In this essay I discuss the nature of Karl Marx’s historical materialism and
evaluate his philosophy in terms of modern day examples. While Marx was right
about many things, including the tendency of capitalists to exploit workers in his time
and to this day, I argue that he did not adequately take into account the political and
Throughout the essay I use several examples to support the importance of political
psychology, political aspirations, etc. In the end I use China as an example to show
prove certain aspects of Marx’s philosophy, and disprove other aspects of Marx’s
historical materialism.
During the 19th century, laborers worked in squalid conditions for subsistence
wages. A great question of that time was how society would react to labor
exploitation, and what political processes would be devised to ensure that the poor
were taken care of. To this day, in many places such as parts of China and Africa, this
question still exists. The conditions of extreme labor exploitation led Karl Marx (1818
able to produce. The rise of China and the growth of popular culture in the United
States show, however, that his use of historical materialism and reliance on economic
circumstances, particularly the conditions of the laborer, to explain the inevitable rise
shown that the economic condition of mankind is one of several factors that influence
history.
development between human societies and modes of production. Marx derives his
authority in being able to forecast the future rise of communism based on the
the tension between social classes. To establish this tension, Marx begins with the
basic idea that humans create commodities and their means of subsistence through a
combination of nature and human labor, which he defines as the mode of production.
Marx observes that the division of labor, however, is unequal—which results in the
division of social classes. Inherent conflict exists between the economic base and the
social superstructure of society when the modes of production develop more rapidly
evolves when an emerging class overcomes the dominant class and creates a new
Following Marx’s theory, there have been several historical stages of economic
development which have led to new superstructures of society: tribal society, ancient
society, feudalism, and capitalism. Marx states that each superstructure was adapted
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to fit the new economic conditions of that time. In Marx’s theory of socio-economics,
capitalism divides human labor between the work force and those who own the means
of production. Those who own the means of production have acquired the role of
masters, and those who provide human labor serve as slaves. The relationship
between master and slave is shaped by the capitalist social superstructure that keeps
order in society and allows the current economic condition to persist. The capitalist
superstructure, Marx asserts, will fall when the next reforms to modes of production
are made.
Economy, Marx states that “The bourgeois mode of production is the last antagonistic
form of the social process of production – antagonistic not in the sense of individual
antagonism but of an antagonism that emanates from the individuals' social conditions
of existence – but the productive forces developing within bourgeois society create
also the material conditions for a solution of this antagonism.”1 Therefore, the rise of
tensions within the rules of capitalist society itself, not of the people who comprise
capitalist society. Furthermore, in The German Ideology, Marx states that millions of
“excluded” proletariats and communists will, in time, lead a revolution in which to force
1
This quote is derived from a Marxist online database of Marx’s writings. The website sources K.
Marx’s A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1977
http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1859/critique-pol-economy/preface.htm
2
Marx, Karl The German Ideology Norton The Marx Engels Reader, Second Edition Page 168
reads “Thus if millions of proletarians feel by no means contented with their living conditions, if their
“existence” does not in the least correspond to their “essence,” then, according to the passage
quoted, this is an unavoidable misfortune, which must be borne quietly. The millions of proletarians
and communists, however, think differently and will prove this in time, when they bring their
“existence” into harmony with their “essence” in a practical way, by means of a revolution.”
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assumption. First, Marx assumes that proletariats are excluded from society and that
their interests are mutually excludable from those of the “bourgeoisie” and the
cultural, and other incidental and/or spontaneous events in human history that do not
Marx’s idea that the proletariats are excluded from society and that their
interests are mutually excludable from those of the capitalist can be explored in part
six of Marx’s Capital, Volume 1, where Marx discusses how capitalists exploit workers
through unpaid labor and conceal exploitation under the guise of paying wages. In
effect, once the laborer is hired by the capitalist for a period of time, the worker no
longer owns his labor-power. Marx states that “as soon as his labour actually begins,
it has already ceased to belong to him; it can therefore no longer be sold by him.
Labour is the substance, and the immanent measure of value, but it has no value
itself.”3 In this manner, the capitalist can exploit the worker by deriving more value
from his laborer during the working day than the capitalist pays the worker.
As the value of labour is only an irrational expression for the value of labour-power, it follows
of course that the value of labour must always be less than its value-product, for the
capitalist always makes labour-power work longer than is necessary for the reproduction of
its own value. In the above example, the value of the labour-power that functions through 12
hours is 3 shillings, which requires 6 hours for its reproduction. The value which the labour-
power produces is however 6 shillings, because it in fact functions during 12 hours, and its
value-product depends, not on its own value, but on the length of time it is in action.4
In this example, the capitalist pays three shillings for an entire day’s labor that creates
six shillings worth of value. To Marx, the idea that labor-value could create six
shillings of wealth and yet only be worth three shillings is an absurd contradiction
subsequent chapters that the surplus profits of the capitalist who underpays their
3
Marx, Karl Capital, Volume One Penguin Classics Part 6 Chapter 19 Page 677
4
Marx, Karl Capital, Volume One Penguin Classics Part 6 Chapter 19 Page 679 to 680
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laborers is used to maintain worker-laborer versus owner-operator class relations that
Modern theories on economics and modern examples conflict with the Marxist
view of labor exploitation and capital accumulation. First of all, Marx’s theories on the
breed two classes in modern society and that their interests conflict: the low-paid
worker class and a smaller upper-echelon of individuals who own the means of
production. In the United States, this does not seem to be the case. Most households
currently occupy a decidedly middle area of the income spectrum. Marx doesn’t take
into account United States government policy that enhances its middle class, and the
rise of a white-collar professional class that was a relatively smaller sector of his 19th
Century European experience. Furthermore, Marx doesn’t take into the account the
benefits of capitalist re-investment into society. By raising the amount of goods and
able to raise the living standard of everyone in society. In essence, as the saying
goes, a rising tide lifts all boats. There are also many examples of rich capitalists
such as Bill and Melinda Gates, Rockefeller, and Warren Buffett, who re-invested their
riches not only in capital development, but also directly in society itself.
be intertwined in many ways. Most directly, the interests of a company and its
workforce can be merged through employee stock options. A real-life example of this
can be seen in the case of Bonnie Brown, who was Google’s in-house masseuse but
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who is now a multi-millionaire because of her Google stock options5. Therefore, the
an elite class that excludes the proletariat. Furthermore, most workers in the United
States who have a retirement account, or who own a brokerage account, have (and
are currently) invested in corporations and are thereby directly affected by corporate
growth and profits. Secondly, and this is especially true in the modern state,
companies are increasingly competing for skilled employees. With the proliferation of
public schools and the increased availability of colleges since Marx’s time, access to
these jobs and demand for these skilled employees are at its highest at any point in
history. Thirdly, Marx doesn’t take into account the psychological relationship between
the bourgeoisie and the proletariat in instances where the proletariat’s goals may be
similar to that of the bourgeoisie. In some cases, a number of proletariats may come
to identify with the bourgeoisie and similarly desire the continuation of capitalism in the
hopes of one day owning the factory that he/she works in, which is possible in our fluid
society. These psychological implications are more complex than Marx details in his
philosophical texts. Finally, un-skilled employees are able to resort to unions and
government in order to address their needs so that they are not entirely excluded to
the degree that Marx implies. Companies may even offer perks and higher wages
preemptively in order to prevent their employees from organizing, such as in the case
Marx would correctly point out, however, that even in light of these
circumstances there is still a vast income inequality between the richest members of
5
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/12/technology/12google.html?_r=1&em&ex=1195016400&en=e5
d6c0dae476cfbe&ei=5087%0A&oref=slogin
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society compared to that of the poorest members of society—and that this disparity is
increasing. Another counter-argument is that the excluded proletariat does exist, if not
within the same country such as that of the United States or Japan or England, then it
revolution, however, it does not seem likely that the currently most advanced countries
such as Japan, United States, England, Germany, etc. are ready to move toward
governments have negated many of the needs of the proletariats to revolt. In this
case, Marx might have been right about the tendency of the capitalist to take
advantage of the lower classes and increase their wealth, but his solution may be too
extreme. United States and Western European history has shown this to be the case
(so far), because they have resorted to shaping social policy to help the proletariat
rather than switch from a capitalist society to a socialist society. These are the very
states that Marx believed would lead the change toward communism because of the
great labor exploitation of his time. Then again, it is true that there are companies that
are still known to be exploitative in their labor policies, a prominent example would be
Wal-Mart. Even in the case of Wal-Mart, however, the company has responded to
widespread negative criticisms and has started offering more perks and health care to
its workforce.
Marx argues on another level that the alienation of workers from society also
exists fundamentally when humans sell their labor and are consequently removed
from their labor-product. In conceding this point to Marx (some jobs are undeniably
dull), I would argue that the effects of worker alienation has been lessened through
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the development of popular culture since Marx’s time. While workers may be
alienated from their labor, after work and on weekends laborers have the opportunity
to pursue their hobbies and interests, or partake in social mass culture as an outlet for
creativity. Furthermore, especially in countries such as the United States, typically its
majority of its citizens, earn a living that supports some luxury. That is to say, most
people have a television, access to a computer, access to books, and social clubs and
organizations, etc. that allow them to enjoy life and these luxuries negate some of the
need for revolution. Even citizens who cannot afford these luxuries in the United
States are able to access them through public services such as libraries, affordable
states that it is the economic condition of man that determines man’s social
process of social, political and intellectual life. It is not the consciousness of men that
determines their existence, but their social existence that determines their
should not have led to the People’s Revolution in the 20th Century. Rather, the poor
economic conditions of the Chinese at the beginning of the 20th Century should
logically, in Marx’s linear historical development theory, first lead to capitalism and
then to communism. China, however, skips capitalism and moves right into
communism. How and why did this happen? There is a strong argument that political
influences helped China make the leap to capitalism. Even though the country has
6
This quote is derived from a Marxist online database of Marx’s writings. The website sources K.
Marx’s A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, Progress Publishers, Moscow 1977
http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1859/critique-pol-economy/preface.htm
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largely switched to a capitalist economy, the Communist Party is still the primary
political party of modern China. While this example may prove that Marx
underestimated the role that political aspirations of people such as Mao Zedong may
play in the making of human history; China’s failure as a communist state is evidence
supporting Marx’s theory that states need to move to a proper level of productive
capacity only available to capitalists, before successfully moving onto the communist
stage. Regardless, it has been shown that political and cultural influences, shaped in