of politicians from both the Right and the Left, saft as the prominent former Communists, Marcel Cachin and Louis Aragon.

Vi.

Partl

Poulaire Francais

The deadly rival of the RNP is the Parti Populaire Francais (PPF. Founded in 1936 by Jacques Doriot and a handful of other renegade Communists, the PPF has always been anti-Bolshevist, anti-Jewish, anti-democratic, anti-capitalist, and so on.. It did not really come into its own until the Nazi attack upon Russia, June 1941. Since then the PPF has climbed aboard the Nazi bandwagon
with much vociferous denunciation of anyone or any-

thing remotely connected. with Russia. And, since the

Allied campaign in North Africa, it has agitated for a French declaration of war against all the United Nations. The PPF has never been on good terms with Laval or with Vichy. It seems evident that in the: spats within collaborationist circles at Paris Laval supports the RNP, while the Nazis give the edge to the PPF. Today (May 1943) the PPF is in eclipse. Doriot himself has dropped out of

sight. Some of his henchmen are reported to have been executed, while others, notably Paul Marion
and Admiral Platon, are allegedly either under arrest or in flight.

It is most unlikely, however, that the 1'PF will be eliminated completely. Of all the-parties and factions active in France today it is the most unscrupulous and the most dangerous. Its published program is little more than a collection of Nazi bromides, but its real aim is revolution -revolution in general, not one particular revolution. The PPF attracts men who feel that the existing social order has frustrated the realization of their ambitions -- men.who propose to work out a grudge through the use of violence and brute force. The members of the PPF make up for theA~r numerical insignificance by their toughness attd by their arsenal of equipment. Staging scenes of 4nob violence is one
of the pqrtyhs chief accomplishments.

aii-48RO ABC

--

,YIW

4 I'111;OI_;*mil

Among both leaders and the rank and file the PPF contains many elements from the underworld. Simon Sabiani, the French Al Capone, heads the PPF at. Marseille.. He is linked with Horace de Carbuccia, the unscrupulous publisher of Gringoire (probably the vilest paper in France),

and he controls a gang. of nervi worthy of Chicago

at its bloodiest. It is. not known how the Sabiani outfit has fared in the face of the recent German clean-up at Marseille, but it is quite possible that Sabiani will emerge as the leader of the PPF if Doriot is eclipsed permanently. Unlike the RNP, the PPF is well organized throughout France. In both the

Occupied and Vichy Zones and (until recently, at any

rate) in North Africa, too, the party has maintained a complicated hierarchy of officials and an elaborate network of provincial offices. In the Vichy Zone, where its activities are theoretically illegal,

it frequently assumes the name of Mouvement Ppaulaire Francais 4PF). The MPF is apparently in cahoots with the sinister Bancue Worms group (see

below,

(4) (c)).

In any case, Doriot is supported

by some of the most powerful political figures of the Right, Like the RN?, the PPF has a para-military formation -the Service d'Ordre (SO) -and a youth organization, the JeunessesPopulaires

Fran aisess

The Cercles Populaires Francais are supNationale (in the Vichy

posedly "cultural" offshoots of the PPF, but actually they are a cover for its political machinations..

The Arnie de l'Bmancipatio

Zone and the Amis du Cr du Peuple ( in the Occupied Zone) group those who sympathize with the PPF but are not party members. For purposes of propaganda the party is an active publishing agent. Its most

important efforts are the Paris daily, Cr.

and two Marseille weeklies, M idiLibre, cipation Nationale.

Peu le,
-

and

vii.

Progr's Social Frangais

ProgAs Social Fr air (PSF) represents the direct continuation of the old Croix
de Feu, This organization of ex-servicemen attracted an enormous amount of attention during the 1930's. It was considered to be the strongest semi-fascist movement in France, and Colonel Frangois de la Rocque, its leader, the likeliest candidate to head a dictatorship. But the Croi de Feu never fulfilled the hopes and fears which it aroused. Its program was too vague, its policy too cautious, and its leadership too incompetent. Officially suppressed in

1936, the Croix de Feu re-formed as the Parti Social Francais and becafie the Pro r s Social Frangais

after 1940.
Since-1940 PSF has developed

234-18180ABC

48-l a::;;

Jp

only one new idea --

loyalty to Marshal Petain.

Consequently, it has pleased neither collaborationists nor patriots. A few wealthy industriaistsi.my still support PSF -- the energy of the original Croixde Feu is spent. De la Rocque, who is accused of negotiation. with Allied agents, and some of his followers are in prison (May 1943); Charles Vallin, the deputy. leader, has been in London as a member of the Fighting Frehich since September 1942; and the rank and file are said to have joined either the underground or some militant para-militar formation like the Milice Francaise (see below, (33 (b)). PSF has operated chiefly in the Vichy Zone. It has had (and may still have, though this is uncertain) a profusion of subsidiaries, notably the Eoiuipes Volontaires de Propagande (for the distribution of the PSF d .ily, Le Petit Journal), and the Propagande 0uvri're et Commerciale, running' study groups among the lower classes. *viii Francisme

Francisme is a minor political party with a negligible following. Founded in 1933, it was for a long .time the only openly fascist and pro-German political group in France. Since 1940, under the leadership of Marcel Bucard, it has operated under Nazi.' sponsorship, chiefly in the Occupied Zone. It is closely linked with the RNP and like the latter has developed a collaborationist program chiefly notable for its negative characteristics: it is anti-Bolshevist, anti-Jewish, anti-Masonic, anti-British, anti-capitalist, etc., etc. Attached to Francisme are (l) the Cot s Francs (shock troops), (2) the Jeunesse Franciste a youth organization , and (3) the Cadets-Francistes (a boys' formation). ix. Ligue Frangaise

Very-similar to Francisme is another minor party, the Ligue Frangaise. Its leader is Pierre Costantini., it operates in the Occupied Zone, and it harps on whichever propaganda line the Germans happen to be favoring at the moment. The Li ue Franaise: has a long roster of subsidiaries, the number of which is totally out of line with the significance of the party as a whole. These include (1) the Front des.Travailleurs (which recruits workers for Germany (2) the Li ue des.Jeunes de France et de l'Eipire (including a whole galaxy of youth organizations -- the Jeunesse Ouvri~re Fran aise the Jeunes E ui es de rance, and the Jeune Ailes Franraises), and (3Tthe Milice (shock troopsYT
(c) Te T L~eft

i.

The Radical-Socialists The Radical-Socialist Party

24-48180 ABC

- -~ _"-li~p~PPslY~i~P'

is the most moderate of the Left parties. Traditionally, it has worked for the welfare of the lower middle-class and sought to protect the "little man" from both the vested interests of the Right and the Marxism of the Socialists and the Communists. The specific program of the Radical-Socialists was in a state of flux throughout the 1930's. Anti-clericalism, the central plank of their platform, was an accomplished fact, and they were at a loss to find an up-to-date substitute. They veered now right, now left, and by 1939 seemed to have relapsed into a policy of mere opportunism. In foreign policy, too, the RadicalSocialists were uncertain of their course. The party as a whole favored what might be called the French equivalent of American isolationism, while a faction of the party headed by Georges Bonnet vigorously championed appeasement. Altogether, it was not surprising that the Radical-Socialists lost ground in the election of 1936. Though they had long been the largest single group in the Chamber, they came off second best in the '36 election. They still controlled the impressive total of 109 seats out of 618. For a time it seemed as though the Radical-Socialists would not survive the defeat of France. Today the future of the party, while still problematical, is brighter. On the one hand, to be sure, the party is indelibly associated in the public mind with the disastrous policies resulting in the defeat. The greatest Radical-Socialist leaders, Edouard Herriot and Edouard Daladier, are under arrest. Some party members support Vichy and others, like the influential Sarraut brothers, are in voluntary retirement or occupy an equivocal political position. But, on the other hand, RadicalSocialists do participate in the underground and they are said to be represented on the secret Council of French Resistance. And, while they have not played a conspicuous part in the Fighting French movement, Henri Queuille, a veteran Radical-Socialist politician who was involved in a score of republican cabinets, joined de Gaulle in London in the spring of 1943. Altogether, the Radical-Socialist Party has been so closely identified with the cause of French democracy for so long that it seems unlikely that the party's present state of eclipse will prove permanent. ii. The Socialists

The Socialist Party, of SFIO (Section Frangaise de l'Internationale Ouvriere), prospered during the '30's, and in 1936 it polled more votes than any other single party. After the election, accordingly, the Socialists, with 149 seats, constituted the largest group in the Chamber. The party received the powerful backing of organized labor through the unions associated with the CGT (Confederation Generae du Travail).
24-48180 ABC

As the strength of the Socialists increased, they made many important modifications in their original program, which had been based on the revolutionary principles of Karl Marx. By 1936 the Socialists had become resigned to the indefinite postponement of the Marxian millennium. They were content to improve the position of the workers by reforms introduced through ordinary parliamentary channels. In foreign affairs the Socialists, advocated international cooperation, but in times of crisis, like September 1938, many of them reverted to pacifism. The significant divisions existing within the Socialist Party during the '30's have culminated in the appearance of an unbridgeable gulf in Socialist ranks since the fall of France. In the t0's a whole series of dissident Socialist groups appeared -- first, the semi-fascist NeoSocialists of Adrien Marquet and MaicelDeat; then, the Gauche Revolutionnaire (or Pivertistes), a revolutionary faction led by Marceau Pivert; and, finally, the extreme pacifists headed by Paul Faure. All three groups have turned pro-Vichy or collaborationist or both. They have supplied some of the most forthright defenders of the New Order -- Deat, Faure, Charles Spinasse, and Rene' Blin, to name the most outstanding. A majority of the old Socialists, however, have firmly rejected this tendency. Demorilized at first by the Nazi success, by the imprisonment of their leader (Leon Blum), and by the number of renegades in their own ranks, they have gradually re-established their activity throughout France and purged the party of all suspect elements. The stronghold of the underground Socialists is the important industrial area in the departments of Nord and Pas-de-Calais. In the Vichy Zone, Socialists have revived Le Populaire, the party's famous prewar daily, now appearing as a clandestine paper. The underground operations of the Socialists do not seem to be particularly well co-ordinated, although there is a central Comite'd'Action Socialiste at Paris, and although the party has held at least one secret congress since 1940. The immediate purpose of Socialist underground activity is to maintain and strengthen the spirit of resistance in the French people. Their immediate political program calls for the institution of some form of international government and for the re-establishment of parliamentary government in France on the basis of universal suffrage and a multi-party system. Once this is accomplished, the party hopes to set up a Socialist state. In June 1942 the Comite d'Action

24-48180 ABC

51 -

Socialiste issued a manifesto expressing its readiness to co-operate with the Communists and all other organizations resisting the Germans. Since then, the party is said to have acquired representation on the secret Council of French Resistance. Socialist recognition of de Gaulle's leadership came belatedly because many Socialists mistrusted de Gaulle's views on democracy. Now, however, three leading Socialists -- Pierre Brossolette, Andre Philip, and Felix Gouin -- are participating in the Fighting French movement. The Comite' dAction Socialiste again showed support of de Gaulle by denouncing the Darlan-Eisenhower deal in North Africa. iii. The Communists

The French Communist Party, or SFIC (Section Francaise de 'Internationale Communiste), was formed after World War I by the faction of Socialists recognizing the validity of the Third International. The Communists have consistently followed the vagaries of "party line." Throughout the '20's and early '30's the Communists were only a minor party in France. But then Moscow decided to co-operate with "bourgeois" parties against fascism, the SFIC participated in the Popular Front and made tremendous gains in the national election of 1936. Consequently, the party controlled 72 seats in the Chamber, instead of 10, and prospered also in local elections. However, the 1,500,000 votes polled by the SFIC in the national election in '36 by no means represented an equivalent total of party members. The SFIC was violently opposed to the Munich agreement; the Hitler-Stalin pact (August 1939) almost destroyed the party's prestige. Officially suppressed in the following month, the party immediately re-formed under ground. It was bitterly hostile to the war and engaged actively in sabotage. After the fall of France, the Communists were persecuted by Vichy, but they continued to oppose the war and branded de Gaulle a tool of London plutocracy. After Hitler's invasion of Russia the Communists reversed their attitude toward the war. Almost immediately they were transformed into one of the most militant resistance movements in France. A good-sized contingent of former Communists, however, is to be found among the collaborationists. It includes Doriot, Paul Marion, Louis Aragon (formerly editor of the Communist daily, Ge Soir), and the party's two senators, Marcel Cachin and Clamamus. None the less, the Communist underground has made sensational progress. The party organization, with its many small cells, is perfectly adapted to clandestine activities. The party perpetrated sabotage and other violence. It disseminates

24-48180 ABC

- 52 -

propaganda through a whole battery of underground newspapers, headed by L'Humanitd, a pre-war Communist daily, and including La Voix de Pais and La Vie Ouvridre. It maintains underground labor unions, And it directs the operations of a good-sized guerilla force through its offshoot, the "Military Committee of Guerillas and Partisans. The SFIC has allied itself with other resistance groups under the aegis of de Gaulle, and it is said to participate in the secret Council of French Resistance. Fernand Grenier, a member of the Fighting French National Committee in London since December 1942, is the only Communist participating in a government in exile. Inside France the SFIC avoids ideological controversy and agitates for a sort of popular front of resistance movements. It stresses French patriotism and the cause of liberty. On the other hand, within this framework, it has pursued an independent policy frequently disconcerting to other resistance groups. The strength of the Communist Party is mainly concentrated in the Paris area, especially the capital's industrial suburbs, and in other industrial areas throughout France. Many nonCommunists have joined the Communist underground because of its activist program, and the party itself has probably enjoyed some increase in membership. Altogether, the French Communists have staged a remarkable recovery in the past two years. The number of Communists executed by the Germans and by Vichy and the spectacular success of the Communist underground have won the party the admiration and the respect of many Frenchmen. It is still too early to assess the effects of the recent dissolution of the Third International, but it will probably result in a marked falling--off in popular distrust of the Communists. It should be remembered, however, that several leading French Communists took refuge in Russia early in the war and that some of them are thought to have remained there. iv, Minor parties Among the minor parties of the Left the most interesting are the Democrates Populaires, headed by Champetier de FIbes. Strongly anti-fascist and emphasizing Christian social principles, the party controlled 13 seats in the Chamber in 1936. Its representatives, though nominally affiliated with the obsolescent Center, voted for most of the measures advanced by the Popular Front. At present, the D4mocrates Populaires are said to have regrouped themselves underground and to be represented on tne secret Council of French Resistance,

2'I-48180 ABC

- 53 -

The other small parties of the Left have vanished completely. The Union Socialiste et Rep.ublicaine (USR controlled 29 seats in the Chamber elected in 1936. Socialist but antiMarxian, the USR occupied a position between the Radical-Socialists and the Socialist Party. The Gauche Independante, controlling 28 seats, included: (1) the Parti de la Jeune Republique, a Catholic group opposing anti-clericalism but favoring the internationalism of the Socialist Party and the social and economic philosophy actuating the reforms of the Popular Front; (2) the Parti Frontiste, all that remained of an abortive predecessor of the Popular Front, the Front Commun, whose leader, Gaston Bergery, has turned collaborationist; (3) the Parti de 1'Unite Proletarienne of Pupistes (dissident Socialists and Communists); and (4) the Parti Camille Pelletan, a Radical-Socialist faction. (3) Para-Military Formations (a) The Legion

The Vichy Government in August 1940 dissolved almost all existing associations of ex-servicemen in order to check their political activities. At the same time it founded the Legion Francaise des Combattants. Membership in the Legion was 6xtended to all veterans who had distinguished themselves on the field in the First or Second World War. Operating throughout the Vichy Zone and the Empire, the Legion was designed to provide a rallying point for the supporters of the Petain regime. The structure and the function of the Legion, however, have changed radically since its inception. The original purpose of the Legion was re-emphasized in August 1941 when the privilege of membership was extended to all citizens, veterans or not, wishing to demonstrate their loyalty to Marshal Petain. But a second reorganization of the Legion (June 1942) weakened the Marshal's position. Laval, as Head of the Government, assumed control over the Legion. The significance of the move was underscored by the abolition of the post of liaison between the Legion and the Marshal. Laval has since clipped the Legionts wings still more. In the early days of the Vichy regime the political influence of the Legion was enormous. Since political parties were suspended in the Vichy Zone, the Legion was a kind of French fascist party. It was, in addition, an auxiliary police force, and the pressure exerted by its members frequently forced local officials bo iew more closely to the Vichy line. Today, however, Laval has transferred these activities from the province of the Legion to that of the Milice Franaise. (See below, (b).)

ABC

.4-.8180

- 54 -

While the Legion, like Marshal Petain, is at present somewhat moribund, it is still an important force in France. Laval or some other political figure may always revive its political functions. Meanwhile, the Legion has other activities, principally public welfare and the repatriation of F-ench prisoners of war returning from German camps. LI.e hierarchy and organization of the Legion are extremely elaborate. At the top are the DirectorGeneral (at present Raymond Lachal, Laval's righthand man) and a host of assistants. Locally, there are Legionary units corresponding to the principal governmental subdivisions -- regions, departments, and communes.

In the fall of 1942 the Legion was said to have more than one million members. This
total included Legionnaires in the North African Empire, now under Allied control. Recently many members of the Legion in the Vichy Zone are said to have resigned because they were convinced of the futility of the Petain regime. Similarly, the mass of Frenchmen are thought to view the Legion apathetically. At best it appears to them a hat-rack for aristocrats with antiquated ideas. Subsidiary to the Legion are (1) the Jeune Legion (for boys and girls), (2) a large number of Groupes Legionnaires d'Entreprise (professional groups), and (3) the Services Mddicaux et Sociaux (welfare organizations). (b) The Milice Francaise (SOL)

The Milice Frangaise developed from the para-military subsidiary of the Legion. This was the SOL (Service d'Ordre Legionnaire). Appearing first early in 1942, the SOL spread rapidly throughout the Vichy Zone and North Africa. It was a chosen elite, serving as an auxiliary police force of great importance, for, from a political standpoint, it was far more reliable than the regular police. The S01 fought the Allies tooth and nail during the invasion of North Africa and the campaign in Tunisia. Laval officially detached the SOL from the Legion (January 1943), rechristened it the Milice Francaise, and placed it under his direct control. Today the Militia is a formidable force, with special shock troops, called Francs-Gardes. Uniformed in brown shirts, black berets, and black armbands, they are the French equivalent of the German SS. The Militia exercises police power, guards railways, furnishes Laval with a bodyguard, leads anti-Bolshevist agitation in the Vichy Zone, and makes a great show of assisting the needy through the distribution of food and the suppression of the black market. It would take more than this, though, to make the Militia a popular institution. Estimates of
2.4- 4180AC

e aaber of men in

--

F~6~4

the Militia run from 6,000 to 10,000. But mere numbers do not indicate the real strength of the Militia. Hand-picked from the old SOL, tough, and unscrupulous, the Militia represents the strongest supporters of Laval and all he stands for. Many of its members once belonged to the Croix de Feu, the Cagoulards (see below, (4)(d), the PPF, and other groups of the Right with fascist leanings. They are well armed, they are indoctrinated and trained at schools throughout France, and their leaders are especially groomed at a school at Uriage, near Grenoble. The Milice Francaise is directed by Joseph Darnand. The cellular organization of the Militia resembles that of the Communist Party. Consequently, it would be easy for the Militia to go under ground in the event of an Allied invasion of France. Indeed, this has already occurred in North Africa. Neither the SOL nor the Militia has been on good terms with other collaborationist groups. The SOL had a battle royal with the PPF which ended in the expulsion of most of Doriot's sympathizers from the organization. Today, the Milice Francaise operates only in the Vichy Zone but hopes eventually to extend its activities to the Occupied Zone. There, however, similar orgaiations already exist -- the National Revolutionary Front of Ddat's RNP and the anti-Bolshevik Legion of Doriot. (See below, (c)). Each aspires to become the single French militia and possibly the single French party. Meanwhile, despite official statements to the contrary, the Legion regards its offspring with misgivings. The Militia, in fact, fills almost to perfection the role of ungrateful child. (c) The National Revolutionary Militia

Late in 1942, D4at, of the RNP, and Bucard, of Francisme, together launched the National Revolutionary Front. This pretentious organization is supposed to unite all collaborationist factions. Thus far, however, this aim has not been achieved, and the only concrete result has been the appearance of the National.Revolutionary Militia (January 1943). This militia is the counterpart for the Occupied Zone of the Milice Franmcaisegg Deat would clearly like to combine the two militias in order to further his one-party ambitions. The Germans, however, have always forbidden the move. And even if they sanctioned it, Deat and Laval would almost certainly become involved in a struggle for leadership. For all practical purposes the National Revolutionary Militia is a subsidiary of the RNP. It is said to number 6,000 men. It is divided
24-8 iBOABC

into: (1) mobile brigades c(Iooes mobiles), proclaimed the nucleus of a new Fdench army; and S2) a less active unit, the territorial militia (defense termstoriale) for the protection of areas exposed to bombardment from the air. These units are reported to be terrorizing the population of the Occupied

Zone.
(d) The Anti-Bolshevik Legion LV'F rcoor eg L.e African Phalx.

the

and

After the German attack upon Russia French collaborationists hastened to demonstrate

the sdicerity of their anti-Communist convictions by

forming the Anti-Bolshevik Legion, or LVF (Lgion des Volontaires Fran a~is), to fight on the Russian front. The LVF was sponsored jointly by Deat's RNP, Doriot's PPF, the riue Fan ise, Francisme, and the Mouvement Social ,Rdvolutionnaireosee belw,

(4)(d)

).

For a time the soldiers in the LVF wore

German uniforms, and they have always ultimately been under the command of German officers. The LVF, though primarily a military organization, has been an important factor in the constant jobkeying for position on the part of collaborationists. It soon became identified with Doriot and the PPF, partly because Doriot himself went to Russia to fight, Doriot lost out somewhat in July 1942 when. the LVF became an official Vichy organization with the additional title of Tricolor Legion. The notion was that French troops might fight Reds and democrats. anywhere, not just in Russia. Accordingly, and with much fanfare, the Tricolor Legion formed an African Phalanx (Phalan a Africaine)to combat the Allies' invasion of North Africa. The whole policy, despite the tremendous amount of publicity it has received, has been a dismal failure. Vichy dissolved the Tricolor Legion (January 1943)., but both the LVF and the African Phalanx survived, The latter never had more than a few hundred adherents; little has been heard of it since the Allied victory in Tunisia, The LVF is also relapsing into obscurity. It has had at most only a few thousand recruits. It still goes through the motions of fighting the Russians, and it still appears to be an adjunct of the PPF.

(e)

Qther Para-Military Forma tons

These are all relatively insignificant, and they include: (1) the Service d'Ordre (SO) of Doriot's PPF (not to be confused with the SOL); (2) the Corns Francs of Francisme; and (3) the Milice of the Ligue Francaise.

(4)

Pressure and Subversive Groups 'Representing Big Business and High Finance.

24-i48 ABC 180

57

(a)

Introduction

In France big business and high finance have often attempted to exert political pressure upon the government and have maintained oiganizations for this purpose. A few of these organizations have consistently worked for the overthrow of republican government. This has been true of the Banque Worms group, the Cagoulards, and, in part, of the Comite des Forges. These three, which are tied togdther by a kind of interlocking directorate, are conspicuous supporters of Vichy and of collaboration. But they all have more than one string to their bow and will not necessarily uphold the Vichy regime to the last. At the same time they have discovered that they can't do business with Hitler, except on Hitler's terms. Accordingly, all three groups have attempted to insinuate themselves into every camp -- de Gaulle's, Giraud's, and the underground. Altogether, these groups are determined to come out on top and will go to any extreme in order to do so. They represent the most dangerous political force in France today. What they want is to preserve their business interests and, at all costs, to prevent the revival of a democratic government, for a democratic regime might mean the resumption of the social and economic policy of the Popular Front.
(b) The Comite des Forges (CORSID)

The Comite des Forges, often incorrectly called the French steel trust, was a research agency maintained jointly by almost all the big steel and iron companies. Many of its activities were politically innocuous. But at times, and especially after the appearance of the Popular Front, the Comite des Forges was implicated in quasi-fascist movements, like the Cagoulards and the Croix de Feu, which advocated the overthrow of the Republic. With the advent of Vichy, the Comitd des Forges, in common with other employers' associations, was dissolved. But it immediately revived, more powerful than ever, as the CORSID (Committee of Organization for the Iron and Steel Industry), patterned after a fascist corporation. Next to nothing isliown about the political machinations of CORSID today. It is clear, though, that it is preparing to do everything possible to protect its interests from a French "New Deal," no matter who wins the war. (c) The Banque Worms Group

This is the title generally applied to a group of men associated with Worms et Cie., a banking and shipping house of wide international ramifications. The group led the campaign against the Popular Front, consistently worked for the over-

24-4881OABC

- 58 -

throw of the Republic, and had a hand in the conclusion of the Armistice in June 1940. Since then the group has played a very important part in French affairs, both publicly and behind the scenes. Many men associated with the group have held high posts in the Vichy regime. While some of them have now lost favor, it would be rash to assume that the Bangue Worms group is no longer a political factor of the first importance. The present aims of the group are to clear the maximum profit and to insure the permanence of the defeat of French democracy and the parties of the Left. Accordingly, the group, along with the Banque de 'ndochine, the Banque de Paris et d Pay_ Bas, and other leading banks, has transferred to North Africa the enormous sums cleared by serving as Germany's financial agents in the expropriation of property belonging to refugees, Jews, and labor unions. The group constantly presses Giraud and the Allies for permission to translate these assets into dollars or sterling. Simultaneously, it uses every recourse to kepp the North African regime on a conservative, not to say reactionary foundation. At the same time, the Banque Worms group is intimately associated with Synarchist movement, a secret association of businessmen, renegade labor leaders, and intellectuals proposing to govern France according to technological principles in order to preserve intact the power of big business. And finally, a few members of the Banue Worms group have consistently maintained a pro-British attitude while remaining on excellent terms with their collaborationist colleagues. The following are some of the most important members of the Banaue Worms group: 1. 2. Hippolyte Worms, He is the dean of the group and has many connections in Britain. Jacques Barnaud. The chief banker of the group, and reputedly the leader of the Synarchist movement he worked hard to obtain the Armistice. He has served Vichy as Secretary-General for Franco-Ge man ionomic Collaboration and is a backer of Doriot. Pierre Pucheu. An associate of the Croix de Feu, the Comit des Forges, and Doriot's PPF, he is a thoroughly unscrupulous politician. He served Vichy first as Secrdatry for Industrial Production and then, under Darlan, as Minister of the Interior. He is now under detention in Algeria. Gabriel Leroy-Ladurie. The general manager of Worms et Cie., he is the banking associate of Barnaud and another backer of Doriot. Jacques Leroy-Ladurie. The brother of Gabriel, and himself an official of the company, he was former-

3.

4.

5.

24-48180 ABC

59 -

ly Vichy's Secretary of State for Agriculture and Food Production. He is reputed to have been more responsible than any other individual for pro-Nazi and anti-republican activities in France during the past half dozen years. 6. Paul Baudoitin. The intellectual leader of the group, and reputedly a monarchist, he served the Third Republic in a variety of administrative positions and is said to have exercised enormous influence upon Paul Reynaud. He was later Petain's foreign minister for a time. Baudouin is notoriously pro-Italian, holds an important position in the Banque de l'IndocCine, and may well have played some part in the surrender of Indo-China to Japan. Jacques Guerard. At present (June 1943) SecretaryGeneral to the Head of Government (Laval), he was the official directly responsible for turning Syrian air-fields over to the Germans in 1941. Late in 1942 he served as Vichy's ambassador to ,Lisbon and is believed to have arranged for the transfer of the assets of collaborationist banks to North Africa. Jacques Benoist-Mechin. During the last years of the Republic he was secretary of the blatantly pro-German Comite France-Allemagne. After 1940 he was leader of the Tricolor Legion and served Vichy in the Ministry of Information. An associate of Doriot, he is now reported to have fled France. It is sometimes alleged that even Laval finds Benoist-Meehin too pro-Nazi. Paul Marion. An official of Worms et Cie. He was used by the firm to distribute subsidies to proNazi papers, .groups, and individuals during the last years of the Republic. He was Vichy's Secretary of State for Information until May 1943. Another associate of Doriot, he is now reported to have fled the country. (d) The Cagoulards

7.

8.

9.

The Cagoulards (hooded ones) came into the limelight in 1937. They were members of the Cagoule, or CSAR (ComitesSecrets d'Action Revolutionnaire), a highly secret organization under the leadership of Eugene Deloncle, a mining engineer, and supported by the Comite des Forges, the Banaue Worms group, and military figures like Petain and Weygand. The Cagoulards received financial assistance from the Axis, and they were well armed. In September 1937 they blew up the Paris headquarters of the Employers' Federation -- the first in a projected series of outrages designed to terrorize and bewilder France and, then, to culminate in a fascist coup and the overthrow of the Republic. The grandiose plans of the Cagoulards
24-48180 ABC

'66."-

were nipped in the bud, and their organization suppressed. Nevertheless, the Cagoulards have continued their activities; They participated in the formation of Deat's RNP, and they launched a similar party, the MSR (Mouvement Social Revolutionnaire) in the Vichy Zone. The MSR is now moribund, but the Cagoulards still have many irons in the fire. They are implicated in the PPF and in the Milice Francaise. In September 1940 they formed a supplementary police force for the Vichy regime, the GP (vaiously identified as Groupes de Protection and Gardes Particuliers). The GP have since been dissolved but may have revived under ground. (5) The Royalist Right (a) Introduction

French royalists fall into two categories: (1) the followers of Action Francaise, and (2) the supporters of the Count of Paris and the monarchist movement. For the former group a royal restoration is an abstract idea, serving as a springboard for political discussion and active loyalty to Marshal P6tain; for the latter group it is a practical possibility, to be translated into reality at the earliest possible moment. Neither group, however, represents a very large segment of public opinion. By the 1930's the idea of restoring a king was generally regarded as a curious anachronism. Today all evidence points to the conclusion that the painful example of the quasi-monarchical regime has lowered the prestige of the royalists still further. (b) Action Francaise

Action Francaise, an organization which was a prominent political landmark in the days of the Third Republic, is still influential today. In republican France it constituted one of the strongest elements of the Right, stronger, indeed, than any of the regular rightist parties. Its ideal was France which existed in the 18th century before the Revolution. Its aim was the revival of this ancien regime through the restoration of a king and the traditional prerogatives of the Church. To reach its goal Action Francaise used both propaganda and violence. Charles Maurras, the leader of the movement, received the able collaboration of intellectuals like Jacques Bainville and Leon Daudet in making his house organ, L'Action Francaise, the best-written paper in France. These three distorted the truth so cleverly and brilliantly that L'Action Francaise reached a large and gullible audience. The movement's shock troops (the Camelots du Roi) played a major part in the streetbrawls of the '30's. Indeed, Action Francaise proceeded so violently that both the Pope and the pretenaer disowned it.

24-48180 ABC

- 61 Action Francaise operates in both zones today, though little is known about its operations in the Occupied Zone. In the Vichy Zone, it has allied itself with the Legion of War Veterans and rallied wholeheartedly to Marshal Petain. It appears to find the Marshal only a little less desirable than an actual king. Otherwise, however, it is difficult to define the present program of Action Francaise. Its specialty has always been polemics, not practical politics. It was always at its best when denouncing the alleged iniquities of the Republic; faced with the necessity of taking a positive course of action, it is inept. Charles Maurras is sometimes held to be more of a collaborationist than he would appear on the surface. Yet he is upbraided by Deat, Doriot, and the rest of the collaborationist tribe in Paris. They accuse him of scheming to set up a "New Order," Latin style, from which Germany would be excluded. In any case, Maurras is almost idolized by.reactionary elements of the aristocracy and the middle-class. Affiliated with Action Francaise are: (1) the Amis de l'Action FrancAise and'(2) the Comites Royalistes, both operating throughout the Vichy Zone; (3) the Camelots du Ro., who appear to have given up street-fighting in favor of tamer pursuits; (4) the Dames Royalistes, and (5) Jeunes Filles Royalistes, fund-raising subsidiaries representing, respectively, matrons and young ladies. (c) The Monarchist Movement

The pretender, the Count of Paris, is the darling of those wishing an immediate royal restoration. He commands a small but devoted band of followers throughout the Vichy Zone. His present political tactics are extremely obscure. On the one hand,. he is reported to have flirted with Vichy and to have terminated his quarrel with Action Francaise. On the other hand, he is said to have made advadces to both Giraud and de Gaulle. He is now (May 1943) thought to be at Larache in Spanish Morocco. In any event, the Count of Paris is a wily politician who is trying to exploit the present situation to his own advantage. (6) Other Rihtist Pressure Grouns (a) Groupet Collaboration"

Before the outbreak of the present war the chief advocates of Franco-German collaboration were grouped in the Comite-France-Allemagne. This political and cultural organization, financed by the Nazis, has now emerged as the Groupe "CollaborationJ' It disseminates propaganda intended to make German culture popular with Frenchmen by an appeal to their snobbish instincts. This campaign has been a total failure.

24-48180 ABC

-62-

La Gerbe, a Paris weekly, is tle groupts principal publication. The leading members of the group, prominent collaborationists all, are Fernand de Brinon, Alphonse de Chateaubriant, and Abel Hermant. Attached to the group is a youth organization, the Jeunes de l'Europe Nouvelle. (b) National Collectivism

This is an exceedingly minor organization led by Pierre Clementi. Suppressed in 1937, but revived after the Armistice, it mperates in both the Occupied and Vichy Zones., Its speciality is lost causes, like the demand for the annexation of the French-speaking part of Belgium. Otherwise it is anti-Semitic, anti-Masonic, anti-Bdshevist, anti-British and indistinguishable from a host of similar groups. (c) The Front Paysan

This peasants' group, led by Dorgeres, came into the limelight in 1935, Preaching agrarian fascism, Dorgeres threatened to march his green-shirts, pitchforks and all, against Paris in the modern version of a mediaeval peasats' rebellion. The movement fizzled out, and Dorgeres was exposed as a demagogue and the tool of large landed interests. This kind of peasant front, however, has since reappeared periodically. (d) The Jeunesses Patriotes

This para-military formation came into prominence in the '20s, was dissolved in 1936, and has not been heard of since. Rather similar in character to the Croix de Feu, the Jeunesses Patriotes specialized in street-fighting. They had neither a

well-defined political program nor a far-reaching

influence, though Clemenceau, Marshal Lyautey, Marshal

Weygand,

and Andre Maginot are said to have favored

(e) Solidaritg Francaise

their activities.

This group was more nondescript than the Jeunesses Patriotes. Organized in 1933 by Francois Coty, the perfume magnate, Solidarity Franaise advocated a restoration of the Bonapartes, an idea which no one else took seriously. Its program was flabby, its leadership incompetent, and it has dropped out of sight since it was suppressed in 1936. now operating at Marseille A fly-by-night outfit is said to be an. attempt to revive the Solidarite This is known as the Groupes de PropaFran9 aise. gande "R4'agirt, described as "very bogus," and publishing a paper, Rdagir. (f) Amicale de France This organization, with its head-

24-48180 ABC

quarters at 4ichy, is known also as the Centre de Propagande pour la Rdvolution Nationale and represents an unsuccessful attempt to secure popular support for the Petain regime. (g) La Fiert de France

A negligible group, reportedly linked with (f), it claims to revive the ideas which actuated the Croix de Feu before 1934.

(7) Labor Unions

(a) Before 1940

The most powerful labor organization was the CGT (Confederation G4nerale du Travail Franis). In January 1936 it amalgamated with its Communist rival, the CGTU (Confederation Generale du Travail Unitaire). Thereafter, the CGT directed the activities of almost all French unions. The Catholic unions, grouped in the CFTC (Confederation Fran aise des Travailleurs Chretiens), remained outside the CGT, but they were relatively small and insignificant. The political program of the CGT closely resembled that of the Socialist Party. Until 1936, however, the political influence of the CGT was slight. Then, with the formation of the Popular Front, the CGT came into its own. It put its full strength behind the Popular Front candidates in the national elections of April-May 1936, There followed the famous sit-down strikes of June 1936, the extensive labor reforms (the 40-hour week and so forth) inaugurated by Leon Blum's cabinet, and a phenomenal increase in CGT membership which rose from 1,300,000 in January 1936 to 5,000,000 in September. The ascendancy of the CGT was shortlived. Its membership dropped sharply with the deterioration of the Popular Front and with the widespread attacks upon the new labor reforms. In addition, many moderate labor leaders felt that the Communist recruits from the CGTU were forcing the CGT to advance unnecessarily extreme political views.

(b) Since 19A0

Vichy has abolished both the CGT and the CFTC and has tried without success to unite all laborers in state-sponsored organizations patterned on the fascist model. The result has been the division of organized labor into four distinct political categories: collaborationist, pro-Vichy, neutral, and resistant. The great proportion of old CGT and CFTC adherents falls in the last category, it should be emphasized that the number bebut longing to the first three is by no means insignificant. Collaborationist labor organizations
2-48180 ABC

are headed by the Front Social y Travail (at adjunct of Deatts Rassembilement National Populare) and the Grou ements Corporatifs (of Doriot's Part. Populaire $ ancais . These are primarily political in character, their purpose being to secure popular support for the RNP and the PPF. They criticize Vichy, applaud Laval, and are thoroughly loyal to the Germans. Still more pro-German is the Atelier group entre Syndicaliste de Propagande). Finally, Laval has organized a collaborationist trade-union committee at Paf is, the Comit6 d'Information 4Juvrihre et Sociale. The trade-unions established by Vichy are associated with the Au Travail groups for purposes of political activity. The latter are directed by Rene Belin, the perfect type -of-renegade labor leader. Once a prominent official in the CGT, Belin is a pacifist, a Red-baiter, a bitter enemy of Leon Jouhau (the old CGT leader), ands, to top it all off, a crony of collaborationist businessmen. The A tTravail groups include many CGT members with defeatist tendencies. While they approve of Vichy

in general, and of the Vichy program for the regimentation of labor in particular, they are not on good
terms with the Germans. For the rest the Au Trava groups attempt to follow a course of political neutrality which might eventually lead them to back the Allies, though Belin and his gang are rightly considered traitors by patriotic labor circles. The Groupements Legionnaires treprises are an offshoot of the Legion of Veterans. Like the Legion, they support. Vichy but distrust the Germans. They are believed to have attracted only an insignificant following. In addition, a few local CGT unions in southern France have also rallied to Vichy. Neutral unions include CGT and CFTC affiliates scattered throughout France which have remained aloof from Vichy but refused to join the forces of resistance.

The present situation of the resistant unions is somewhat obscure. Many union
members have 3oined resistance groups which do not primarily represent labor. Others have aligned themselves with the new Mouvement Ouvrier Francais. And still others have regrouped themselves in clan-. destine CGT, CFTC, or Communist unions. The Mouvement Ouvrier Fran ais (French Workers' Movement) is fa subsidiary of the underground organization, Lberatiox (see below,

(10)).

It

calls

for the unification

of

all

clan-

destine labor groups and recognizes General de Gaulle as the leader not only of liberation but also of reconstruction. The movement's specific political program, however, is somewhat peculiar.

2$8AC

2.

- 65 -

Men who served the Third Republic should not be permitted to hold high office again; elections need not take place until six months after the signing of the peace; and, in the meantime, administrative authority should be exercised by a large council representing workers, employers, civil servants, religious groups, and other "families" of the nation. The terminology used is discouragingly fascistic, and the whole program can be viewed as basically authoritarian in character. Some CGT and CFTC unions have been identified with resistance from the start. This has been particularly true of many CGT local and departmental unions. While CGT and CFTC unions both preserve their separate identities, they now cooperate on a scale impossible before the war. They support de Gaulle, though they do not completely approve of him. Both are said to participate in the secret Council of French Resistance, and Albert Guigui has recently arrived in London to represent the CGT with the Fighting French. Both groups, however, appear to dislike the idea of collaborating w;th La Vie Ouvriere, the new Communist union movement. All the resistant union movements have sought to provide the workers with a clandestine press, but only the Communists have succeeded. They publish an underground paper, La Vie Ouvriere, a title which the Germans have appropriated for a counterfeit sheet printed to beguile workers into supporting the Reich. Organization of opposition to the Nazi-Vichy labor program has been the principal achievement of the resistant unions in general. They are chiefly responsible for the strikes and slow-downs which hamper the conscription of labor for work in German plants and on fortifications in France. (8) The Freemasons

While there were only 40,000 Freemasons in France in 1940 (1/10 of 1% of the population in contrast to 2% in the United States), they had considerable political significance. Devoted to the precdpts of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity, French Freemasonry held political views resembling those of the Radical-Socialists, the party with which the Masons were almost identified. The Masons and the Radical-Socialists took the lead in the agitation which resulted in the enactment of stringent anticlerical legislation in the early years of the present century. After World War I anti-clericalism was no longer a major issue, and the political influence of the Masons diminished. Nevertheless, the Masons were attacked from all sidee. Left extremists called them "bourgeois;" the Right viewed Masonic activities with the exaggeration and horror usually reserved for the Jews.

2*48180ABG

Aping the Nazis, Vichy has been ferociously anti-Masonic, It has dissolved the Masonic lodges and tirelessly blames the Masons, along with Jews, Communists and democrats, for all the troubles of France. The Masons themselves, now participate in the underground. In addition, a new organization above ground, the Ligue de Pensee Francaise, apparently has Masonic connections. (9) Youth Movements (a) Introduction

There was a multitude of youth organizations in France even before the Armistice; since 1940 the list nas grown still longer. Some of the new movements are sponsored by Vichy; others are the auxiliaries of collaborationist parties and pressure groups. While only a few of these new organizations are primarily political in character, all have political significance. Their members not only receive a large dosage of political indoctrination but also are trained along military or paramilitary lines. After the Armistice the Vichy regime faced the problem of demobilization and unemployment. To deal with the question Vichy created a Secretariat-General for Youth (now a part of the Ministry of Education). The new Secretary-General inaugurated an elaborate program of youth training. He launched the Chantiers de la Jeunesse and the Compagnons de Franca (see below, b) and (c)), and he established youth centers in the most seriously affected areas throughout France. This program soon outgrew its original aims. The machinery used to relieve unemployment and provide physical training has become the instrument for regimenting French Youth and facilitating the conscription of labor. In addition, Vichy has dissolved all youth organizations sponsored by theLeft. Scout movements and all the youth affiliates of the Catholic and Protestant Churches, however, have survived in both zones. Though it is rumored at present (June 1943) that they will be incorporated with the statesponsored movements into one gigantic federation -under Vichy control, they still command a large membership and exert considerable influence. Their political position varies from neutral to moderately pro-Ally, and their continued existence has done much to mitigate the evil effects of the Vichy and collaborationist organizations. Altogether, it seems likely that, from a political standpoint at least, Vichy's ambitious program for the regimentation of youth has failed. Labor conscription has depleted the ranks of the new youth organizations. Their prestige has dropped sharply as a result of feuds, favoritism,
'24-148 180 ABC

67

corruption, and violent competition for membership. A majority of the young men and young women exposed to Vichy and collaborationist youth policy do not appear to b emulating the example of the Nazi youth. Indeed, young men take a large part in the activities of the undergroun. A group of university students, calling themselves the FUL (Forces Universitaires de la Liberte, publishes the clandestine paper, Libre France, Another group is associated with the Lib ration Francaise movement as the Forces Unies de la Jeunesse. And in Paris many youths are said to have adopted the American "zoot-suit" craze. These are the rather improbable "zazous" or " ings Their irresponsibility, their "jitterbug" antics, their blatant anti-collaboiationism, and their mysterious slogans -like "of est le .ambon?" -baffle and infuriate Nazis and collaborationists. (b) Chantiers de la Jeunesse &c.

Just before the Armistice France called to the colors the second contingent of conscripts for 1939 and the first for 1940. Vichy, instead of demobilizing these raw recruits, assigned them to a new organization, the Chantiers de la Jeunesse (youth camps), Since then almost all French youths during their twentieth year have been obliged to do a stint of eight months in either the Chantiers de la Jeunesse or one of its affiliates. Exceptions are sometimes granted in the case of students, the physically unfit, agricultural workers, and young men working in Germany. The Chantiers exist only in the Vichy Zone. They come under the supervision of the Minister of Interior (at present Laval) and are directed by a Commissioner-General for Youth Camps (at present General de ia Porte du Theil). The Chantiers have an elaborate organization arranged on the following levels:

at Clermont-Ferrand

i. Re ions -5, with headquarters (Auvergne), Lyon (Alpes-Jura),

(Pnovence), and Tou-

Montpellier (Languedoc), Marseille louse (Pyrenees).

ii. Groupements -7 or 10 to a region, each with 1500-1800 effectives, and deiigned to care of men of varying physical strength.
iii.
iv., Groupes -Epuipes 10 to a groupement.
--

men.

(teams)

of 10 to 12

The Chantiers are amply supplied with officers, many of them Arnmy veterans. Administration and discipline conform to the traditional military pattern. The da.ily routine consists of drill (sometimes with broomsticks in place of rifles), physical training, and agricultural work wherever the shortage

24-48i80 ABC

68

of laborers is most acute, The men belonging to the Chantiers receive the pay of soldiers and wear darkgreen uniforms. Altogether, the Chantiers de la Jeunesse constitute an impressive para-military formation. Service in the camps is roughly equivalent to the military training which was compulsory in the days of the Republic. It is difficult to evaluate the political position of the Chantiers. Whether or not the campers are enthusiastic boosters of P~tain's "National Revolution" is a moot point. In any case, Laval keeps a. tight rein on the Chantiers and will probably ship any politically unreliable campers off to Germany to work. Associated with the Chantiers are: (1) the Ariciens des Chantiers -a sort of alumni association; (2) the Chantiers de Jeunesse de la Marine -navy and merchant marine youth camps, with centers at Narbonne-Plage (Aude) and Banyuws (Pyr4 'nees-Orientales); and (3) Jeunesse et Montagne -specializing in iiying, gliding; and mountaineering, and uniformed, like the Chasseurs Alpins and aviators whom they replace, in dark blue.

(c)

Compagnons de France

Completely separate from the Chanbiers, the Compagnons were originally set up to provide for homeless and unemployed boys. They gradually developed into a permanent institution. Boys from 15 to 20 are eligible, and enrollment is voluntary. The Compagnons are a cross between the Boy Scouts and a fascist youth movement. They work wherever a shortage of labor develops (usually in agriculture), or whenever an emergency, like a fire or a flood, arises. They receive training in trades and in crafts useful in later life. On the other hand, the Compagnons are indoctrinated with civic spirit according to the ideals of Marshal Petain's "National Revolution," They are reputed to be fanatically loyal to the Marshal, but are not known to be markedly pro-German. The Compagnons are active throughout the Vichy Zone, Their headquarters is at Lyon, and their organization is subdivided on the following levels (with terms borrowed from the vocabulary of mediaeval guilds and administrative units): 11, with local i, Provinces -headquarters at C.emont-Ferrana (Auvergne), Limoges (Berry-Limousin), Grenoble (Dauphiny), Bour (FrancheComte, Tarbes ascony), Perigueux (Guyenne), Toulouse Haut-Languedoc), Montpellier (Bas-Languedoc), Lyon Lyonnais), Marseille (Provence), and Chambery (Savoy). ii.
2-4 a I8OABC

Pays --

each roughly equivalent

to a

modern department. iii. Bailliages -sometimes called

coimnanderies. iv. Cites -egnies. Associated with the Compagnons are: sometimes called com-

()

the Compaanes,

for girls;

and (2)

the Amis des

Compages,

a kind of fund-raising alumni association. (d) Ecoles de Cadres.

In order to provide trained leaders for the new youth organizations Vichy set up Ecoles de Cadres, or training schools. These schools offer a regular course of six monthst duration. In addition, old students may take short "refresher" courses, while anyone wishing to participate in "national community life" (as the Vichy phrase goes) may replenish his spiritual treasury by residing at one of the schools. At first, the schools offered a large and representative curriculum of social studies. The books used ranged from Marx and Trotsky to St. Thomas Aquinas. Recently, however, the schools have been reorganized to make their courses conform more closely to Laval's and Hitler's notions of the "National Revolution.' The Ecoles de Cadres are under the general supervision of officials of the Vichy regime. They include: (1) the Ecole Nationale des Cadres -at Uriage (near Grenoble), designed to train an elite of youth leaders, suppressed in January 1943, and now taken over by the Milice Fran aise as a training school; () La Chapelle-en-Serval (Oise department) -- apparently filling the old role of (1) but in the Occupied Zone; Ecoles Rggionales de Cadres -- local training schools scattered throughout both zones; () Lcole "Les Cadres Civiciues -- at Mayet-la-Montagne (near Vichy , comparatively new, under strict supervision, and possibly destined to take over the old functions of (l) in the Vichy Zone; (5) Ecoles des Cadres Feminins -- a national school in each of the two zones, and several regional schools, all furnishing training to women in such feminine pursuits as domestic science and social welfare; (6) Ecoles de Cadres Specialises -= to gvoom leaders capablecf teaching specific technical-skills; (7) separate Ecoles de Cadres maintained by large youth organizations like the Chantiers de la Jeunesse.

Q)

(e)

Collaborationist Youth Movements

Almost all the collaborationist parties and pressure groups maintain youth subsidiaries which outdo the older elements in the violence of their words and actions. On the other hand, they are not very large, for the total of members claimed is usually much exaggerated. And their potential effec-

24 48180A6C

,,...

tiveness is reduced by the deep-seated feuds existing among them. Altogether, however, they are still formidable organizations, liable to join collaborationist shock troops in resisting an Allied invasion.
j*

The JPF

The most dan erous of collaborationist youth movements is the t TPF (Jeunesses Po ulaires Francaises), a subsidiary of Doriotts rowdy Parti Populaire Fran ais. It is an amalgamation of many small organizations -the Union Populaire de la

Jeunesse Fran aise, two offshoots of Doriot's AntiBolshevik Legion the Phalanges Universitaires e Jeunesse and the Jeunes Forces Franaises, the Jeunesse Im-

priales Francaises, the Jeunesses Imperiales Sportives,

the Jeunes Filles Francaises, the Jeunesses Paysannes Fran aise, the Cercles Jeunes Fran ais, and the Comites Universitaires de la Revolution Nationale. The JPF has an extensive organization in the Occupied Zone and claims to have 10,000 members. It is rabidly collahorationist and is notorious for Jew-baiting, for attacks upon "zazoust, and for other types of hooliganism. It once hoped to monopolize control of youth organizations but has failed, just as the -PPF has failed to become the single political party. ii. The Jeunesse Franciste

This outfit, with its feminine adjunct, the Jeunesse Feminine Franciste, is part of the Francisme party It has operated in both zones since it absorbeQ tne JFOM (Jeunesse de France et d'Outremer). The latter represented an ambitious but unsuccessful attempt to provide Marshal Petain with an enthusiastic contingent of youthful supporters.
iii. The JNP

The Jeunesses Nationales P2pulaires are subsidiary to Deat's Rassemblement National Populaire. Like the JPF, they dream of becoming the single movement for all France.
iV.

The Jeune Lgion

Associated with the Legion of Veterans, it has trumpeted the announcement that it will engage in politics, presumably to confound the enemies of the "National Revolution." v. The Jeunes du Marechal

The name camouflages a violently collaborationist and anti-Bolshevist organization, recently reported dissolved.

2*-4818OABC

71 -

vi.

The SPES

The Socigte de Preparation et d'Education Sportive is a subsidiary of Progres Social Francais. vii. Jeunes de 1'Europe Nouvelle They are associated with the

Groupe "Collaboration." (See above

viii. Liue

(6)

(a)).
de France et

des Jeunes

de i'Empire This represents a feeble attempt by the Ligue Francaise to attract a youthful following. (See above, 2 b) ix)

(f),

Scout Movements

More than 100,000 boys and girls participated in Scout organizations before World War II. .Apparently, their ranks have not been seriously depleted since the. Armistice. The principal Scout organizations the Catholic Scouts de France (boys), Coeurs (young boys), Guides de France (girls5, and

are: (U) Vaillants

Ames Vaillantds (young girls); ) the Protestant F'edration des Eclaireurs Unionistes( ) the unenominational Eclaireurs de France arls); and (/)
the Jewish Federation des Eclaireurs Isradlites. Under Vichy these organizations have maintained their separate existences but established a general direct-

ing bureau,

called Scoutisme Francais.

In the hectic days of the summer of 1940 the Scouts did a notable job serving as messengers and coping with refugees. Today, they have resumed their usual peacetime activities, though much of their work is done in conjunction with the Compagnons de France. Both the Catholic and Protestant Scouts have officially recognized the necessity of labor service in Germany. Nevertheless, many individual Scouts are said to deplore this attitude. And the Scout movements, in general, with their defense of the Jewish Scouts and with their strong and patriotic religious leadership, have firmly resisted all pro-German tendencies. (g) Catholic Youth Movements

The numerous Catholic youth movements in France all originated well before 1939. They represent the effort of the Church to meet the problems of youth in modern society. Today they appear to follow a neutral political course but may well assist resistance groups.

2l--481ArcB-

- 72-

is The ACJF
The Association Catholioue de la Jeunesse Franoaise groups together a variety of movements. Of these the most important are the Jocistes, comprising the JOC Jeunesse 0uvriere Chretienne), for men, and JOCF (Jeunesse 0uvriere Chr tienne F5T minine) for women. The Jocistes are believed to number somewhere between 150,000 and 300,000, recruited principally from the uztan working classes. Their chief aims are to raise the ethical standards of workers, combat the influence of Communism and materialism, and improve public welfare. The Jocistes are active publishers, and their social services are much like those rendered by the USO and Red Cross in the United States. Similar to the Jocistes, but not so elaborate, are: (1) the Jacistes -- comprising the JAC Jeunesse Agricole Chretienne for men and

the JACF (Jeunesse A ricole Chretienne Feminine , for

women, the rural equivalent of the Jocistes; the JEC Jeunesse Etudiante Chretienne) and JECF, for

students;

)the

JICJeness

Independanta Chretienne)

and JICF, for the liberal professions; and (1) the JMC (Jeunesse Maritime Chretienne), for the merchant marine.
jj,

Students'

Federationp

These are separate from the AJCF, and are concerned principally with the protection of students' rights. The -Fr' (Federati n Frangaise des Etudiants Catholiciue), for men, is said to'have 16,000 members. The FFAEC Federation Franoaise dlA"sociations des Etudiantes Catholiaues , for women, claims 12,000 members. (h) Miscellaneous Youth Organizations

shock i. Camelots du Roi -troops of Action Franoaise, now limiting their activities to propaganda in favor of Petain.

ii. Union Chretienne de Jeune Gens et de Jeunes Filles, Comite Protestant de la Jeunesse, Jeunesse'de l'Armee de Salut, and FGddration Francaaise des Associations Chretiennes. d'.Etudiants -all Protestant affiliates.
(10) The Underground*

'(a)

Introduction
The French underground is not a

single highly-centralized organization.

It consists,

rather, of a large number of resistance movement, varying in importance and effectiveness and representing a wide range of political and social allegiances.

21,-48 ABC 180

73

Yet the resistance movements realize that they must do a certain amount of hanging together or else they may all hang separately. As of June 1943, the principal underground groups are said to participate in a committee which co-ordinates their activities in a loose and general sort of'way. This is the secret Council of French Resistance, and its chief ("Monsieur X") has recently joined the Fighting French in London. The Fighting French have frequently claimed that they direct the operations of the underground. While this is accurate as a broad statement, it should not be inferred that besistance groups customarily await orders from London or Algiers before taking a specific course of action. On the other hand, they all recognize de Gaulle as the leader and symbol of French liberation, and some of them look to him to undertake the reconstruction of liberated France. General Giraud commands wide respect as a gallant military figure, but the resistance groups profoundly distrust his political views. It is not yet possible to evaluate the effects upon the underground of the union of the de Gaulle and Giraud factions. It will probably not change the situation in essentials. Andre Philip, who represents the underground on the new joint Committee of National Liberation, hitherto maintained a liaison between the underground and the Fighting French. Almost every resistance group has its own particular idea of post-war reconstruction. But almost all agree that the Third Republic should be revived and its constitution thoroughly modernized. The political program of the underground, in its broad outlines represents the development of the Popular Front politics evolved during the 1930's, for the great majority of the adherents of the underground represent the Left. It is impossible to make an accurate estimate of the number of recruits in the underground organizations. Andre Philip placed the number at two The number of militant memmillion (October 1942). bers is undoubtedly much smaller. None the less, the vast bulk of the French population sympathize with the activities of the underground, even if they do not participate in them. The most important resistance organizations are Liberation Francaise, Liberation, Franc-Tipeur), the Communists, the Socialists, and the clandestine labor unions. (b) Liberation Francaise, Liberation, Franc-Tiraur None of these three represents the

24i48iA8C

-74.direct continuation of an organization which existed in the days of the Third Republic. Hence, the distinction between them and the other principal resistance groups, all of which are offshoots. of pre-war organizations. Co-operation among the three movements has steadily mounted, but each is careful to preserve its own identity. Liberation Francaise (often called Combat) is an amalgamation of two groupw -- Liberte and Liberation Nationale. The. latter had military backing under the is of General de la Laurencie. The group, while anti- erman, was clerical, conservative,and pro-Vichy. De la Laurencie was notably deyoted to farshal Petain and the "National Revolution." After the union with Liberte and the formation of

Liberation Fran aise the movement developed a some-

what

more Utberai outlook and realized the futility of Petain's program. Liberation..Francaise now supports de Gaulle, denounces dictatorship, and urges a renascence of "republican idealism" (whatever that may mean). On the other hand, Liberation Francaise still has a rightist reputation. It is antiBritish anld anti-Communist, though it applauds the bravery of the Russian army. Its leadership represents the conservative middle-class, and it is thought to have connections with reactionaryr military and financial interests. Liberation Frangaise operates throughout France. It maintains a para-military formation, organizes sabotage and other violence, and puts out a variety of clandestine publications, notably the newspaper, Combat. Its propaganda groups tear down posters and demonstrate in theaters. And it maintains a subsidiary for youth, the Forces Unies de la Jeunes-

se.
Liberation has taken the lead in rallying the underground press to de Gaulle and in recognizing him as the leader of French democtacy. Its program for the reconstruction of France and Europe ref1~ts the traditional Socialist doctrine associated with old-line Socialists like Leon Blum. It calls for international co-operation and public ownership of important economic resources. It should be remembered, however, that the post-war plans of the Mouvement Ouvrier Francais are a great deal more authoritarian in character. Liberation is divided into two sections, one for each of the two zones. Their operations are closely co-ordinated and resemble tliose of Liberation Fran aise. Sabotage is the. pecia1 of Liberation; for this purpose it has established small cells in factories, government offices, and communications .systems. The movement also publishes the widely-circulated clandestine paper, Liberation.

24-4818ABC

75

The Franc-Tireur movement (not to be confused with the francs-tireurs -see below, (g)) is not nearly so important as the other two. It issues a paper,. Le Franc-Tireur, attracts the younger elements of the population, and is violently opposed to all forms of dictatorship. (c) ,-The Communist Underground ibi, (see

above,

(2)(c)'

above,

!(d (2)(c) i3

The Socialist Underground,(see

(e)
(7)

'Underground Labor Unions (see above,

(b). )

(f), The Clerical Underground

There is little' evidence of extensive organized resistance emanating from religious groups, either Catholic or Protestant.. Nevertheless, mans clergymen have been accused of clandestine activities, and many laymen are active in resistance movements. Protestant and Catholic groups have joined forces to issue several widely-circulated tracts and the influential underground paper, Cahiers du Temoignage Chretien. The politidal tone of these publications is moderate and democratic.

(g)

The "Secret Army

and the Guerillas

army" appears to be a The "secret loosely-knit federation representing guerillas, military detachments from the principal resistance groups, and patriots with no other affiliations in the underIt seems to be neither tightly organized ground. nor rigidly disciplined, though it is said to have enThe "secret army" eschews rolled at least 50,000 men. active resistance and, instead, prepares to assist

the Allies in the invasion of France.

Guerillas, on the other hand, have been indulging in sabotage, assassination, and selfSome of these along. other aces of violence all styled francs-tirsurs and partisans are linked with Others, life the rebels principal resistance groups.

still (June 1943) holding out in Haute-Savoie apparentAnd still others are ly have no organized backing. grouped under the Communist banner in the "Military The committee Committee of Guerillas and Partisans." publishes many clandestine papers '- Francs-Tireurs,

France d'Abord,

and Valmy, to name the largest ones.

It has organized a whole series oflguerilla detachof Some of them are named after the victims ments. German reprisals -- Jean Catelas (Deputy from.Aiiens), Charles Michels, Pierre Semard, Timbaut -- , and some after heroes and battles celebrated in French annals Moche, Marceau, and Valmy. --

24- 418I8ABC

76

(h)

Miscellaneous organizations

The Fighting French report that

four pre-war political parties have reorganized under ground and secured places on the secret Council of

French Resistance. They are the Fed ration Republicaine, Alliance Democratiue, D~mocrates Populaires,
and iRa lL aJsts. Though it is unlikely that any ~ them constitutes a strong independent entity in the underground, members of all four participate in some of the leading resistance movements.

The Volontairespou

j]

Liberte

(Volunteers for Freedom) publish istance, one of the best-edited clandestine papers. R sistance supports de Gaulle, but it is rightist in tone, harshly

critical of the Third Republic, and violently opposed

to the revival of the pre-war multi-party system. Resistance advocates the reconstruction of France through a moral and social revolution within the framework of This formula is vague and open to the Rights of Man. an undemocratic interpretation. The same construction.may be placed pvement a Rconstruction Revolutionnaire, pour.,a Liberation et

upon the political program advanced by the de la France.

This group publishes Lib rer et Fddrer

a well-printed clandestine paper, which preaches the desirability of a post-war European federation. On the -domestic side, however, the movement advocates a combination of old-fashioned Socialism and the corporative features of fascism. Women are active in the underground, publishing a clandestine feminist paper, La Voix des Femmes, which has the framework of an ordinary womea's magazine but is anti-German and anti-Vichy.

It should be recalled that ferociously anti-democratic organizations sponsored by the

Caaoulards and the Ban orms group also form part

of the underground.

(See above,

(4)).

Finally, resistance groups themselves

have reported that the Nazis have created thirty. fake.

underground groups, and that Laval has organized still It is impossible to verify this allegation, others. but it is known that the Germans in an effort to confuse the French put out several bogus clandestine papers, among them a fraudulent edition of La Vie Ouvriere. (,j) L'Art Franais --

Some of the Underground Publications Circulating in. France Gaullist.,

Avant-Garde.
Bir Hacheim -Gaullist

2--8180 ABC

77

Bulletin des Volontaires de la Libert6 -been -superseded by,Resistance. Cahiers de Temoignage Chre'tien -produced by Catholic and Protestant .groups.

may have

jointly

Combat --

organ of Liberation Francaise movement; circulatis largely in the Vichy Zone; also produces a. North African edition; Laval's Milice Francaise has started a paper witi the same title above ground.

Combat de Languedoc -one of the numerous local editions of Combat. Le Cog Enchaine.

Defense de la
Demain. En Captivit6. Le Feu.

France.

La France Continue. France d'Abord -published by the Communist 'Military Committee of Guerillas and Partisans." La France Libre -published in London by the "Jean Jaures" group of French Socialists (who do not support de Gaulle all the way); circulates principally in the Occupied Zone. Le Franc-Tireur -organ of the movement of the same name.

Le Franc-Tireur Norman et Picard -local paper carrying news of guerilla activities probably emanates from the "Communist "Military Committee of Guerillas and Partisans..' Le Franc-Tireur Parisien -published by the Communist "Military Committee of Guerillas and Partisans." Francs-Tireur -put out by the Communist "Military Committee of Guerillas and Partisans." La Guerre Continue -may be a than a periodical. single pamphlet rather

L'Humanit_ -- pre-war Communist sheet, now gone under ground. J'Accuse. Liberateur -published by the Communist "'Military Committee of Guerillas and Partisans. published by the movemen. Liberation -name; appears throughout
2248180oac
-

o. the same

78

Liberer et

Federer -organ of the Mouvement Revblutionnaire pour la Liberation et la Re-construction de la France.

Liberte -organ of the movement of the same name which joined with Liberation Nationale, to form Liberation Frana ise; superseded by Combat.

Libre France --

sponsored by Liberation; published by a student group, Forces Universitaires de la Liberte.

--

Lorraine

Gaullist.

L'Ordre Nouveau de Servitude. Pantagruel. Le Patriote -- hand-written, said to be produced in prison camps by hostages. Le Pere Duchesne -the title was originally borne by a famous yellow sheet of the Revolution of

1789.
Les Petites Ailes -predecessor of Combat; known at various times as Verites, Les Petites Ailes de France, and Les Petites Ailes Francaises. Peuple de France. Le Populaire -published by Socialist Party in the Vichy Zone. uatriee
Rpjkbligu -Occupied Zone.

Radio France --

surmarizes Allied broadcasts.

Resistance-- organ of the-Volontaires pour la Liberte in the Occupied Zone; supersedes an earlier paper of the same name published under different auspices. LtUniversite Libre -said to be published at Paris by a group of intellectuals; probably Communist. Valmy -published by the Communist "Military Committee of Guerillas and Partisans."

Le

Vengeur -published byr the Communist "Military Committee of Guerillas and Partisans." probably same as Verites. organ of Liberation

Verite --

Verites -predecessor of Combat; Nationale movement.

24-

I8OABC

- 79

La Vie Ouvriere -- two publications have this name, one a true organ of militant Communist labor circles, the other a German counterfeit. La Voix des Femmes -- Paris suburbs; editor is "Madame Bonne Femme;" feminist paper. La Voix de Paris -- Communist. La Voix du Nord et du Pas-de-Calais -- published by labor union circles in these important industrial departments; chief resistance paper in extreme northern France. 93. -title recalls the most radical year of the French Revolution (1793).

SELECTED REFB~'ENCES PWE French Handbook, Tis'sier, Preliminary Drat (London, 19435).

P.,

Th

vernment ofVichy (London,1942).

Sharp, W. R., The French Civil Service (New York, 1931)., Bertheleny, H., Traite Elementaire die Droit Administratif' (Paris, 1933.. Harris, G. L., Local Government in Many Lands (London, 1933).

Barthelemy, J., Government of' France (Fr'ench edition

published in

1919).

Valeur, R., "French Government and Politics," in Buell, R.L., Democratic Governments in Europe (New York, 1935). Didiot-Bottin. Annuai'e die Commerce, 1939. Journal Officiel die l'Etat Francais.

24-48180 ABC

mN

NATIONAL GOVERNMENT
THIRD REPUBLIC
HEAD OF STATE
(FORMAL)

OF FRANCE
VICHY REGIME

HEAD OF GOVERNMENT

NO 613 JUNE 26, 1942

DIVI ONOS ONUWNIN GEOGRIFUHY

24-48180 A

GOVERNMENT OF THIRD REPUBLIC

HEAD OF STATE
President of the Republic
L III
appoints -

HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
President of the Council of Ministers In appoints

COUNCIL OF MINISTERS

I
24-48180 ABC

I)
~

ICll~ 'E-~9

appoints responsible to

elects

responsibe to

SENATE
elect

NATIONAL ASSEMBLY CHAMBER OF DE

elect elec

LOCAL COUNCILS
Arrondissements Communes Departments

MAYORS
elect
I

elect

[VOTER SI

VICHY GOVERNMENT
HEAD OF STATE
Petoin appoints

I
NATIONAL FIELD 24-48180 ABC

HEAD OF GOV'T
Lovol appoints appoints

COUNCIL OF MINISTERS
appoint
responsible to

ADMINISTRATIVE
appoint
re e to

AGENCIES

OFFICERS

sponsibl

PREFECTS

appoint

appoint

MAYORS

LOCAL COUNCILS

GOVERNMEN (COMMUNE)

HE CITY OF LILLE
201,000

POPULATION:

N,B.; THE OUTLINE ENVISAGES THE NORMAL SYSTEM. UNDER THE VICHY REGIME, ELECTION HAS DISAPPEARED, THE COUNCIL IS APPOINTIVE AND ONLY ADVISORY THE MAIRE AND HIS ADJOINTS ARE APPOINTIVE, AND CONTROL BY THE CENTRAL GOVERNMENT IS GREATER.

CENTRAL GOVERNMENT MINISTER OF INTERIOR*

" AT REGIONAL
LEVEL: PREFECTS AT COMMUNAL LEVEL: MAIRES

CONTROLS

ELECT
1

APPOINTS FROM THREE NOMINATES

CANDIDATES

CITY (COMMUNE) COUNCIL 36 MEMBERS (6 YEAR TERM)

EL CTS FROM OWN MEMBERSHIP

MAIRE
MAIRES ADJOINTS (DEPUTIES)
LJI

I 12

3 4 5

u 1 12 'IO I tI 7 8 9Iv

MAIRE APPOINTS CIVIL SERVANTS WITH EXCEPTION OF FEW APPOINTED BY CENTRAL GOVERNMENT.

SECRETARY
OF MAIRIE CENTRAL SECRETARIAT

M U

NI

PA L

S E

R V I C

E S

FIRST DEPARTMENT

SECOND DEPARTMENT

THIRD DEPARTMENT

FOURTH DEPARTMENT

FIFTH DEPARTMENT

COUNCIL AGENDA
LITIGATION PERSONNEL PURCHASE OF SUPPLIES POLICE

(DIRECTION)
GENERAL ADMINISTRATION

(DIRECTION)
PUBLIC WORKS

(DIRECTION)
AND FINANCE CONTROL

(DIRECTION.
EDUCATION AND ARTS I

___DIRECTION)
HEALTH AND SOCIAL WELFARE BUREAUS

BUREAUS
1

BUREAUS

BUREAUS

BUREAUS

2 1 314 1

51

16

2131415161718

11|1231

l2

2 3

FIRST DEPARTMENT
BUREAUS: I. ORDINANCES, MUNICIPAL BULLETINS, ETC. 2.OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE 3.LEGAL MATTERS RE PROPERTY FOR 'MUNICIPAL USE 4. MILITARY AFFAIRS 5.TAX ROLLS, INSURANCE OF MUNICIPAL PROPERTY, VOTERS, ELECTIONS 6. VITAL STATISTICS

THIRD DEPARTMENT
BUREAUS: I. BUDGET, ACCOUNTING, AUDIT 2. BILLS FOR "PRICED" SERVICES, LICENSES AND FEES 3. MUNICIPAL WAREHOUSES

FIFTH DEPARTMENT
BUREAUS: I. SANITARY INSPECTION, VACCINATION, EPIDEMICS, STREET CLEANING 2. LICENSING OF PHYSICIANS AND PHARMACISTS, INSPECTION OF FOOD, MILK, MARKETS, AND ABATTOIRS, VENEREAL PROPHYLAXIS, MORGUE, MEDICAL INSPECTION IN SCHOOLS, MUNICIPAL OBLIGATIONS RE SOCIAL INSURANCE 3. ASSISTANCE TO OLD, INFIRM, AND INCURABLE, MOTHERS AT CHILDBIRTH, AND LARGE FAMILIES, FREE MEDICAL SERVICE, UNEMPLOYMENT RELIEF, LABOR PLACEMENT

SECOND
BUREAUS:

DEPARTMENT FOURTH DEPARTMENT

BUREAUS: I. SCHOOLS, SCHOLARSHIPS, LIBRARIES, ARCHIVES, SCHOOLS FOR DEAF, DUMB, AND BLIND, VOCATIONAL AND 'PHYSICAL EDUCATION, MUNICIPAL THEATRES, MUSEUMS, CONSERVATORIES 2. SCHOOL CANTEENS

I. ADMINISTRATIVE AND LEGAL MATTERS RE CONTRACTS AND UTILITY CONCESSIONS 2. ACCOUNTS OF CONTRACTORS 3. STREETS, BRIDGES, AND SEWERS 4. PUBLIC BUILDINGS 5. ARCHITECTURAL PLANS AND DESIGNS 6. GARBAGE DISPOSAL PLANT 7. MUNICIPAL WATER WORKS 8. CITY PLANNING AND ZONING

NO. 676 JUNE 26, 1942

DRAWN IN GEOGRAPHY DIVISION, O. S. S

COURTS UNDER THE THIRD REPUBLIC

(WITH AREA OF JURISDICTION)
MINISTER OF JUSTICE
(GARDE DES SCEAUX)

"-TZZL I__**
COURT OF CASSATION
(COUR DE CASSATION)
a _------_PP~_~CL--I LB IIP~

__
COUNCIL OF STATE
(CONSE/L D'ETAT)

COURT OF CONFLICTS
(TRIBUNAL DES CONFLITS)

1 COURTS COURTS OF APPEAL

(COURS D'APPEL)
(APPEAL DISTRICT)

SMILITARY

TRIBUNALS (TRIBUNAUX MILITAIRES)

(MILITARYREGION)

ASSIZE
(COURS

PREFECTORIAL

COUNCILS
REGION)

D'ASSISE)

(CONSEILS DE PREFECTURE)
(INTERDEPARTMENTAL

(DEPARTMENT)

NOTE: NEW COURTSADDED BY VICHY ARE ALL SPECIAL COURTS AND DO NOT LEND THEY HAVE FIRST AND LAST THEMSELVES TO REPRESENTATION IN A CHART. JURISDICTION AND SO HAVE NO PLACE IN A DIAGRAM OF HIERARCHY.

24-48180ABC

POLICE

OF

THE

THIRD

REPUBLIC

....

...

..... .......

I B~I
""a

STATE
(EXCLUSIVE

POLICE
CENTERS PARIS) OF

RURAL

POLICE

PARIS

POLICE

OF

STRATEGIC

PREFECTS

PREFECTS

POLICE

PREFECT

STATE POLICE

PERSONNEL

MAYORS

PARIS

POLICE

PERSONNEL

LINES OF AUTHORITY PROPOSEDBY THE MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR, APPOINTED BY THE PRESIDENT SUBJECT TO EMERGENCY REQUISITION

POLICE

OF THE

VICHY

REGIME

CHIEF OF GOVERNMENT
MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR
MILITARY' POLICE

SECRETARY_ GEN'L OF POLICE

NATIONAL POLICE
SI
I I

I ISE 1GENDARMERIE IM.UCE FRANCA

CABINFIELD

FIELD UNITS
REGIONAL PREFECT

UNITS

POLICE

SCHOOL

ADMINISTRATION

? f

SOFFICIAL TOURS.
TION H.Q.I o o o o o o o o 0 o 0 o 0 O 0 o 0 o 0 o O o 0 o
o o

INTENDANT SINTENDANT
H.Q

DEPARTMENTAL PREFECT

SECURITY

JUDICIARY
o

LINES OF AUTHORITY

ADMINISTRATION 000 0 0 POLICY

89.

The departments of France Except Corsica

24-48 180 ABC

90

Regional

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24-48 18OABC

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Economic regions.

24-4B 180 ABC.

92

"glow

Archbishoprics arnd bishoprics

Based on the Atlas de France; plate 69 (Paris, 1933). The two bishoprics of Met: and Strasbourg have been under the direct supervision of the Holy See since 1871.

2J4-4 iSOABC 8

93

INDEX

Action Francaise (see Royalist Right) Administration, national (see Executive, and also Comumunes ) Af'rican Phalanx (see Para-Military Forations) Alliance Democratique...........,.,44 Amicale de France (see Rightist Pressure Group) Anti-Bolshevik Legion (see Para-Miltary Formations) Arrondissement ................ 6,7,29 under 3rd Republic.....4..21,31,32 since 1940 ...... , ...........3
Paris" 000.00..
00.00000....0.3

Dernocrates Populaire (see Political Parties)

Departments... .....*....... .... 20,27
law.... 0000000...e.......... ..

31

1 since l9 .0..................... .30 Deputy mayors (see Communes) Directions (see Ministries)

personnel.

..........

0.........000.28

Ecoles de Cadres.. ,.... ......... ,..69

Economic regions (see Special Units) Educational districts (see Special Units) Employees, national,. ....... 23, 24,25 Executive.!national (see Cabinet; Chief' of' State; Ministries; President) Federation Republicaine.......... .43

Au Travail (see Labor Unions) Banque Worms (see Pressure Groups) Belin, Rene.,... *...........64
Bureaux. ....
00.00..0.00000.

Flandin, Pierre Etienne...o......L

Fonctionnaires, number o .!,19, 29
31
.......

22

(see also Ministries) Cabinet, . ........... Cagoulards (see Pressure Groups) Canton
tnder 3rd

Republic ......... ..21,33

e.........

Front Pays.n (see Rightist Pressure Groups) Gauche Revolutionnaire (see Socialists) Gringoire............... .0...... Group. "Collaboration" (see Rightist Pressure Groups)
Intendants,......o..o....o..e.2

.47

since

.......

..........33

Catholic church ............. 10,53,71 Chamber of' Deputies ....4,5,6,7,8,9 .. Chantiers (youth) .............67,68 Chef' de cabinet ...... .......... ... 28
Chief' of' State ....... ......... *...1

Henriot, Philippe ................. 44 Hitler-Stalin Pact.......... ..

e....5L

Jeunesses Patriotes (see Rightist Pressure Groups) Judicial districts (see Special Units)

Comite des Forges (see Pressure Groups) Commissaires dui Pouvoir....... ....27 Coimmission departmentale...... .30,31

Labor

Unions...... o*~*.........63

La Fierte de France (see Rightist Pressure Groups) Lebrun, Albert... .................13 Legion (see Para.military Formations) Legion des Volontaires Francais (see Para-Military Formation) Legislature, national.... ....... 4,9 Liberation (see Underground)

Communes.......,..............e7,27
(see Lyon; Marseille; Paris) Communications districts (see Special Units) Communists (see Political Parties) Compagnons de France.... ,....,.0068 Compulsory military service ..... ,...3 Conseil General...... l,.7.,29.3O.33104

Ligue Francaise...............48
Local government....
0000000..0.34

Conseil National............ 1
Council of' French
Resistance.........54,5,57

under the 3rd Republic..........34 since 1940...,....o.........,.36

Lyon...... ........000000000000.36,39 Manin, Loi... .......... 4 Marseil.............. ...... 39

Council of' Ministers.....,.....l14,l5 Council of' State........ .. l6,2l,25

Count

of'

Pr.............00.60,61

Croix de Feu0 ......... (see also Progres Social Francais)

Deat, Marcel.......0

e.5

Maurras, Charles..e. .*e.oo. Milice Francaise

(see Para-military

0.4 ,0556

Formations)

-94-

Wco Military regions (see Special Units) Monarchist movement (see Royalist Right) Municipal councillo::'s,,..,.....37,38 (see also Communes) National Collectivism (see Rightist Pressure Groups) National Revolutionary Militia (see Para-Military Formations) Naturalization.o..,..oooo,,,3 Naval districts (see Special Units) Para-Military Formations,. . ...47 ,53 e Anti-Bolshevik Lein,....,,5 Legion.......o., , o0,o,.,,e oo, 43 National Revolutionary Militia, ,5 Tricolor Legion ............ ,...56 Parti Populaire Francais..0,,,)6,47 Personnel (see Employees) Police districts (see Special Units) Political. Parties,.,...,.,.,4l-eo!3 the Centero...e.......43h44

nt

.
Royalist

Right......,00...4906
...60,61 6
7,23
Simon,.,e...........o..47

Action Francase.,,...,.. .. ,....60

Monarchist Movement,...

Sabiana,

SMaries.,,.... .eo..e.o.. ...

Secretaire

general,...

..

e......

Service ds0rdre (see Para-Military Formations) Services (see Ministries)

Socialits,06,,e~o~eo~~eo.

1
e.49

Solidarite Francaise (see Rightist Pressure Groups) Special Units ,........eee.4 S tavisky affair,.,,..,,,.....,..,.e9 Third International,..,,. ,,... Treveneuc law,,,,,,,4,,..,,,,.0..2 Tricolor Legion
(see

Para-Military Formations)
.. ,,.....

Underground.,,,,. .,''''.6....1,5, 72
Franc-Tireur..,,,,e,,,4...75

Guerillas...,.,.,,
newspapers,

Liberation,........,e... ... 74 Liberation Francaise.,,...,,,,.73

... ,,...505,5,77

Villiers, Georges...,....,...9..43 Youth Movements...,.....,., 66-72

mnor parties.. ,.,.....oe5 the Right....,...,,.,.,oo.....43

(see also Royalist Right) Popular Front,... ,....,0.4,15 Prefect.......,.,..e...20,26,28,30 Prefecture de la Seine..,.,..,,29
President..... 0e,...le00,ll,12 ..

Pressure Groups..... ,............6

Forges ......... e..9,57 Francais..e..,.47 Projets de loi,.,.,.,,,...,,,,,,,.7

Comite des

Progres Social

Propositions delo,,,. Railway administration (see Special Units) Rassemblement National Reynaud, Paul.,,,.,. ......
*.44

... 7

Rightist Pressure Groups........,..61 Amicale de France.,,,,.,,..e.62

La Fierte de France....,,,,..,.,63 Front Paysan.,.,,.e...,....662 Groupe "Collaboration' ,,,..e. 61

Jeunesses Patriotes..,..,,,6e2 National Collectivism.....,....,.62

Solidarite Francais,. de la Rocque, .o,
2

,..0,6

Rights of Man, Declaration of,,..,,l

.. ,...e. *

~e .e48

4--4818oA~c.