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Urban

Morphology
A Dichotomy Between Conservation & Transformation

Word Count: 10,596 Words

Farida Farag

A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the MSc Building and Urban Design in Development 5th of September 2011 Development Planning Unit University College London

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YOUR NAME: Farida Farag MSC PROGRAMME: Building and Urban Design in Development SIGNATURE: DATE: 5th of September 2011

Table of Content
1.0

List of Figures Acknowledgements Abstract Introduction Understanding Urban Form


Urban Form as Spatial Text Body and Space Experience

iv v vi 7 9
9 12

2.0
2.1 2.2

3.0
3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6

Between Conservation and Transformation


Power: How It Manifests Land as Commodity Heritage as Commodity Identity as Commodity Time as Morphogenetic Conclusion

15
16 18 18 19 20 24

4.0
4.1 4.2 4.3

Case of Contested Cairo


Period of Colonialism Period of Socialism Period of Neoliberalism

26
28 30 34

5.0

Conclusion References and Bibliography

38 40

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List of Figures
Figure 1: Land-use of Birmingham in 1995 of the Edwardian fringe b elt. Figure 2: V iew north towards the city center of Birmingham across part of the Edwardian fringe b elt. 12 22 28 29 30

Figure 3: Ismails Cairo 1869-1870, view of the n ew city west of old city. Figure 4: Contrast b etween Cairo and Paris Hausmannian Town Plans. Figure 5: Cairo in 1993, with Ismails city in the center, showing expansions and city boundaries of successive generations. Figure 6: Mugamaa in Tahrir Square. Figure 7: Greater Cairo, showing new settlements a nd new cities expanding into peripheral locations. Figure 8: Housing Estate in 6th of October City.

31 34

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Acknowledgements
This has been a great challenging experience, which wouldnt have been possible if it werent for the people that have supported me throughout this year. I would like to thank all the DPU associates for this great opportunity and valuable experience. Special thanks to Dr. Camillo Boano for his great support and valuable feedback during this dissertation and throughout this entire year. I would also like to thank my parents and my brother for their continuous love, support and inspiration. I wouldnt be here if it werent for them. Last but not least, I would like to thank my BUDD colleagues who have become my family this past year. I am grateful for all the good and stressful times we have shared both in London and in Bangkok.

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Abstract
The urban realm is a powerful educational technique and space for investing with cultural ideology. However it is a space for socio-spatial conflict pushing cities against organic growth creating gaps and

fragmentations in the understanding of space. This paper will discuss the use of urban morphology as a method to contextualizing the complexity of urban form to illustrate how physical, social and symbolic configurations developed through time. It will illustrate how this historico- geographic approach can highlight growing tensions, and drive conservation initiatives promoting socio-spatial integration and cultural identity. The case of Cairo will be used contrasting three different time periods to illustrate how these tensions manifested in urban space through history and contributed to a growing socio-spatial divide and fragmented national identity.

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change.

Alexander

further

describes

Introduction
If a place can be defined as relational, historical and concerned with identity, then a space which cannot be defined as relational or historical, or concerned with identity will be a non-place (Auge, 1996 cited in Dovey, 1999, p.50). The urban realm is a product of layers of successive generations leaving traces

modern development as destruction with change, as it does not consider the creation of wholeness and rather creates incoherent townscape elements leading to chaos (1987). This mode of d evelopment displaces people from social space into a hierarchical social structure, treating past and existing townscapes as wastage. The urban realm therefore becomes a location for socio- spatial conflict over the use, function and meaning of space, where the new meaning is the absence of meaning based on experience (Castells 2003a, 2003b).

embedded in the urban fabric. As it frames the construct of meaning, which we read as spatial text (Dovey, 1999), it acts as a document holding h istoric value of a certain society in geography and time. Those palimpsests are important for a wider understanding of urban space, as it represents the process of the production of space driven by social patterns in history. Blaut explains space as a relation between events or an aspect of events, and thus bound to time and process (cited in Madanipour, 1996, p.6). However, to what degree are these processes considered in urban development? As some undergo partial or complete redevelopment, urban heritage is subject for removal, loss or distortion, as other forces govern urban

Consequently, a huge gap emerges that hinders the u nderstanding of space. Lefebvre highlights the importance of a dynamic view of urban space to address urban change by integrating a time dimension into the process of spatial change, rather than only focusing on a particular place or a single moment in this process (Lefebvre, 1991 cited in

Madanipour, 2006, p. 174). As this offers a holistic understanding of space, it defines space in terms of its historic process. The following chapters will consider a historico- geographical approach underlying the importance of integrating time to a socio- spatial process. According to Madanipour, it is integrating time and process that

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unleashes the gaps and fragmentations that hinder the understanding of space ( 1996). As cities are seen as organisms, urban morphology is the study of the mutation of form over time. It is the study of the evolutionary process of the urban realm, where social patterns develop form and construct meaning thats deeply embedded in cultural tradition (Moudon, 1997). It contextualizes the complexity of urban form, while highlighting the growing tensions that molded todays cities. In addition to being used as a tool to explore the descriptive and analytical realm of urban form, it provides insight into the normative realm for a cohesive and continuous city that builds upon its own successions rather than recreating rootless urban spaces (Vance, 1990). This framework acts as a basis of conservation initiatives, where future development uses past as a reference point to emphasize the

psychological need to belong in time and space, while enhancing the interaction between body and space for socially and culturally integrative townscapes. Finally, this paper will use contrasting cases to illustrate how these growing tensions manifest in the urban form, creating gaps and fragmentations in urban space.


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contextualizing the process of formative growth, successions, transformations,

Understanding Urban Form


During the life of any society in fixed geographical location its past and present experiences thoughts actions and behavior patterns and aspirations accumulate to form the distinctive heritage of its spiritual possessions. It influences its actions as a particular society in a particular place or region constituting an important historical factor (Conzen 2004, p.39). According to M.R.G Conzen, layers of different periods in time turn townscapes into palimpsests of past societies that have left their morphological record embedded in urban form. However, these urban documents are constantly replaced by modernizing efforts and thus lose interpretation through time (2004). As he explains the importance of reading heritage, his attempts to study urban spaces and the forces that contributed to its production are based on this historico- geographical approach to physical form, where his main focus of his analysis is morphogenetic, highlighting major physical and social transformations over time (Conzen, 1981a). This approach focuses on

cycles, decays, catastrophes, and shifting functions (Kropf, 2001). Conzen further highlights that a formative process cannot be adequately investigated without

considering the town plan, building fabric, and land-use patterns, as they form a holistic understanding of urban growth (2004). In addition, these townscape aspects highlight the contrast between planned and unplanned growth, establish a body and space relationship that enhances well-being, reflect the genius loci, and finally illustrate social patterns in space as they manifest in the urban realm and govern social behavior (2004). This approach therefore aims to find physical and spatial cues from the built townscape to explore physical, social and symbolic configurations over time, which will be explored in the following s ections.

Urban Form as Spatial Text


According to Conzen, the character of the place created as a product of time and people is reflected upon the town and forms layers of historical eras or

palimpsests of successive generations (2004; Larkham, 2005). Urban morphology

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focuses most of its analysis on direct observation of the urban realm through analyzing existing geographical town plan, existing building fabric, and land utilization patterns in a hierarchical sense, which Conzen originated in his study of British Cities (2004). These townscape aspects contribute to a wider understanding of the complexity of urban form. By tracing the interaction between these elements and social patterns, this section aims to illustrate how spatial configurations

rather than individual elements that create incoherent spaces. Looking at Conzens townscape features highlights the

contrasting difference between a planned and un-planned processes that formed the physical, social and symbolic realm of the townscape. This contrast therefore aims to understand the forces that pushed the urban realm into certain directions of change through time, as each period adapted to conditions based on its formative growth. Second, the building fabric renders building patterns of townscapes, which set the character of the place and represent national heritage. These building types reflect age, economic and social history of the urban community and represent the established culture that had evolved through many years and after many geographical layers. It is the geographical result of changes caused by functional processes in the towns history and represents a distinct aspect of dynamic morphology (Conzen 1981b, p.62).

develop through time. First, the importance of the existing geographical town plan, thats distinct form the intended town plan, is to highlight the complexity and limitations that a planned town plan brings to organic growth (Whitehand, 1981). It focuses on four complex elements: the site, the streets and their street system, the plots and their plot pattern, and the building arrangement within these patterns. These aspects are the basis of Conzens morphological study, as they are subject to direct observation. Some elements are grouped into plan units or tissues forming a cohesive whole, due to their common process of transformation in common time periods (Moudon, 1997). This h owever suggests that a holistic growth is reliant on the development of plan units

Thereby, urban fabric is a product of time and social interaction with the

environment, as it develops according to desired social functions. Kropf introduces the concept of phylogenetic change as involving the evolution of function as a

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result of human interaction with their environment and their response to d ifferent stimulus in their surroundings (2001). The typological process Kropf describes

The third townscape aspect is land use patterns, which investigates change in use of space patterns on different scales, as they influence townscapes in relation to land value. The analysis is also devoted to studying land use patterns, geographical and economic conditions that are responsible for the creation of urban fringe belts or fixation lines (Whitehand, 1987). Fringe belts are a product of slow process of town stretching related to land values, topographical or geographical obstacles to housing development, or a decline in construction. These extensions allocated new land use zones for industrial, residential or commercial use, which represented former peripheral urban uses (Conzen 1981b; Whitehand, 1987, 2005). Whitehand d evoted much of h is research to the formation of fringe belts and the disconnect they fabricate in the urban realm bringing s evere physical limitations to current urban growth, as they enclose or border later development separating old from n ew.

illustrates how people are responsible for change of functional needs, which leads to change of form, as form follows function (Madanipour, 1996). In each morphogenetic period, the functions and roles of the city are adapted from one model to another. For example in a medieval model, the form of the city adapted towards that specific framework and generated building types that served specific social functions. A building type implies that it carries a common shared conception repeatedly following a particular form that is culturally and traditionally driven (Kropf, 2001). This form is then replicated throughout history and adjusted as a response to previous interactions between body and space. Therefore, buildings today are an evolution of an earlier form that was readjusted according to developing functions, which are products of culturally imbedded interactions (Dovey, 1999), reflecting social cultural identity. Thus, studying the building fabric aims to explore the symbolic meaning thats reflected in urban structure as a product of social and geographical

conditions leading to current form.


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to constitute and transform social reality (Lefebvre, 1971 cited in Dovey, 1999, p .46). Therefore urban form has powerful symbolic meaning, as it strengthens the relationship between people and their environments and evokes deep feeling (Alexander, 1987). However, the loss of a historical association and a fragmentation of form and time can produce a lost, replaced, or distorted understanding of space (Dovey, 1999). Urban morphology studies the evolution of form through time, to contextualize social and symbolic Figure 1: Land-use of Birmingham in 1995 of the
Edwardian fringe belt. By W hitehand 2004

configuration. As the use of urban morphology justifies authenticity of urban form and aspects that enhance social well- being, it highlights the importance of history in the urban realm. Whitehand defines the historical townscape as holding practical, intellectual, and aesthetic values (1987), which relies on the body and space relationship. First, the physical form has practical utility. It is used to give people a sense of orientation, as identifying localities d epends on our mental map and capacity to function spatially. Urban form frames everyday life guiding behavior and use of space. Without the ability to form a mental map of a place, it is easy to feel disconnected and lost (Lynch, 1960). As Kevin Lynch has d escribed,

This spatial disconnect emerges from changing social patterns that demand new land-use patterns following functional growth. Therefore space is governed by social patterns, while urban form is governed by functional purpose embedded in cultural tradition.

Body and Space Experience


As previously mentioned, the relationship between urban form and people is the social experience that constructs symbolic meaning and value to the urban realm. Urban form is a social mirror, which helps

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urban forms are not only combinations of materials, volumes, colors and heights, they are uses, flows, perceptions, mental associations, systems of representations whose significance changes with time, cultures, and social groups (1960 cited in Castells, 2003, p.25). He describes the basic elements of the city as paths, edges, districts, nodes, and landmarks (1960), which is a base for a constructed mental map of a certain city that makes it more legible and permeable, since the sense of orientation depends greatly on the capacity to recognize and identify localities. It helps enhance understanding of space, as it emerges from action (Dovey 1999). However an individual needs to feel that they belong not only in space but also in time, where looking back in to the past better informs looking forward (Larkham, 1996). Urban form therefore serves the need to know citys past as reference point (Lowenthal, 1985), as historical townscapes provide symbols of stability and a visual confirmation of the past. Second, the physical form has intellectual value. It functions as a historical document, a palimpsest on which successive historical periods have left their trace of

everyday interaction, and therefore shapes a multi layered interpretive image by different groups in society. It also strengthens the experiential value, which signifies the importance of the interaction between society and space (Larkham, 2010). It places society on a timeline of an evolving societal history, by means of a strong visual experience of the mixture of different period styles narrating the history of the place. The physical artifacts of history teach observers about landscapes, people, events and values of the past, giving substance to the cultural memory (Lewis, 1975 cited in Larkham,). It also invites interpretation where written records of past historical events are lacking (Conzen, 2004). Furthermore, historical townscapes are important to society as a wider emotional experience, as it stabilizes group identities through preserving the physical form with its culturally educative value. Although urban form holds different meaning for different groups of people, the meaning of architecture is both individual and collective, as it suggests that the built environment can be important for stabilizing group identities (Hubbard 1993, p.366). Third, the physical form has aesthetic value. Cullen describes the city as a dramatic

morphological record (Conzen, 2004). Urban form invites interpretation through

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event in the environment, a gathering of people who create a collective surplus of enjoyment and a gathering of buildings that can collectively give visual pleasure (1971 cited in Madanipour, 1996, p.47). Features such as churches and castles stimulate and have a powerful visual impact. The quality of the environment and its attraction in character, also defined as the Genius Loci, offers a psychological sense of well-being (Larkham, 2010). Conzen highlighted the importance of capturing the citys genius loci and its unique mnemonic powers as cultural palimpsests, which are embedded in the urban fabric as a product of the successes and failures of past societies (2004). Urban morphology is an approach to study the development of form through time as a product of social patterns. It contextualizes the complexity of urban form through direct observation of townscape aspects,

confirming cultural belonging to a wider society placed on a historical timeline. As some studies suggest that the

strengthening and experiential values of urban form can persist in the absence of form (Larkham, 2010), the lack of a direct relationship between form and people disturbs social balance and disconnects urban form from its powerful symbolic meaning. Therefore the body and space relation is responsible for the production of meaning, which is influenced as this urban form is altered. As meaning varies from those that are unique to individuals, those that are shared between similar socio- cultural backgrounds, and those that are shared globally (Rapoport cited in Hubbard, 1993), people assign functions and s ymbolic meaning through human agreement (Madanipour, 2003), as well as through social conflict (Castells, 2003a). According to Castells, urban design is the symbolic attempt to express the citys urban meaning in the urban fabric, however urban realms are contested with the multiplicity of aims reflecting a conflict in the use, function and meaning of space. The following s ection will explore the conflicts emerging through this multiplicity as they manifest in the built form, affecting the body and space relationship.

contrasting the planned and un-planned configurations as they take place in urban space. The urban realm is therefore s een as a manuscript that consists of physical, s ocial and symbolic configurations evolving

through time. Through the interaction between body and space, symbolic meaning is constructed as a product of palimpsests or historic layers in the urban realm

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dominant class. The urban fabric is therefore in constant redefinition as human action towards a specific mode of development expresses the interest of the particular agents of change (Castells, 2003b). However, according to Alexander, cities grow organically towards a creation of wholeness (1987), where development should be in continuation of past societies, responding to the existing anatomy of the urban realm to generate new extensions (Strike, 1994). As urban morphology studies the anatomy of urban form, it h ighlights the gaps and fragmentations created as urban tensions drive cities a gainst organic growth. Amid the urban design pressure between

Between Conservation & Transformation


The basic dimension in urban change is the conflictive debate between social classes and historical actors over the meaning of urban, the significance of spatial forms in the social structure, and the context hierarchy, and destiny of cities in relationship to the entire social structure (Castells 2003a, p.1)

According to Castells, urban design is the symbolic attempt to express meaning in urban form based on a collective shared conception of the collective urban experience. However, he further argues that cities are shaped through social conflicts with destructive implications on the physical fabric, social patterns and symbolic value. They are conflicts over the definition of use, function and meaning of space arising from the variety of different needs, interests, and goals in a city (2003a). Conflicts over the understanding of space and its function are mediated into the urban fabric, as urban form frames spaces based on contextual interests of the

conservation and transformation, the main social conflict is between land and property exploitation for capital gain versus art, aesthetic and historical appreciation (Larkham, 1996). However in contested space, urban fabric reflects the meaning of the dominant class holding prominent power to impact the forces of urban change and design decisions, where a capital mode of production becomes dominant (Castells, 2003b). Consequently, land, heritage and identity are commodified, which according to Karl Marx, is a process of placing a natural or labored good in the economic realm to satisfy human wants for the exchange value of its use (Shultz, 1993).

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These are objectified and treated as commodities transforming the significance of their use, function and meaning. The following s ections will illustrate this process as its manifested in the urban realm, transforming townscape aspects into

space and understanding of its implication. One form of power is force, as it deprives part of society from choice. This form is mediated through the concept of enclaves, walls, fences, or security cameras, which implies that some underprivileged are excluded from use of that space, as it p laces them under conditions of surveillance (1999). The use of space is therefore limited and controlled as spatial boundaries segregate to wall some people in while keeping others out (UN-Habitat 2001, cited in Singermann and Amar, 2006, p.11). This form of power over justifies superiority over controlled subjects, forcing compliance in urban and social space. Coercion is a threat of force through intimidation, where power is manifested in peoples conception of urban form (Dovey, 1999). However it is an indirect force, as it leads people to voluntarily comply through symbolic spatial order. In the built form it is manifested through spatial domination and intimidation, where form is exaggerated in scale belittling surrounding forms (1999). The symbolic meaning is manipulated to legitimize intimidation and conduct certain behavioral patterns. Public monuments are commonly used to impose social order, as they hold powerful symbolism

commodities, and governing the direction of urban growth.

Power: How It Manifests


As built forms have practical value in providing a sense of orientation through constructing a mental map, it also controls social behavior and use of space. Dovey analyzes here the built form as it frames places as a means to mediate, construct and reproduce power, where frame is a context rather than a tool for representing spatial text. This suggests that form is produced to serve a certain interest controlled by people with power, which Dovey remarks as the interest of people in empowerment and freedom, the interest of the state in social order, and the private corporate interest in stimulating

consumption (1999, pp.1). He considers forms of power manifested in the built form, such as force, coercion, manipulation, seduction, and authority, which alter and mediate social behavior in their use of

communicated through their historic and

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aesthetic value. On the other hand, urban form induces another form of

image of society thats driven by power holders. The perception of aesthetics, which is subjective and offers a sense of well- being (Larkham, 2010), however is

organizational spaces, which today is enforced by zoning laws, land-use patterns and building codes. It mediates space allowing for certain programmed action, while excluding others (Dovey, 1999). Certain activities can be conducted in certain types of spaces such as areas dedicated to economic activity. Thereby exchange value is gained through use of that programmed space. Manipulation is another form of power that relies on the ignorance of participants, where they are forced into a behavioral structure in the urban realm resembling free choice (Dovey, 1999). People are disconnected from the public realm and social space, however unaware of the force behind this fragmentation. As Larkham highlights the psychological n eed to belong somewhere in space and time (1996, p.6), Dovey further traces the manipulation of the sense of orientation and history as a force to maintain ignorance and insure compliance. As manipulative force controls behavior through social displacement, seduction manipulates and transforms peoples interests and self-identity (1999). Urban meaning is fabricated into an imagined desire, thus reflecting a distorted

manipulated into a fabricated perceived image that is disconnected from reality. Finally, force of authority is associated with institutional societal structure, which legitimacy is associated with its duty to serve public interest in return of recognition and unquestioned compliance (Dovey, 1999). As built form s ymbolizes stability, the meanings it carries through institutionally embedded symbols are validated and justified as symbols of social structure. According to Barnes, they have the power to affirm violence and wealth as the base of power at the same time as they affirm friendship and solidarity (1988 cited in Dovey, 1999, pp.12). All these different forms of power manifested in urban realm remove the possibility of resistance by society, and according to Lefebvre are concealed under the guise of innocence and transparency. Use of space is framed, constructing illusions of freedom hidden through spatial representations (1991 cited in Dovey, 1999, p.46). Ignorance is maintained, while identity in social space is manipulated in

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accordance to the powerful few as the mold todays cities. As the urban tensions unfold, a dichotomy exists between conserving the past as intrinsic value and the need for

and street system (Levy, 1999). With growing densities in cities, new space is designated or programmed for specific function, where the exchange value of space is the return on the allocation of residential and commercial use areas. Through the use of global trends, such as housing enclaves, shopping malls, and corporate towers, places integrate in a global property market (Dovey, 1999). Public spaces, which Madanipour (1996) justifies as promoting unity as people carry out common activities in a common social space, is replaced by vast open spaces reserved for new economic bases, such as shopping malls, business parks and parking

development (Nasser, 2003). The following sections will illustrate these tensions, as urban design reflects the interests of the dominant class, where financial interests dominate over cultural values (Singermann, 2009).

Land as Commodity
Commodifying land is the process of capital accumulation and profiting from the sale of land (Vance, 1990). Rising land values driven by economic forces limits

lots. Streets are also transformed into highways, contributing to the

despatialization of activities in the public sphere reducing cultural significance of the social space to a programmed spatial function for specialized behavior.

possibilities for conservation, as arguments over maintenance costs of historical buildings are claimed to b e exceedingly high while having no profitable capital gain. Therefore wholesale destruction takes place by modern planners overlooking cultural, historical and developmental influences (Conzen, 2004). Plots are divided into construction zones and planning sectors owing to land consolidation, thus losing urban forms structuring role and relationship with corresponding open space

Heritage as Commodity
The process of land exploitation for capital gain is driven by forces of globalization, where land is d isplaced in the global market to establish a universal identity thats recognized globally. As heritage is defined as history processed through mythology,

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ideology, nationalism, local pride, or romantic ides, it is also processed through plain marketing into a commodity

Madanipour argues that the image of city becomes a means of product

differentiation, as cities compete globally. Thereby urban space is stripped of its emotional and cultural value, and treated as a commodity (1996, 2006), rather than as a collective possession, as global cultural industries dominate (Nasser, 2003).

(Schouten, 1995 cited in Larkham, 1996, p.14). This process of heritage

commodification or tourism is a process of city promotion and legitimization. According to Harvey, authenticity of space is legitimized and accentuated as its p laced in the global commodity culture (1996). He further discusses that the image of the city becomes an important aspect in the competitive global space. The identity and heritage of place is thus exploited and treated as brand-new infrastructureto convey a completely different image that appeals to a wide range of better-off potential (Madanipour visitors 2006, and p.181). investors Thereby,

Identity as Commodity
Madanipour argues that design is a sign of social status and aesthetic taste (2006). As heritage becomes a global icon, a conservation pattern towards elite

architecture emerges representing biased national identity. Therefore, theres a rising stigma of the subjectivity of the perception of space with the accusation of elitism in the conservation initiatives (Hayden, 1995; Hubbard, 1993; Nasser, 2003; Larkham, 1996; Vance, 1990). The practice of urban conservation was initially led by intellectual elite societies, who have sufficient amount of capital to invest and thus designate the elite portion of architectural past, such as mansions and rich buildings designed by famous architects. Therefore the conserved townscape acts as a representation of dominant class national identity and focuses on individual buildings rather than

identity is objectified for the purpose of its exchange value. Ouf further argues that in response to this global attention to historically significant spaces, urban

designers direct their efforts to create tourist attractions (2001), rather than locally induced spaces. As h eritage is p laced in a global realm, on a local level residents are displaced and expelled from social space, which b ecomes reserved for tourists. Therefore preferred national imagery is accentuated, as the spirit of the place or genius loci is focused on tourist corridors.

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area-based. This landmark policy distorts the real past, exaggerates affluence and grandeur, and denigrates the present (Ganz, 1975 cited in Hayden, 1995, p.69). This only allows for the urban to reflect a preferred historical imagery that is not necessarily tied to a collective cultural identity, but creates more tension between dissenting groups and their conflicting ideologies (Hubbard, 1993; Larkham, 1996). The question of whose heritage is that of numerous critiques, as it is an

over time, the continuous transformation in relation to historically distinct periods is examined through each townscape element and its interaction with each other, as well as with society. This is also defined as the study of morphogenetics. The aim of this study introduced b y Conzen is to investigate the evolution of each townscape aspect, signifying urban growth through time, and comparing their evolution in parallel to contrasting time periods. In his study of British cities, Conzen suggested a division into three morphogenetic periods defined by major shifts in urban patterns, altering the morphology or organic evolution of space. As these d ivisions were largely based on evolutionary patterns of western societies (2004), this great shift in the west acted as global forces subsequently affecting third-world developing countries with a concentration of elites and decision makers finding new significance in a globalizing world ( Madanipour, 2006). Large Middle Eastern cities for example, are pushed towards patterns of modernization (Singerman, 2009) keeping up with international pressures, such as capitalized economies and trade. The following section will illustrate how Conzens morphogenetic periods took shape based on the agents and

objectivication of the social mind (Conzen, 2004) and therefore socially constructed. The notion of heritage is responsible for symbolizing anything inherited from the past forming layers in the urban realm to create the sense of place and represent urban identity. However, with the

domination of the ruling class heavy influencing the decision-making process, local cultures are displaced and therefore lose their local identities as urban form fails to represent obscure groups, usually from a lower social and income class (Larkham, 1996; Nasser, 2003).

Tensions as Morphogenetic
To understand the gaps and fragmentations in the urban realm that have accumulated

forces of change.

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The first period Conzen describes is the early phase of continuing colonial traditions of low density and weakly differentiated land-use structures (2004). This phase contributed greatly to the form and character of the place of todays cities, as early town p lans are established embedding colonial identity in the building fabric. As societies settled and adapted to the geographical conditions, means of capital accumulation, such as trade or resource of labor and capital were formed (Vance, 1990). These processes developed and became institutionalized, as the sale of goods, including land, b ecame the center of activities. Economic activities took place in the center of the city where all merchants got together to exchange goods or s ervices. Those are also called metropolitan areas, where production and consumption are centralized in this public spatial unit (Castells, 2003b). They were seen as nodes or lively enclosures in urban space that brought people together for various activities, which acted as infrastructure for social life (Madanipour, 2003). Madanipour further highlights its growing social significance as it promoted togetherness or collectivity of citizens carrying out certain common activities and expressing common functional needs in a shared social space (1996, 2003). It is thus used for public

celebrations, or for demonstrations and revolutions stabilizing group identities particularly in times of stress (Hubbard, 1993). Therefore, in addition to the economic and social significance, central collective spaces have had major political significance as they promoted unity and social strength, increasing possibility of resistance. The second is defined as a transitional phase of major central density increases, centrifugal and centripetal land-use sorting, and major experiments in new building forms (Conzen, 2004). In this period, locations central to the city became specialized according to the specific means of production and the interest of capital (Castells, 2003b) thus increasing central density inwards. Centripetal sorting established new uses and functions to existing central locations, while centrifugal extended the urban fabric outwards in search of new land-use units, which is also the process of fringe belt formation. In relation to the older built up town plans, land use units in peripheral locations are transformed into new functional bases forming a distinctive zone that separated older from younger 1987). developments Thereafter an

(Whitehand,

accumulation of late comers, such as

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religious institutions, community centers and industries contributed to the

continuous urban growth (1987). The change or expansion of uses and functions of cities governed mobility of the people, whether their migration is inward to the city to increase proximity to industries or outward as a form of urban extension or geographical integration. Conzen described this as an increase from small to large territorial units intending to diversify functional purposes in the metropolitan area (Conzen, 2004). With this horizontal expansion of the city in use and function, new residential units are established as high-income classes settle away from the center, contributing to a growing socio- spatial gap. However in other cases, some peripheral units are reserved for relocating low-income groups, while elites reclaim the city through urban regeneration and gentrification (Madanipour, 2003) towards a capitalist mode of production and commodification of the city (Castells, 2003b). The third is the period of transportation technology, which took a very important role in urban formation characterized by high density and residential segregation. This period is also characterized by the despatialization of social activities and lack of engagement with public collective space. Original form got little attention in design

continuous rapid expansion of the urban fringe belt around the older town with its wall as its ancient fixation line (Conzen, 1981a). These zones, according to

Whitehand, are characterized by scattered and disconnected patches with limited road network going through the fringe belt. Therefore, it is often forming a spatial boundary between historically distinct areas and relatively modern town plans, while completely neglecting the original plan of the city (1987).

Figure 2: View north towards the city center of Birmingham across part of the Edwardian fringe belt. Calthrope Estate 1985. By W hitehand 2004

Alexander explains this as part of an incoherent and fragmented planned

development with a superficial order. He further explains that this type of

development hinders a holistic and

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decisions of modern development and thus lost any historical association. The

of highways and motorways that would avoid these densely central spaces. The relationship between street and physical form has therefore disappeared as streets lacked any connectivity with urban form and social interaction (Madanipour, 1996). In contrast to the earlier morphogenetic periods, where streets were designed as shared communal spaces, today they have become reserved for a simple space for movement, killing the street as public space (Levy 1999, p .83). While in earlier periods the relationship between those elements established a holistic meaning and value of the urban fabric, this period created a disconnect between the body and space relationship, hindering any construct of symbolic meaning to take place. This resulted in a redefinition of the relationship between public and private space, bringing severe social consequences such as segregation, congregation and junction (Vance, 1990). Specialized activities that used to be carried out in public open spaces available for the general public have become exclusive to a limited clientele in a restricted area of specialization (Vance, 1990) defined by zoning laws, which according to

modernist planner favored vast open spaces for flexible use in contrast to historically created public spaces of the city. Modern development tackled the element of public space separate from corresponding built form or streetscape and therefore created unused spaces that had little or no connection with others in the city (Madanipour, 2003). Levy (1999) called this the freeing of the ground revolution, where the new urban elements are entirely autonomous, rather than d eveloped as plan units or tissues of a cohesive whole. Constructed space no longer corresponds to the plot. There is no longer a clear relation between one building and another, and between buildings and streets or open spaces. Elements are freed form all relationships between them and the urban fabric (Levy 1999, p.83). Thereby, urban spaces b ecame incoherent and not part of a whole. With the rise of the capitalist city and the extension of urban areas, density has dramatically increased specifically in central areas of the city. New peripheral residential locations, created as a form of urban extension separating rich and poor residential areas, was followed by the need for better connectivity and fast

Madanipour, deteriorate the relationship between townscape features. Therefore the

transportation. This led to the construction

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availability of space is subject to a complex set of rules and conditions, where a large number of people may not b e able to use or access particular space (1996, 2003). Moreover, public spaces have been transformed into elevated walkways,

established through the morphogenetic study of townscapes d emonstrated how the shifts from one morphogenetic period to the other are led by a strong financial interest through urban growth. Financial interests therefore dominate over culture and heritage, which contributes to the divide in social existence. The outcome of this dominating capitalistic mode is a comprehensive redevelopment plan that treats urban heritage as wastage of past societies, rather than using an adaptive approach to reshape the existing urban fabric (Larkham, 1996). This process lacks consideration and a clear understanding of whats already there and deepens the loss of connection with cultural identity and origin, creating p laceless and rootless urban areas. If a place can be defined as relational, historical and concerned with identity, then a space which cannot be defined as relational or historical, or concerned with identity will b e a non-place (Auge, 1996 cited in Dovey, 1999, p.50). As urban form is a powerful means to invest with social meaning and promote

podiums, or car parks catering for private businesses and shopping malls, while destructing the relationship between open spaces, urban forms 1996, and Levy people 1999).

(Madanipour

Consequently, the form of the city changed over time according evolving social patterns pushed b y particular agendas.

Conclusion
Each morphogenetic p eriod is characterized by its major shifts in social patters that redefined the use, function and meaning of urban space through time. Space has transformed from a social function promoting group stability and collective unity to a fragmented hierarchical social structure. As Castells defines the city as space for social conflicts and struggle, he describes spatial form as expressing the interest and identity of the dominant class (2003a), who force a certain mode of development or patterns of human action in the urban realm. The patterns

collectivity, it is also means to manifest power to control and manipulate social patterns in use function and meaning of space. According to Dovey, social

interaction, or lack of, is crucial for practices

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of force. Therefore as the organization of space and time promotes social interaction, the loss of sense of orientation and history can be conductive to coercive control (1999). However, this suggests that assimilation to historical orientation

to demonstrate how these conflicts manifest in the urban realm, particularly in the context of a developing country thats heavily influenced by global forces. This will illustrate the importance of understanding urban space before attempting to

advocates collectivity and thus can be a powerful tool for resistance. This illustrates that urban morphology can turn its back to whatever internal power struggles are taking place within geography and

transform it, while highlighting the gaps created through history contributing to a growing socio-spatial divide.

transcend the adolescent strifes plaguing city planning, architecture, real estate and construction (Moudon 1997, p. 8). A normative-prescriptive realm of urban morphology therefore aims to drive integrative townscape approaches, which enhance the relationship b etween form and people, while using past as a reference point for future developments promoting a historic orientation. This suggests that urban morphology can be a basis for conservation approaches (Whitehand,

2007; Hubbard, 1993), which focuses on the body, space and time relationship that aim to create a cohesive socially and culturally integrative townscape. The following sections will illustrate these concepts through contrasting different distinct historical periods of Cairo, Egypt. The purpose of using Cairo as a case study is
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definition of a Cairoen became ambiguous. Egypts late neoliberal government, which was brought down on February 11th 2011, continuously used force and manipulation for the benefit of the elites, framing indigenous groups in situations of

The Case of Contested Cairo


Urban form generally tends to legitimize the regime which produces it (Dovey 1999, p.85). Egypt has experienced a great number of power shifts in the past centuries, which are a product of different contrasting political agendas. All these power shifts have used urban form as a means to manifest power and ideology by framing social space in situations, where compliance is guaranteed. Consequently, over the years this popular approach completely altered social patterns in space as well as damaged national identity. Cairo is a city with multiple identities, but also is a city that lacks a collective image. Its form references different eras, and different historical periods, however holds a distorted s ymbolic meaning as a result of an approach that only focused on the normative-prescriptive realm of townscape management. As each historical period sought to reconstruct the image of the city led by economic, political and social forces (Singermann, 2009), past was considered wastage, while the

desperation (Armburs, 2011). Today in an unsettled dispute over which direction Egypts fate is going, it is certain that a rehabilitation of national identity can be a tool for resistance (Dovey, 1999). As Morphogenetic periods are defined by periods of major transformation in town plan, building fabric and land-use patterns, Cairos morphogenetic periods are defined by these townscape transformations that are specific to Colonial, socialist, and neo- liberal movements. These periods

conducted major physical, social and symbolic transformations through time that have kept Cairos identity in constant redefinition. With the use of these townscape aspects as vehicles for urban transformation towards certain interests of the dominant class, symbolic meaning is lost through time leading to a

fragmentation in society and space in the urban realm. This s ection will illustrate how a historic city center was lost due to power shifts over

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time that modified the morphology of the city and reflected national identity. As forces of power and global capital manifest in the urban realm, the public becomes displaced from Cairos social space.

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Period of Colonial Traditions


According to Conzen the first

morphogenetic period is the phase of continuous colonial traditions, which gave the city most of its image through investing in its town plan. It is marked by the major shift in Cairos identity and global image. In the 1870s Khedive Ismail took power and was inspired by all his traveling to Europe, specifically Paris to attend the 1867 exhibition. There he was greeted by Hausmann, who designed the new

urbanization plans of Paris between 1850s to 1870s (Raymond, 2001). Upon his return for the inauguration of the Suez Canal, Cairo was expecting an international audience to attend the celebrations. Prior to this p eriod, Cairo had not s een any major urban developments for decades and was considered trapped in a traditional non- modern time thats associated with disorder and chaos (Singermann, 2009). Therefore Ismail realized the need for a new face to the city and sought to re- imagine a city that reflects a modern era with an identity competing with global cities in response to international movements, such as the American City Beautiful movement of the 1890s. Inspired by international intervention and seeing huge economic growth in Egypt due to the cotton
Building and Urban Design in Development/ Development Planning Unit/ University College London
Figure 3: Ismails Cairo 1869-1870, view of the new city west of old city. By Raymond 2001

boom, Ismail was able to commission French architects to replicate the layout of Paris and to develop the citys first urban plan giving it a western and European association, which was also called

Haussmannization. The process of Hausmannization sought to establish a new spatial organization, which in contrast to the old city would project a new urban identity. It focused on the town plan and was built on the foundations of displaying order in townscape patterns.

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Straight lines and geometric grids were used in streetscapes that connected to vast open squares and boulevards uniting them with apartment blocks, to which Deboulet argued as being associated with modernity, holding power to symbolize discipline, organization and progress by most colonial and post-colonial urban planners (cited in Singermann, 2009). This new modern plan was built in a vacant zone northwest of old Cairo due to the lack of construction time to adopt the Hausmannian model in the old city (Raymond, 2001), as the focus was on the fast construction of a new dynamic identity. However according to Sanders many old buildings got destroyed in order to widen streets and implement the new townscape (cited in S ingermann, 2009). This strategy was not to develop the city in continuation of the old city but would give the city a faade of urban respectability (Raymond 2009, p. 314). Thereby this transformation initiative was pushed by the conception that the urban realm is reflective of its peoples identity, as design is a sign of social status and aesthetic taste (Madanipour, 2006). This plan used the power of seduction in urban form, which steered the construction of peoples d esires and self-identity (Dovey, 1999).
Figure 4: Contrast between Cairo and Paris Hausmannian Town Plans. By Zaazaa 2009

It influenced users of space as it shaped their imagined interests. As Ismails agenda was completely driven by the need for development and a reconstruction of national identity, he sought to accentuate social interaction in the public realm, which the Hausmann p lans offered. The architectural vehicle in this p eriod is the complete redevelopment through master planning, generating new townscape

elements in urban structure and street patterns. The urban form and architectural language shifted in order to restore reflected collective urban identity and social patterns. However, his town plan

overshadowed the old city b y the dominant streetscapes and public squares. The old city adopted a deeper image of disorder as it became overruled by the

commodification of elite identity.

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Period of Socialism
This period shares similar characteristics of the colonial morphogenetic period, as it focused on image constructing with huge shift in national identity and image of the city. The international intervention of downtown Cairo came to an end following a number of events, such as the national economic d ebt crisis, the British occupation, and finally the rise of the socialist movement. The urban landscape directly preceding the 1952 revolution was seen as a symbol of elitism, where downtown was an area of class and bourgeoisie associated with a western world, to which the majority of Egypts population were not invited to participate. Cairo therefore slowly became a capital of socialist restructuring in the years of the Nasser revolution of 1952-1973 (Raymond, 2001; Singermann, 2009). In response to these interests, the Soviet Union sought Egypt as a potential alley in the late 40s and formed relationships targeting middle class citizens, since they became victims of the elites capitalization interests and grew more interested in communistic ideologies (Ginat, 1993). Socialism became very popular among the low and middle-income class, which eased the rapid transformation of the citys urban fabric and the manipulation of its identity.
Building and Urban Design in Development/ Development Planning Unit/ University College London


Figure 5: Cairo in 1993, with Ismails city in the center, showing expansions and city boundaries of successive generations. By Raymond 2001

Nassers era is marked by a heavy interest in post-colonial nationalism followed by state intervention and active social policy resulting in the nationalization of the concessionary companies and of public utilities, the construction of low-income housing, and the freezing of rents (Raymond 2001, p.348). His period also marks the beginning of the second morphogenetic period with major central density increases followed by a housing

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crises that separated zones based on socio- economic s tatus. The alterations that took place in Cairos downtown, earlier the capital of European identity, focused on transformation in the building fabric, which sets the character of the place and reflects national heritage (Conzen, 2004). Those are the elements, which Nasser sought to reconstruct reflecting a fabricated economic, social and cultural history based on socialist

block, which referenced a simplified Islamic style (Zaazaa, 2009), holds municipal offices for around 18,000 employees and around a dozen ministries (Williams, 2009). The centrality of functions legitimizes authority and connects its existence to serving public interest, therefore enforcing sense of fear and threat, as well as solidarity (Dovey, 1999).

ideologies. Furthermore, his approach to this transformation was redefining the relationship between urban form and people in use, function and meaning of space. The first major contribution to this period is in Cairos downtown Ismail square, which was renamed Tahrir or Liberation square symbolizing liberation from foreign occupation. The square was given the Mugamaa, a building block that was believed to be a gift from the Soviet Union prior to the revolution (Williams, 2009). Although it was completed before the revolution, the building holds a collective symbol of Nassers era today (Raymond, 2001). The purpose of the Mugamaa, Arabic for bringing together, is to centralize all of state functions in one building symbolizing the high centrality of Egypts bureaucratic system. This fourteen-story soviet inspired
Building and Urban Design in Development/ Development Planning Unit/ University College London
Hossam Eddin 2011


Figure 6: Mugamaa in Tahrir Square. By Mohamed

Further alteration to the building fabric were his concrete blocks, housing

ministries, national enterprise and civil servants (Zaazaa, 2009), which referenced soviet architecture. To make way for such intervention, many downtown buildings were subject to demolition. Despite their potential for reuse, the act itself of demolishing an old ideology was a

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necessary symbolic act (Golia, 2004 cited in Zaazaa, 2009). His approach was to transform the building fabric, which contributes to the character of place. He sought to a chieve a character that would overrule Ismails constructed town plan b y adding spatially dominating building blocks. Rather than transforming existing town plan, he focused on transforming its symbolic meaning from elitist to post- colonial nationalist. The built form thus became prime role as ideology, which people call culture (Dovey, 1999). The spread of socialist ideologies transforming the built form is a response to forces of coercion, where compliance is assured through domination or intimidation of urban form altering spatial behavior and relationship between body and space (Dovey, 1999). Built in downtown Cairo amid Ismails modern urban plan, the Mogamaa completely changed the

its exaggerated scale and dominant spatial and central location, which Dovey explains as belittling the human subject as it signifies the power necessary to its production ( 1999, p .10). The nature of this fourteen-story soviet block dominates downtown Cairo as it belittles Ismails Cairo and western identity, forcing subjects under the cover of voluntarism to comply with socialist identity. The use of form that a lters the dynamics of the space is also an act to constantly remind people of the symbol of authority, which implies unquestioned recognition and compliance (Dovey, 1999) through constructing a physical icon or landmark with a distinct symbolic

configuration. The replication of this soviet concrete block design affirms socialist ideologies, where institutional and non- institutional buildings hold uniform s ymbols of authority. On a smaller scale, Nasser sought to reverse the symbolic meaning that Ismail

morphology of the area, altering behavior and flow around the area. Its presence in such a central location increased density and traffic flow towards the center, as people all around Egypt needed to visit the Mugamaa for official reasons, such as processing most legal documents. As the Mugamaa frames everyday functions and behaviors, it signifies threat of force due to

constructed by distorting its image and significance. His aim was not to transform the faade or layout of Ismails

Hausmannization plans, but used tenure as vehicle to transform the relationship between form and people. Rent-control laws were passed on all existing rental units freezing rent at the 1947 level, which were

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again stabilized and intensified in Nassers era for all existing and new units. The purpose was achieving greater social and economic equity, which led to the redistribution of wealth and major changes in the countrys social stratification (Arandel & Batran 1999, p.4), where physical and symbolic significance were eliminated. These reforms protected

status therefore was equalized between Nassers and Ismails building fabric. Downtown no longer was the stage of certain behaviors or codes of dress, for better or worst, it has lost any signs of alienation and it has been fully integrated. Greater Cairo has lost its center (Zaazaa, 2009). This intervention striped Ismails down town out of its h istorical meaning and symbolic value, while discrediting the need for conservation initiatives for this historical town plan. The architectural vehicle for this intervention is therefore the manipulation of the building fabric, as well as the relationship between form and people, which achieved a dramatic shift in identity and meaning of space. Ismails Cairo was nothing but a lost identity with lost urban behaviors following the disappearance of Cairos city center (Zaazaa, 2009).

tenants from rising rents and eviction, however led to the deterioration of the building fabric as maintenance cost exceeded rent paid by tenants (Raymond, 2001). As tenants gained inheritance rights, landlords were unable to attend to their buildings and thus left buildings in decaying conditions while some destined to

complete collapse (2001). The relationship between form and people therefore completely shifted, as sense of ownership and pride was lost along with living conditions. The built form shaped the perception and cognition of the subjects, manipulating their desires to overrule Ismails constructed s ymbolic meaning for a more socially just urban structure. Ismails town plan was subject to distortion as seduction forces were used in the recreation of meaning to existing built form holding significant implications for self- identity (Dovey, 1999). Reflected social

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Period of Neoliberalism
This morphogenetic period is marked by an increase in population and continued urban extension into peripheral locations in response to economic and socio-political forces. Consequently to the decaying conditions of downtowns housing units and infrastructure, new rental stock in Cairos center dramatically declined. In the second half of the twentieth century downtown was increasingly becoming lower class district (Zaazaa, 2009), driving middle and high-income class residents away into peripheral locations. The city expanded outwards serving class-segregated
Figure 7: Greater Cairo, showing new settlements and new cities By expanding Raymond into 2001 peripheral locations.

communities, drawing unevenly developed zones in Cairos urban realm (El Shakry, 2006). Thereby public sector gained control over housing distribution, targeting

supported free trade, free market and private property rights. Those were guaranteed functioning through state intervention (2007). In response to these structural adjustments, entrepreneurs,

different socio-economic classes s eparately. This period was led by Anwar Sadat when he opened Egypt up to foreign capital and global market in the 1970s. This mode of capitalization was intensified in the following decades to present time reducing public services and subsidies throughout the country while changing laws to attract foreign capital (Singermann, 2009).

public contractors and state authorities redefined their alliance, while public resources were reallocated for the benefit of the elites (Armburst, 2011). As developers gained credit advantages, entrepreneurs purchased overvalued land at a low price to develop luxury housing communities in desert land (Denis, 2006). Therefore this era in Egyptian history marked the shift from social welfare mode

According to David Harvey, this form of neoliberal political economic practice generated institutional frameworks that

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of regulation to a neoliberal mode of regulation (El Shakry, 2006). The outward expansion pushed by

transportation. These urban types are a response to historical conditions of capitalism mediating a globally

constructed and exploited sense of place to justify form and power (Dovey 1999, p.44). A global image was therefore sought. This model demonstrated an Egyptianized American dream (Singermann, 2009), reflecting a modern townscape, by which this global trend of housing enclaves to wall some in and keep others out (UN- Habitat 2001, cited in Singermann and Amar, 2006, p.11) legitimized superiority of new over old, and rich over p oor.

economic forces into the citys peripheries created new functional purposes and land- use patterns for the d eserted land, which in Whitehands terms is characterized as the process of fringe belt formation. In response to topographical and geographical obstacles to housing development, new land-use units were sought in the citys peripheries, creating a residential zone encircling original city and separating old from n ew, as well as rich from p oor (1987).

This hierarchical spatial division is not just defined by income groups but by college degree, where families are d eclined housing rights despite being able to afford units (Shakry, 2006). Therefore uneducated families are forced to stay in poor living standards, as their identity is defined by their intellectual value. Cairo once more became a dual city, characterized by two distinct identities, imposing residential segregation between the elite and

Figure 8: Housing Estate in 6th of October City. By Evergreen 2008

Those new settlements adopted the American model of h ousing enclaves, which displayed modernity, order and

indigenous inhabitants (Singermann, 2009). In a neoliberal society, the urban experience is limited and controlled through policies restraining use of space by indigenous citizens, while manifesting

organizational values. However, an induced form of despatialization emerged as public space was reduced to luxury shopping malls, or streets as spaces for highway

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symbolic power in the urban realm to prevent any form of resistance. Public spaces hold political significance

establishing

global

city

image

(Elsheshtawy, 2006). However as spaces of significance accumulating become capital, means they for

symbolizing power of the state, however Madanipour further argues that it is also a space for challenging authority through demonstrations and revolutions (2003). As the state views the general public as threat that has to be dealt with and contained (Elsheshtawy 2006, p.297), the use of manipulation as form of coercion enforces compliant behavior in the urban realm. However, according to Dovey, it relies on the ignorance of the subject concealing the intent of the ruling class and decision- makers. The architectural vehicle in this current period is the despatialization of locals from the public realm and historical context. The fragmentation of space and time, the loss of a sense of orientation and history can be conductive to coercive control (Dovey 1999, p.11). As the struggle for public space intensifies, developers are consumed with the

become

inaccessible to locals and therefore culturally removed and displaced into global realms (Singermann, 2009). The state and developers intent is to replace the symbol of poverty and illiteracy to a symbol of a world-class historical city, while eliminating the threat of the marginalized public. Deboulet argues that local developers superficially quantify people, as their social and historical identities are

disregarded, as well as their relationship with the built form and how they interact with it (2009). Locals are removed from the cultural realm, the relationship between body and space is d estructed, and historical monuments characterized by elite architecture are restored and reserved to serve tourists. Thereby the definition of the local public becomes ambivalent, as economic, political and social forces despatialize the marginalized and strip them off their historical orientation. Consequently, as the interrelation between space and time mediates social interaction, coercive control manipulates marginalized groups to live as atoms, wholly in the public realm, under surveillance, but as far

production of elite spaces or tourist attractions, where financial interest

predominates over cultural values ( Ibrahim 2009, p.258). This process is defined as the quartering of urban space, where public space is reserved to attract tourists or global investors for an economic goal of

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as possible without social relationships (Barned, 1988 cited in Dovey, 1999, p .11). Consequently, this urban extension

urban form and the manipulation of the building fabric within the established town plan was a means to enforce power over the colonial townscape by manipulating its constructed symbolic meaning belittling its existence and value. As neoliberal Cairo took over, the main interest was capital accumulation and the global market. The manipulation of land-use pattern was the approach to establishing new overvalued land at low prices, belittling the old town. The fate of downtown Cairo is a deteriorated district associated with poor living conditions and run-down urban realm. Cairos urban fabric therefore becomes multi-center fragmented with zones accommodating contrasting

completely changed the morphology of the entire city, as it was not created in continuation of the old original city and therefore created disconnected patches in the urban realm. The relationship between new towns and Cairos center becomes foreign with a fragmented collective identity. The major transformations in Cairos urban realm sought to correct previous image and identity as the struggle for power and contrasting ideologies is reinforced in the urban realm (Raymon, 2001). In each morphogenetic p eriod as the city grew in scale, tensions on different levels governed the scale and direction of the urban landscape (Larkham, 2005). These forces shaped citys based on their contextual interests through manipulating townscape aspects. In colonial Cairo, the transformation of the general town plan sought to establish a western identity through its geometric shapes, reflecting order and modernity to its citizens. It was identified by its public squares and wide open streets to enhance the social experience. However, socialist Cairo sought to reverse western identity towards a post- colonial nationalistic identity. The use of

economically divided groups of Cairos social space (Zaazaa, 2009). The notion of collectivity becomes undefined, while the notion of public or Cairoen remains ambivalent.

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and space, and therefore is conductive to coercive control (1999). Accordingly, it can be concluded that historic orientation can be a powerful tool of resistance and reconstruction of marginalized identities. Madanipour underlines the importance of understanding the history of spatial evolution for many reasons. A historic approach offers an understanding to the original use and function of space, which suggests a certain social pattern. By tracing the change in those patterns through time and historical shifts, the gaps it created that distorted original meaning can be identified and rehabilitated into integrative

Conclusion
We need to locate urban design within the context of the urban development process, and s ee what roles it plays, what gaps it fills and what meanings it carries (Madanipour 2006, p.176). According to Madanipour, theres a huge gap in understanding urban spaces, where planned development operates against organic growth, creating incoherent

fragmentations (1996). With every historical shift, urban form is transformed based on the redefinition of use, function and meaning of space. These conflicts however have strong implications on the urban realm, as space is treated as a commodity governed by cultural industries and social hierarchical divisions. Looking at the urban realm, we can see traces of past societies embedded, which are sometimes adapted and reused, replaced b y new developments, or placed in the global realm of tourism. Thus collective heritage is controlled by the powerful decision makers and manipulated according to their interests. Dovey justifies, the fragmentation of space and time disintegrates the relationship between body

townscape plans. Therefore learning from past design decisions and acknowledging past social patterns is a powerful tool for future development towards a socially cohesive urban realm, which acts as a tool for resistance against the loss and fragmentation of national identity. In the case of Cairo, people are displaced from social space and time, where the historic fabric is subject to loose

interpretation, damaging collective historic identity (Singermann, 2009). In this case we can conclude that forces of change throughout history were power and global forces that eventually left an urban realm

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that is completely stripped our of Cairos social space, contributing to a deepening divide between contrasting identities. As different zones are dedicated to different social groups, the question of who and what an average Cairoen represents remains ambiguous. Consequently, with the displacement of the nodes of social interaction, the urban fabric becomes an exclusive urban space (Madanipour, 2006), governed by segregation policies limiting use of space according to social group membership. A few questions remain, namely how can this multiplicity of identities be stabilized, and how can integrative townscapes b e initiated? According to the previous analysis on urban morphology, it can be concluded that socially integrative townscapes can be achieved through strengthening the relationship between body and space, which is responsible for establishing the practical, intellectual and aesthetic

in the urban realm, public history can be a means to increasing social interaction. The bond between place and identity can thus be manifested, creating a sense of belonging and collectivity in a larger society (Hubbard, 1993). Following this body, space and time triad, Singermann describes a conservation approach should be a tool towards engaging the wider public in a process of evaluating values behind the construction of the urban fabric, as well as the meaning that was assigned by past societies who actively engaged with them through history (2009). While conservation can be a tool to alienate p eople from urban space, an integrative townscape can only b e achieved when people with different levels of power, stations in life, and perspective share the public and private spaces of the city (2009, p .30).

attributes of the urban realm that enhance psychological well-being (Whitehand, 1987; Larkham, 1996). Furthermore, an

integrative townscape can be achieved by treating the past as a reference point for future development, which strengthens the orientation of space and time (Lowenthal, 1985; Larkham, 1996). By placing heritage
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References
Alexander, C., 1987. A New Theory of Urban Design. Oxford: Oxford University Press Arandel, C. and Batran M., 1999. The informal Housing Development Process in Egypt. London: University College London Armburst, W., 2011. The Revolution Against Neoliberalism. Jadaliyya, [online]. Available at: <http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/717/the-revolution-against-neoliberalism>. [Accessed 1 August 2011]. Castells, M., 2003a. The Process of Urban Social Change. In A. Cuthbert, ed. 2003. Designing C ities: Critical Readings in Urban Design. Oxford: Blackwell, p p.23-27. Castells, M., 2003b. The New Historical Relationship b etween Space and Society. In A. Cuthbert, ed. 2003. Designing C ities: C ritical Readings in Urban Design. Oxford: Blackwell. pp.59-68. Conzen, M.R.G., 1981a. The Plan Analysis of an English Centre. In J. Whitehand, ed. The Urban Landscape: Historical Development and Management. London: Academic Press. pp.25-54. Conzen, M.R.G., 1981b. Historical Townscapes in Britain: A Problem in Applied Geography. In J. Whitehand, ed. The Urban Landscape: Historical Development and Management. London: Academic Press. pp.55-74. Conzen, M.R.G., 2004. Thinking about Urban Form: Papers on Urban Morphology, 1932-1998. Bern: Verlag Peter Lang. Cullen, G., 1971. The C oncise Townscape. London: Architectural Press.
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