Pembunuhan-Pembunuhan Massal Yang Terjadi Di Indonesia!

Anti Communist Massacres
Guest Writer Spew It All writes about the nature of the anti-communist massacres of 1965-66.

One regular writer for (Ross) submitted his article on communism and genocide in Indonesia, a riposte to a piece by Julia Suryakusumah in the Indonesian English-language newspaper the Jakarta Post. The article succeeded in provoking much debate, but sadly, some of the discussion still reflects how poorly misunderstood the killings of 1965/66 are.

The massacres of 1965 have been the biggest conundrum in Indonesian history. The communist members and their partisans were hunted and killed gruesomely by their fellow Indonesians with support from the military. The killings took place following the failed coup attempt carried out by several military officers and a few members of the Communist Party. Parallel to this, transition of power also occurred. Sukarno, who reigned in the country for more than twenty years, was replaced by Suharto, an army general who later headed Indonesia for more than thirty years.

Official Accounts
During the Suharto period, the stories of massacres seemed to be forgotten. Official history only highlights the heroic action of the Indonesian army that successfully crushed communism in Indonesia. This constructed truth is perpetuated further through enactments in various museums, films and school history textbooks. Much worse than that is the New Order’s representation of that bloody event seeing it as merely horizontal conflicts between the PKI masses and their bitter rivals. Any alternative interpretation was an anathema in Indonesia during Suharto regime. Gaol and others sanctions would be the consequence for contesting the New Order version of history. Books written by scholars were banned and the writers were refused to enter the country.

Despite these problems, some scholars succeeded in conducting researches on what happened in 1965 including Hermawan Sulistyo, Iwan Sudjatmiko, Clifford Geertz, Geoffrey Robinson, Harold Crouch, and John Roosa. Not all these scholars agree with the idea that the killings were state-sponsored violence.

Horizontal-Spontaneous Conflict
Sulistyo, Sudjatmiko and Geertz are the proponent of “horizontal theory”. There seems to be no dissimilarity between their conclusions and the official version released by the government of Indonesia. The Army Information Centre (PUSPENAD), which launched its report a year after the coup took place, suggested that the mass anger could not be controlled. [1] Likewise, twenty years later, the Indonesian State Secretary used the term, “spontaneous mass action against the PKI” to describe the ferocity of the event. [2]

Military-State Sponsored Violence
A differing view is put forward by another historian, Hilmar Farid, who suggested that the task of disputing this view is not too intellectually challenging, because blatant evidence can reveal the involvement of state apparatus. [3]

Early Military Role
There are important factors that should be taken into account, if we want to look at the military role in the killings. Firstly, the military’s immediate action to control media by closing down all media except Angkatan Bersenjata and Berita Yudha, which were owned by the Army. [4] By closing down media outlets, it enabled them to create fear through propaganda and the fabricated story of the PKI as the main culprit in the killings of seven generals spread out easily. Moreover, the military publications also reported that military operations to purge communism in Indonesia’s outer region had succeeded in seizing firearms, grenades and documents revealing the coup plans. This would clearly make people under the impression that the PKI was ready to launch a coup. Secondly, Suharto was appointed to head the Operational Commander for the Restoration of Security and Order (Pangkokamtib) and commenced an effective campaign against the PKI. In conjunction with the military campaign, KAP Gestapu (Action Front to Crush the Thirtieth of September Movement) was formed by an alliance of anti-Communist organisations and their overall campaign mantra and objective was to “crush the PKI down its roots.”

Secret Cable Message
There was also a report that the military was involved in the training of youth organisations. According to a cable sent by the US embassy in Jakarta to State Department in November 1965, the Indonesian Army would try to avoid direct confrontation with the PKI. In Central Java, Army (RPKAD) is training Moslem Youth [probably either Banser or HMI] and supplying them with weapons and will keep them out in front against the PKI. Army will try to avoid as much it can safely do so, direct confrontation with the PKI “¦ Army is letting groups other than Army discredit them [the PKI] and demand their punishment. [5]

Having said this, it can be argued that the training was inextricably linked to the campaign programme and the strategy of avoiding direct confrontation with the PKI.

The support from the military is significant as in some areas the number of the PKI members and its opponents seemed to be on a par. For example, the killings in Bali did not take place until the middle of December 1965. Although tension heightened between two dominant factions in Bali, the PNI and the PKI, it did not culminate in the bloodshed. With the arrival of troops from Jakarta, the anti-communist camp held more sway. [6]

Central Java
In Central Java, the arrests and killings took place not long after the arrival of RPKAD (the Indonesian Special Forces) headed by Sarwo Edhie Wibowo. The troops arrived in Semarang on 18th October 1965 and then fanned out to other towns. A witness, Suparno, recalled what happened before he was accused of planning to overthrow the head of the region and arrested and imprisoned for decades. He remembered that the troops paraded in his town Pati, before stopping at the town hall and delivering a speech on what had happened in Jakarta. The operations were then carried out in the next days. [7] With the support from civilian militias, the operations were done easily. The military provided trucks and the militias helped with information or even took part in the killings.

Rivers of Blood
As many may have heard the colour of the River Brantas in East Java, turned to red during the horrific months. Rivers were perhaps the “favourite” places for the killers to dump the bodies. The reason might be practical as the current would take the bodies away. However, the floating bodies in the river might be containing a powerful message for Indonesians. As if they liked to say through the river: communists should end up like this!

Associate Organisations
Noteworthy, not all of victims were actually communists. Even Gerwani and the labour unions were not officially part of the Communist Party. These organisations worked together with the PKI on several occasions, unlike Pemuda Rakyat, which was officially the youth wing of the party. One survivor admitted that he was a member of an Islamic party, Masyumi, but was arrested. [8] It is denunciation behind this false accusation. Chinese people were amongst the victims but they were by no means a majority.

The fates of victims in prisons were not better than those who were summarily executed. Tortures and killings could happen even in the prisons. Some commentators

Nona. (Samarinda) diajukan artikelnya pada komunisme dan Genosida di Indonesia. di Opini. the unsolved biggest question is not “whodunit” but “can it happen again?” [12] It is important for Indonesians to contemplate the later question if they want to build a more democratic Indonesian in the future. but . [11] For three decades this horror remained untold. untuk suatu tindakan balasan oleh Julia Suryakusumah di Indonesia bahasa Inggris-koran Jakarta ( Ross ) submitted his article on communism and genocide in Indonesia . was forced to have sex with the military officer and then became pregnant and delivered her baby in the camp. Misunderstandings / Kesalahpahaman One regular writer for Indonesiamatters. a leader of youth organisation. a woman who was arrested.suggested that the number of inmates shrank in several regions. albeit under the different name of Operasi Teratur or Organised Operation. and resulted in a greater number of victims. oleh Penulis Tamu Guest Writer Spew It All writes about the nature of the anti-communist massacres of 1965-66. As Robert Cribb lamented in his article. many stories of the massacres began to emerge. by Guest Writer 25 Januari 2008. But following the downfall of Suharto. The pitfall of this over-attention on mastermind may lead to assuming the killings as separated from the establishment of the New Order. admitted that after August 1966. beside tortures. Survivors who were released from prison wrote their memoirs giving their accounts on that crucial moment in Indonesian history. however. this similar method of killings also took place. [9] In Kediri. in Opinion . they were also subject to sexual harassments. The article succeeded in provoking much debate. Anti Komunis Massacres January 25th. Zakaria. Biasa satu penulis untuk Indonesiamatters. The Future Discussion on what happened on 1965 is still centred on the mastermind of the coup. Penulis Tamu memuntahkan Semua ini menulis tentang sifat yang antikomunis massacres dari 1965-66. a riposte to a piece by Julia Suryakusumah in the Indonesian English-language newspaper the Jakarta Post. who carried out interrogations of prisoners in Lombok. [10] For female prisoners. the number of communist prisoners had decreased.

Gaol and others sanctions would be the consequence for contesting the New Order version of history. some scholars succeeded in conducting researches on what happened in 1965 including Hermawan Sulistyo. Artikel berhasil membuat banyak perdebatan.sadly. Sejarah resmi hanya menyoroti tindakan heroik dari tentara Indonesia yang berhasil dilumatkan komunisme di Indonesia. films and school history textbooks. transition of power also occurred. film dan buku sejarah sekolah. The communist members and their partisans were hunted and killed gruesomely by their fellow Indonesians with support from the military. Much worse than that is the New Order’s representation of that bloody event seeing it as merely horizontal conflicts between the PKI masses and their bitter rivals. Penjara dan sanksi lain akan memperhatikan Menyoal Orde Baru versi sejarah. Clifford Geertz. Selama periode Suharto. Ini adalah kebenaran dibangun perpetuated lebih lanjut melalui enactments di berbagai museum. Jauh lebih buruk daripada yang Orde Baru's keterwakilan yang melihat peristiwa berdarah itu hanya sebagai konflik horisontal antara massa PKI dan pahit saingan mereka. beberapa dari diskusi masih mencerminkan bagaimana disalahfaham yang buruk dari pembunuhan 1965/66 adalah. an army general who later headed Indonesia for more than thirty years. who reigned in the country for more than twenty years. Iwan Sudjatmiko. beberapa . Research / Penelitian Despite these problems. and John Roosa. The killings took place following the failed coup attempt carried out by several military officers and a few members of the Communist Party. Buku-buku yang ditulis oleh cendekiawan telah diblokir dan penulis telah menolak untuk memasuki negara. Books written by scholars were banned and the writers were refused to enter the country. Any alternative interpretation was an anathema in Indonesia during Suharto regime. Anggota yang komunis dan mereka dan partisans buruan yang dibunuh oleh mereka gruesomely sesama Indonesia dengan dukungan dari militer. transisi kekuasaan juga terjadi. Geoffrey Robinson. diganti oleh Suharto. was replaced by Suharto . History / Sejarah The massacres of 1965 have been the biggest conundrum in Indonesian history. Sukarno. Sejajar dengan ini. an army umum yang kemudian kepala Indonesia selama lebih dari tiga puluh tahun. the stories of massacres seemed to be forgotten. Sukarno. Harold Crouch. tetapi kurang sehat. yang memerintah di negara untuk lebih dari dua puluh tahun. some of the discussion still reflects how poorly misunderstood the killings of 1965/66 are. Massacres 1965 yang telah menjadi teka-teki terbesar dalam sejarah Indonesia. Official Accounts / Resmi Account During the Suharto period. Parallel to this. Walaupun masalah ini. Pembunuhan yang terjadi setelah gagal membalikkan upaya dilakukan oleh beberapa pejabat militer dan beberapa anggota Partai Komunis. This constructed truth is perpetuated further through enactments in various museums. Setiap alternatif interpretasi adalah anathema di Indonesia selama rezim Soeharto. Official history only highlights the heroic action of the Indonesian army that successfully crushed communism in Indonesia. kisah dari massacres nampaknya akan lupa.

jika kita ingin melihat peran militer dalam pembunuhan. “spontaneous mass action against the PKI” to describe the ferocity of the event. [2] Military-State Sponsored Violence / Militer-negara yang disponsori kekerasan A differing view is put forward by another historian. suggested that the mass anger could not be controlled. the military publications also reported that military operations to purge communism in Indonesia’s outer region had succeeded in seizing firearms. Firstly. Hilmar Farid. Not all these scholars agree with the idea that the killings were state-sponsored violence. Ada faktor penting yang harus diperhatikan. Tidak semua beasiswa tersebut setuju dengan ide bahwa pembunuhan yang disponsori negara-kekerasan. Selain itu. grenades and documents revealing the coup plans. [3] Early Military Role / Peran militer awal There are important factors that should be taken into account. Sepertinya tidak ada perbedaan antara mereka dan kesimpulan versi resmi diluncurkan oleh pemerintah Indonesia. militer publikasi juga melaporkan . Geoffrey Robinson. mengemukakan bahwa massa marah tidak dapat dikontrol. [1] Likewise. Hilmar Farid. which were owned by the Army. [4] By closing down media outlets. militer's tindakan segera untuk mengontrol media dengan penutupan semua media kecuali Angkatan Bersenjata dan Berita Yudha. dan John Roosa. Clifford Geertz. twenty years later. which launched its report a year after the coup took place. the Indonesian State Secretary used the term. There seems to be no dissimilarity between their conclusions and the official version released by the government of Indonesia. Sulistyo. Harold Crouch. yang mengemukakan bahwa tugas disputing pandangan ini tidak terlalu layan menantang. The Army Information Centre (PUSPENAD). dua puluh tahun kemudian. ini memungkinkan mereka untuk membuat takut melalui propaganda dan yg siap untuk dimakan kisah PKI sebagai jahat utama dalam pembunuhan dari tujuh Umum tersebar dengan mudah. who suggested that the task of disputing this view is not too intellectually challenging. if we want to look at the military role in the killings. [3] Sebuah tampilan yang berbeda diletakkan maju lain oleh sejarawan.cendekiawan berhasil melakukan penelitian tentang apa yang terjadi di tahun 1965 termasuk Hermawan Sulistyo. [2] Angkatan darat Information Center (PUSPENAD). Horizontal-Spontaneous Conflict / Konflik horizontal-spontan Sulistyo. the military’s immediate action to control media by closing down all media except Angkatan Bersenjata and Berita Yudha. Pertama. yang dimiliki oleh Angkatan Darat. Moreover. Sudjatmiko dan Geertz adalah pendukung dari "horisontal teori". yang meluncurkan laporan setelah satu tahun pemerintahan berlangsung. Iwan Sudjatmiko. [1] Demikian pula. it enabled them to create fear through propaganda and the fabricated story of the PKI as the main culprit in the killings of seven generals spread out easily. [4] Dengan penutupan outlet media. Sudjatmiko and Geertz are the proponent of “horizontal theory”. "spontan massa tindakan terhadap PKI "untuk menjelaskan kekejaman dari acara. because blatant evidence can reveal the involvement of state apparatus. karena ribut bukti dapat mengungkapkan keterlibatan aparat negara. Sekretaris Negara Indonesia istilah yang digunakan.

grenades dan dokumen yang mengungkapkan rencana tindakan. KAP Gestapu (Action Front to Crush the Thirtieth of September Movement) was formed by an alliance of anti-Communist organisations and their overall campaign mantra and objective was to Dalam kaitannya dengan kampanye militer. [6] Dengan kedatangan ekspedisi dari Jakarta. the PNI and the PKI. This would clearly make people under the impression that the PKI was ready to launch a coup. With the arrival of troops from Jakarta. pembunuhan di Bali tidak berlangsung sampai pertengahan Desember 1965. yang PNI dan PKI. tidak berujung pada darah. the anti-communist camp held more sway. it did not culminate in the bloodshed. According to a cable sent by the US embassy in Jakarta to State Department in November 1965. the arrests and killings took place not long after the arrival of RPKAD (the Indonesian Special Forces) headed by Sarwo Edhie Wibowo. the Indonesian Army would try to avoid direct confrontation with the PKI. the killings in Bali did not take place until the middle of December 1965. Indonesia Angkatan Darat akan mencoba untuk menghindari konfrontasi langsung dengan PKI. Di Jawa Tengah.bahwa operasi militer untuk menyingkirkan komunisme di luar wilayah Indonesia telah berhasil dalam perebutan api. [6] Central Java Jawa Tengah In Central Java. anti-komunis kamp diselenggarakan lebih lenggok. Pasukan yang tiba di Semarang pada tanggal 18 Oktober 1965 dan kemudian fanned ke kota-kota lain. Kedua. In conjunction with the military campaign. Hal ini jelas akan membuat orang di bawah kesan bahwa PKI telah siap untuk memulai minggu. Menurut sebuah kabel dikirim oleh kedutaan Amerika Serikat di Jakarta untuk Negara Departemen pada bulan November 1965. penahanan dan pembunuhan berlangsung tidak lama setelah kedatangan RPKAD (Indonesia Angkatan Khusus) dipimpin oleh Sarwo Edhie Wibowo. For example.” "Crush PKI bawah akarnya. Ada juga melaporkan bahwa militer telah terlibat dalam pelatihan dari organisasi pemuda. The troops arrived in Semarang on 18th October 1965 and then fanned out to other towns. Bali The support from the military is significant as in some areas the number of the PKI members and its opponents seemed to be on a par. Suharto diangkat ke kepala Komandan Operasi untuk Pembangunan Keamanan dan Ketertiban (Pangkokamtib) dan mulai kampanye yang efektif terhadap PKI. Secondly. Although tension heightened between two dominant factions in Bali. Dukungan dari militer yang signifikan seperti di beberapa daerah jumlah anggota PKI dan lawan nampaknya akan di par." Secret Cable Message / Rahasia Kabel Pesan There was also a report that the military was involved in the training of youth organisations. Suharto was appointed to head the Operational Commander for the Restoration of Security and Order (Pangkokamtib) and commenced an effective campaign against the PKI. . Misalnya. KAP Gestapu (Front Aksi untuk Crush yang ketigapuluh September Gerakan) telah dibentuk oleh sebuah aliansi anti-Komunis dan organisasi wartawan dan keseluruhan kampanye ini bertujuan untuk “crush the PKI down its roots. Meskipun heightened ketegangan antara dua golongan dominan di Bali.

which was officially the youth wing of the party. One survivor admitted that he was a member of an Islamic party. The operations were then carried out in the next days. Seorang saksi. The reason might be practical as the current would take the bodies away. unlike Pemuda Rakyat. These organisations worked together with the PKI on several occasions.A witness. Organisasi ini bekerja sama dengan PKI pada beberapa kesempatan. tidak seperti Pemuda Rakyat. Rivers were perhaps the “favourite” places for the killers to dump the bodies. Dia diingat bahwa pasukan paraded di kota Pati. recalled what happened before he was accused of planning to overthrow the head of the region and arrested and imprisoned for decades. He remembered that the troops paraded in his town Pati. before stopping at the town hall and delivering a speech on what had happened in Jakarta. Even Gerwani and the labour unions were not officially part of the Communist Party. Satu club mengakui bahwa dia adalah seorang anggota dari sebuah partai Islam. tetapi mereka tidak mayoritas. badan apung di sungai mungkin berisi pesan yang ampuh untuk Indonesia. [8] Ini adalah pengkhianatan di belakang tuduhan palsu ini. not all of victims were actually communists. Seperti banyak yang memiliki warna mendengar dari Sungai Brantas di Jawa Timur. [7] Dengan dukungan dari milisia sipil. Chinese people were amongst the victims but they were by no means a majority. menjadi merah selama bulan menyeramkan. The military provided trucks and the militias helped with information or even took part in the killings. Sebabnya mungkin praktis seperti saat ini akan mengambil badan jauh. Suparno. sebelum berhenti di balai kota dan menyampaikan pidato pada apa yang telah terjadi di Jakarta. Operasi ini kemudian dilakukan pada hari berikutnya. operasi yang dilakukan dengan mudah. Masyumi. As if they liked to say through the river: Karena jika mereka suka mengatakan melalui sungai: communists should end up like this! komunis harus berakhir seperti ini! Associate Organisations / Associate Organisasi Noteworthy. Rivers of Blood / Sungai dari Darah As many may have heard the colour of the River Brantas in East Java. turned to red during the horrific months. Sungai yang mungkin "favorit" tempat bagi orang untuk dump badan. Bahkan Gerwani dan serikat pekerja tidak resmi bagian dari Partai Komunis. the floating bodies in the river might be containing a powerful message for Indonesians. [8] It is denunciation behind this false accusation. . [7] With the support from civilian militias. However. tetapi telah ditangkap. Orang Cina di antara para korban. mengingat apa yang terjadi sebelum dia dituduh perencanaan untuk menggulingkan kepala daerah dan ditangkap dan dipenjarakan untuk dekade. Namun. Masyumi. but was arrested. Suparno. Militer dan truk yang disediakan milisia membantu dengan informasi atau bahkan ikut serta dalam pembunuhan. yang secara resmi sayap pemuda dari partai. tidak semua korban yang sebetulnya komunis. Penting. the operations were done easily.

[10] Di Kediri. Nona. a woman who was arrested. dipaksa melakukan hubungan seks dengan aparat militer dan kemudian menjadi hamil dan melahirkan bayinya di kamp. yang dilakukan interrogations narapidana di Lombok. mengakui bahwa setelah Agustus 1966. Untuk tiga dekade ini horor tetap tak terhingga. [9] In Kediri. admitted that after August 1966. Tortures and killings could happen even in the prisons. Penyiksaan dan pembunuhan bisa terjadi bahkan dalam penjara. Diskusi tentang apa yang terjadi pada 1965 masih terpusat pada otak dari pemerintahan. [11] For three decades this horror remained untold. [11] Nona. Ini nasib korban dalam penjara tidak lebih baik dari orang-orang yang ringkasnya dilaksanakan. The pitfall of this over-attention on mastermind may lead to assuming the killings as separated from the establishment of the New Order. Jebakan yang selama ini-perhatian pada otak dapat mengakibatkan anggap sebagai pembunuhan yang terpisah dari pembentukan Orde Baru. pertanyaan yang belum terjawab terbesar adalah tidak “whodunit” "Cerita detektif" but tetapi .Imprisonment / Penjara The fates of victims in prisons were not better than those who were summarily executed. and resulted in a greater number of victims. the number of communist prisoners had decreased. namun. metode ini serupa juga terjadi pembunuhan. But following the downfall of Suharto. the unsolved biggest question is not Seperti Robert Cribb almarhumi dalam artikelnya. Tetapi setelah kejatuhan Suharto. seorang wanita yang telah ditangkap. this similar method of killings also took place. As Robert Cribb lamented in his article. banyak cerita dari massacres mulai muncul. Survivors who were released from prison wrote their memoirs giving their accounts on that crucial moment in Indonesian history. seorang pemimpin organisasi pemuda. a leader of youth organisation. mereka juga tunduk pada pelecehan seksual. walaupun di bawah nama yang berbeda Operasi Teratur atau diatur Operasi. who carried out interrogations of prisoners in Lombok. albeit under the different name of Operasi Teratur or Organised Operation. Untuk tahanan perempuan. The Future / Masa Depan Discussion on what happened on 1965 is still centred on the mastermind of the coup. selain Penyiksaan. [9] Zakaria. Korban yang dilepaskan dari penjara wrote mereka memberikan riwayat account mereka pada saat yang penting dalam sejarah Indonesia. they were also subject to sexual harassments. however. many stories of the massacres began to emerge. [10] For female prisoners. dan menghasilkan lebih banyak korban. Zakaria. Beberapa komentator mengemukakan bahwa jumlah kapel shrank di beberapa daerah. Some commentators suggested that the number of inmates shrank in several regions. was forced to have sex with the military officer and then became pregnant and delivered her baby in the camp. beside tortures. jumlah narapidana komunis telah menurun.

Medan.“can it happen again?” [12] "Bisa terjadi lagi?" [12] It is important for Indonesians to contemplate the later question if they want to build a more democratic Indonesian in the future. When one of the Bali Bombing perpetrators Amrozi had his picture taken in foreign media. media outlets played an important role in perpetuating the representation of people who were burnt to death in malls. These “looters” are victims of structural violence stemming from unfair economic development. Jakarta. the total death toll was about 1200 people [1]. however. . these reflections therefore highlight the progress of reform in Indonesia. and how the rioters came to be judged. Since reform is the grand theme. The friendly. Having said this. media and political and social analysts reflect on what has happened and has been happening since Suharto was ousted. people bewildered with his smile: how can he smile after killing innocent people? There seems no other alternative to explain this perplexing phenomenon but put it into a cultural category box called amok. I would like to shift the focus away from political reforms and democracy and reflect on the riots that took place in Indonesia. The majority of the dead were those who were trapped in the burning shopping centres. Looters can be equated with criminals and with their deaths. Quoting the government. and barbaric acts. the state should not be responsible for dealing with criminals. Labelling them looters instead of victims will impact on how big was the state’s responsibility for the dead people. Although many topics can be written regarding reformasi in Indonesia only democracy and political reforms are arguably having much more attention than other issues. According to a report released by Jakarta based non-governmental organisation. In their headlines. The riots shocked the international community and may have changed their views on the Indonesian people. hospitable. Labelling them looters also denies the history of well-being of the poor in Indonesia. Every year after the movement. Adalah penting untuk Indonesia untuk memikirkan pertanyaan yang nanti jika mereka ingin membangun Indonesia yang lebih demokratis di masa depan. To some extent. Not long after the riots which took place in Solo. Volunteer Team for Humanity. 2008. in Opinion. anti-Chinese sentiment. violent. and inclusive attitude can suddenly turn into vicious. by Guest Writer Spew looks back on the May 1998 riots and the issues of mass rapes. The government. It has been a decade since Reformasi (reform) movement took place in Indonesia that succeeded in forcing Suharto to step down. May 1998 Jakarta Riots May 16th. labelled them looters. the riots may have confirmed the wide representation of Indonesian people as having an amok culture. Indonesians were shocked to know that many people were burnt to death in malls and shopping centres. looters emerged as a product of discourse on representation of poor people in Indonesia. and Surabaya.

[3] Similarly. [2] Yet.What made the riot gaining more attention. did not draw a conclusion that mass rapes were systematic violence but only confirmed that such acts happened simultaneously with the riot and that among those rapes were some that were carried out with particular purposes. In fact. . this commission finally completed its report and suggested that the riot was a result of political tension at elite level and worsening economic condition. [4] Responding to the furore over mass rapes as well as international pressure to deal with these rapes the Indonesian government formed a joint fact finding commission (Tim Gabungan Pencari Fakta Kerusuhan Mei 13-15) in which government and NGO were expected to work together to solve this puzzle. anti-Chinese sentiment was played up at that time. the anti-Chinese sentiments were played up in order to represent the violence as something natural which stemmed from the tension between pribumi and non-pribumi. But one should bear in mind that political marginalisation towards Chinese people throughout Indonesian history may have contributed to Indonesian peoples’ understanding of their identities. discourse on rapes submerged the other gloomy stories such as those who were burnt to death in the shopping centres. however. What we should look at regarding the May violence is that race can be a powerful discourse in producing the knowledge of that violence. And the rapes were merely manifestation of frustration derived from imbalance economic status between Chinese and non-Chinese. in doing so we should not be differentiating them based on racial lines as this will only perpetuate the New Order logic. When the riots took place. Roesmanhadi the Chief of the Indonesian Police contended that the failure of providing “concrete data” meant that NGOs could be charged with disseminating lies. doubts were voiced publicly as to whether the rapes indeed had taken place. AntiChinese sentiments. As one crucial element to understand violence are the victims. this appalling news did not immediately receive sympathetic gestures. [5] The raging debate over the mass rapes seemed to impact on the representation of the riots. In other words. Once the stories of rapes unfolded. the existence of victims who died in shopping malls and Chinese victims could help us to deconstruct the representations of May 1998 violence. the Indonesian Minister of Women’s Affair Tutty Alawiyah. for instance. Indeed. “anti-Chinese” became a lexicon that is often used to understand the riots. was the rape of the Indonesian Chinese. Yet. however. The report. hundreds of Chinese women were gangraped. Although working within a strict time constraint. In response to the rapes issue. It was Jakarta based NGO. Volunteer Team for Humanity (Tim Relawan untuk Kemanusiaan-TRuK) that brought up the issue about the rapes. these urban poor were dead when they would like to loot things from Chinese stores. During that time. The stories of rapes appeared publicly not long after the news of more than a thousand deaths in malls emerged. Only radical understanding of victims of May Riots which weighs much on the interrogation of dominant discourse may lead to a better comprehension on what happened in those three days of atrocities. According to their report. contested the data provided by TRuK and asked for concrete proof regarding the mass rape. in this respect were constructed in order to lay foundation of what constituted Indonesia or pribumi.

dan bagaimana rioters datang untuk dinilai. * ↑5 TGPF. kekerasan.16 No. dan termasuk sikap dapat tiba-tiba menjadi ganas. Dalam utama mereka. (Jul-Aug. See. 1 September 1999. Setiap tahun setelah pergerakan. Jemma Purdey. Jakarta.html. sentimen anti-Cina.htm. available from: http://semanggipeduli. Medan. available from: http://www. ‘Laporan Akhir’. maka ini tercatat menyorot kemajuan reformasi di Indonesia. namun. Pemerintah. Meskipun banyak topik dapat ditulis mengenai Reformasi di Indonesia hanya demokrasi dan reformasi politik adalah Rasulullah memiliki lebih banyak perhatian dari isu-isu lain. Yang ramah. Untuk beberapa hal. 23 Oktober 1998. ramah. Asian Survey. looters muncul . No. media dan analis sosial politik dan mencerminkan pada apa yang telah terjadi dan telah terjadi sejak Suharto telah ousted. 4. 605-622. dan tindakan biadab. pp. Kerusuhan kaget masyarakat internasional dan mungkin telah berubah pandangan mereka terhadap masyarakat Indonesia.3 November Indonesia yang terkejut mengetahui bahwa banyak orang mati dibakar di mal dan pusat perbelanjaan. [Accessed at 10 May 2008]. “Gendered Visibilities and the Dream of Transparency: The Chinese-Indonesian Rape Debate in Post-Suharto Indonesia”. Ketika salah satu dari pelaku ledakan bomb di Bali Amrozi telah diambil itu gambar di media asing. * ↑3 Karen Strassler. pp. outlet media memainkan peranan penting dalam memperkekalkan dengan perwakilan dari orang-orang yang dibakar sampai mati di mal. saya ingin menggeser fokus dari reformasi politik dan demokrasi dan mencerminkan pada kerusuhan yang terjadi di Indonesia. kerusuhan Mei telah dikonfirmasi yang luas dari perwakilan masyarakat Indonesia yang memiliki budaya amuk. For more discussion on TGPF.hrw. label mereka looters. Sudah satu dekade sejak reformasi (reformasi) gerakan terjadi di Indonesia yang berhasil memaksa Suharto turun. di Opini. Vol. [Accessed at 8 May 2008] * ↑2 Human Rights Watch. * ↑4 Ibid. oleh Penulis Tamu Memuntahkan terlihat kembali pada Mei 1998 kerusuhan dan isu-isu massa perkosaan. Tidak lama setelah kerusuhan yang terjadi di Solo. ‘Problematizing the Place of Victims in Reformasi Indonesia: A Contested Truth about The May 1998 Violence’. 42. dan Surabaya. Di bawah ini. Kerusuhan Jakarta Mei 1998 16 Mei 2008. Penawaran pemerintah. Laporan Akhir Kerusuhan 13-15 Mei 1998. Indonesia: The Damaging Debate on Rapes of Ethnic Chinese Women. 689–725. Jemma Purdey provides an excellent account on the dynamic within the fact finding commission. Sejak reformasi adalah grand tema.* ↑1 Tim Gabungan Pencari Fakta Kerusuhan 13-15 Mei 1998 (TGPF). Gender & History. 2002). orang limbung dengan tersenyum: bagaimana dapat tersenyum setelah dia membunuh orang bersalah? Seolah-olah tidak ada alternatif lain untuk menjelaskan fenomena ini membingungkan tetapi memasukkannya ke dalam kotak yang disebut kategori budaya amuk. Jakarta. The Legacy of Violence in Indonesia.

yang meragukan untuk menyampaikan kepada publik sebagai apakah kasus perkosaan memang telah terjadi. berita ini menggemparkan tidak segera menerima bersimpati gerak gerik. Sebagian besar yang mati adalah orang-orang yang terperangkap dalam pembakaran pusat perbelanjaan. Label looters mereka bukan korban akan berdampak pada seberapa besar negara adalah tanggung jawab untuk orang mati. Bahkan. ratusan perempuan Cina gangraped. adalah perkosaan dari Indonesia Cina. dalam hal ini sudah dibangun untuk meletakkan dasar apa yang pertama atau Pribumi Indonesia. tidak menarik kesimpulan bahwa massa perkosaan pada kekerasan sistematis tetapi hanya menyatakan bahwa perbuatan tersebut terjadi bersamaan dengan kerusuhan dan yang di antara mereka ada beberapa kasus perkosaan yang dilakukan dengan tujuan tertentu. jumlah korban jiwa adalah sekitar 1200 orang [1]. [3] Demikian pula. maka sentimen anti-Cina . Tim Relawan untuk Kemanusiaan (Tim Relawan untuk Kemanusiaan-Truk) yang dinyalakan isu tentang perkosaan. [5] Perdebatan yang hebat atas kasus perkosaan massa nampaknya terhadap perwakilan dari kerusuhan. Ianya Jakarta berbasis LSM. Setelah cerita dari kasus perkosaan yang terbuka. Tim Relawan untuk Kemanusiaan. Laporan Namun. Apa yang membuat kerusuhan mendapat lebih banyak perhatian. Menurut laporan mereka. Menurut laporan yang dikeluarkan oleh Jakarta berbasis organisasi nonpemerintah. Sentimen anti-Cina. negara tidak harus bertanggung jawab untuk menangani kriminal. mengeluhkan data yang diberikan oleh Truk dan meminta bukti konkret mengenai perkosaan massa. [4] Menjawab kemarahan massa atas kasus perkosaan serta tekanan internasional untuk menangani kasus perkosaan ini dengan pemerintah Indonesia membentuk komisi bersama Pencari Fakta (Tim Gabungan Pencari tahta Kerusuhan Mei 13-15) di mana pemerintah dan LSM tersebut diharapkan akan bekerja sama untuk menyelesaikan puzzle.sebagai produk dari wacana perwakilan dari masyarakat miskin di Indonesia. "anti-Cina" menjadi kosa kata yang sering digunakan untuk memahami kerusuhan. Selama masa itu. Roesmanhadi sebagai Kepala Polisi Indonesia contended bahwa kegagalan memberikan "beton data" dimaksudkan LSM yang dapat diisi dengan sosialisasi terletak. wacana pada kasus perkosaan yang terendam mendung cerita lain seperti orang-orang yang dibakar sampai mati di pusat perbelanjaan. Ini "looters" adalah korban kekerasan struktural berasal dari pembangunan ekonomi yang tidak adil. Menanggapi masalah kasus perkosaan. namun. Cerita-cerita perkosaan muncul publik tidak lama setelah berita lebih dari seribu kematian muncul di mal. [2] Namun. Walaupun bekerja dalam waktu yang sangat ketat kendala. sentimen anti-Cina telah diputar di waktu itu. Tetapi kita harus ingat bahwa politik marginalisation terhadap orang Cina di seluruh Indonesia sejarah mungkin telah menyumbang kepada masyarakat Indonesia untuk memahami identitas mereka. Sesungguhnya. Bila terjadi kerusuhan. misalnya. Label looters mereka juga denies sejarah kesejahteraan masyarakat miskin di Indonesia. komisi ini akhirnya selesai laporan dan mengemukakan bahwa kerusuhan merupakan hasil dari ketegangan politik di tingkat elit serta kondisi ekonomi. Indonesia Menteri Perempuan Affair Tutty Alawiyah. Looters dapat menyetarakan dengan kriminal dan dengan kematian mereka.

Indonesia: The Merusak Debat pada perkosaan dari Etnik Cina Perempuan. 'Laporan Akhir'. Asian Survey.16 No. 689-725. (Juli-Agustus. tersedia dari: http://www.htm. [Diakses pada 10 Mei 2008]. 1 September 1999. Ini tentang penghilangan orang2 . father of Bimo Petrus. pp. Hanya radikal pemahaman korban Mei Riots Berat yang banyak di interogasi dari wacana dominan dapat mengakibatkan pemahaman yang lebih baik mengenai apa yang terjadi dalam tiga hari kerusuhan. Vol. 'Problematizing di Tempat Korban Reformasi di Indonesia: mengeluhkan tentang kebenaran Mei 1998 Kekerasan'. Political Disappearance: A Neverending Story in Reformasi Regime “I was shocked when I heard that my son was arrested in 1998.3 November 2004. pp. [Diakses pada 8 Mei 2008] * 2 ↑ Human Rights Watch. * ↑ 5 TGPF.Pak Dionysius Utomo. * ↑ 1 Tim Gabungan Pencari tahta Kerusuhan 13-15 Mei 1998 (TGPF). 605-622. tersedia dari: http://semanggipeduli. * ↑ 4 Ibid.yang diputar dalam rangka untuk mewakili kekerasan sebagai sesuatu yang membatasi alam dari ketegangan antara Pribumi dan non-Pribumi. Jemma Purdey. Laporan Akhir Kerusuhan 13-15 Mei 1998. Dan perkosaan pada hanya manifestasi dari kekecewaan yang berasal dari status ekonomi ketidakseimbangan antara Cina dan keberadaan korban yang meninggal di mal dan Cina korban dapat membantu kami untuk gagas pernyataan kekerasan Mei 1998. 2006. Jender & Sejarah.” . I feel a little hope that he is still alive somewhere. kita tidak boleh membedakan mereka berdasarkan ras baris seperti ini hanya akan melanggengkan Orde Baru logika. . Namun. I searched for him everywhere but there was no information. Dengan kata lain. Apa kita harus melihat tentang kekerasan Mei adalah ras yang dapat menjadi wacana kuat dalam memproduksi pengetahuan yang kekerasan. Political Disappearances May 19th. * ↑ 3 Karen Strassler. No 4. Jemma Purdey menyediakan akun yang dinamis dalam Pencari Fakta komisi. "Jender dan Visibilities Dream of Transparansi: The IndonesiaCina Rape Debat di Post-Suharto Indonesia". 2002). Vol. Jakarta. Legacy Kekerasan di Indonesia.hrw. Lihat. by Sarawut Pratoomraj Guest writer Sarawut Pratoomraj discusses cases of political disappearances in the last years of the Suharto regime. 42. Untuk diskusi lebih pada TGPF. Sebagai salah satu elemen penting untuk memahami kekerasan adalah korban.html. 60. 23 Oktober 1998. eight years ini miskin perkotaan yang mati ketika mereka ingin menjarah sesuatu dari toko Cina. dalam melakukan hal ini. in Opinion.

I was afraid that I would be killed. an illegal political party accused of subversive acts. He was arrested by the military on 13 March 1998 and released three months later on 8 June 1998. The officer said the same and showed me my son’s release paper”¦” . He went to the government house and many military and police stations but found nothing. 68. not the police station. he thinks for a while and said with mournful eyes . and act on referendums. Above were testimonies of victims and relatives of victims of human rights violations who suffered under the crackdown of the Soeharto regime in 1997-1998. 32. was a victim of human rights violation. to bring his case to Europe and the Unites Nations.J. act on mass organizations.Ibu Tuti Koto. He immediately searched for him when he learned about his son’s case. He decided to resign from his job and joined IKOHI. Habibie was overthrown. to campaign to abolish the five unjust acts issued by the Soeharto government namely: act on political parties. He was an activist in 1998. I was taken somewhere. I was psychologically shaken because those who arrested me weren’t police. I went to look for his friends but they didn’t know. I am a lucky guy .Mugiyanto. Mugi and many students worked underground. “About 10 people came into my room . Aside from knowing whether his son is dead or alive. I immediately went to the military station to ask for Yani Afri’s whereabouts.I survived and not dead or disappeared like many friends. One of Mugi’s friends who disappeared in 31 March 1998 is Bimo Petrus. He immediately joined his friend Munir at KontraS.”ン .two were in military uniform while most were in plainclothes. The government banned his organization by linking it to the Communist Party of Indonesia. Mugiyanto or Mugi. Other people still don’t know if their relatives are dead or alive. when the then President B. I was tortured and electrocuted. Chairperson of IKOHI. when asked for other reasons. The officers said that he was released and no longer in their custody. the Commission for Involuntary Disappearance and Victims of Violation. act on general elections. I returned to the military station crying. Dionysius was an administrative officer at Malang Central Mental Hospital. and told me to find his friend. as many university students were at that time. chairperson of the Indonesian Association of Families of the Disappeared (IKOHI). Only three political parties were allowed during the Soeharto regime. act on the composition of the parliament. In his mind were his friends and other people who were arrested at the same period but still missing. The activists demanded the change of the regime as it was against the Dual Function of the Armed Forces that supported Soeharto’s authoritarian regime. and Dionysius Utomo’s son. mother of Yani Afri.“”¦a friend of my son came and told me that my son was arrested by the military in Tanjung Priok. Mugi worked as correspondent with a Dutch television network in 2000-2001. a student from the Department of Philosophy at the Driyakara Jakarta University.

The last words “short memory”ン seems like the situation in Thailand. The President has never set up any independent body to look into my case. The purposes of the Congress were to review the constitution. I always remember my son. I need to charge those who were involved in his disappearance. I don’t want to see it happen again . If he is dead. but still with no results. The pains and cries of the families have no meaning. While my son was still around. I have to bury him according to the Catholic custom. “”¦ after Soeharto. Political reform in Thailand started in late 1990s with the enforcement of the 1997 constitution that stated three main reforms: strengthen the political system (Prime Minister and Senator system). He liked to play guitar and sing for me. I don’t have any regular source of income”¦”ン 1 IKOHI was established in 1998 by Munir and other human rights activists. activities. and election of committee members to continue the work and to follow-up the disappeared cases. there were no compensation. There is still not much progress since political reform in Thailand was initiated more than 10 years ago. he would assist me financially by working as a driver while pursuing his studies. Thai people also have short memory with what happened on 6 October 1976 or May 1992 were many disappeared. they have short memory”ン. Indonesians try to forget what happened during the New Order period. and human rights protection system. I have the right to know. but it was hopeless. Aceh. people participation in every level of administration. and no solution for the victims of human rights violations. every Indonesian government can’t resolve the issues of the families of the disappeared. I hope that violations would stop now. mandate. She met Munir who helped her to search for Yani in various military headquarters and government offices and had a personal dialogue with former President Abdurrahman Wahid and Armed Forces Chief Wiranto. died or wounded. I need to know. no social welfare. Mugi explained and added. The congress was attended by victims and families of human rights violations during the Soeharto regime from 1965 to1998. and Papua. “I got assistance from KontraS but I cry every time I went there and saw the street singers. Indonesia and Thailand are in the process of political reform and should learn from each other. When she heard about Kontras. Similarly to Ibu Tuti. South Sulawesi on 7-10 March 2006 and chose Mugiyanto as Chair. There were about 80 participants from the west of Indonesia. no response in any way. She asked every government agency but failed. The crisis to oust Thaksin is the second stage of reform. It held its 2nd Congress in Makassar. to the east. .not to any single family”ン. The disappearance of lawyer Somchai Neelaphaijit in 2004 or those who are still missing in southern most Thailand are also quiet. “The public is not interested with the victims of human rights violations now even when we are in the so-called “Reformasi”ン system. Now. He was poor but he was an artist.“I had a lot of hope in the government during the Reformasi. There are so many social crises in our country that human rights is not a priority. We should do more for our justice. We urge for government commitment and political will for the victims and families”ン. she immediately went to ask for help. her son Yani Afri disappeared on 26 July 1997.

Aku pergi untuk mencari teman-temannya tetapi mereka tidak tahu.Indonesia should also question its “Reformasi”ン. " . Kata petugas yang sama dan menunjukkan saya putra lepaskan kertas "|" . Saya merasa sedikit berharap bahwa dia masih hidup suatu tempat. "Sekitar 10 orang datang ke kamar saya . A strengthened people will result to the end of political disappearances and violations of human rights.Pak Dionysius Utomo. published by AFAD. “Reformasi”ン means people participation in every level of administration. politicians respect and disseminate the universal standards of human rights. Politik Kehilangan: A Neverending cerita dalam reformasi rezim "Saya kaget ketika saya mendengar bahwa anak saya telah ditangkap pada tahun 1998. Saya beruntung penjahat . The strength of the people in political reform should be the strength of human rights. Terjemahannya . Saya segera pergi ke stasiun militer untuk meminta Afri Yani's yang sedang dikerjakan. di Opini. Saya telah diambil suatu tempat. dan mengatakan kepada saya untuk menemukan temannya. page 61. Aku mencari dia di mana-mana tetapi tidak ada informasi. the National Institute undertake its roles efficiently and independently.saya selamat dan tidak mati atau hilang seperti banyak teman. Saya telah disiksa dan electrocuted. which means the economic development of the country is parallel with civil and political development.dua orang dari seragam militer di saat yang paling di plainclothes. oleh Sarawut Pratoomraj Tamu Sarawut Pratoomraj penulis membahas kasus politik Kehilangan di tahun terakhir dari rezim Soeharto. IKOHI and strengthening the families to pressure more politicians to work for justice are good examples for people participation in political reform. 2005. 68. Pejabat mengatakan bahwa ia telah dirilis dan mereka tidak lagi di penjara. Politik Kehilangan 19 Mei 2006. Footnote 1: Tuti Koto. "" | Teman anak saya datang dan mengatakan kepada saya bahwa anak saya telah ditangkap oleh militer di Tanjung Priok. ayah dari Bimo Petrus. Orang lain masih tidak tahu jika saudara mereka yang hidup atau mati. state agencies practice the “Rule of Law”ン.Ibu Tuti Koto. Losing One’s Faith in the Law. delapan tahun yang lalu. bukan polisi. Saya takut bahwa saya akan dibunuh. Healing Wounds. Mending Scars. It does not only benefit the families but also the progress of democracy and human rights in general. "? . and the government develop the country under the concept of “indivisibility”ン. ibu dari Yani Afri. The IKOHI task is not yet finished. 60. Saya psikologis digoncang karena orang-orang yang ditangkap polisi tidak me. Saya kembali ke stasiun militer menangis.

Saya tidak ingin melihatnya terjadi lagi . tetapi sia-sia. dan Dionysius Utomo anak. Mugiyanto atau Mugi. ketika diminta untuk alasan lain. Dionysius Utomo Dionysius Utomo. "Saya memiliki banyak berharap pada pemerintah selama reformasi. Jika dia sudah mati. Hanya tiga partai politik yang diperbolehkan selama rezim Soeharto. Saya perlu tahu. Mugi bekerja sebagai wartawan dengan jaringan televisi Belanda pada tahun 20002001. salah satu hilang. Dia segera mencari dia ketika dia belajar tentang kasus anaknya. bertindak pada ormas. Dia memutuskan untuk mundur dari pekerjaannya dan bergabung dengan IKOHI. Para aktivis menuntut perubahan dari rezim yang seperti ini terhadap Dual Fungsi TNI yang didukung rezim Soeharto yang otoriter. sebuah partai politik ilegal terdakwa dari tindakan murtad. saya harus mengubur dia sesuai dengan adat Katolik. adalah korban pelanggaran HAM. Dia segera bergabung dengan temannya Munir di KontraS.. Di atas adalah bukti dari korban dan keluarga korban pelanggaran hak asasi manusia yang menderita di bawah tindakan keras dari rezim Soeharto pada 1997-1998.Mugiyanto. Mugi dan banyak siswa bekerja di bawah tanah. bertindak pada pemilihan umum. Salah satu Mugi's yang menghilang pada 31 Maret 1998 adalah Bimo Petrus. 32. kepala dari Asosiasi Keluarga Indonesia yang hilang (IKOHI). karena banyak mahasiswa yang pada waktu itu. untuk membawa kasus itu ke Eropa dan Amerika Serikat Bangsa-Bangsa. dan bertindak pada referendums. bertindak sesuai dengan komposisi dari parlemen. Saya berharap bahwa pelanggaran akan berhenti sekarang. Ia pergi ke rumah dan banyak pemerintah militer dan polisi tetapi tidak ditemukan. tidak ada respon dengan cara apapun. Presiden tidak pernah menyiapkan semua badan independen untuk melihat kasus saya. Ia ditangkap oleh militer pada 13 Maret 1998 dan merilis tiga bulan kemudian pada tanggal 8 Juni 1998. Pemerintah dilarang oleh organisasi itu dikaitkan dengan Partai Komunis Indonesia. ketika kemudian Presiden BJ Habibie telah terguling. untuk promosi untuk meniadakan lima tindakan tidak adil yang dikeluarkan oleh pemerintah Soeharto yaitu: bertindak pada partai politik. ketua IKOHI. Dalam pikiran adalah teman-temannya dan orang lain yang ditangkap pada periode yang sama tetapi masih hilang. . ayah dari Bimo Petrus. Selain dari mengetahui apakah anaknya sudah mati atau hidup. Beliau adalah aktivis pada tahun 1998. Komisi untuk secara Kehilangan dan Korban Pelanggaran. seorang siswa dari Departemen Filsafat di Universitas Driyakara Jakarta. Saya perlu biaya untuk orang-orang yang terlibat dalam hilangnya. ia berpikir untuk sementara waktu dan berkata dengan mata sedih: Bimo Petrus Bimo Petrus. saya memiliki hak untuk tahu. Dionysius adalah petugas administrasi di Malang Rumah Sakit Pusat Mental.tidak untuk satu keluarga "?.

" Masyarakat tidak tertarik dengan korban pelanggaran hak asasi manusia sekarang bahkan ketika kita berada dalam apa yang disebut "reformasi"? sistem. Kami harus berbuat lebih banyak untuk kami keadilan. Dia miskin tetapi dia seorang artis. Sekarang. Krisis untuk mengusir . Ada begitu banyak krisis sosial di negara kita yang hak asasi manusia bukan merupakan prioritas. ibu Yani Afri. dan Papua. "Saya mendapat bantuan dari KontraS tetapi saya menangis setiap kali saya pergi dan melihat ada jalan penyanyi. mereka memiliki memori singkat "?. Kehilangan Somchai Neelaphaijit pengacara pada tahun 2004 atau orang-orang yang masih hilang di selatan Thailand adalah juga paling sepi. ia akan membantu me finansial dengan bekerja sebagai sopir sambil mencari dalam kajiannya. Kongres ini diikuti oleh keluarga korban dan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia selama rezim Soeharto dari 1965 to1998. Ada sekitar 80 peserta dari barat Indonesia. dan pemilihan anggota komite untuk melanjutkan kerja dan untuk menindaklanjuti kasus-kasus yang hilang. Tujuan dari kongres adalah untuk meninjau konstitusi. Sulawesi Selatan pada 7-10 Maret 2006 dan memilih Mugiyanto sebagai ketua. partisipasi masyarakat di setiap tingkat administrasi. Dia bertemu Munir yang membantu untuk mencari Yani di berbagai markas militer dan kantor-kantor pemerintahan dan pribadi telah dialog dengan mantan Presiden Abdurrahman Wahid dan TNI Chief Wiranto. Ini 2nd kongres yang diadakan di Makassar. Dia suka bermain gitar dan bernyanyi untuk saya. Indonesia mencoba untuk melupakan apa yang terjadi pada masa Orde Baru. dan tidak ada solusi untuk korban pelanggaran hak asasi manusia. Saya selalu ingat anak saya. Yang payah dan cries dari keluarga tidak memiliki arti. Reformasi politik di Thailand dimulai pada akhir tahun 1990-an dengan penegakan konstitusi 1997 yang menyatakan tiga utama reformasi: memperkuat sistem politik (Perdana Menteri Senator dan sistem). Kongres IKOHI IKOHI Kongres. Indonesia dan Thailand sedang dalam proses reformasi politik dan harus belajar dari satu sama lain. Kami mendorong pemerintah untuk komitmen dan politik bagi korban dan keluarga "?.Demikian juga kepada Ibu Tuti. mandat. Aceh. Orang Thai juga memiliki memori pendek dengan apa yang terjadi pada tanggal 6 Oktober 1976 atau Mei 1992 banyak yang hilang. kegiatan. meninggal atau luka. Terakhir kata "memori pendek"? tampaknya seperti situasi di Indonesia. dan sistem perlindungan hak asasi manusia. ke timur. dia segera pergi untuk meminta bantuan. Sementara anak saya masih sekitar. tidak kesejahteraan sosial. saya tidak memiliki sumber pendapatan reguler "|"?? 1 IKOHI didirikan pada tahun 1998 oleh Munir dan aktivis hak asasi manusia. Mugi dijelaskan dan ditambahkan. Dia meminta setiap instansi pemerintah tetapi gagal. anaknya Yani Afri menghilang pada tanggal 26 Juli 1997. Ketika ia mendengar tentang Kontras. Tuti koko Tuti koko. "" | Setelah Soeharto. setiap pemerintah Indonesia tidak dapat menyelesaikan masalah dari keluarga yang hilang. tetapi masih tanpa hasil. tidak ada kompensasi.

Ada yang masih belum banyak kemajuan sejak reformasi politik di Indonesia telah dimulai lebih dari 10 tahun lalu. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has announced they will study the matter. are being haunted again by their crimes in the aftermath of Soekarno’s declaration of 17-8-45 and they rightfully should. Ia tidak hanya menguntungkan keluarga tetapi juga kemajuan demokrasi dan hak asasi manusia pada umumnya. 2008. due to their stubbornness. Dutch State sued by Indonesians On Monday 8 September 2008 10 Indonesian survivors of Dutch post WWII violence have sued the Dutch State for the assassination of their family members during the First Police Action (Agresi Militer Belanda I) after WW II.Thaksin adalah tahap kedua dari reformasi. Hilangnya Satu's Iman dalam Hukum. Only just being liberated themselves from the Germans the Dutch wanted to continue the situation as it was before WWII and re-occupy their former territories now being declared independent and bearing the name Republik Indonesia. 2005. According to the Dutch Indulgence Note from 1969 150 people were killed. They want financial compensation. IKOHI tugas yang belum selesai. by Lairedion Lairedion on the Dutch state being sued over war crimes at Rawagede. According to the Dutch Honorary Debts Foundation. National Institute melakukan peran efisien dan mandiri. Penyembuhan terluka. Sebuah masyarakat akan diperkuat dengan hasil akhir Kehilangan politik dan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia. Pulles acts on behalf of ten villagers from Rawagede. Kekuatan masyarakat dalam politik reformasi harus kekuatan hak asasi manusia. According to Pulles it is for the first time Indonesian victims of the fighting of 19451949 hold the Dutch State responsible. ignorance and patronizing behaviour. "Reformasi"? berarti partisipasi masyarakat di setiap tingkat administrasi. as announced by their lawyer Mr. IKOHI dan keluarga untuk memperkuat tekanan lebih politisi untuk bekerja untuk keadilan adalah contoh yang baik bagi partisipasi masyarakat dalam reformasi politik. Indonesia juga harus sering mempertanyakan "reformasi"?. yang berarti pembangunan ekonomi negara adalah sejajar dengan sipil dan politik pembangunan. baik melalui perbaikan. Catatan kaki 1: Tuti Koto. dan pemerintah negara berkembang di bawah konsep "tdk dpt dibagi"?. 63 years after Indonesian independence. politisi menghormati dan menyebarkan universal standar hak asasi manusia. explanations and recognition for their suffering. in Opinion. They survived the bloody attack of the Dutch Army on 9 December 1947. the Dutch. . West Java. West Java. halaman 61. 431 (almost all the male) villagers were slaughtered. lembaga negara mempraktekkan "Peraturan UU"?. Gerrit Jan Pulles. Dutch War Crimes September 9th. Mr. Well into 2008. diterbitkan oleh AFAD.

Their website have more information on the Rawagede story and on the infamous Raymond Westerling who murdered thousands of innocent people in South Sulawesi. This reaction came after then Dutch Foreign Minister . gross violations of human rights and crimes against humanity. At the same time more and more Dutch veterans. haunted by the crimes and horror they experienced. It is very disappointing to see that of all the Dutch political parties only the left-wing Socialist Party support the claim while the conservative-liberal VVD on behalf of MP spokesman Hans van Baalen even denied Dutch crimes against humanity in Indonesia! 63 years of ignorance and subtle racism have been persistent obviously. to recognize 17 August 1945 as the day Indonesia became independent. One survivor just wants the Dutch not to forget what has happened. a disease many Western nations still suffer from.Rawagede is one of the most notorious events in the history of Indonesian struggle for independence against the Dutch. They didn’t find any weapons neither did they find Lukas. The UN made an inquiry and concluded the killings were “deliberate” and “ruthless” but failed to prosecute and to have the Dutch punished and sentenced for these obvious crimes against humanity and this is still the situation today! Last month Pulles (of mixed Indo-Dutch blood like yours truly) visited Rawagede together with people from the “Yayasan Komite Utang Kehormatan Belanda (KUKB)”. 2. It is because of this the KUKB has been founded by Netherlands-based Indonesian Jeffy Pondaag in 2005. Back in 2005 Indonesian Foreign Minister Hassan Wirayuda. despite the fact there were some young males of 11-12 years old among them. slavery. including its chairman Jeffry Pondaag. Furthermore they do not seek punishments for the people directly involved in the killings. On 9 December 1947 Dutch forces raided the West Javanese village to look for weapons and Indonesian freedom fighter Lukas Kustario who often spent time in Rawagede. The foundation is a non-subsidized independent foundation with branches in the Netherlands and Indonesia and would be happy to accept any donations. to collect witness accounts and endorsements from survivors in order to hold the Dutch State responsible. Apparently dissatisfied by their lack of success the Dutch commander directed all males to be separated from the rest in order to execute all of them. Indonesian leaders reported the mass killing to local UN officials. obviously speaking on behalf of the Indonesian people. to offer apologies to the Indonesian people for its colonialism. They look after the interests of civilian victims who suffered from violence and war crimes committed by Dutch military. While financial compensation is sought after it must be noted that most survivors only want the Dutch State to take moral responsibility and offer official apologies to the Indonesian people. are supportive of the Rawagede survivors’ claim. made it clear Indonesia is not seeking apologies or compensation from the Dutch. They demand the Dutch government: 1.

Bapak Pulles bertindak atas nama dari sepuluh desa Rawagede. 7. witnesses and next of kin are still alive. Jawa Barat. Evidence is clear. Jawa Barat. we’re dealing with war crimes. requires broadband internet access. Negara Belanda susu oleh Indonesia Pada Senin 8 September 2008 10 Indonesia korban Belanda pasca PD II kekerasan telah susu Negara Belanda untuk pembunuhan anggota keluarga mereka selama Pertama Polisi Aksi (Agresi Militer Belanda I) setelah WW II. penjelasan dan pengakuan untuk mereka menderita. sebagai pengacara mereka diumumkan oleh Bapak Gerrit Jan Pulles. di Opini. recognition and financial compensation. Sources and links: News article from Dutch daily “Parool” (Dutch) : Indonesiërs klagen Nederlandse staat aan Website of KUKB (Dutch and Indonesian): Yayasan Komite Utang Kehormatan Belanda 1948 (English) Word document approx. It should come from the Dutch themselves but their stubbornness and ignorance are still hindering them anno 2008. Mereka ingin kompensasi keuangan. oleh Lairedion Lairedion di negara Belanda yang susu atas kejahatan perang di Rawagede.Ben Bot (who is Jakarta-born) expressed regrets and morally accepted the de-facto independence of Indonesia on 17-8-45 while he was representing the Dutch government during the festivities of Independence Day on 17-8-2005. Terjemahannya : Belanda kejahatan perang 9 September 2008. gross violation of human rights and crimes against humanity and here lies an opportunity for the Dutch to finally deal with its own past by recognizing and helping those poor villagers. The Netherlands have constantly refused to express a full apology and recognition but were always quick to raise their finger and lecture its former colony on alleged human rights violations during the Soeharto reign. Of course it is irrelevant if Indonesia is demanding apologies or compensation or not. Mereka bertahan berdarah serangan dari Tentara . Menurut Pulles ini untuk pertama kalinya Indonesia korban yang memerangi 1945-1949 pegang dari Negara Belanda bertanggung jawab. seeking for Dutch responsibility. Streaming media.8 MB: Report of the Rawahgedeh observation team Broadcast of Dutch news show Netwerk with topic on this story: Netwerk 8 September 2008 (witness accounts from survivors (Dutch-Indonesian-Sundanese). Bot’s remarks were widely criticized in the Dutch media for being insufficient and way too short of a full apology and recognition of 17-8-45. I’m fully supportive of the Rawagede villagers and any future similar cases.

Indonesia dilaporkan pemimpin massa lokal untuk membunuh pejabat PBB. Pada tanggal 9 Desember 1947 Belanda memaksa raided Jawa Barat desa untuk mencari senjata dan pejuang kemerdekaan Indonesia Lukas Kustario yang sering menghabiskan waktu di Rawagede. Selain itu mereka tidak mencari hukuman bagi orang-orang yang terlibat langsung dalam pembunuhan. untuk mengumpulkan saksi dan account endorsements dari korban untuk terus Negara Belanda bertanggung jawab. Hal ini karena ini KUKB telah didirikan oleh Belanda berbasis Jeffy Pondaag Indonesia pada tahun 2005. karena sikap keras kepala. meskipun ada beberapa fakta laki-laki muda dari 11-12 tahun di antara mereka. setelah 63 tahun kemerdekaan Indonesia. penyakit banyak negara-negara Barat masih menderita. angker oleh kejahatan dan kengerian yang dialaminya. kebodohan patronizing dan perilaku. termasuk ketua JEFFRY Pondaag. Departemen Luar Negeri telah mengumumkan mereka akan mempelajari masalah. Pada saat yang sama lebih dan lebih Belanda yang terluka. Sangat mengecewakan untuk melihat bahwa semua partai politik Belanda hanya sayap kiriPartai Sosialis mendukung klaim sementara konservatif-liberal VVD atas nama MP juru bicara Hans van Baalen bahkan ditolak Belanda kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan di Indonesia! 63 tahun kebodohan dan halus rasisme telah tetap jelas. Mereka menuntut pemerintah Belanda: . Sementara kompensasi keuangan yang dicari itu harus dicatat bahwa kebanyakan korban hanya ingin Negara Belanda untuk mengambil tanggung jawab moral dan menawarkan apologies resmi kepada masyarakat Indonesia. Rawagede adalah salah satu yang paling terkenal jahat dalam peristiwa sejarah perjuangan Indonesia untuk kemerdekaan melawan Belanda. Tampaknya mereka tidak puas dengan keberhasilan Belanda komandan diarahkan untuk semua laki-laki dipisahkan dari sisanya untuk melakukan semua itu. Menurut Yayasan Utang Kehormatan Belanda. Hanya saja yang liberated diri dari Jerman Belanda ingin melanjutkan situasi seperti ini sebelum PD II dan kembali bekas-membeset mereka wilayah yang sekarang dinyatakan independen dan peluru nama Republik Indonesia. yang mendukung dari Rawagede korban klaim. Baik ke 2008. PBB telah dijalankan dan menyimpulkan pembunuhan yang telah "sengaja" dan "buas" tetapi gagal untuk menuntut dan agar Belanda dihukum dan hukuman ini jelas kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan dan ini masih dalam situasi hari ini! Bulan lalu Pulles (dari campuran Indo-Belanda darah seperti Anda benar-benar) dikunjungi Rawagede bersama-sama dengan orang-orang dari "Yayasan Komite Utang Kehormatan Belanda (KUKB)". sedang angker lagi oleh mereka dalam kejahatan setelah Soekarno's Deklarasi 17-8-45 dan mereka harus tepat. 431 (hampir semua laki-laki) desa yang dipotong.Belanda pada tanggal 9 Desember 1947. Menurut Belanda Indulgence Catatan dari 1969 150 orang tewas. Belanda. Satu club hanya ingin Belanda untuk tidak lupa apa yang telah terjadi. Mereka tidak menemukan senjata mereka tidak menemukan Lukas.

Streaming media. mengenali 17 Agustus 1945 sebagai hari Indonesia menjadi independen. perbudakan. kotor pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dan kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan dan terletak di sini kesempatan untuk Belanda akhirnya untuk berurusan dengan masa lalu sendiri oleh orang-orang yang mengenali dan membantu miskin desa. Saya mendukung sepenuhnya dari desa Rawagede dan kasus-kasus serupa di masa depan. Bukti yang jelas. Mereka menjaga kepentingan korban sipil yang menderita dari kekerasan dan kejahatan perang oleh militer Belanda. Belanda untuk mencari tanggung jawab. Yayasan adalah non-subsidi yayasan independen dengan cabang di Belanda dan Indonesia dan akan senang hati menerima sumbangan. kami berurusan dengan kejahatan perang. Belanda telah terus menolak mengungkapkan penuh maaf dan pengakuan tetapi selalu cepat untuk meningkatkan jari mereka dan para bekas koloni kuliah pada dugaan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia selama pemerintahan Soeharto. Sumber dan link: Berita artikel dari Belanda harian "Parool" (Belanda): Indonesiërs klagen Nederlandse staat aan Situs KUKB (Belanda dan Indonesia): Yayasan Komite Utang Kehormatan Belanda 1948 (Inggris) sekitar dokumen Word. . apologies untuk menawarkan kepada masyarakat Indonesia untuk kolonialisme. saksi dan keluarga terdekat berikutnya masih hidup. 7. jelas berbicara atas nama masyarakat Indonesia. Situs web mereka memiliki lebih banyak informasi mengenai Rawagede cerita dan pada jahat Raymond Westerling yang bersalah membunuh ribuan orang di Sulawesi Selatan. Kembali pada tahun 2005 Indonesia Menteri Luar Negeri Hassan Wirayuda. Bot's tersebut telah dikritik secara luas di media Belanda untuk menjadi kurang terlalu pendek dan cara yang penuh maaf dan pengakuan dari 17-8-45. pengakuan dan kompensasi keuangan. sudah tidak relevan lagi jika Indonesia menuntut apologies atau kompensasi atau tidak. Tentu saja.1. Ia harus datang dari Belanda mereka tapi mereka sikap keras kepala dan kebodohan masih Hambat mereka anno 2008. 2. menjadikan Indonesia tidak mencari apologies atau kompensasi dari Belanda. kotor pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dan kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan. Ini reaksi datang kemudian setelah Menteri Luar Negeri Belanda Ben Bot (yang lahir di Jakarta) dinyatakan menyesalkan dan moral mengakui secara de-facto kemerdekaan Indonesia pada 17-8-45 sementara dia mewakili pemerintah Belanda selama acara-acara dari Hari Kemerdekaan pada tanggal 17 -82005. membutuhkan akses internet broadband.8 MB: Laporan dari pengamatan tim Rawahgedeh Menyiarkan berita Belanda Netwerk dengan topik memperlihatkan pada cerita ini: Netwerk 8 September 2008 (account dari saksi korban (Belanda-Indonesia-Sunda).

or arrested themselves. Legal Gaps D. He was accused of threatening the census takers with a knife when they visited his village. Discipline. Methodology III. victim of police beating. Reforms. Acknowledgements I. Background Establishing the East Timor Police Force Composition of the East Timor Police Force Responsibility for Training. terjemahannya atur sendiri! Tortured Beginnings Police Violence and the Beginnings of Impunity in East Timor Map of East Timor I. He told Human Rights Watch how uniformed police officers arrived at his house at about 9:30 in the morning and took him in a police car to Maliana district . Monitoring VI. Problematic Past Training Approaches F. Institutions and Practices Needed to Create Police Accountability in East Timor A. Introduction I think that if the police arrest people. Addressing Impunity B. The Need for More and Better Training E. Current Initiatives G. Carlito Gusmao. Aldeia Tasmasak. they can't beat them.Ini tentang Timtim. they just arrest and straight away beat people. and Investigating Police Abuse IV. You have to ask first if he is guilty. then arrest him. Introduction Key Recommendations II. Bobonaro[1] Carlito Gusmao was arrested by the police after he refused to take part in the national census. I think they should be fired. and then take him to the court in Dili. Police Abuse Arbitrary Detention Unauthorized Use of Firearms Impunity for Rape Legal Standards on Torture and Other Physical Mistreatment V. Detailed Recommendations Recommendations to the Government of East Timor Recommendations to Donors and Others Providing Assistance to the Police VII. The Development of Oversight Institutions Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit The Office of the Provedor C. But because they [the police] have a bad attitude.

[3] Over the past two years police abuse has become one of East Timor's most worrying human rights problems. He was wearing police boots. "I haven't done anything wrong. measure. "I am ready to be guilty. It was inside the examination room in the prison. the perpetrator. kicked my groin [kemaluan]. The police and other state institutions have often failed to respond to incidents of police abuse appropriately.m. He has not made a complaint about the abuse he alleges. later I will shoot you. They do not accept the questioning of their role or authority. Finally he took out his gun and threatened me. It was about thirty minutes this violence.. They took me to the hospital in Baucau. I think it was June 18. rise to the level of torture. "You be quiet. for fear of retribution. I was ready to answer [a question]. Why? Because of the attitude of the police that they are an institution that has to be respected. "Later.Police officers regularly use excessive force during arrests. Why do you hit me?" He said. for throwing rocks at some people he suspected of tampering with his fishing boat: By the time I got to the prison it was about 7:00 p." I answered. Human Rights Watch experienced no shortage of cases to document wherever we went in East Timor. didn't try and stop it. There is a lack of understanding among those investigating . two policemen from Laga. rather than procedural.[2] He was beaten as soon as he got out of the car and then put in a cell. you have to say."[5] Many individuals whom Human Rights Watch interviewed also described their arrest by the police as illegal. as described to Human Rights Watch. Many said that they were not told what the allegations against them were. He kicked my right side and I fell. In the room at the time [the beating took place] there was the officer from the prison. He cut my lip. This behavior seems to have become so common that officers rarely try to hide their actions from the general public. kicked me on my chin. I stood up and then straight away he kicked me here [in the mouth]. One East Timorese activist working for a nongovernmental organization (NGO) in Dili that has been monitoring police violence in East Timor told Human Rights Watch: Beatings during arrest are already prevalent. That evening other police officers came into his cell and sprayed pepper spray into his eyes. He kicked me with his feet. If I am a PNTL officer and say to you that you are guilty. and also because he believes nothing will come of it. They all just watched.[4] Many of these abuses. He was about one meter away from me. While in the cell he said he witnessed police officers severely beating another detainee. and many were held without charges for more than the seventy-two-hour period allowed by East Timorese law." Beatings are already routine. a twenty-seven-year-old man recounted what happened after he was arrested in Mulia village.police station in the western region of East Timor. My face turned and he hit me again on my left chin and jaw. The police officer from Laga took me to the hospital. and beat detainees once they are in custody. Mario Belo. I will kill you. using a bulletproof vest. and me. but before I could answer [the police officer] straight away hit me. For about a week I couldn't eat. both the top and the bottom. full police uniform. He said. Police officers appear to habitually utilize the full seventy-two hours of detention as a punitive. Baucau.

and thirteen district commanders. . separate heads for each specialized unit. both as individual officers and as an institution. The internal police oversight body. With the creation of a new country. But ineffective control. which ordinarily convenes every six months to discuss disciplinary matters such as those arising from rights violations. In fact it is now more likely that the lack of institutionalized responses to police brutality has been a key factor in the emergence of police abuse as one of East Timor's most pressing and current human rights problems. the Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit (PEDU. However. currently Rogerio Lobato. Human Rights Watch spoke to many victims and their families about their attempts to seek accountability for human rights violations committed by the East Timor police force. victims are usually left uninformed about developments and outcomes of their cases. They are also an indicator of how seriously the government takes its human rights obligations under the country's constitution and the many human rights treaties it has acceded to. Where cases are taken up. Within the East Timor government. Ultimate responsibility for accountability for policing therefore lies with the minister of interior. the portfolio for internal security lies with the Ministry of Interior. but it will only make a difference if at a political and policy level the kind of violence described in this report is punished.[7] Swift and appropriate disciplinary action and prosecutions against police officers responsible for human rights abuses and abuse of authority are critical indicators of the commitment of East Timor's government to creating a professional police force. It is worth noting that the country's leaders often talk about the deficit of human resources in the country and the need for increased training. the failure to penalize human rights violators will create a climate of impunity that in turn will undermine training as an effective tool to decrease the level of police violence. this group comprises the Superior Police Council. while institutionally subordinate to the Ministry. the East Timor police service also has its own distinct legal personality and operational structure. such behavior also reflects poor training. Together with two Ministry-appointed officers. the East Timorese people expected that its police would behave differently than the Indonesiancontrolled forces during the occupation. and the absence of a functioning external. or in some cases not at all. follow up on complaints. it is perhaps not surprising that new recruits into East Timor's police are mirroring past experience in ignorance of professional standards. independent oversight and accountability mechanism for the police service have meant that such complaints are often dealt with inconsistently. or appropriately discipline the officers involved. Insufficient police training on internal investigations and follow up.complaints that police officers committing a crime such as assault should be prosecuted through the criminal justice system as well as through the internal disciplinary system. until recently called the Professonal Ethics Office.[6] This includes a general commander and deputies. However. Otherwise. inadequate training. This is certainly necessary. has often failed to take cases of police abuse seriously. PEO). One serious consequence of this emerging pattern of abuse and impunity in East Timor is the potential for long-term erosion of public respect and support for the police. With the legacy of brutal Indonesian policing during the nearly twenty-five-year occupation that ended in 1999. and can no longer be excused nearly six years after the first new police graduated in July 2000. Many were frustrated and perplexed by opaque bureaucratic procedures and long delays. accountability and oversight.

A lack of accountability for abuses will undermine trust in the police and therefore its effectiveness and capacity to uphold the rule of law. either as witnesses or victims. This should include provisions to hold police publicly accountable in a transparent and credible manner. While it is recognized that resources in East Timor are at a premium. and excessive force will not be tolerated. The United Nation's failure to address this issue effectively while it was in charge during the transition to independence was also a contributory factor. If present violations are not addressed as an institutional problem. or cooperate with them in criminal investigations. or use excessive force against members of the population. the importance of establishing a professional and accountable police force is crucial to the country's future stability. where appropriate. * Ensure all oversight mechanisms coordinate and work together. they run the risk of becoming part of an endemic culture of abuse and impunity in the world's newest national police force. Key Recommendations Human Rights Watch found evidence of human rights violations by police officers to be widespread. a culture that will be hard to eliminate once it takes hold. The police commissioner should issue a directive to each district commander advising that he or she will be held personally responsible for ensuring the officers under his or her . We also urge the East Timor police service (PNTL) to: * Take swift and meaningful action against police officers who torture. Now is the time to address this problem before it becomes endemic. Human Rights Watch urges the East Timor government to: * Ensure through public measures and statements that there is a clear. criminal prosecution. and. arbitrary detention. in East Timor. unambiguous and consistent signal from the top that police use of torture. arbitrarily detain. This in turn may lead to a vicious cycle in which a police force increasingly criticized for an inability to do its job effectively turns to ever harsher tactics and increasingly resorts to violence to achieve results. although not yet endemic. * Task the minister of interior and the police commissioner to strengthen the police force's Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit by providing strong support for the unit's authority to enforce its decisions and by penalizing officers who do not comply with its directives. This should include administrative measures up to and including dismissal.poor accountability mechanisms and lack of proper vetting of police officers have meant that abuse of powers by police remains a serious challenge to the rule of law in East Timor. * Take appropriate disciplinary action against commanding officers who know or should know of such acts. * Ensure that legislation. policy and procedures are all in place so that the police operate under a coherent and clear legal framework that specifies police powers and their limits. East Timor is now at a crossroads. * Support the Provedor's Office in creating a unit dedicated to oversight of the police. and who fail to take action to prevent and punish them. Tolerated police abuse will make individuals reluctant to report crime to the police.

As an integral part of this strategy. . and staff from the UNMISET Human Rights Unit and Political Affairs Unit. police in East Timor extended much cooperation at both national and district levels.) agency and United Nations Mission of Support in East Timor (UNMISET) representatives. Human Rights Watch met with a range of East Timor government and police officials. Donors should: * Raise with the government of East Timor in all official meetings. and allowed Human Rights Watch access to several police stations. Methodology Human Rights Watch visited East Timor in May-June 2005 and interviewed over eighty individuals on the issue of police violence and growing impunity. Human Rights Watch is especially grateful to the U. and at the highest level. * Substantially increase support for effective human rights monitoring in East Timor through existing mechanisms.command comply with the existing disciplinary regulation and Rules of Organization Procedures (ROPs). Bobonaro and Dili districts.N. including with a representative from the Prime Minister's Office or the Ministry of Justice. fund and plan for long-term strategies on capacity building. and the national training academy. * Initiate and support joint meetings between the East Timorese government. United Nations (U. Human Rights Watch interviewed more than thirty victims and witnesses to police violence.N. concerns over police violence.N. and other support to the PNTL. training. we regret having been unable to meet with more members of East Timor's government. detention facilities. East Timor's police force extended a high level of cooperation throughout the research trip. but many of these staff now work for the United Nations Office in Timor-Leste (UNOTIL) and have continued to provide information and assistance to Human Rights Watch. including torture. II. Call on the East Timor government to ensure that police treatment of all individuals conforms to international human rights standards. such as civil society. We are grateful for the cooperation of East Timor's Police Commissioner Paulo Martins and Vice Minister of Interior Alcino Barris for assistance extended during the course of our research. Police Senior Advisor Saif Ullah Malik for his time. We also interviewed a range of domestic and international NGOs. including Special Representative to the Secretary-General (SRSG) Sukehiro Hasegawa. and to agencies that can provide services for victims. provide assistance for the development of local human rights groups with the capacity for independent monitoring of police violence. Despite several written and telephone requests by Human Rights Watch. All interviews were conducted by a Human Rights Watch researcher directly in Indonesian or English. Research interviews were conducted primarily in Baucau. U. UNMISET has since been stood down. NGOs and the PNTL to coordinate.

Although East Timor benefited from a relatively stable and smooth transition from occupied territory to independent state under the stewardship of the United Nations. which. assault. but it also left an institutional vacuum at all levels of civil administration and government. and an overwhelming and urgent need to build a government from scratch. Approximately half a million people were forced from their homes or fled to seek refuge. is extremely limited. III. Background After almost twenty-five years of brutal occupation of East Timor by Indonesia. a huge human resource deficit. Human Rights Watch offers no conclusions as to the guilt or innocence of criminal charges of any victim of police abuse described in this report. forced disappearance. The violence was part of a systematically planned policy by elements of the Indonesian government and TNI to prevent the people of East Timor from freely participating in the referendum.$370. mass forcible deportations. the colonial legacy left to East Timor was one of very few functioning institutions. An estimated 1.For the purposes of this report Human Rights Watch has only looked into the conduct of the regular police force in East Timor.N. . and infrastructure for basic social services. and rape and other sexual violence against women and children. torture.[9] while recent figures estimate the annual per capita gross domestic product (GDP) to be equivalent to only U.$150 in rural areas. falling to as low as U. The most effective environment in which to build functioning public institutions is a secure and stable one. in September 1999 the Indonesian National Army (TNI) and Timorese militias went on a campaign of extreme violence when the people of East Timor voted for independence in a U.[10] The population is largely rural. and to punish them for voting for independence. Dili.S.-administered referendum. and economic support outside the capital. It remains one of the world's poorest countries and ranks as one of the lowest on the Human Development Index (HDI).S. and the six years since it ended have left people dissatisfied and frustrated by the slow pace of reconstruction and development. Indonesia's subsequent withdrawal in late 1999 left not only a country devastated and traumatized by occupation and conflict.The crimes committed against East Timorese included mass murder.[8] Unemployment and underemployment are estimated to be approximately 50 percent. the country still faces a myriad of post-conflict problems. These crimes were part of a pattern of gross violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. Except where noted.400 East Timorese civilians lost their lives in the months before and the days immediately after the voting. constituted crimes against humanity. Much of the population remains traumatized by the Indonesian occupation. and not the specialized units. After four hundred years of Portuguese and then Indonesian occupation. Many of East Timor's former civil servants were Indonesian or pro-Indonesia. health care. the destruction of property. in many cases. and thousands left the country after the referendum.

[14] It later changed its name to the Timor-Leste Police Service. on August 10. Mission of Support in East Timor (UNMISET). 2003. when the handover of policing duties was effected for the thirteenth and final district. 2004. convened an inclusive government and NGO working group to discuss the drafting of a Human Rights Action Plan for East Timor (to include public consultations on what should be included). In 2005 East Timor established a Provedor's Office (see below). missions in East Timor were instructed and authorized to help enable the rapid development of a credible.[15] . to the Government of East Timor as of May 20.East Timor has made formal commitments to human rights: The constitution includes important human rights protections and. working alongside CivPol. the East Timor Police Service was officially established. 2000. similar to an ombudsman institution in other countries. including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Originally envisaged to last one year.700. UNMISET's mandate was twice extended (in May and November 2003). the PNTL finally assuming responsibility for general day-to-day policing for the whole country on December 10. the U. in 2004.[12] U. The initial graduating class of the newly inaugurated PoliceCollege numbered 1. was also mandated to provide interim law enforcement and public security. the process eventually took eighteen months. UNTAET's successor mission from May 2002. Foreseen for a shorter timeframe. that an agreement was signed outlining the terms and timetable of the handing over of full policing duties from CivPol to the PNTL. 2000. Dili. This process started with the PNTL successively taking over control of policing district by district. under the auspices of the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET).N.[11] Ratification and reporting on these treaties is a key priority for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. before finally adopting its current title of the PoliciaNacional de TimorLeste (PNTL). partly reflecting the fact that the critical threshold of selfsufficiency in key government institutions was taking longer than originally anticipated. Civilian Police (CivPol) began recruitment drives for the new East Timorese police service in early 2000 and basic training commenced on March 27. 2002). East Timor's parliament approved accession to seven major international human rights treaties. Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. and was authorized to assist in the continued development of the PNTL. 2002. the first fifty of whom took up their functions as police officers on July 12. There is also a human rights advisor permanently appointed to the Prime Minister's office who.N. Establishing the East Timor Police Force Establishing a new police force for East Timor was one of the priorities for the United Nations before sovereignty was passed to the new state in May 2002.N.[13] Just over a year later. Social and Cultural Rights. on May 20. on the first International Human Rights Day after independence (December 10. and it was not until independence. 2001. successive U. internal and external security from the U. Under a clear mandate to provide security and maintain law and order throughout the country. It was at this juncture that the East Timorese national government finally assumed full responsibility for nationwide policing with the transfer of all executive responsibilities for policing.N. The joint policing arrangement between the new East Timor police and CivPol lasted into the initial independence period. the International Covenant on Economic. professional and impartial police service. and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel.

particularly in the areas of policy and law. and management of the border regions. but particularly in the area of mainstreaming human rights and ensuring that all police powers and procedures meet with international standards.[19] Therefore. There is a serious need for institutional strengthening across the board. In its own words. Responsibility for Training. Falantil-FDTL. and Investigating Police Abuse Replacing a Code of Conduct for the East Timor police adopted by the United Nations administration during UNTAET.[17] It is the legal instrument governing the structure and role of the Policia Nacional de Timor-Leste (PNTL).In May 2005 the U.[20] As of July 2005. The force is hampered by a lack of professional expertise in many administrative and management functions. The focus of this report is the regular police force. It is also a very new and fragile police service which remains dependent on foreign aid for equipment and training support. the Border Patrol Unit is primarily concerned with the security. and continues to face problems due to a lack of logistical capacity and a general lack of resources for equipment and infrastructure development. patrol. (Two of the special units are nevertheless of particular interest and are mentioned elsewhere in this report: the Rapid Intervention Unit-Unidade Intervensaun Rapida. the regulation claims to provide "a systematized corpus of rules and principles to guide the action of [PNTL members] thereby guaranteeing the .Neither the disciplinary regulation nor the police decree-law was subject to parliamentary scrutiny or public debate. and are implemented in accordance with them. particularly in urban areas. A July 2005 government press release stated that the PNTL had a total force strength of approximately three thousand officers.D of this report).N.[22] the disciplinary regulation of June 2004 sets out the duties of PNTL officers. (This is explored in detail in section V. Instead both pieces of legislation were submitted to the President by the Council of Ministers and duly promulgated.N.[18]The function of the UIR is to respond to civil disorder. UIR-and the Border Patrol Unit-Unidade de Patrulhamento de Fronteira. in internal and external security. as its name implies. UPF. and specifies the role of the police in relation to the army.[21]) The passing of the police decree-law was followed by the adoption of a disciplinary regulation in June 2004.[16] Composition of the East Timor Police Force The Organic Decree-Law of the National Police of Timor-Leste was promulgated by the President in May 2004. there were 292 officers in the Border Patrol Unit and 217 in the Rapid Intervention Unit. imposes limits on police powers and outlines the disciplinary processes that would follow any breaches of the standards set out in the regulation. the U. while. Office in Timor-Leste (UNOTIL). The police continue to have a number of institutional weaknesses including limited professional skills and experience. Oversight mechanisms (such as those outlined below) are not mentioned in the police decree-law or the disciplinary regulation. both internal disturbances and border security remain under the auspices of the police and the Ministry of Interior rather than with the military. ThePNTL is divided into the regular police and five specialist units. Security Council replaced the Support Mission of UNMISET with a much smaller special political mission. Discipline.

and that "reports of police misconduct.[27] Third. including torture that former detainees and prisoners described to us at the hands of police officers was striking. are answerable to the minister of interior. the internal police Professional Ethics and Deontology Office (PEDU. which has far-reaching powers to investigate and report on complaints against government officials and institutions." He continued that "lack . police vehicle operation. First. but the power to enact the dismissal lies solely with the minister of interior.[24] There are three main bodies in East Timor that have responsibility for police oversight.[29] The police commissioner has the authority to recommend dismissals of members of the police force found guilty of human rights and other violations. who decides what action should be taken. PEO) is charged with investigating allegations of police misconduct or abuse (which are usually made by members of the public). together with any recommendations for discipline. and the prosecutor general's office.[25] Second is the office of the Inspectorate. the only external oversight mechanism. the ease with which we found illustrative cases was alarming. including the police commissioner. the police. community policing. Police Abuse Since independence in 2002. In his February 2005 report to the Security Council on the United Nations mission in East Timor. there is the Office of the Provedor."[23] Fifteen Rules of Organisation Procedures (ROPs) have also been prepared in areas including use of force. are sent to the Minister of Interior.) The Ministry of Interior retains operational control over the police force. investigation and reporting of traffic accidents. assaults.N. U. have increased since May 2004.[26] this body has disciplinary competence over all structures and institutions subordinate to the Ministry of Interior. In the course of our research the number of accounts of severe ill-treatment. Several people whom Human Rights Watch interviewed had had to be hospitalized because of the severity of their injuries. the office of the human rights advisor to the prime minister. formerly the Professional Ethics Office.[28] (Analysis of the PEO/PEDU and the Office of the Provedor is provided in Section V. IV. search and seizure. Secretary-General Kofi Annan noted that major problems within the East Timor police force remained a cause for concern.professionalism and prestige of the institution. and training. The police and other state institutions have often failed to respond to incidents of police abuse with appropriate disciplinary measures or criminal proceedings. including the police (although the legislation is not explicit on the mandate of the Inspectorate to deal with police disciplinary matters). Created in August 2003 in accordance with the Decree Law on the Organic Structure of the Ministry of Interior. including the police. Police officers regularly use excessive force during arrests and beat detainees once they are in custody. handling of child abuse cases and handling at-risk children.[30]While this level of severity of abuse may not yet be systematic or systemic in East Timor. including excessive use of force. court duties. preliminary investigation of crime. and ultimately all members of the police force. negligent use of firearms and various human rights abuses.B of this report. police abuse has become one of East Timor's most worrying human rights problems. comprising representatives from the Ministry of Interior. The results of any investigations.

Justo. They kicked him one time in his chest. instances of excessive use of force and human rights violations by police officers."[31] Six months later. two cars."[32] Human Rights Watch interviewed Mario Sarmento. Both cars stopped right in front of me. After the light came on they stopped their action. and wanted to handcuff my son. [One car then continued and the other stopped. This all lasted about thirty minutes Then the streetlights came on. came at great speed to where I was standing. Mr Sarmento. two of them hit him. Four men. They were wearing full police uniforms. Many were not told by arresting officers what the allegations against them were. Then the police. Human Rights Watch found that people were regularly held for more than the seventy-two-hour period without charge or appearance before a judge.] They got out of the car straight away. The police were using a microphone to instruct residents to remain inside their houses while they searched for the suspects. Then the policeman pulled me strongly so that my wife fell down with my four-year-old child onto the ground. and started threatening. continue to be reported. . including against members of political opposition groups. Then because it was so chaotic my wife arrived from the house. I was propped up against the wall. I ask you to give me your names. worried about his son. with my wife pulling me in the other. and asked what was the matter. and asked them not to hit me. He described what happened: I called out for my son two times. Then Vincent [another son] arrived to intervene in this incident. Then they all took out their sticks. finally they took out handcuffs. I thought they wanted to ask me some questions but they punched me straight away in the chest-one person. I asked them to help not make him a victim. My wife grabbed my wrist to pull me so that they would not hit me. He talked to the police politely and asked them not to hit his father. I said "I don't accept actions like this. whereupon he or she must either be charged or brought before a judge to have the detention extended. East Timor criminal procedure allows for a suspect to be held without charge for up to seventy-two hours. all of them carried out a beating. heading in my direction to try and stop what was happening.of transparency and a slow-paced investigation mechanism have contributed to a poor level of police accountability. They released him and they faced me again. Two more people got out of the car and one of them punched me again in my chest. went out looking for him. without any words. who was badly beaten by police officers in Dili in January 2005 after a fight between some youths on a bridge. he again noted that "although the skills and competencies of the East Timorese police have been considerably enhanced." After I said that they got more vicious and then they put one of the sticks under my neck. Human Rights Watch interviewed many individuals who described their arrest by the police as illegal. At first two of them came in my direction. One of the policemen grabbed the other wrist and was pulling me one way.[33] Arbitrary Detention Arbitrary detention is a recurring problem in East Timor. "This uniform is not scared of anyone!" I went over to my son. So he fell. Their faces were not clear because it was dark. The four of them just continued their actions. After my wife arrived she asked for their forgiveness and said that her husband had not done anything wrong and not to hit him. After that I was ready to apologize. They didn't listen and hit him. called his name.

For seventy-two hours I was detained in the cell in Baucau. name withheld] called for me. I was released. A senior U. directly or through a relative or a trusted person.[35] One reason for illegal detention in East Timor is the failure to implement key training on this issue. That's it. After I was called. It appears that his detention was as punishment for his words.East Timor's constitution also states in Section 30: 2.One young man was picked up by police officers after he had shouted coarsely at them. On the second night. That night I didn't eat. My chest was hurting. No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest or detention. through the bars of the cell. told Human Rights Watch that some targeted training had been devised to address this issue. [Officer E] then hit my chest. and that the result was a demonstrable decrease in the number of illegal detention complaints that they were receiving. At a more basic level a lack of resources such as cars." To ensure freedom from arbitrary detention. I was just let go and went straight home. and car maintenance is contributing to unlawful detention and inadequate investigations . in a clear and precise manner. fuel. we received sixty-two complaints about violations of the seventy-two hour rule. and those are mostly because of holidays [causing non-availability of judges] etc. or take place without the suspect having legal representation. Anaia told Human Rights Watch: This is a good example of how provision of resources and training can have an effect. name withheld] hit me in the chest. [officer E.[34] Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights provides that everyone "has the right to liberty and security of person. to explain that the seventy-two hours was not for investigations So. He told Human Rights Watch: After that they took me to the cell in Baucau. After that on Monday. We then designed the training for investigators and called in the prosecutors etc. Nuno Anaia. even though he had committed no recognizable criminal offense.[36] However. No one shall be arrested or detained. another key problem with meeting the maximum seventytwo-hour detention rule remains the weakness of East Timor's criminal justice system. in the last six months only three cases have been reported. Article 9 further requires that detention must be examined for its lawfulness by an impartial adjudicator. another police officer. Every individual who loses his or her freedom shall be immediately informed. [officer D. and limited availability of judges and public defenders means that hearings to rule on detention being continued beyond seventy-two hours do not take place. There was no hearing or investigation. it was Sunday. In the first six months of UNMISET. 3.N. of the reasons for his or her arrest or detention as well as of his or her rights. This represents a real operational problem for the police's compliance with legal provisions for holding and detaining suspects. Outside of the capital the courts are seriously understaffed and their workers under-resourced. and basic lack of resources. and the order of the arrest or detention should always be presented for consideration by the competent judge within the legal time frame. [Officer D] called for me to come to the front of the cell and put my hands up. and allowed to contact a lawyer. police advisor. after seventy-two hours. except under the terms clearly provided for by applicable law.

without transportation to meet with victims and witnesses. it was about 10 or 11 at night. I have given a report to the police.[37] The under-resourcing of the judiciary may affect not only suspects who are held unlawfully beyond the seventy-two hours without charge. The process is still with the prosecutor in Dili district. He told Human Rights Watch: I have already checked four times at the district court but there is not yet any explanation I like it if you use my name because we want to improve the PNTL so that they can't do things like this again. He was bruised all over. took out their sticks.[38] Mario's wife also described the incident to Human Rights Watch. He agreed to go to the police station with them to try and resolve the matter in the presence of his boss. he is still free. Everything was dark. They told me to turn off the engine. us behind. who worked for Perkumpulan HAK. then the lights came on and they left very quickly. thirty-four. and I was still in my truck. They beat a lot that night. not detained. you in front.[40] Another man. My house is on top of the hill.for the bruises on my back. adding: I don't know why they began to hit straight away.The police took out their guns. There were so many witnesses. There has been no action from the commander. I got some letters asking me to be a witness in a different case. That is what I thought. I went to the hospital to get my surat keterangan [doctor's note]. or without an indictment being filed against them. They flashed their lights and told me to stop there. The police had been summoned. I thought maybe they wanted to take my truck and I would go in the police car. and turn off the lights. the process is taking a long time. from that police stick. I believe this is manipulation to stop the process in my case. Because the investigation is long I also submitted a complaint to the Professional Standards Unit. on a road just outside Dili. Dili. That night the back of my husband was all black. where they wanted to arrest him. police may resort to prolonging a suspect's detention without charge until such time as they can conduct a basic investigation. There were many witnesses.simply because. He told Human Rights Watch that there were two policemen who had followed him to his home in Taibesse. Then the keterangan was in Indonesian so it is still being translated [into Tetum] to go to the court. Cristiano da Costa. We drove down until we got to the river. I have not yet heard if there is a process with the perpetrator. told Human Rights Watch about an incident that happened in November 2004 after some policemen accused him of hitting a government minister's car with his truck and then not stopping.[39] Mario Sarmento has repeatedly tried to find out what is happening with a case he has lodged against the police.Cristiano told us: They wanted us to all go in the police car and I said it was better if I took my truck to the station so that we would know better if there was any damage. he was really sick. but also persons who are properly remanded in pre-trial detention. Some accused can spend six months in pretrial detention with no judicial oversight. They said you take your truck. They got out of their car. a human rights organization in the capital. The community was standing in the road. They . I don't understand those people. but the first time they did not come. Last time I went to check he said that my case was still being processed.

Then he was beaten by those two policemen. charges dropped]. 2005.[44] Maliana hospital records seen by Human Rights Watch show that the victim was admitted to the hospital in August 2004 with a "cut on the head (above the right ear). We didn't call out. The result of the investigating judge's decision is that the two perpetrators would have an unconditional release [i.[42] In August 2004. There are many cases like this. My cheek was injured. one of the policemen drove my truck to the police station in CaicoliI told the commander that I had to go to the hospital. "If you do anything you will be killed. Until now there has been no action from the PSU [Professional Standards Unit.] Then they ordered me to go back into the cell. They told Human Rights Watch: The case has already had a hearing in the court. In the morning I was taken to Maliana hospital for treatment. He was not informed. We don't yet know the result. and were told . with his hand. One described what happened to him that night in the cell: At midnight. but then there is no process. There is an incident. then they hit me-kicked me on the stomach and punched me on the chest. several men who had been involved in a fight with residents of a rival village were arrested and taken into police custody in Maliana police station. At the time of the hearing Cristiano was not present.e. However. now called the Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit]. Maybe for about fifteen minutes. They used their fists and punched him in the stomach. as soon as I started to stand up." Then they put me in the police car. police from Maliana arrived and called for me in the cell. Scratches on the left side of the head.ordered me to open the door. and the perpetrators still continue their duties as police. saying they wanted me to get out. not allowed to attend."[45] Several of the men submitted a complaint to the police regarding excessive use of force at the time of their arrest and ill-treatment during their detention in Maliana police station in August 2004. it was said it was to take some medicine but after he exited he was ordered to raise his hands and put his back against the wall. They said for me to come out to get some medicine. Once on my [left] cheek and two times in my chest.[41] Perkumpulan HAK has been assisting Cristiano da Costa with his complaint against the police for assault and arbitrary detention. the prosecutor's case went to the court. On March 17. Then he said.[43] One man who witnessed this told Human Rights Watch: They took him out of the cell and took him right in front of the cell. We were just quiet. When they ordered him to leave the cell. 2005. [The interviewee gives the first names of the first officer to hit him and of two others who hit him when he came out of the cell. Since that hearing there have not been any further developments in the court. We went again on March 17. It was one of the policemen. Approximately 3cm. One of the victims told Human Rights Watch: The three of us went to Maliana to initiate an investigation against the PNTL in Maliana. I witnessed the beating. I opened the door and before I had even got my foot on the ground I was hit.

[48] Human Rights Watch interviewed several men who were victims and witnesses of excessive police force at an incident in Bobonaro sub-district on August 13. I was beaten on my back and kicked.e. Human Rights Watch talked to one of the men about what happened. At least two police officers were attacked and fled the scene. He kicked me in the chest. He recounted: The police met us in the road and immediately searched us. If they wanted to beat someone they should just beat us. to be transferred] to Dili. didn't beat him anymore. everything. They straight way started arresting and beating people here.[47] They were told they had been arrested on suspicion of burning down a house in a nearby village the night before. The [extra] police to arrive were from Bobonaro. Hit me on my head until it was bleeding. until it started bleeding. When we got to Ainaro police station we were ordered to line up and take off our clothes-trousers. We went in the cells again in Dili. There were about seven or eight men. The police were kicking my father and beating him with the police stick. 2004. We were also tortured with pepper spray sprayed directly into our eyes. If we put our foot down we were beaten. and started beating my brother with a stick and a bulletproof vest. then in the morning of the fourth day we were released to return [i.[49] The man's brother told Human Rights Watch what happened to him: After they let go of my father they started beating us. a man from Dili was detained with about fifty other members of his martial arts group while on a group visit to the district of Ainaro. A meeting to settle a land dispute turned violent after a police officer allegedly hit someone present at the meeting. about forty kilometers from Dili.[46] In August 2004. At 10:00 p. Then we were ordered to stand on one foot with our arms stretched out to the sides. We arrived there at 3:00 p. We were handcuffed first and then ordered to run to Ainaro townabout forty-five of us were handcuffed. After they beat my father. Forty-five of us were in a cell in Dili for another seventytwo hours. So.m. First they beat me with a bulletproof vest that they were carrying. . There were also other people hitting me from behind. I was beaten on the chest. Then the police let go of my father. We are not satisfied with the actions of the police. The policeman kicked me with his feet. We passed by the house that had been burnt and they hit us. I was hit four times. Police backup was then called into the village. and beat me with his fist and the vest. We do not accept it because their violence is as if Indonesians are still here in East Timor. my older brother arrived and told them that there was no need to beat his father. They beat him on his head. we were finally put in the cell We were detained for three days. We had knives-they took all of them. After that we walked for about a hundred meters. They hit him on the left side of his wait for the result of the investigation. Then the police from Maliana said that they were there to calm the situation not to beat up victims. just left in our underwear. The men believe they were targeted merely for membership in the martial arts group. One man told Human Rights Watch what happened next:. There was a friend of mine who was wearing a PNTL uniform but he is not PNTL. He was ordered to do push-ups by the police and the UIR [Rapid Intervention Unit] for about thirty minutes.m.

I don't know how many policemen there were. account of the episode criticized the "high incidence of contradictory statements" by police. the fatal police shooting of one man during disturbances in Baucau one month earlier has yet to be satisfactorily resolved. I think if the Maliana police had not arrived. My friends who had not been involved in the incident did not run. They shot four times-I didn't see it because I was running but I heard it.N.[52] The U. which had hindered resolution of the matter.[54] . but was inconclusive as to the identities of the perpetrators of the shootings.[50] Unauthorized Use of Firearms The most high profile example of excessive use of force and resort to lethal force remains the police response to riots in Dili in December 2002. They said. they were not held responsible for the fatalities and injuries caused. Likewise. Human Rights Watch found other more recent incidents of disproportionate. They got out of the bus and we saw the police.[51] The government report into the incident was not published until nearly a year later. As soon as I saw the gun I started running. [None of the three were injured.] We have not yet reported to the police about the shooting. That afternoon the police arrived at his village: We were playing football in the field here at about four o'clock in the afternoon. He told Human Rights Watch that the fight had only lasted about twenty minutes and no one had been injured. I'm scared they will want to arrest us again. It confirmed the number of casualties.the police from Maliana were able to save us. and to date no one has been held accountable for the killing. unnecessary. One twenty-two-year-old man described his experience to Human Rights Watch. and illegal use of firearms by police in East Timor. We were scared and so we ran. with a normal car-arrived in a passenger minibus. In several instances the response of panicked and poorly trained East Timorese police officers was to use tear gas and open fire on members of the crowd with live ammunition. Although an earlier internal police investigation had identified and suspended six UIR members who had discharged their firearms during the riots. there has been no clarity on the status of any disciplinary action against police officers involved in the riots of December 2002. in November 2003. On July 12. 2004. Although not yet a widespread problem. This resulted in the death of two young men and the hospitalization of another thirteen people with gunshot wounds. At that time hundreds of rioters smashed and looted their way through Dili and burnt several buildings to the ground.[53] To date. Several victims of the shootings claimed that they were shot and wounded when police drove through the streets and fired directly at suspects. The police straight away shot at us. he had been involved in an early morning fight with other men in the town of Tilolai. 'Hey! Stop!' then they took out their guns. Then the police-not with a patrol car. Just the three of us ran. I just saw one policeman get out of the bus. we would have been half dead.

He was holding his gun at the ready. The PNTL was behind. "If you don't want to die. behind us. the chief of the PEO office in Bobonaro told Human Rights Watch that once the perpetrator had made peace with the community then maybe there would also be a disciplinary measure imposed by the PNTL on this officer (he suggested that this might be a two-month suspension. Took all of it. who knew about the case but took no action. 2005 When we got to the top we met this PNTL man. I don't know where he shot it. We were looking for the cows for maybe three hours. The PNTL ordered us to give them to him. They said someone had stolen them. or whatever the commander decided). We were in the middle. After we had walked maybe two hundred meters we saw cattle footprints. Two sets and we had to follow them. We were walking for about twenty minutes and it was raining really hard. When asked about the unauthorized use of the firearm. He put all the things in his waistband.N. He and his nephew were out picking fruit and vegetables when they came across a PNTL officer who accused them of having stolen cattle. He fired his gun one time and said. He forced us to walk.[56] As with other types of violations the failure to discipline and hold officers involved accountable is undermining efforts to enforce strict adherence to use of firearms policies in the police force. I was still looking forward and the PNTL was behind me. He told Human Rights Watch: We went up to the hill at about ten o'clock in the morning. He was ready to shoot and told us not to do anything We were carrying one bag and two umbrellas. The PNTL. four of them altogether. and two small machetes.Another man described an incident that occurred in January 2005.They [the PNTL officer and family] were looking for cattle. The PNTL was maybe half a meter behind me and then he shot his gun. After that he told us to walk.[55] The man went to file a complaint with the police but later agreed to meet with the police officer to resolve the matter informally. He took all of it. Had the system been working properly the officer would have been disciplined by his superior officer. His family was in front. with his family. he responded: Normally pistols are distributed in the morning and in the afternoon they are returned to the stock room. Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials state that firearms may only be used in very specific circumstances: "Law enforcement officials shall not use firearms against persons except in self-defense or ." When he fired his gun the two cows ran off. received his gun. He changed his clothes and then heard about the cattle. Regarding the case above.When they came across us he readied his gun. In this case the officer came in the morning.It was January 23. always behind. He also took cigarettes and some tobacco. He was wearing normal clothes. That's why he had his gun. We saw the prints again and then maybe less than one hundred meters later we found the cattle. then went home for breakfast. then leave. The U. and then they met us. one man. It was already afternoon by the time I went home He is very wrong using a weapon that belongs to the government. as if to explain. I had a small amount of tobacco wrapped in some plastic.

Then he kicked me again. I have already given them all of my reports. The result is still being processed in the PSU. It is not yet resolved Am I a perpetrator or a victim? This is not a small case. I don't know how long he was kicking me for. My members [officers] didn't eat for a week afterwards [i. Human Rights Unit or HAK come here I don't receive them. [He identified the two officers. and taken to Baucau police station. It was completely empty. one by name.He didn't ask anything at all. told Human Rights Watch about an experience in late July 2004.] As soon as they released the handcuffs. [officer's name withheld] sprayed pepper spray in my eyes.[60] Elisio Dominggos da Piedade. handcuffed. maybe for about ten minutes. He kicked me here [shows chest] and I fell backwards against the wall. "Why are you arresting me?" The two men just told me to be quiet."[58] Although the Code of Conduct and the Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms are not binding international law. The community think because it is already a democracy they have the right to do anything at all. with his motorbike outside. this case has gone all the way up to the minister [of interior]."[57] According to the Basic Principles. he was still annoyed [jengkel] with me. of Baucau district. After that they took me to the interrogation room and I was kicked in the chest. I fell again onto the wall in front of me. and one from the Maliana police station. He told Human Rights Watch: All the way there I was asking. after the incident] because their faces were so swollen. It is still being considered where the truth is. It was [name withheld] again. I didn't report [the assault] to anyone at the station. On the day in question he was at work.e.[59] Human Rights Watch then interviewed the head of the Professional Ethics Office in Bobonaro who was overseeing the case. very close to me. He told us that the case had already been processed and they were waiting to send the details to Dili. My eyes are still sore because of the gas. He was mistakenly identified as the suspect. "Governments shall ensure that arbitrary or abusive use of force and firearms by law enforcement officials is punished as a criminal offence under their law. Then I was put in a cell for seventy-two hours. I was standing and he was nearby.N. He sprayed me once in the eyes. If the U. when two police officers in a patrol car arrived. When Human Rights Watch asked the Bobonaro sub-district police commander about this incident.defense of others against the imminent threat of death or serious injury [or] to prevent the perpetration of a particularly serious crime involving grave threat to life.[61] . They also have to recognize that the police have the rights to defend themselves. he stated: The PSU [Professional Standards Unit] is already investigating this. they constitute authoritative guidance for interpreting international human rights law regarding policing. He said he was arrested for an incident involving two policemen and another man who had borrowed his motorbike. He confirmed that allegations had been made against four PNTL officers from Bobonaro sub-district police station. They document differently and always conclude that the police are the perpetrators.

then hit me. Both nights were different people.[62] The charges against Elisio were dropped but during the criminal proceedings against Elisio at a court in Dili he did submit a complaint about his ill-treatment during his time in police custody. Then they went back to their office. who did not wish to be identified. My opinion is that I am ready to go to court. They beat me until I was . I am dependent on the process. They arrived. I was shouting for help but no one came. Just me and it was a mistake. The light was off. then they came again. and kicked me on my back and on my feet. I couldn't walk so they lifted me into the cell. called for me again. The three of them arrived and called for me. and the process is still ongoing. sprayed with pepper spray. they said we have to wait for the process to proceed.[63] Elisio's father. you come with us. locked the door. If it is investigated then [name withheld] has to be brought to justice.m. They were all Maliana PNTL. The first time I was in a cell with my friends. It has not yet been resolved. who works at the district hospital. I was injured. no one was ever arrested for it. They constantly threatened me saying." They took me alone to another cell. and put in a cell for two days and two nights. When they finished they took me back to the cell. On the second night we slept until 3:00 a. So. we have not yet received any information. Because I was wrongly arrested I was unconditionally released. They hit me with a shoe. I was arrested by the PNTL. and were wearing PNTL uniforms. He has subsequently repeatedly sought accountability for the abuse. Until now we are still waiting for the case to be resolved." Three police came into the cell. and drenched with water. I feel sad because it has not been submitted. On the first night they beat me at around 1:00 a. took off their jackets. name withheld]. 2004. after the letter of request to the police and the prosecutor. They were the night guards. to be given medicine. After the decision in my case my defense lawyer Pedro asked the prosecutor and the Baucau police to investigate the wrongful arrest and abuse.. beaten. complained to Human Rights Watch about the lack of movement on his son's case: My son was beaten in the prison (cell) but he was not taken to the hospital.[64] Another young man. For about an hour they were beating me. It shows that Elisio was given medication for a medical complaint over a period of three days in July 2004 for a trauma to his back caused by a beating.Baucau hospital records show that a doctor's note was written for Elisio's case detailing his injuries. He told Human Rights Watch what he did after he was released from detention: I submitted a complaint about [the policeman whom he alleges beat him and sprayed him with pepper spray. "[name withheld]. "If you oppose the police then you will know the consequence.m. It is already being investigated by the police but has not yet finished. and took me again to the cell-that torture room. Until now it has not been brought to court.m. but they didn't take him. About the original incident. They were wearing police boots. I was continuously tortured. At the time of my hearing in Dili I also complained to the court [about the abuse]. told Human Rights Watch about what happened to him when he was arrested in his village in Holsa: On June 25. I asked them to take him to the hospital. on the second night they beat me around 3:00 a. When we got there they started beating me.. but both times they were beating me.

e. And then the PNTL kicked my brother My brother was scared and ran away. . "This man is almost dead. the commander from Mota'ain visited my house. I heard them do it when I was in the station. The doctor continued examining me and said that I had to spend the night in the hospital. When we got to the hospital the doctor said. I then went to Balibo police station [to make a complaint] The police called the PNTL officer and ordered him to go to the Balibo police station. As an ordinary citizen I know the legal process. The police commander together with the perpetrator came to my house to resolve things. I went home. At the hospital the healthcare official gave me some medicine. about 8:00 a. but the victim has not been given any information on his complaint. I collapsed and they took me to the hospital... in the court. you are still doing things like this?" The doctor examined my ribs.[65] One thirty-five-year-old man detailed a traumatic encounter he had with a police officer in May 2004 in his village in Batugade. I was unconscious. and then took out a sangkur [type of bayonet/knife] and wanted to stab me. if no one knew me he was going to stab me because I was a militia [militiaman]. die in the police station. I asked for his forgiveness three times and then he hit me again and took me from my house to my brother's. He told Human Rights Watch that he is too scared to go out by himself now. Perkumpulan] HAK. "Let him die. I went to the Dili court to give a complaint and also to Yayasan [i. After I shone my torch he ran in my direction and took hold of my right hand. He promised that the next day he would meet me and we would go to Maliana. Here [points to right side of forehead] my head was cut and bleeding. I also saw that he was carrying a gun under his left armpit. he was wearing a black top and it had "police" written on the back of it. It was a severe beating and I fell backwards and my head collided with the asphalt. At that time I said that I didn't want to.. So I was dragged and hit again in my stomach. My head was spinning but I heard.[66] This man is still suffering from trauma brought on by the event. When we got to the front of my brother's house I called for him to come out and my brother asked the policeman not to beat me anymore. He told Human Rights Watch: The next morning [after the incident]. The police said. I am an ordinary citizen. "Do you know me or not?" I saw he had a gun so I told him I knew him and apologized to him but he straight away hit me once in the chest with his hand. He ordered the community to say if anyone knew me or not. My brother ran forward and said. It appears that the perpetrator may have been punished for the offense. The PNTL member left and my brother waited with me until four o'clock in the morning and then went to rent a car from Balibo to take me to the hospital in Balibo. I was already unconscious. There was lots of blood on my head and I only came to when the PNTL dragged me to stand up again." Then they took me back to the police station and put me back in the cell. I want the problem to be resolved from above. "I know him. He told Human Rights Watch: I saw a man standing in front of my door. and then I was dragged again. So. After two days I waited.unconscious.m. he didn't arrive. Bobonaro." The policeman released me and my family took me to my brother's house. He is my brother. The policeman held my hands and stamped on my stomach. and on the third day he arrived. I was dragged about a hundred meters and I fell. and therefore a member of his family has to accompany him everywhere he goes. Because the PNTL [officer] did not arrive. He said if there was a problem with us then we could resolve it in a manner which was better. He said.

and a third officer who punched him once on the back of his neck. No one has come here to tell me. "Why is that kid being hit. Baltazar Fatima Correia is still trying to get some redress for the treatment he experienced in police custody. Only [Perkumpulan] HAK sent a letter to the PSU but it has not yet been investigated. Baltazar Fatima Correia. about nine or ten o'clock in the morning. One PNTL [officer A. officers B and C. They were sitting above. maybe about a hundred meters-[officer B] said to his friends. He told Human Rights Watch: I went to the prosecutor's office and he promised he was ready to take the case to the police. name and rank withheld] got out from the car. I called out to my younger brother in a coarse way whether or not he also wanted to go to Baucau. working at the church. I don't know where the perpetrator is. This case is already at the prosecutor level. but has not yet had a hearing [disidang]. was picked up by several drunk police officers. They put Baltazar in the car.The result? I don't know." There was no response.[68]] After that [officers B and C] handcuffed my hands behind my back and put me in the car and took me to Baucau police station. "Is there an empty house here or not? If there is we can let him out and torture him here. I said. I was at the back on the floor. and saw the car. He told Human Rights Watch: The five police were drinking tuak putih [palm wine] with my father and their friend [name withheld] at the police checkpoint. "Turn the car back. There were two other PNTL. About 500 meters later at the cemetery [officer A] said. [officer C] shouted at me. When we got as far as the river-it's not far. I haven't been told. I saw it and ran over. After that I fell to the ground. I saw [officer A] get out of the car and straight away hit Baltazar Then he was hit by [officer B] who hit him and grabbed his head and smashed it on the car. it's better if we take him to Baucau first. I saw them going to Baucau but I couldn't say anything because the PNTL were very emotional They were wearing uniforms and driving a TATA Sumo car with "police" written on it. but there has been no result." then [officer C] responded. The car stopped. names withheld. Four of his friends were still in the car. beaten and threatened. I told [officer B]." When he replied he then burned me with his cigarette. There were lots of people around. [The interviewee names these two. under my left wrist [shows scar]. I've known them a long time. "No. "If you do anything I will shoot you. After he burnt me.[67] In April 2004. It is with the PSU in Dili I often go to the Baucau . They arrived at the place where I was sitting on the road." [69] One man in the village who witnessed the event told Human Rights Watch what he saw: We were working here for Easter. I came home and until now I only heard that the perpetrator is in prison but I haven't seen it myself.[70] Over a year after the original incident. At the time I was about twenty meters away. I was here. not from HAK either. What has he done wrong?" After that they didn't hit him anymore. they interpreted me wrongly. they got out of the car. They were constantly kicking me. But the police thought I was provoking them. a twenty-two-year-old from Mulia village in Baucau district. As soon as he got out of the car he straight away kicked me in my chest. After they finished drinking tuak the five police wanted to return to Baucau. tens of people.

No further charges against any accused have been pursued. All the files are in Dili."[77] When the case came to trial only the three police officers and the civilian in custody were tried. six of the suspects were conditionally released pending trial while four (three PNTL and the civilian) were kept in custody. which reported deep concerns about the unorthodox manner in which the proceedings were conducted and factors which demonstrated. 2004. It went all the way to court and there was no evidence." I have already been three times to check my case there. The preliminary hearings in June 2004 and the trial in April 2005 were monitored by the East Timorese NGO Judicial System Monitoring Programme (JSMP). It was a long time ago. and the police officers were set free.[75] One report quoted a judge as saying that "justice was powerless since the government kept intervening in the process.police about my case."[76] JSMP has also noted that "[t]he investigating judge assigned to the case told JSMP monitors that he could not control their [PNTL and UIR officers present at the court] conduct. The presiding judge then decided that the defendants should be released due to lack of evidence against them. that"neither the rights of the accused to proper legal representation. don't come here. "About the Mulia case it has already been resolved. cordoned off the public court building. in their view. who was charged in relation to having "procured" the girl for the police officers. . allegedly by nine PNTL officers on May 10. There is no evidence that they [police officers] were involved. there was also a tenth man. reportedly harassing and verbally abusing the victim when she left the courtroom. with the outstanding charges against the six police officers conditionally released seemingly ignored. a civilian. is another example of the effective impunity that police officers have come to expect in East Timor. The police only chase me out [mengusir] and threaten me saying. if you come here I will shoot you or hit you. both the defense lawyers and the prosecutor claimed to have had no prior involvement in the case and to be ignorant of the evidence. and no one has been held accountable for the rape. the nine policemen were originally arrested and charged with rape."[74] JSMP noted that during the hearings on the continued detention of the men. I'm not afraid to go back. under questionable authority. In this case. have been respected. accused of taking the girl in an official police vehicle to a police training compound in the Tasi Tolu area of Dili. "Just go back. nor the expectations of the victim and the community to have an independent tribunal hold a proper trial in regard to her allegations. go back home. where they sexually assaulted her.[71] When Human Rights Watch questioned Baucau's police commander about this case he stated. The last time was September 2004. They were all released."[72] Impunity for Rape The failure to hold anyone accountable for the rape of a teenaged girl. They also reported that police officers. a substantial number of PNTL members were present in the courtroom and court compound. 2005. the problem is the money to get to Baucau.[73] Following preliminary hearings. At the trial session of April 13.

shall."[82] The constitution also specifically refers to East Timor's obligations under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international treaties.[84] In cases where beatings and humiliation of detainees and prisoners by police do not rise to the level of torture. intimidation. may also constitute inhuman treatment."[86] Similarly. which forms part of customary international law. Department of State noted that there had also been "no significant developments in the September 2004 case of an off-duty police officer who forcibly entered the home of a twelve-year-old girl who had allegedly been statutorily raped by the officer's nineteen-year-old brother. minimum rules.'s Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials states that law enforcement officials.[83] The Convention against Torture defines torture as intentional acts by public officials that cause severe physical or mental pain or suffering for the purpose of obtaining information or a confession. in carrying out their duty. Particularly harsh conditions of detention. or for punishment.[78] In its human rights report for 2005.S.[80] and is also entrenched in Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel. they may nevertheless constitute cruel. is to be found in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. inhuman. Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials limits the use of force by police to situations in which it is "strictly necessary and to the extent required for the performance of their duty. A large body of international legal authority exists that prohibits any derogation from the prohibition on the use of torture and other cruel. apply nonviolent means before resorting to the use of force and . as well as demonstrating that violence against women is often not treated with appropriate seriousness by the formal justice system. the U. Degrading treatment includes treatment that involves the humiliation of the victim or that is disproportionate to the circumstances of the case.[79] Legal Standards on Torture and Other Physical Mistreatment Even if an individual is guilty of a criminal offence. inhuman. or degrading treatment or punishment.N. but by the end of 2005 no further action had been taken. or degrading treatment or punishment. inhuman or degrading treatment.The failure to prosecute this case is just one example of an unwillingness to tackle police abuse.N. or degrading treatment or punishment. cruel. and declarations on the actions and use of force by police. the use of torture and other forms of mistreatment against that individual is wholly prohibited under East Timorese and international law.[85] In addition to binding treaties on torture. The prohibition. Few prohibitions in international human rights law are as clear as the ban on torture and other cruel. inhuman. the United Nations has developed detailed principles. The U. Cruel and inhuman treatment includes suffering that lacks one of the elements of torture or that does not reach the intensity of torture. and medical treatment. or degrading treatment or punishment.[81]East Timor acceded to the CAT in April 2003 and to the ICCPR in September 2003. water. as far as possible. East Timor's constitution also explicitly prohibits the use of torture. inhuman. including deprivation of food. stating that "no one shall be subjected to torture and cruel. Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT). the U." It appears that the Professional Ethics Office had initially opened an investigation. or discrimination.

" Most telling is one of the survey's conclusions that "confidence levels in East Timor's new and inexperienced police force are likely to drop dramatically unless they are effectively trained and professionalized. A number of allegations of criminal acts are addressed through the administrative process only and are not subject to any criminal processes. Cases where there are beatings of civilians are not investigated."[91] . and new institutions and practices are needed to effectively eradicate this problem. law enforcement officials must. Less than half the public (49 percent) believe the law requiring court approval to detain a suspect for more than three days is respected. head of the nongovernmental Judicial System Monitoring Programme in East Timor[89] It is clear that police abuse is a serious and pressing problem. "(a) exercise restraint in such use and act in proportion to the seriousness of the offence and the legitimate objective to be achieved. these perceptions are not likely to remain static.[90] Two studies published in 2004 show mixed public views of the police. particularly those laws enacted to protect anyone arrested and accused of a crime. For unclear reasons. yet initiatives to address it have been inadequate. among other things. while others. One survey commissioned by the Asia Foundation in East Timor encouragingly found that "of the only 11 percent of respondents who had brought disputes to the police. some cases are dealt with by PEO. are investigated by the Ministry of Interior. Institutions and Practices Needed to Create Police Accountability in East Timor The police are not brave enough to investigate cases where there are police involved. sometimes cases with particular sensitivity. The survey also found that "many feel the laws are not actually enforced. Delays are reported in investigations and decisions on disciplinary action. [and] (b) minimize damage and injury. In March 2005 the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) identified many of the problems when it stated in its report to the U. Reforms."[88] V. Sometimes police who have beaten or threatened people are not investigated. The Professional Ethics Office (PEO) of PNTL is increasingly unable to investigate cases of misconduct due to lack of resources for field work and at times political interference. Disciplinary actions are not always in proportion to misconduct. most did so because they considered their dispute to be a serious matter and they believed that they would be treated fairly by the police. Existing oversight mechanisms are weak and need further support and strengthening.N. so they do not want to open an internal investigation. Commission on Human Rights that: Accountability mechanisms remain unclear and inadequate. The result is an emerging pattern of impunity for PNTL abuses. and only four in ten think the law genuinely protects the accused from police brutality or allows them access to a public defender.firearms." However. Tiago Amaral Sarmento.[87] When the use of force is unavoidable.

There were allegations that personal connections within the police force or the Ministry of Interior were a factor in some cases. Although neither study can be used as conclusive indications of public perceptions of the police. thus far meaningful sanctions for police officers involved in serious human rights violations have been rare. or ignore it. the results may just reflect an attitude that the PNTL is far less abusive than the Indonesian police force-a pretty low threshold for professionalism.[93] However. In East Timor effective institutional mechanisms for accountability are essential if impunity is to be tackled. However. Department of State.The second study. One conclusion that could be drawn is a general public reluctance to criticize the PNTL as a force. For example. Another caveat is that although community confidence is generally a good indicator of the level of police abuse. fifty-five cases had been reported through the PEO. One of the most common reasons that police abuse can become commonplace within a police force is the effective impunity enjoyed by police officers and their superiors who participate in. Bobonaro and Viqueque. but much less in the districts of Baucau. Addressing Impunity Police abuse can become a serious problem when police officers and their superiors enjoy impunity for their actions. that for 2005 "[s]ome officers were punished for relatively minor misconduct. order. An international advisor to the minister of interior told Human Rights Watch that for the period from January to March 2005. the surveys are useful in highlighting what communities believe are positive elements within the police force. for example."[95] The failure to properly investigate police misconduct undermines the police force's credibility in holding its members accountable. The challenge for the East Timor government will be to build and support those positive elements. in July 2004 a group of approximately one . it was unclear whether the dismissals were linked to human rights violations or mere criminal activity.S. and in several cases police officers were convicted and sentenced for assaults committed while on duty. however. in March 2005 the East Timor police commissioner reported that ten police officers had been dismissed from the service. more specific questions on detention and abuse resulted in quite negative responses indicating that when people have come into direct contact with the police their experiences have been less positive. by year's end. no action had been taken in a number of cases involving serious misconduct.[94] The U. However. In spite of the kinds of abuses documented in this report. More robust and effective enforcement of existing legislation and stronger media vigilance and independent monitoring of the problem will also be key.6 percent overall. This is as true for high profile incidents as for day-to-day violations. A. whilst also addressing the problem areas. perhaps reflecting negative attitudes towards the police in a district with a high number of reported cases of police brutality. According to the OHCHR.[92] In Bobonaro the figure was only 32 percent. the results do show already mixed feelings toward East Timor's new police force. found that the public's respect for the work of the police was still quite high at 69. The early indications are that East Timor risks allowing impunity to become a grave and systematic problem if it does not respond appropriately. in its annual human rights report on East Timor noted. undertaken jointly by the Dili Institute of Technology and the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF).

which they did in a manner widely . He was clear in his understanding that proper punishment for violators would be an effective deterrent: We are trying to improve this which is not very good within the police.hundred persons. and subsequently arrested over thirty people.) Human Rights Watch spoke with Police Commissioner Paulo Martins. secretary-general noted the negative consequences delays in accountability could produce. and there were several other reports that several detainees were beaten in police custody. however.D of this report.'s failure to prioritize police disciplinary measures.N. trampled under foot by the security services.N. staged a protest outside the main government building in Dili. However. There have. in April 2005 several thousand people joined anti-government demonstrations in Dili. has not yet been completed. the exact grounds under which they were held were never clarified. once again there has not yet been a satisfactory outcome either in respect of disciplinary measures against the police officers responsible for excessive use of force. They were protesting a proposal by East Timor's Council of Ministers to designate religious education as an optional subject in some primary schools. the U. who conceded that there was a problem and that this had implications for creating a culture of impunity. commenting: "the report of the special investigation into the incident of 20 July 2004.[97] The tardiness of an appropriate response to the police violence at the July 2004 demonstration shows that there is some way to go before the commissioner's words about internal disciplinary processes translate into concrete measures. transitional administration to stop inappropriate police behaviors before they became too entrenched. used tear gas to disperse the crowd. and the media. many of the demonstrators' banners. For example. including many Falintil veteran resistance fighters. or in respect of the arbitrary detention of over thirty protestors. (Deficiencies in the UNPOL training regime are explored in detail in section V. This incident received much attention at the time from the government. together with members of the elite Rapid Intervention Force. Television footage showed at least one police officer beating a protester. had proclaimed messages calling for greater democratization and reform of the police force. been encouraging signs that some things can be done right. the second day of their protest. in which the police used excessive force to disperse a largely peaceful demonstration.N. On July 20. These delays are perceived by the community as voluntary inaction and hence undermine the general trust in the professionalism of the police. We already have a police disciplinary regulation and have taken strong measures against those who commit abuse or violence against the people I don't think it is because of training but an increase in understanding from the commanders and the communities that the police have to respect human rights. Although many of those held were detained for more than thirty hours. And also because the police officers realize that sanctions are heavy if they commit an abuse. Ironically. the United Nations in East Timor. police officers. Police were deployed to patrol these demonstrations."[96] Yet at least part of this problem is a legacy of the U. Few strategies were implemented at an early stage in the U. In his February 2005 progress report on UNMISET.

One then-PEO officer in Dili told Human Rights Watch that although in theory PEO officers could investigate police officers of superior rank to themselves. or. although. which saw the positive outcome from implementing the standards provided by appropriate training. who then decides what action should be taken. especially in sensitive cases. In cases where complaints have been taken up by the PEO/PEDU.regarded as professional and restrained. The Development of Oversight Institutions Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit The first port of call for investigating police violations is usually the PNTL's internal oversight body. Looking to the future. according to the police Organic Decree-Law.[98] Staffed by serving police officers and working under the general commander of the PNTL. together with any recommendations for discipline. told Human Rights Watch about an incident earlier in 2005 when a uniformed police officer in his district had fired his gun in the air at the market in Maliana.[100] Another problem is the lack of understanding by police of the rights and interests of those filing complaints. and significantly also appears to have given a confidence boost to the police force itself. but instead he was only transferred to Dili. in practice it was the district commanders who ultimately decided which cases would be investigated in the district. attitudinal change within the police force is going to have to be a priority and will need a long-term strategy to have impact. for that attitudinal change to take place. Combined with training there needs to be a strong system of discipline.[99] Unfortunately. which ones would be sent to Dili. Simao Lopes. Lopes recommended that the officer be discharged from the police force. the PEDU lacks institutional authority over the various branches of the police. with the PNTL disciplinary regulation not even envisaging that complaints could come from outside the force. PSU). or to return to complainants to update them on the status of their . together with positive reinforcement for appropriate police behavior. and which ones would be set aside. in some cases. There is no automatic suspension for police officers under investigation for alleged offenses. transfers followed by promotions.[101] At a more basic level the PEO/PEDU continues to be restricted by a lack of human and financial resources. As one example. if at all. B. The PEO/PEDU has also been weak and very slow to take action. and before that the Professional Standards Unit. In some cases PEO/PEDU staff do not have access to transport to conduct investigations. punishments for police officers have often just been temporary suspensions. The results of any investigations. the Ministry of Interior can also order the PEDU to conduct inquiries. Such allegations are usually made by members of the public. transfers. the Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit (PEDU. This display of professionalism has improved the public image of the police force. the chief of the then-PEO office for Bobonaro district. formerly known as the Professional Ethics Office. the unit is charged with investigating allegations of police misconduct or abuse. PEO. It seems little thought or consideration has been given to the rights of the victims in this process. effective leadership and support by the management of PNTL over time. are sent to the minister.

[102] As Carlos Moniz Maia. did not provide him with the skills necessary to lead investigations or manage staff. "I have not yet submitted a complaint because they threatened me. the deputy head of the then-PEO national office commented: We have several problems. I ask you to recommend for us to have more training about the role of the PEO so that we can understand it in more depth. When the man protested the commander issued a stark warning.N. a change of personnel in the office would improve the office's strength. In his opinion. human rights unit then and see what they will do. pointing out to Human Rights Watch that the previous experience of its chief.N. but he was keen to stress his willingness to receive more training in the area of internal investigations. "Go to the U. police officer in Bobonaro district had a poor opinion of the then-PEO in Maliana. Cases from 2001 to 2003 have already finished being investigated. One young man who was severely ill-treated in police detention told Human Rights Watch that he was too scared to seek accountability for the abuse he suffered at the hands of three police officers in Maliana police station. The U.N. He told Human Rights Watch: Before I was with the PEO I was a community police officer. He said. They are scared and just stay quiet. The U. advisor told Human Rights Watch that in his opinion it was clearly a threat."[106] A U.N. The statistics of cases involving the PNTL every year is increasing. as a patrol officer within the occupation-era Indonesian police force. We want to work but we do not get strong enough support. First of all are the limitations in personnel and transport. I do not want to go back to Maliana police station." The U. the lack of resources and experience resulting in delays and incompetence of the PEO/PEDU in dealing with complaints has led to frustration amongst affected communities about lack of transparency and efficiency in dealing with their cases.N. The police are a strong institution. police advisor told Human Rights Watch that he heard a district police commander threatening a man who had come to complain about the police treatment of some people involved in martial groups in the district. Likewise for 2005 we've finished about twenty cases and still have about seventy left.[105] It appears that lack of faith in and/or fear of the new police force is already preventing people going directly to the police to register complaints."[108] Where such knowledge exists. I don't want to be summoned again by the PNTL.[103] One U. I received just two days' training from the PNTL. will leave soon and then it will just be us.[104] When he was interviewed by Human Rights Watch the chief of the PEO office in Maliana conceded that he lacked essential experience. This has only further . We would be happy to participate in more training. The communities don't yet know or understand that they can report to "If there are violations the communities don't know who they can report it to.[107] Tiago Amaral Sarmento from JSMP told Human Rights Watch. officer heard the commander tell the man that they wanted to solve the matter through traditional dispute mechanisms. stating. but there are still about 50 percent of cases from 2004 which have not yet been resolved because of restrictions of transport and staff.

was promulgated in May 2004. I can give recommendations but not follow up. just recommendations. it is hard to accurately gauge the effectiveness of the Provedor's Office. and has the power to order a person to appear for questioning. maladministration.increased the distrust people have in the impartiality of the office. The Office of the Provedor has far-reaching powers to investigate and report on complaints against government officials and institutions. 2005. "especially in light of the recent increase in reported cases of abuse of police power. We also have limited human resources. Our program cannot go forward if we don't have facilities or a budget. A law to establish such a position.N. secretary-general noted that the Provedor's Office "provides an important legal instrument to address inter alia. Another major weakness of the office is that it does not have the power to make enforceable decisions-any of the provedor's recommendations can be ignored. the office of the Provedor de Direitos Humanos e Justicia. nepotism. the continued reports of human rights violations by the East Timorese police.[112] By the end of 2005. including excessive use of force. I don't have the power to make decisions. But what is most important is the people and all the communities. the Office of the Provedor had still not been fully established or staffed. Its strengths are that it can undertake investigations on its own initiative. lack of due process."[111] In June 2005 Human Rights Watch met with Sebastiao Dias Ximenes shortly before his inauguration as provedor. The budget for the Provedor is small. including assaults and threats. the position of provedor was not filled until Sebastiao Dias Ximenes was inaugurated in the post June 16. Office in Timor-Leste."[110]In a previous report he had expressed concern at the delay in electing the provedor. the U. there are concerns about the capacity of this new institution to comprehensively or effectively carry out the role of a police oversight body. We are an independent institution but receive our budget from the government. which are not being adequately addressed by internal disciplinary processes and are rarely taken up by the Public Prosecutor for institution of criminal proceedings. Issues within the purview of the office include abuse of power. As a relatively new body. although as parliament initially found it hard to agree on a candidate. The Office of the Provedor The East Timor constitution provides for a special office to scrutinize human rights practices throughout the territory. It is to be hoped that the office will contribute to an increased culture of respect for human rights and accountability. If they don't work with the Provedor. considering the many other functions it has also been tasked with.[109] In his August 2005 report to the United Nations Security Council on the U. this office cannot be a success without their support. collusion and corruption. It's a problem. We need training and maybe comparative studies so that we can increase our experience and knowledge. without waiting for a complaint. including the police.The office can also only make .N. he discussed his main concerns and what he saw as the priority challenges of his new role: The Provedor has limits. However. ill-treatment and arbitrary arrest and detention. Already aware of the limitations of his new office.

or police powers under the Criminal Procedures Code and the Rules of Organization Procedures.[116] However. see below. Provedor and Ministry of Interior. Legal Gaps The process leading to the establishment of the PNTL led to the existence of a range of different and sometimes competing rules. the Inspectorate and the U. advisor to the minister of interior.N.recommendations to the relevant bodies such as the police. told Human Rights Watch that the disciplinary regulation "has a formula to determine discipline that is virtually unusable and cannot be understood by the vast majority of the PNTL including trainers and advisers." [114] Equally important is for the PNTL to finalize its Rules of Organization Procedures (ROPs). Even if the disciplinary regulation were available in Indonesian or Tetum. but there remains little knowledge and understanding by the police about definition of crimes under the Criminal Code. including ROPs on the treatment of vulnerable persons. The Need for More and Better Training . Code of Conduct. Saif Ullah Malik. or refer a grievance to a competent jurisdiction or other recourse mechanism. which is not necessarily a problem but leads to a certain amount of confusion among the public about how to report incidents or hold the PNTL accountable. at the time of writing it was understood that this group had not met since March 2005. The promulgation of the Organic Decree-Law in May 2004 went some way towards clarifying the legal framework for the police. At quite a basic level. languages understood by most police officers.N. (For comment on the need to formalize coordination and cooperation between the various institutions entrusted with acting as oversight mechanisms. Human Rights Unit.) C. and the 2004 regulation providing a new disciplinary code for police. While many ROPs have been finalized (see above). including a new policy introduced in 2003 restricting the use of force. Legislation or regulations need to be adopted to clarify the various responsibilities of the PEDU. Ray Murray. the authorities continue to use the previous U. D. including persons with mental illness and victims of gender-based violence.[115] While there have been some developments at addressing the legal vacuum.N. a language not understood by most PNTL personnel. told Human Rights Watch in May 2005 about a working group established to harmonize all the different institutions including the then-PEO.'s senior police advisor. offer to act as a mediator between the complainant(s) and representatives of the public body involved. the June 2004 disciplinary regulation is only available in Portuguese. procedures and practices which govern the PNTL. there now seems to be an urgent need to formalize coordination and cooperation between the various institutions entrusted with acting as oversight mechanisms for the fledgling police force. more need to be finished. as a result. There is substantial overlap between the different agencies. The U. it has been criticized by police experts for being incoherent. and that this group would also include participation from the PNTL.[113] There is also little training on these areas made available to the police force. the Inspectorate and the Office of the Provedor.

intelligence gathering.700 police officers who completed the first phase of the plan in December [2004]. police training is an important tool for addressing human rights violations by the police. trainees.. those rights are not always recognized It is not entirely clear within the police who is doing what."[119] There is still a huge lack of management and mentoring capacity in the police force. We are trying to encourage children to be aware that if they have a problem they can go to the police. The curriculum at the academy has also been recently re-written by an Australian/U.700 East Timorese police academy graduates) simply underwent a four-week "Intensive Transitional Training Course. and community policing. mean that continued strengthening of the human rights dimension of training for experienced officers. Former POLRI officers (members of the Indonesian police force responsible for security in the territory before the vote for independence in 1999.K.Although not a solution on its own.[118] The U. or other vulnerable groups.[120] . and police academy graduates is essential. followed by nine months of field training. civilian police advisors were providing training to the East Timor police through a skills development plan which was based on the results of a national survey of police officers to identify gaps in capacity.N. children. only half were able to achieve the desired level of competence. The first batch of new cadets received three months of basic training at the rehabilitated PoliceAcademy in Dili followed by six months of on-the-job training in the field. There is also little awareness of the appropriate treatment of women.. Reports of human rights violations and inappropriate behavior by officers."[117] Standard training for new recruits is now a four-month training course at the PoliceTrainingAcademy in Comoro. Secretary-General noted in February 2005 that U. but that "of the approximately 1. etc.N. Unfortunately. there is some training in specialized areas of investigations. if they are offenders. Not all children will be dealt with by the VPU. combined with the lingering legacy of Indonesian policing techniques. After graduation a further six months of formal field training is undertaken for probationary officers. who comprised 350 of the first 1. Dili. but you run the risk that you are not exposing children to greater risks by going to the police. police training team (see also below). with human rights material incorporated throughout the course. including in the area of internal investigations of police misconduct. or mainstreaming ideas such as the method of investigation into gender-based crimes. One child protection officer with UNICEF in East Timor told Human Rights Watch: There is a notion that if children are victims there is an awareness of special treatment from the VPU [Vulnerable Persons Unit] and rights. and a need for a great deal more specialized skills training. who do not become full PNTL officers until after successful completion of this additional training. during both UNTAET and UNMISET the fledgling police force received largely inadequate and sometimes contradictory training from UNPOL and CivPol personnel. In these courses. just normal investigators. But.

It has already been socialized [disseminated] to all the Commanders but not yet fully to all members of the PNTL. Their experience and consequently their teaching was therefore not standardized. What we have now is the result of a lack of training. Further problems with the UNPOL training of East Timorese police recruits and officers included communication difficulties caused by language problems that restricted the ability for training sessions to be participatory and inclusive. but this recommendation was not followed. rather than taught lecturestyle. police missions around the world: The U. rather than a mix without any common members to work. This inherently creates an incentive to resort to excessive use of force to extract a purported "confession" from a suspect. and the good cooperation the Academy had with the U.. all of whom had provided materials for the training courses.N. To reinforce this message it is essential that the judiciary rigorously and consistently refuse to allow evidence where there are credible allegations that it was obtained through illegal use of force by the police. There is not yet a course about it. training during UNMISET was conducted by UNMISET police advisors at the district and sub-district level. It also limited interaction between U. There had been a recommendation from the Ministry of Interior that before this program started the UNPOL officers should be given a "training of trainers" course. It would have been better to have one police force from one country. Problematic Past Training Approaches The majority of U. but would help reduce abuse of power.N. A problem affecting this approach is one that is common to most U. this would have improved some of the training delivery. civilian police staffing the mission were from a wide range of countries.Police in East Timor rely heavily on confessions as their sole means of "solving" crimes. The education that they receive here is still a little. and East Timor police. not only offers the police an alternate and better way to do their job. He told Human Rights Watch: There is a Code of Conduct for the PNTL. and undoubtedly contributes to the current climate where beating of suspects is routine. so PNTL officers were exposed to different approaches to policing and not all were consistent with what was being taught at the Academy. When Human Rights Watch met with the head of Dili's PoliceTrainingAcademy he was emphatic about the volume of human rights materials included in the basic training package taught at the academy. the focus being on the training of trainers in the field. As most of the UNPOL were police officers and not trainers. More intensive training in basic investigation and forensic techniques.N. so that the training delivery could be uniform across the country. We need a course for the PEO [now PEDU] so that they can carry out their duties well. A UNOTIL staff member was extremely critical of the support which UNPOL had previously provided: I don't think UNPOL knew what they had to do when they were in charge. .[122] E.N. UNDP and UNICEF. and implementation of training scenarios. However.N. he was also quite frank in admitting how much further they had to go.[121] Because of that we are less sure that the Code will hold [be put into practice]. or with international standards. However we are still new. Human Rights Unit. each with varying adherence to international standards on policing.. including the use of other sources of information and evidence.

a large part of UNOTIL's mandate is in the area of continued support and development of the East Timorese police. In establishing UNOTIL in May 2005. There is a wide range of bilateral international assistance to the PNTL. The United States is funding specialized training courses for supervisors and investigators. with different countries' domestic procedures being taught." and that combined with the tick-the-box approach of UNPOL meant that "their counterparts don't have a clue.N. with no coherent plan for establishing oversight mechanisms and enforcement of disciplinary measures against police officers." This diplomat identified the further problem that "the government never refuses aid." There are two other main reasons why current training has taken such a long time to halt police abuses. and Australia have .N. there must be consequences for failing to abide by it. International funding also plays a critical role in East Timor in all areas. was in crisis management with no coherent strategic development plan for the PNTL. The first is that current training has failed to address the overall institutional culture of policing methods. A senior diplomat in East Timor commented: "The biggest criticism of UNPOL is that they've been here for four or five years. But they just ticked a box. the training is inconsistent in standards. The second is that there are few penalties if the officers do not implement what they learn in training and few incentives to follow it. most recently through a "training of trainers" course and the launching of a training manual on human rights for the police in mid-2005. police personnel also hindered the effective development or long-term implementation of policies. Amongst the international support. as with the U. The UNOTIL Human Rights Unit has also been working in cooperation with the Ministry of Interior to provide human rights and use of force training to the national police. Vice Minister of Interior Alcino Barris told Human Rights Watch that amongst the police force "there is still very little real understanding of what human rights are. it is equally important to train officers about their responsibilities to act professionally. primarily targeted at the specialist police units such as the Border Patrol Unit and the Rapid Intervention Unit. including training programs as well as equipment and infrastructure support."[126] While it is important to teach human rights. Ray Murray. so there is a problem in trying to coordinate all the training. There is a sense that the U.N. Assistance has also been given to the Professional Ethics Office. under UMISET (see above)." F.K. something that the minister also acknowledged. One of the problems with this approach is that. but for institutional development it had negative consequences. In other words. For peacekeeping this approach may be appropriate. "You should not only teach on what should be done. the Security Council authorized the deployment of up to forty police training advisors.Quite crucially the six-month rotations for U. Canada and Japan have both provided small grants and provided equipment. Indonesia has been hosting a series of exchange programs for PNTL officers to visit and acquire in-house training with the Indonesian police force. At various stages Malaysia and Portugal have also extended training to various units of the PNTL. but also on why it should be done. for training to be meaningful. so you would expect four or five years of training. not least the development of the police service. Current Initiatives Recognizing the urgent and ongoing need of the PNTL for further training and assistance. told Human Rights Watch. Human rights training and courses have already been provided by these advisers. Recognizing this problem. the U. the international advisor to the Ministry of Interior. Their key goal was to set up and handover to an East Timor police force.

Training for the police on the role of civil society. consistency of guidance. With the U. will also be crucial to ensure mutual respect and cooperation. The U. Local civil society needs to be activated.K.-Australian plan is to integrate standard operating procedures into all aspects of the training. the U. concedes that "bad" training was a problem. When UNPOL leaves (currently scheduled for May 2006). The first phase will concentrate on training of trainers. Saif Ullah Malik. he added: "We have adopted an approach." He continued: "As an exit strategy we are incorporating local NGOs to monitor the human rights situation in each district. Human Rights Unit due to close with the end of UNOTIL's mandate (foreseen for May 2006). training currently underway with the PNTL. Part of the joint U. training of PNTL./Australian initiative will fill the vacuum on advice and training created by UNPOL's departure. for most victims of police brutality the first place they turn is normally either the U. The senior U. for example my technical advisors in the districts are advising the same thing across the board. Monitoring The presence of human rights officers here.embarked on a joint development program for the PNTL focusing on mainstreaming international policing standards across the board over the long-term.N. the urgency of strengthening civil society mechanisms to provide human rights monitoring and reporting has never been greater. the two biggest rights organizations in East Timor and the main Timorese bodies in the country monitoring police abuse.N. As the head of the JSMP told Human Rights Watch: I think that if the U. does constitute a deterrent to perpetrators. monitoring and in terms of advance training.K. Police Advisor in East Timor.N.-Australian initiative.K.N.N. There is a need also to avoid duplication of training and inappropriate training. He commented "There is a problem of inconsistency in the standard of training. They will think that their behavior is correct because there will be no one to give the recommendation that they have to be processed and brought to justice. Human Rights Unit will be trying to visit districts at least once a week.N. Noting the wide variety of bilateral and U. team leader for the U. A lack of monitoring will create a vacuum in which violations will be committed with impunity." Indicating that lessons had been learned from the experience of shortcomings in U. and the valuable place it has as a counterbalance to government. After the withdrawal there will be a big gap in monitoring." . concurred. The U. and our readiness to report on human rights violations to the international community. primarily Perkumpulan HAK or FOKUPERS." G. as noted. Kevin Raue. there are formal internal and external oversight mechanisms of the police.N. Human Rights Unit or an East Timorese human rights NGO. leaves and there are no more advisors the police will increase committing violations in the future.N. cannot stay forever. That problem is not yet resolved. saying: "We need support in terms of training. Though. Special Representative of the Secretary-General Sukehiro Hasegawa A critical issue for the future will be to ensure independent monitoring of police behavior in East Timor.

The commander of the army. The September 30th Movement was Suharto's Reichstag fire: a pretext for destroying the communist party and seizing state power. The weakness of the judiciary. 40 Years Later The Mass Killings in Indonesia By JOHN ROOSA and JOSEPH NEVINS "One of the worst mass murders of the twentieth century. The mass murder of hundreds of thousands of the party's supporters over subsequent months was thus a natural. the . human rights violations by the PNTL are just one symptom of a much broader nationwide problem. the anti-PKI atrocities. and justifiable reaction on the part of those non-communists who felt threatened by the party's violent bid for state power. acknowledged the massive scale of the killings only to dismiss the necessity for any detailed consideration of them. and emerging corruption issues. to identify patterns and perpetrators. or would-be perpetrators of atrocities." That was how a CIA publication described the killings that began forty years ago last month in Indonesia. It was one of the few statements in the text that was correct. just as culpable for the murder of the army generals as the handful of people who were truly guilty.5 million people as political prisoners (for varying lengths of time). later revealed to be Helen Louise Hunter. She concentrated on proving that the PKI was responsible for the September 30th Movement while consigning the major issue. and accused them of being "directly or indirectly involved in the September 30th Movement. The PKI had supposedly attempted a coup d'état and a nationwide uprising called the September 30th Movement (which. among them six army generals * into the greatest evil ever to befall Indonesia [2]. Suharto's martial law regime detained some 1. for multiple purposes: to remedy individual abuses. offhanded comment. crisis-filled atmosphere. The author of this 1968 report. The killings were part of the "backfire" referred to in the title: Indonesia * 1965: The Coup that Backfired. for some unknown reason. bludgeoned. As with the February 1933 fire in the German parliament that Hitler used to create a hysterical. The 300-page text was devoted to blaming the victims of the killings -.for their own deaths." The hundreds of thousands of people shot. began on October 1). and until this is analyzed and addressed then the possibility is that police abuse can only be minimized at best. inevitable. and others would be the most successful way to devise an action plan for ending human rights abuse in East Timor. That narrative rendered the September 30th Movement * a disorganized. and to highlight structural problems that allow human rights violations to emerge in the first place. stabbed. justified his acquisition of emergency powers in late 1965 and early 1966 by insisting that the September 30th Movement was a devious conspiracy by the PKI to seize state power and murder all of its enemies. are just two areas that directly impact on police abuse and remedies for it. or starved to death were labeled perpetrators. donors and the East Timor government need to work more closely together to monitor the broad range of human rights violations. A participatory. [1] Hunter's CIA report accurately expressed the narrative told by the Indonesian army commanders as they organized the slaughter. Major General Suharto. small-scale affair that lasted about 48 hours and resulted in a grand total of 12 deaths. Seen in this light.NGOs. to a brief. partnership approach including the wide range of actors in civil society such as the media.the supporters of the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) -. communities of interest.

The question as to whether or not the PKI actually organized the September 30th Movement is important only because the Suharto regime made it important. Balinese. But recent oral history research suggests that most of the killings were executions of detainees. he said. is as reliable as an Inquisition text on witchcraft. however. Even if the PKI had nothing whatsoever to do with the movement. they made their case against the PKI largely on the basis of the transcripts of the interrogations of those movement participants who hadn't already been summarily executed. drawn up hit lists. supernatural monster. D." His inability or unwillingness to muster anything more than rhetorical protests." He routinely protested the army's exaggerations of the September 30th Movement. danced naked and slit the bodies of the army officers with a hundred razor blades. Many people outside of Indonesia believe that the victims were primarily Indonesian Chinese. While some Indonesian Chinese were among the victims. It was. it is irrelevant. and sentenced. compared the army's murderous violence against those labeled PKI to a case of someone "burning down the house to kill a rat. does seem to have played a key role. As it was.September 30th Movement was exaggerated by Suharto's clique of officers until it assumed the proportions of a wild. primarily based on those transcripts. [3] Much more research is needed before one can arrive at definitive conclusions. nothing more than "a ripple in the wide ocean. . put on trial. The one among them who survived the initial terror. and so on. Aidit. admitted in the military's kangaroo court in 1967 that the PKI as an institution knew nothing of the September 30th Movement but that certain leaders were involved in a personal capacity. All the members of their organizations would not have been imprisoned or massacred. It was not a case of ethnic cleansing. they would have been arrested. dug thousands of ditches around the country to hold countless corpses.N. the general secretary of the party. Sudisman. the target of the PKI's alleged coup attempt. before they could provide their accounts. Given that the army used torture as standard operating procedure for interrogations. It was precisely this work of the army's psychological warfare specialists that created the conditions in which the mass murder of "the PKI" seemed justified. With so little public discussion and so little scholarly research about the 1965-66 mass killings. The party's three million members did not participate in it. the statements of the suspects cannot be trusted. The party chairman. Hunter's CIA report. however. The army banned many newspapers and put the rest under army censorship. whatever ethnicity they happened to be: Javanese. If the movement's leaders had been treated as the leaders of previous revolts against the postcolonial government. The violence targeted members of the PKI and the various organizations either allied to the party or sympathetic to it. The army whipped up an anti-communist propaganda campaign from the early days of October 1965: "the PKI" had castrated and tortured the seven army officers it had abducted in Jakarta. vicious. Many people imagine that the killings were committed by frenzied mobs rampaging through villages and urban neighborhoods. it would not have been such a small-scale affair. etc. they remain poorly understood. the army generals would have blamed the party for it. He was summarily and secretly executed in late 1965. The PKI as a whole was clearly not responsible for the September 30th Movement. If they had. stockpiled guns imported from China. they were by no means the majority. as were two of the three other core Politburo leaders (Lukman and Njoto). Otherwise. President Sukarno. Sundanese.

nonaligned. [6] A diligent embassy official with a penchant for data collection did his part by handing the army a list of thousands of names of PKI members." while characterizing the country as "one of Asia's most highly developed nations and endowed by chance with what is .[11] When that criminal escapade of the Dulles brothers failed.S. which Washington feared would eventually win national elections. corrupt army general from a Javanese village. embassy officials in October 1965. "This was just what was needed by way of assurances that we weren't going to be hit from all angles as we moved to straighten things out here. 1965. Suharto. the U. thuggish.S. As an aide to the army's chief of staff informed U. Richard Nixon characterized the country as "containing the region's richest hoard of natural resources" and "by far the greatest prize in the South-East Asian area."[8] This collaboration between the U. the strategists in Washington reversed course and began backing the army officers of the central government. Marshall Green. was outmaneuvered by a taciturn. [4] U. but stern.S. and arrest cabinet ministers. Sukarno's domestic and foreign policy was nationalist. a relative nobody in Indonesian politics. the cosmopolitan visionary of the Non-Aligned Movement. The new strategy was to cultivate anti-communist officers who could gradually build up the army as a shadow government capable of replacing President Sukarno and eliminating the PKI at some future date. [5] The U. Suharto grabbed the authority to dismiss. Many in Washington saw Indonesia as the region's centerpiece. The top army generals in Jakarta bided their time and waited for the opportune moment for what U.S. In March 1966. embassy supplied radio equipment. in a 1965 speech in Asia. and small arms to Suharto so that his troops could conduct the nationwide assault on civilians. Nixon had argued in favor of bombing North Vietnam to protect Indonesia's "immense mineral potential. monitor. Moreover.ultimately doomed his rule. government. [7] Such moral and material support was much appreciated in the Indonesian army.S. [12] That moment came on October 1." [13] Several years later. Eisenhower's administration attempted to break up Indonesia and sabotage Sukarno's presidency by supporting secessionist revolts in 1958. appoint. leading Time magazine to hail Suharto's bloody takeover as "The West's best news for years in Asia." [9] Two years earlier. moved against the PKI and Sukarno with the full support of the U. officials went so far as to express concern in the days following the September 30th Movement that the army might not do enough to annihilate the PKI. Navy League's publication gushed over Indonesia's new role in Southeast Asia as "that strategic area's unaggressive." [10] But obstacles to the realization of Washington's geopolitical-economic vision arose when the Sukarno government emerged upon independence in Indonesia. and explicitly anti-imperialist. The great orator who had led the nationalist struggle against the Dutch. American ambassador to Indonesia at the time. and the top army brass in 1965 was rooted in Washington's longstanding wish to have privileged and enhanced access to Southeast Asia's resource wealth. The destruction of the PKI and Sukarno's ouster resulted in a dramatic shift in the regional power equation.S.S. his government had a working relationship with the powerful PKI. strategists called a final "showdown" with the PKI. wrote that the embassy had "made clear" to the army that Washington was "generally sympathetic with and admiring" of its actions. uneducated. walkie-talkies. even while maintaining Sukarno as figurehead president until March 1967.

Henry Kissinger. They expected the legitimacy of their new regime would derive from economic growth and that growth would derive from bringing in Western investment. Within Indonesia proper. [15] At the same time. exporting natural resources to Western markets. Suharto's clique of army officers took power with a long-term economic strategy in mind.S. embassy account has it. the fruits of economic growth. the cabinet indefinitely postponed the discussion. the Suharto regime caused an astounding level of unnecessary suffering. epidemic and preventable diseases are rampant. the euphoria reflected just how lucrative the changing of the guard in Indonesia would prove to be for Western business interests. the Indonesian military invaded neighboring East Timor in 1975 after receiving a green light from President Gerald Ford and his secretary of state. The forests from which military officers and Suharto cronies continue to make fortunes are being cut down and burned up at an alarming rate. Apart from the pillaging of Indonesia's resource base. Falling prices were meant to convince Indonesians that Suharto's rule was an improvement over Sukarno's. part of it being the odious debt from the Suharto years. The result was an occupation that lasted for almost 24 years and left a death toll of tens of thousands of East Timorese. such as sugar. The country has little to show for all the natural resources sold on the world market. At his command. that the military "would not stand for precipitous moves against oil companies. By now it is clear that the much ballyhooed economic growth of the Suharto years was severely detrimental to the national interest. He personally intervened in a meeting of cabinet ministers in December 1965 that was discussing the nationalization of the oil companies Caltex and Stanvac. rice. The main products of the villages now are migrant laborers. he suddenly arrived by helicopter. or "the heroes of foreign exchange. . The U. and begging for Western aid.probably the most strategically authoritative geographic location on earth. and declared. With health care spending at a minimum. Payments on the foreign and domestic debt. the floodgates of foreign aid opened up." to quote from a lighted sign at the Jakarta airport." [14] Among other things. Soon after the meeting began. Suharto's vision for the army was not in terms of defending the nation against foreign aggression but defending foreign capital against Indonesians. The regime's ability over the following years to sustain economic growth via integration with Western capital provided whatever legitimacy it had. oil companies and rubber plantations. Suharto's army was jailing and killing union leaders at the facilities of U. Middle class university students." Faced with such a threat.S. swallow up much of the government's budget. played a particularly important role in forcing Suharto from office. shipped large quantities of rice and cloth for the explicit political purpose of shoring up his regime.S. [16] Once Suharto decisively sidelined Sukarno in March 1966. resulting in tens of thousands of additional fatalities. the regime's legitimacy quickly vanished. and soybeans. Once that pattern of growth ended with the capital flight of the 1997 Asian economic crisis. The Suharto regime lived by foreign capital and died by foreign capital. The country imports huge quantities of staple commodities that could be easily produced on a larger scale in Indonesia. entered the chamber. as the gleeful U. There is little domestic industrial production. the TNI committed widespread atrocities during counterinsurgency campaigns in the resource-rich provinces of West Papua and Aceh.

the military still looms large over the country's political system. as part of the global "war on terror. military training and economic assistance to Jakarta over the preceding four decades. Meanwhile in the United States. that description remains true. They may be reached at: jonevins@pop. thus increasing the likelihood of future atrocities. Similarly. as well as poverty-stricken. History textbooks still focus on the September 30th Movement and make no mention of the massacres. weaponry. there has not been a thorough investigation of any of the countless massacres that took place in 1965-66. Sukarno used to indict Dutch colonialism by saying that Indonesia was "a nation of coolies and a coolie among nations. and is the author of Pretext for Mass Murder: The September 30th Movement and Suharto's Coup d'État in Indonesia (University of Wisconsin Press. In his "year of living dangerously" speech in August 1964 * a phrase remembered in the West as just the title of a 1982 movie with Mel Gibson and Sigourney Weaver * Sukarno spoke about the Indonesian ideal of national independence struggling to stay afloat in "an ocean of subversion and intervention from the imperialists and colonialists. As such. despite political support and billions of dollars in U.vassar. significant democratic space has opened in Indonesia. It is thus not surprising that the government of the world's newest country feels compelled to play down demands for justice by its citizenry and emphasize an empty reconciliation process with Indonesia. no military or political leaders have been held responsible for the Suharto-era crimes (or those that have taken place since).) after experiencing the misery that Suharto's strategy of collaboration has wrought. and international recognition for which the nationalist struggle was fought now seem as remote as ever. but it might just rise again during the ongoing economic crisis that is endangering the lives of so many Indonesians. and is the author of A Not-so-distant Horror: Mass Violence in East Timor (Cornell University Press. John Roosa is an assistant professor of history at the University of British Columbia. It is encouraging that many Indonesians are now recalling Sukarno's fight against Western imperialism (first the Netherlands and then the U. Nevertheless. This impunity is a source of continuing worry for Indonesia's civil society and restless regions.S." Suharto's U. forthcoming in 2006). 2005).edu Notes . now-independent East Timor. Victims of the "New Order" and their families are able to organize.-assisted takeover of state power forty years ago last month drowned that ideal in blood.S.S. Joseph Nevins is an assistant professor of geography at Vassar College. thus enabling the Bush administration's current efforts to further ties with Indonesia's military.With Suharto's forced resignation in 1998. Washington's role in Indonesia's killing fields of 1965-66 and subsequent brutality has been effectively buried." [17] Suharto's removal from office has not led to radical changes in Indonesia's state and economy. There are competitive national and local elections. The principles of economic self-sufficiency." Thanks to the Suharto years. prosperity. There is even an official effort to create a national truth commission to investigate past atrocities.

Deadly Deceits: My 25 Years in the CIA (New York: Sheridan Square. CIA Report no. "American 'Low Posture' Policy Toward Indonesia in the Months Leading up to the 1965 'Coup'. p. and Hilmar Farid. Quoted in Peter Dale Scott. 1. 9. Tahun yang Tak Pernah Berakhir: Memahami Pengalaman Korban 65. 241. p. Ayu Ratih. 2004). p. The latter is available online: http://www. p. A former CIA agent who worked in Southeast Asia. May 20. 354. Ralph McGehee. available online at http://www. 6. the movement's troops abducted and killed six army generals and a lieutenant taken by mistake from the house of the seventh who avoided capture." San Francisco Examiner. 1983). Quoted in Geoffrey Robinson. 11. "Asia After Viet Nam. November 4. pp. In Central Java.odci. 283. Audrey R." Foreign Affairs (October 1967). The Dark Side of Paradise. 283. for its own in-house readership. 10. Telegram from the Embassy in Jakarta to Department of State. 19641968. eds. McGehee's description of it was heavily censored by the agency when it vetted an account he first published in the April 11.htm 2. This FRUS volume is available online at the National Security Archive website: http://www. In the course of these abductions. noted in his memoir that the agency compiled a separate report about the events of 1965. 1995). Subversion as Foreign Policy: The Secret Eisenhower and Dulles Debacle in Indonesia (New York: The New Press. "The 30 September Movement in Indonesia. Kahin." (Fall 1970). Telegram from the Embassy in Indonesia to Department of State. 1965. Frederick Bunnell. in United States Department of State.pir. Richard Nixon. Oral History Essays] (Jakarta: Elsam. 7. Foreign Relations of the United States. The Dark Side of Paradise: Political Violence in Bali (Ithaca: Cornell University Press. p. October 14. Ten Years' Military Terror in Indonesia (Nottingham (U. Esai-Esai Sejarah Lisan [The Year that Never Ended: Understanding the Experiences of the Victims of 1965. 1965. Cited in Robinson. 3.K. 4. Pizzicaro. John Roosa. 59. one that reflected its agents' honest opinions. vol. a five year-old daughter of a general. October 14.). 50 (October 1990)." Indonesia." (Fall 1969). In Jakarta. Kahin and George McT." in Malcolm Caldwell (ed. Also consider the massacre investigated in Chris Hilton's very good documentary film Shadowplay (2002). 5. p. "Exporting Military-Economic Development: America and the Overthrow of Sukarno. 1975). 26.gwu. "Ex-agents say CIA Compiled Death Lists for Indonesians.): Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation for Spokesman Books. Two articles in the agency's internal journal Studies in Intelligence have been declassified: John T.1. 1995). Kathy Kadane. 111. p. "The Lessons of the September 30 Affair. a teenaged nephew of another general. . 1981 edition of The Nation. and a security guard were killed. Richard Cabot Howland.html 8. two army colonels were abducted and killed. 14 to the White House (from Jakarta).

12. Bunnell, "American 'Low Posture' Policy," pp. 34, 43, 53-54. 13. Time, July 15, 1966. Also see Noam Chomsky, Year 501: The Conquest Continues (Boston: South End Press, 1993), pp. 123-131. 14. Lawrence Griswold, "Garuda and the Emerald Archipelago: Strategic Indonesia Forges New Ties with the West," Sea Power (Navy League of the United States), vol. 16, no. 2 (1973), pp. 20, 25. 15. Telegram 1787 from Jakarta to State Department, December 16, 1965, cited in Brad Simpson, "Modernizing Indonesia: U.S.*Indonesian Relations, 1961-1967," (Ph.D. dissertation, Department of History, Northwestern University, 2003), p. 343. 16. Hilmar Farid, "Indonesia's Original Sin: Mass Killings and Capitalist Expansion 1965-66," Inter-Asia Cultural Studies, vol. 6, no. 1 (March 2005). 17. For information on U.S.-Indonesia military ties, see the website of the East Timor Indonesia Action Network at

Oleh: Andre Vitchek:[1] Lain hari, terjadi lagi kehilangan nyawa yang sesungguhnya tidak perlu: 16 orang terbunuh dan 16 orang masih hilang pada saat banjir dan longsor di Tahuna, sebuah pulau kecil dekat Sulawesi . Dengan kecepatan yang mengerikan, Indonesia telah menggantikan Bangladesh dan India sebagai bangsa yang paling rentan bencana di dunia. Jika nama Indonesia muncul pada daftar judul utama di berita Yahoo, besar kemungkinan telah terjadi lagi suatu tragedi besar yang sesungguhnya tidak perlu terjadi di salah satu pulau dari kepulauan yang tersebar luas ini. Pesawat terbang hilang atau tergelincir di landasan pacu, kapal-kapal ferry tenggelam atau rontok di lautan bebas, kereta api bertabrakan atau tergelincir satu kali seminggu, penumpang yang tak berkarcis berjatuhan dari atap yang berkarat. Tumpukan sampah yang berbau busuk dan tidak memperoleh izin telah mengubur kelompok pemulung yang tak berdaya, tanah longsor telah menghanyutkan rumah-rumah kardus ke anakanak sungai, gempa bumi serta gelombang pasang telah menghancurkan kota-kota serta desa-desa pantai.Kebakaran hutan di Sumatra telah menyesakkan nafas penduduk di daerah yang luas di Asia Tenggara. Ruang lingkup bencana sebesar ini tidak pernah terjadi sebelumnya dan sungguh aneh jika kita menyepelekannya sekedar sebagai nasib jelek bangsa atau amarah Tuhan ataupun karena keganasan alam belaka. Sebagian besar faktor penyebab bencana ini harus dipersalahkan pada korupsi, inkompetensi atau sekedar ketidakacuhan dari kelompok elite yang sedang berkuasa dan para pejabat peemrintah. Adalah kemiskinan, minimnya proyek untuk kepentingan umum, dan kegemaran [para pejabat untuk ] mencuri yang membunuh ratusan ribu pria, wanita serta anak-anak Indonesia yang tidak berdaya.

Sejak kudeta militer dalam tahun 1965 yang disponsori Amerika Serikat yang menjatuhkan Sukarno, dan menaikkan rezim militer yang sangat anti komunis, korup, dan pro pasar dari diktator Suharto , Indonesia terhindar dari pengawasan yang sungguh-sungguh dari media dan pemerintahan negara-negara Barat. Setelah jatuhnya Suharto dalam tahun 1998, Indonesia dipuji oleh media massa sebagai suatu demokrasi yang sedang tumbuh dan semakin toleran. Sebagian dari bencana ini adalah buatan manusia; [dan] hampir semuanya malah bisa dicegah. Dalam penelusuran yang lebih cermat semakin jelas terlihat bahwa orangorang mati karena hampir tidak ada upaya pencegahan, kurangnya pendidikan (Indonesia merupakan negara yang ketiga paling rendah prosentase GDP anggaran pendidikannya sesudah Equatorial Guinea dan Ecuador) dan suatu sistem ekonomi pro pasar yang buas yang membiarkan sekelompok kecil orang kaya untuk memperkaya dirinya sendiri di atas penderitaan orang banyak yang hidup d engan biaya kurang dari dua dollar sehari. Kesimpulan yang dapat ditarik terhadap bagaimana berfungsinya masyarakat Indonesia bisa sangat mengerikan. Namun, menghindari pengungkapan hal ini tidak diragukan lagi akan menyebabkan jatuhnya korban nyawa yang berharga dari ratusan ribu manusia. [Kehidupan bernegara di] Indonesia dewasa ini didorong oleh semangat mencari untung dalam bentuknya yang paling ekstrim. Ia juga merupakan salah satu dari bangsa yang paling korup di muka bumi. Dan kelihatannya tidak ada keuntungan cepat yang dapat diperoleh dari mengambil langkah-langkah preventif [terhadap bencana alam ini]. Dimanapun dunia, bendungan dan dinding anti-tsunami dipandang sebagai pekerjaan umum dan justru perkataan –umum—yang telah hampir lenyap dari kamus mereka yang membuat keputusan di Indonesia . Keuntungan berjangka pendek bagi sekelompok khusus orang diberikan prioritas yang lebih tinggi dari kemanfaatan berjangka panjang bagi seluruh bangsa. Keruntuhan moral dari bangsa ini terbayang dalam skala nilai, yaitu: orang korup tapi kaya memperoleh penghormatan yang jauh lebih tinggi dibandingkan dengan mereka yang jujur tapi miskin. Tenggelamnya kapal-kapal ferry bukanlah "karena angin kencang dan ombak"; kapalkapal itu tenggelam karena penuh sesak oleh penumpang dan karena perawatan yang buruk. Semuanya bisa dijadikan uang, bahkan keselamatan ribuan penumpang. Perusahaan-perusaha an hanya ingat terhadap keuntungannya sendiri, sedangkan para pengawas dari pemerintah hanya memperhatikan uang suap belaka. Tenggelamnya kapal Senopati Nusantara dengan ratusan kurban dan disiarkan secara luas itu hanyalah salah satu dari ratusan kecelakaan laut yang terjadi setiap tahun di Indonesia . Walaupun tidak bisa diperoleh angka statistik yang pasti (dengan alasan yang dapat diduga, yaitu karena pemerintah Indonesia berusaha sekeras-kerasnya untuk mencegah dipublikasikannya statistik komparatif secara lengkap), beberapa rute pelayaran kehilangan lebih dari tiga kapal setiap tahun. Catatan keamanan dari industri penerbangan Indonesia merupakan salah satu yang paling buruk di dunia. Sejak tahun 1997, sekurang-kurangnya 666 orang telah meninggal dalam delapan kecelakaan pesawat di Indonesia . Latihan terhadap beberapa orang pilot sedemikian buruknya sehingga pesawat sering tergelincir di landasan pacu atau sama sekali tidak bisa menemukan landasan, atau [malah] mendarat di bagian

tengah landasan. Pemeliharaan pesawat adalah masalah lainnya: flaps sering tidak berfungsi sama sekali; roda tidak dapat dimasukkan setelah take-off, ban yang jarang diganti cenderung meletus pada saat mendarat. Sungguh merupakan suatu keajaiban bagaimana beberapa pesawat – khususnya pesawat tua Boeing 737 yang diterbangkan oleh hampir semua perusahaan penerbangan Indonesia – bisa lolos dari inspeksi. Setelah mewawancarai pejabat penerbangan sipil lokal (nama yang bersangkutan jelas tidak mau disebutkan) wartawan Anda mengetahui bahwa sistem navigasi dari beberapa bandar udara Indonesia berada dalam keadaan yang amburadul, terutama bandar udara Makasar di Sulawesi dan Medan di Sumatra. Rata-rata, telah terjadi satu kecelakaan kereta api setiap enam hari di Indonesia , umumnya disebabkan karena kurangnya penjagaan pada 8000 lintasan kereta api. Sebagai perbandingan, kereta api Malaysia tidak pernah mengalami kecelakaan fatal selama 13 tahun sampai tahun 2005 (satu kecelakaan terjadi tahun 2006, yang statistiknya bisa diperoleh). Walaupun kenyataan menunjukkan bahwa Indonesia secara relatif mempunyai jumlah mobil per kapita yang kecil, namun jalan-jalannya merupakan jaringan jalan yang "paling banyak digunakan" di dunia (hanya nomor dua setelah Hongkong yang justru bukan merupakan negara): 5.7 juta kend eraan-km per tahun dari jaringan jalan. (2003, The Economist World in Figures, 2007 Edition). Menurut The Financial Times, walaupun kepadatan yang luar biasa serta lalu lintas yang bagaikan merangkak ini, lebih dari 80 orang tewas setiap hari di jalan-jalan Indonesia, umumnya disebabkan oleh karena amat buruknya infrastruktur dan amat lemahnya penegakan hukum. Gempa bumi belaka tidaklah membunuh manusia. Faktor penyebab banyaknya jatuh korban adalah buruknya konstruksi rumah serta bangunan, bersamaan dengan kurangnya upaya preventif dan pendidikan preventif. Sudah menjadi pengetahuan umum bahwa Indonesia rentan terhadap bencana; bahwa ia berada di kawasan yang disebut sebagai 'lingkaran api' (ring of fire). Namun kaum miskin tidak bisa mengharapkan adanya proyek perumahan umum yang mampu menahan gempa (seperti yang diban gun di negara tetangga, Malaysia ). Hampir setiap keluarga harus mengurus nasibnya sendiri: mereka harus merancang dan mendirikan tempat tinggalnya sendiri. Gempa besar membunuh ratusan orang, kadang-kadang ribuan orang, dan menyebabkan ratusan ribu orang kehilangan rumah mereka. Sekurang-kurangnya 5.800 orang meninggal dan 36.000 luka-luka pada tanggal 27 Mei 2006 sewaktu gempa berkekuatan 6.2 skala Richter menghantam daerah Jawa Tengah dekat kota bersejarah Yogyakarta. Infrastruktur yang primitif, fasilitas media yang tidak memadai, dan korupsi yang terjadi pada saat pendistribusian bantuan merupakan faktor yang menyebabkan tingginya jumlah korban pada saat terjadinya goncangan. Pembabatan hutan secara tidak sah (illegal logging) dan penggundulan hutan merupakan alasan utama terjadinya tanah longsor. Semua orang tahu siapa yang bertanggung jawab terhadap terjadinya kebakaran hutan di Sumatera dan di tempattempat lain, tetapi para pejabat pemerintah enggan sekali melakukan penangkapan, oleh karena mereka yang bertanggung jawab terhadap penggundulan hutan tersebut biasanya

000 oang terpaksa mengungsi dari rumah mereka. inspeksi dan upaya untuk mencari nafkah alternatif bagi masyarakat yang sedemikian putus asanya. Menurut angkaangka resmi. bahkan mungkin suatu buku yang khusus ditulis tentang hal itu.000 orang menjadi pengungsi. Sampah telah menguburkan suatu desa pemulung miskin pada sebuah penimbunan sampah tanpa izin di luar kota Bandung .000 are tanah dengan lumpur panas. sebagian besar dari bantuan luar negeri yang amat banyak itu lenyap karena korupsi. banjir dan tanah longsor yang disebabkan oleh hutan lebat telah menewaskan lebih dari 200 orang di provinsi Sulawesi Selatan. yang dapat mengisi demikian banyak telapak tangan yang menunggunya dengan sukacita. yang terkenal sebagai tsunami. tapi daftar lengkap akan memenerlukan banyak sekali halaman surat kabar. Lebih dari dua tahun setelah terjadinya tragedi yang menghancur-luluhkan Aceh ini. Demikian banyak bentuk penyelesaian terhadap masalah-masalah ini. yang memaksa 400. Bencana itu terjadi karena tidak dipatuhinya prosedur secara wajar oleh suatu perusahaan eksplorasi gas (yang sebagian sahamnya dimiliki oleh salah seorang menteri kabinet). "Banjir lumpur" baru-baru ini telah menenggelamkan demikian banyak desa di luar Surabaya . Namun hampir tidak ada yang dilakukan sama sekali. menghancurkan satu-satunya jalan raya dari Surabaya serta jalan kereta api utama. beberapa di antaranya menjadi korban perdagangan manusia (human traficking). dan merendam lebih dari 1. Bulan lalu. Masih banyak korban tsunami lainnya. oleh karena pembabatan hutan secara tidak sah merupakan bisnis raksasa dan sangat menguntungkan. Dalam suatu kasus menyolok tentang perampasan tanah oleh pemerintah. banyak anggota tentara Indonesia memeras sogokan dari lembaga-lembaga bantuan dan merusak perbekalan atau air minum yang berharga jika sogokan tidak dibayar. "Kecelakaan" ini telah menyebabkan lebih dari 10. kemudian mengatakan bahwa tidak banyak yang dapat diperbuat karena daerah tersebut tidak dilengkapi dengan sirene atau pengeras suara. sebanyak 600 orang tewas. beberapa puluh orang terbunuh kaena tanah longsor dan banjir bandang di bagian utara pulau Sumatra . telah menewaskan lebih dari 126. . ratusan ribu orang masih tinggal di rumah-rumah darurat. yang selanjutnya menghancurkan seluruh masyarakat itu sendiri. yang menghantam pantai Jawa selatan pada tanggal 17 Juli 2006 yang masih menunggu bantuan yang berarti. Bukan saja reaksi dari pemerintah Indonesia dan militernya amat lamban.kaya raya dan mempunyai koneksi dengan [pejabat] negara dimana bahkan keadilan bisa dijual. Banyak lagi kejadian seperti itu. Jangankan membantu korban. Pejabat-pejabat Indonesia < /SPAN> telah menerima peringatan dini dari Jepang namun tidak mau bertindak. banyak korban dihambat pulang ke tanahnya sendiri. termasuk penegakan hukum. Indonesia sering menderita berbagai jenis bencana buatan manusia yang sungguh sukar untuk dimengerti dan diperbandingkan dengan apapun juga. sedangkan anak-anak dipisahkan secara paksa dari orang tuanya (karena kehilangan sertifikat kelahiran) dan 'diadopsi' oleh organisasi-organisa si keagamaan.000 orang di provinsi Aceh pada bulan Desember 2004. namun angka yang sebenarnya hampir pasti jauh lebih tinggi. Pada bulan Juni 2006. sehingga mereka secara harfiah terpaksa ikut serta menggali lubang kuburnya sendiri dengan menghancurkan lingkungan. Gelombang raksasa.

baru-baru ini memberangus komentar ini. org). angka-angka statistik yang benar. Sungguh. Masalah utama adalah tidak adanya kehendak politik (political will). jurnalis. produser film. dimana istanaistana mewah dari pejabat-pejabat yang korup telah memakan berhektar-hektar tanah.--------. Keengganan untuk menyelesaikan masalah mempunyai akarnya pada korupsi.--------. Surat kabar Indonesia terkemuka J akarta Post. Senior Fellow pada Oakland Institute (www. -----------. Badanbadan usaha serta pejabat-pejabat lokal telah mengemban gkan kemampuan khusus untuk mengeruk keuntungan dari apa pun juga. Suatu penglihatan sekilas di sekitar Jakarta berlusin-lusin shopping malls baru dibangun di beberapa tempat. Dalam kalimat sederhana. Indonesia adalah miskin. Di Indonesia.Masalahnya adalah: kapankah rakyat Indonesia akan berkata bahwa sudah cukup apa yang terjadi itu dan kapankah mereka akan menuntut pertanggungjawaban dan keadilan. ia menjadi pembunuhan massal. juga lebih besar dari korban yang jatuh di Sri Langka atau di Peru selama perang saudara yang demikian lama. Pers dan media massa Indonesia telah melaporkan secara detail masing-masing dan setiap bencana itu. oleh karena statistik komparatif atau tidak tersedia atau telah ditekan. Saat ini ia .--------[1] Novelis. salah seorang pendiri dari Mainstay Press (www. tidak termasuk kecelakaan kenderaan bermotor di jalan raya dan konflik bersenjata yang terjadi di seluruh kepulauan Indonesia. bahkan dari bencana dan dari penderitaan berjuta-juta rakyatnya tetapi masih berada dalam posisi untuk melindungi sebagian dari warganya yang rentan. kedua tragedi ini dipandang (atau ditampilkan) ha nya sebagai suatu nasib buruk lainnya belaka tanpa meminta pertanggungjawaban atau akuntabiltas siapa pun juga. Tetapi mereka gagal untuk menegaskan bahwa apa yang terjadi itu adalah suatu keadaan luar biasa dan tidak dapat ditoleransi.mainstaypress. untuk memperkuat bukit-bukit di sekitar kota-kota. yang terancam akan dikuburkan oleh tanah longsor. Jumlah itu lebih besar dari jumlah korban di Irak pada saat yang sama.oaklandinstitu te. dan menolak menerbitkannya di halaman-halamannya. Indonesia telah kehilangan sekitar 200 ribu orang rakyatnya dalam berbagai bencana. banyak orang Indonesia yang hidup dalam keadaan berbahaya dan penuh risiko seperti mereka yang hidup di daerah yang tercabik-cabik oleh perang. Upaya mengaitkan demikian banyak bencana dengan korupsi dan sistem sosial ekonomi telah ditolak sama sekali. bahwa mungkin tidak ada negara besar lainnya di dunia yang mengalami demikian banyak korban manusia yang tidak semestinya terjadi karena bencana buatan manusia atau bencana yang sesungguhnya bisa dicegah. Cukup banyak semen dan batu bata untuk membuat bendungan dan dinding untuk menghambat tsunami. Tetapi jika korban yang harus dibayar harus dihitung dengan hilangnya ratusan ribu nyawa. korupsi adalah pencurian dari publik. Sebagian besar mereka tidak menyadarinya.--------.--------. dan 'cetak biru' yang konkrit untuk menyelesaikannya? Hampir di semua negara.--------. dua bencana yang terjadi baru-baru ini – peristiwa tenggelam yang mengerikan dari kapan 'Satria Nusantara" dan 'hilang'-nya pesawat Boeing 737 Adam Air dengan 102 penumpang – sudah lebih dari cukup untuk memaksa menteri kabinet untuk mengundurkan diri. Sejak Desember 2004.

Halmahera. On 28 December 1999. Tuesday 4 January 2000 ========================== Three Villages Raided." I was informed that some 80% of men living in three Muslim villages of Tobelo were massacred." he told. Komnas HAM. Out of 50000 Tobelo population. According to the Vice President of Assembly of Muslim Scholars of Indonesia (Majelis Ulama Indonesia . Therefore. 12 Februari 2007. dikirimkan via e-mail oleh Duta Besar RI di Ceko. "Muslim women were also raped in the streets. net. who is a sociologist and was born in Galela. Thamrin said that he did not know who provoked them to carry out the attack.MAIA.tinggal dan bekerja di Asia Tenggara dan bisa dihubungi pada alamat email andre-wcn@usa. Tomagola. Naskah aslinya berjudul " Indonesia : Natural Disasters or Mass Murder?"." he said. In this region. said. Galela and Jailolo) but also from Kao and . the number of the Muslim men killed would be around 800. MA . North Maluku Province were massacred in a single night. According to Thamrin. since the tension sparked up on 26 December 1999. a convoy of trucks laden with people were roaming the streets. They were thought to have come from groups of people who had celebrated Christmas in Tobelo on 25 December. Another Bosnia Tragedy in Indonesia# Republika*. Mr. on 26 December 1999. In a single night. Thamrin Amal Tomagola of the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences. The massacre happened all of a sudden following social tension which has been escalating in North Halmahera. only 5000 are Muslims.MUI) H Adjit bin Taher. 800 Muslims massacred JAKARTA. Muslims were indeed minority. added that each of the villages was inhabited by around 200 to 300 family units. Not less than 800 Muslim men in three villages in the district of Tobelo. Prof Dr Salim Said . including Islamic Affair Offices (Kantor Urusan Agama-KUA) and all buildings associated with Islam. dimuat dalam International Herald Tribune dan The Financial Times. while the women were raped in the streets. Indonesian University. he continued. nearly 2000 Muslims from Tobelo were killed and four mosques burnt down. they did the attack on the Muslim enclaves in the city of Tobelo after [Ramadan] break fast. "For sure. The crowd came from some districts in North Halmahera and Ternate and the number reached about 10 to 20 thousands people. dan diterjemahkan oleh Dr. Halmahera. Women Raped in Halmahera. They came not only from three districts in North Halmahera (namely Tobelo.The worst and the most heartbreaking human tragedy has occurred in North Maluku on 28 December 1999. Yesterday. Saafroedin Bahar. the indication that there would be attack on the Muslims in Tobelo was noticed on 25 December when there was a huge people gathering in Tobelo.

with thousands of people dead. Thamrin said. the Christians also attacked the residents of Chinese origin. Indonesian Army (Tentara National Indonesia-TNI). the Christian mass put the people who were inside the mosques under their siege. the mass immediately got off the trucks and then poured petrol on Muslims' houses before set on fire. When the convoy was underway. reacted quickly by sending additional troops from Malang. Thamrin mentioned that the conflict has been going on for about five months. The social tension which has currently turned into inter-religious clashes in the upper part of the northern region of Halmahera island. Indeed." he added." said Thamrin. Only around 3000 people remains in Galela district. The Muslims then took revenge by driving out Christian inhabitants in Ternate who then took refuge in North Sulawesi and in majority-majority areas of North Halmahera. The mobs on the trucks did no action when passing through Christian villages. the convoy leader kept agitating speech using a loud speaker mounted on the truck. "They then poured the mosques with petrol and burnt the people inside alive. Apart from victimising Muslims. when coming to the Muslim areas.Pidiwang districts as well as Christians from Ternate who had sought refuge in Tobelo. And they [the Christians] then slain the men. To illustrate the enormous scale of the human right violation. But. Thamrin sees the Government being too slow in giving response. The Indonesian Government and the National Commission for Human Rights (Komnas HAM): Too luggishÉ!!!!! Although the conflict in North Halmahera was extremely tragic. "In this situation. Thamrin admitted. is the follow-up of the conflicts in Makian Malifut district on 18 August. no real help from Government has been given to deal with the social atastrophe in the region. he said. The tension that built up in North Halmahera started when Christian community in Kao expelled Muslim inhabitants of Makian Malifut from their villages to Ternate Island. Furthermore. Thamrin disclosed that since a sectarian conflict erupted in Makian Malifut district on 18 August 1999. the inhabitants left the houses and went outside. But. he said. yet the dead victims have reached 2500. Muslim enclaves in Jaelolo district are currently under siege by Christians. They were driven out from Tobelo and Kao districts." he said. Both the Muslim and Chinese people who were under attack run toward Jami Mosque in Gamsuni Village and any mosque in Dufa-Dufa village seeking for refuge. whereas Ambon conflict [which is relatively longer] . Thamrin was also dismayed by Komnas HAM which was less responsive with this extraordinary human right violation in North Halmahera. At present. Thamrin said. he added. whereas some 5000 of the inhabitants have fled to Ternate. About 400 [Muslim] youths have determined to defend Soa Siu City. where Muslims are majority. the death toll has reached 2500 people. the real aids came from local NGOs. "Apart from that. he continued. "I have not seen any proper coordination and arrangement from the Government." he said. the Muslims in North Halmahera were besieged. Nonetheless. Solo and Madiun.

The letter mentioned that the Indonesian Army Chief had granted permission to allow additional troops when. looking at the nature of the present conflicts. "Komnas HAM just came over during the first conflict on 18 August 1999. Through a spokesperson. Meanwhile. Sultan Baabulah Airport in Ternate was closed temporarily since Monday to anticipate any situation caused by the series of sectarian conflicts that have occurred in North Maluku since last week. the personnel already deployed were felt insufficient to stop the clashes and restore the peace and order. Thamrin said that hostility is still there despite of the deployment of additional troops. "I am ready to run the risk [of being sacked from my position] as a Pangdam [in my effort] to stop this human tragedy. Galela and South Halmahera. They came from Tidore." he said in Ambon this Monday. based on evaluation in the field. Suharto — the Australian elite’s favourite mass murderer Justin Randell 1 February 2008 Genocidal mass murderer and former Indonesian dictator Suharto died in hospital in Jakarta on January 27. regardless who are they since the facts have told that non-violence and negotiation approaches are not welcomed by the two sides. has vowed to leave his position if he cannot stop this prolonged bloodshed. 29 December 1999.caused merely 1200 people died. TNI Brigade General Max Tamaela.[END] INDONESIA. Ternate. it seemed necessary to crush the attackers. Pangdam XVI/Pattimura (=the Army Chief for Maluku Province). never having faced justice for the millions of people he killed or the billions of dollars he stole during his three decades in power. . Sanana. aged 86." he stressed. Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd described Suharto as an “influential leader” who “oversaw a period of significant economic growth and modernization”. Bacan. but they did not even set up a special team [to investigate the following] conflicts on 26 November and end of December 1999. dated 28 December 1999 was implemented on the following Wednesday morning. US President George Bush expressed “his condolences to the people of Indonesia on the loss of their former president”. "The Government must set up immediately a special team for and investigate this grotesque human rights violation. "So. It has become a tragedy for humanity. the Chief Commander for restoring peace and public order. While Suharto may be gone. Muslim mujahideen have now gathered around the corridor regions of North Halmahera to launch a counter attack." he said. From the reports he continuously receives. In the same article. the hypocrisy of his rich-country supporters — especially Australia — lives on. according to the January 28 Washington Post. The instruction letter of Kodal numbered TR/1291/1999.

making it the largest communist party outside of the Soviet Union and China. overthrew the nationalist government of president Sukarno. Suharto and his cronies became obscenely rich while any attempt by ordinary Indonesians to organise to defend their rights was brutally suppressed. Some estimates put the figure as high as 2 million. Suharto.” Indonesia was opened for business. . The PKI was physically exterminated — completely wiped out. the PKI had an estimated 3 million members and 20 million organised supporters. utilising the military and right-wing Islamic fundamentalist militias to carry out a campaign of mass slaughter against all leftists or suspected leftist sympathisers. thenprime minister Harold Holt expressed his joy at this turn of events. Via corruption and nepotism. No-one knows the exact number killed. McClelland told AAP that while the Australian government recognised “issues of controversy”.000 to 1 million communist sympathisers knocked off É I think it is safe to assume a reorientation has taken place. Mass murder Keen to secure the great wealth of the Indonesian archipelago for Western corporations. Former prime minister Paul Keating. then a top-ranking general.Rudd characterised Suharto’s record of genocide as merely “controversial”. Australian and US government support for Suharto goes all the way back to his rise to power via a bloody military coup in 1965. Suharto launched his coup. jailed and tortured. At a New York meeting of the Australian-American Association in July 1966. With the active assistance of the CIA and the US embassy. which had undertaken a number of measures that attempted to protect Indonesia from the ravages of exploitation by Western corporations. Under Suharto. but at least half a million people were butchered in the space of four months. Even more concerning for Western governments was the rise of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) on the back of mass struggles by workers and peasants. while opponents were routinely killed. infamously declaring with satisfaction: “With 500. democratic elections and freedom of speech were completely nonexistent. because Suharto “devoted himself entirely to the development of social conditions in Indonesia”. Attorney General Ian McClelland and Australian ambassador to Indonesia Bill Farmer attended Suharto’s funeral on January 28. it also recognised “his achievements É he brought Indonesia from a country that was subsistence to one with a developing economy É” Keating told the Australian on January 28 that focusing on Suharto’s crimes was “missing the point”. By the time Suharto took power.

[Justin Randell is a member of the Democratic Socialist Perspective.Dividing the spoils London-based Australian journalist John Pilger summed up the benefits of the Suharto regime for corporate interests in a January 28 article in the British Guardian. Australia became the first country to formally recognise Indonesia’s illegal annexation of East Timor. sector by sector. He was active in the solidarity campaign with Indonesia’s democracy movement struggling against Suharto as a member of Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor. A US/European consortium got the nickel. Up to 200. When a mass movement. called this “an aberration. the Indonesian military killed or wounded more than 450 young mourners at the Santa Cruz cemetery in Dili.000 people — around one third of the population — died in East Timor as a result Indonesian occupation. not an act of state policy”. led by pro-democracy students. The Freeport company got a mountain of copper in West Papua. also backed by Western governments — especially Australia. In 1985. The Timor Gap Treaty. signed by Australia and Indonesia in 1989. who had signed the treaty. then-prime minister John Howard praised Suharto’s time in power as bringing “stability” to the archipelago. Japanese and French companies got the tropical forests of Sumatra. the joint Australian-Indonesian board overseeing implementation of the treaty awarded 11 contracts to Australian oil and gas companies. because Australia could “more readily” negotiate a deal with the Suharto to give Australia access to the oil and gas in the Timor Sea than with an independent East Timor. secured the division East Timor’s gas and oil deposits between the two countries. “The deal was that Indonesia under Suharto would offer up what Richard Nixon had called ‘the richest hoard of natural resources.” One of Suharto’s greatest crimes was the invasion and annexation of East Timor. Richard Woolcott.” According to Pilger.] . Australian ambassador to Indonesia at the time of the invasion. and could not have occurred without the support of countries like Australia. The giant Alcoa company got the biggest slice of Indonesia’s bauxite. the capital of East Timor. a Marxist tendency in the Socialist Alliance. Soon after the “aberration”. forced Suharto from power in May 1998. Suharto’s “US-trained economists É agreed to the corporate takeover of their country. The outpouring of support for Suharto following his death is consistent with Australian foreign policy: democracy and human rights are only allowable when they don’t interfere with the profits of big business. Nine months later. recommended that Canberra back the invasion. the greatest prize in south-east Asia’. Then-foreign minister Gareth Evans. American. Suharto’s crimes against humanity were carried out on behalf of Western interests.

Green Left Weekly issue #738 6 February 2008.A Sampurna --waktu itu berpangkat Letkol dan menjabat Asintel KodamJaya-. Pasukan dari Kodim hanya satu regu. H. Saya hampir bisa masuk. minta pembebasan anggota jamaah yang ditahan di Kodim atau di Polres. misalnya soal selebaran. Salim Qadar.MA Sampurna. lalu menghubungi saya. Karena keadaan makin panas. Kronologi Peristiwa Tanjung Priok Versi HMA Sampurna Berikut ini adalah kesaksian H. Sebelum peristiwa itu pecah. terjadi pembakaran sepeda motor milik ****nsa. yang waktu itu berada di rumah. dari sumber lain beliau juga mendapatkan informasi. Saya segera mengontak Panglima (ketika itu Try Soetrisno). Pada tanggal 12 September itu. yang diungkapkannya kepada majalah mingguan Tempo. yang bersuara keras ialah Amir Biki. Mungkin seribu lebih.30. Tanjung Priok.00. saya masih memonitor situasi. Saya memang kenal baik dengan dia karena sering bertemu. sedangkan anak buah saya segera siaga di lapangan. tetapi karena situasinya kurang menguntungkan. Nasir. Sulit pula menghitungnya karena keadaan gelap. tetapi ternyata massa sudah mulai bergerak maju. 15-02-2006 07:00 Dibuka : 990 Rubrik : Arsip. Tony Ardie. Syarifin Maloko. saya berada di depan Masjid alA'raf. Pukul 20. kini ketua DPD Golkar Jawa Tengah. kini berpangkat Brigadir Jenderal dan menjabat Wakil Gubernur Jawa Barat. Kemudian. bertutur sebagai berikut. sudah berlangsung kegiatan dakwah di Masjid alA'raf.tentang peristiwa Tanjung Priok. yang mengkoordinasi para dai. di Jalan Sindang. sekitar pukul 19. saya turun bersama Asisten Operasi Alif Pandoyo. Lagi pula sudah terjadi "kontak" sehingga saya tidak sempat menghitung. dakwah yang "panas" itu juga sudah ada. Instruksi beliau waktu itu ialah "cepat atasi".From: International News. Akan tetapi. yang . sering menemui saya. saya kembali ke Kodim. Jauh sebelum pecahnya peristiwa itu. biasanya saya minta dia menyelesaikannya secara baikbaik. permintaannya yang terakhir tidak bisa diluluskan karena saya anggap sudah keterlaluan. saya mencoba maju ke depan. Di antara para penceramah. Amir Biki. Akan tetapi tiga puluh menit kemudian. Di depan Polres Jakarta Utara itulah terjadi "kontak" dengan massa. massa sudah ke jalan menuju Polres. Ternyata situasinya makin panas karena para penceramah mulai menghasut Akhirnya. yang bernada menghasut. Sebelum saya menjadi Asintel. dan M. Saya tidak mengetahui persis berapa jumlah mereka karena massa amat padat. Kebetulan. Tanjung Priok 1984 Oleh Rumah Kiri. Kalau masalahnya kecil.M.

Lalu saya menunggu di Polres. Tentara gantian mengejar massa. Bahkan. Dalam kegelapan. Keterangan resmi pemerintah Orde Baru dikemukakan oleh Pangab/Pangkopkamtib L.B. Soedjoko. Karena imbauan petugas agar pamflet-pamflet dan poster-poster itu dihapus atau dicabut tidak dihiraukan. saling mengejar. Kalau sekarang ini ada korban yang minta agar kasus ini dijelaskan. menutup tulisan-tulisan yang bersifat menghasut itu dengan warna hitam. Para korban diangkut dengan truk. kecuali sejumlah rumah dan toko yang dilempari batu dan dibakar massa. Namanya juga massa. Sekitar pukul 02. Tanggungjawab Siapa: Kumpulan Fakta dan Data. Pangdam V/Jaya Try Soetrisno. beliau bersama panglima datang. Beberapa saat kemudian Panglima memberi tahu bahwa Pangab (waktu itu Jenderal LB Moerdani) sebentar lagi akan meninjau ke tempat kejadian. Sambil bertakbir. . jumlahnya sekitar seratus. Moerdani didampingi oleh Menteri Penerangan Harmoko. ada yang ke arah Sampur. ada pula yang ke arah Kodim dan Polres. Yang sudah. pada hari jumat tanggal 7 September 1984. dikuburkan di satu lokasi di desa Ceger. masih bisa dilihatgerakan mereka ke berbagai arah. Amir Biki memimpin mereka ke arah Kodim dan Polres. Keterangan resmi peristiwa Tanjung priok diterima publik diuraikan oleh Pangab sebagai berikut. Sampai pagi saya tidak tidur. memeriksa. Salim Qadar memimpin mereka ke arah Priok.berjumlah 10 orang. tetapi saya tidak mengetahui persis berapa jumlah korban yang meninggal. tetapi mereka tidak mau. Sumber: Buku Tanjung Priok Berdarah. Akan tetapi. Kampung Rambutan. Saya mengendarai jip. Kronologi Peristiwa Tanjung Priok Versi Resmi Pemerintah Orde Baru Versi resmi peristiwa Tanjung Priok dikeluarkan sekitar sepuluh jam setelah peristiwa ini terjadi. Ada yang menuju Priok. menahan. karena sebagian tidak dikenali identitasnya. 10 meter di belakang pasukan. Saya lantas melaporkan kejadiannya. mereka membawa berbagai macam senjata tajam. Diseleksi siapa gembongnya untuk diajukan ke pengadilan. Mereka malah mengejar tentara. tidak mengurusi jenazah. ditahan di beberapa tempat. Di sekitar Masjid Rawabadak terpasang pamflet dan poster yang menghasut bersifat SARA. Massa itu ada yang di jalan dan ada yang di lapangan. saya mengantar Pangab dan Pangdam meninjau para korban yang dirawat di RSPAD Gatot Subroto. ya sudah. Yogyakarta: Gema Insani Press. menurut saya tidak usahlah. Tidak jelas siapa dari massa itu yang mengejar atau dikejar. Pasukan berusaha memberitahu massa agar mereka berhenti. Urusan saya ialah memproses mereka yang terlibat dan ditahan. di tempat kejadian sudah tidak ada masalah yang berat karena sudah "dibersihkan" dan sudah selesai. dan Kapolda Metro Jaya Drs. Sekitar lima belas menit kemudian. Jakarta Timur. ada yang bergerak ke Ancol. dan memproses mereka yang ditangkap. seorang petugas. Malam itu posisisaya di jalan yang menuju ke arah Kodim dan Polres.00 dini hari. pasukan campur dengan massa. sedangkan yang lain dibebaskan. Jaraknya amat dekat.

seorang petugas yang sedang menjalankan tugasnya di daerah Koja. dan apotek. Setelah datang pasukan keamanan lainnya. Dalam jarak yang sudah membahayakan. Regu keamanan berusaha membubarkan massa dengan secara persuasif. barulah massa mundur. Pukul 22. Menurut Pangab dalam versi ini. Tanggungjawab Siapa: Kumpulan Fakta dan Data. merusak beberapa rumah. pasukan keamanan Laksusda (Pelaksana Khusus Daerah) Jaya berhasil mengendalikan situasi.00 WIB ancaman telepon diulang lagi. sekitar 1. Nasir (bukan M. Petugas keamanan berhasil menyelamatkan diri.500 orang menuju Polres dan Kodim. 13 September 1984. bukan mubalig . Massa terus maju mendesak satuan keamanan sambil mengayun-ayunkan dan mengacung-acungkan celurit.00 WIB. Setelah itu. di sekitar Masjid Rawabadak banyak tertempel pengumuman tentang ceramah oleh mubalig-mubalig yang terkenal ekstrem. pukul 00. Penceramahnya antara lain Amir Biki (tewas tertembak). Yogyakarta: Gema Insani Press. pukul 19. Kronologi Peristiwa Tanjung Priok Versi Intern Aparat Pemerintahan Orde Baru Versi kedua ini diungkapkan oleh Pangab/Pangkopkamtib dalam penjelasan kepada lurah wilayah Jakarta Utara. Natsir mantan Perdana Menteri dan ketua DDII). korban pun tidak dapat dihindari. regu keamanan mulai memberikan tembakan peringatan dan tidak dihiraukan. Sekitar tiga puluh menit kemudian gerombolan menyerang kembali petugas keamanan. tetapi sepeda motornya dibakar oleh para penghadang. 9 orang meninggal dan 53 luka-luka.30 WIB. Pada hari Rabu. di Masjid Rawabadak berlangsung ceramah agama tanpa izin dan bersifat menghasut.00 WIB aparat keamanan menerima telepon dari Amir Biki yang berisi ancaman pembunuhan dan perusakan apabila keempat tahanan tidak dibebaskan. 12 September 1984. 7 September. keras. Aparat keamanan pun menangkap empat orang pelakunya untuk keperluan pengusutan dan penuntutan sesuai ketentuan hukum yang berlaku. Syarifin Maloko (tertangkap setelah semua sidang perkara Tanjung Priok selesai). Lima belas orang petugas keamanan menghambat kerumunan atau gerakan massa tersebut. menguasai keadaan. 10 September 1984. sehingga petugas keamanan dalam kondisi kritis dan terpaksa melakukan penembakanpenembakan untuk mencegah usaha perusuh merebut senjata dan serangan-serangan dengan celurit dan senjata tajam lainnya. namun dijawab dengan teriakan-teriakan yang membangkitkan emosi dan keberingasan massa. M.Pada hari senin. dan membubarkan massa. Tembakan diarahkan ke tanah dan kaki penyerang. Sekitar pukul 23. Jumat. tetapi mereka membakar mobil. Hari Kamis. Sumber: Buku Tanjung Priok Berdarah. dihadang dan kemudian dikeroyok oleh sekelompok orang. tidak pernah diketahui keberadaannya setelah peristiwa malam itu. Penjelasan Pangab/Pangkopkamtib sebagai berikut.

ayam sayur. Salah seorang petugas Koramil setempat, yang merasa terhina karena peringatan-peringatannya pada panitia untuk tidak mengundang penceramah seperti itu –mubalig keras-- selalu diabaikan, menyiram salah satu pengumuman dengan air selokan. Senin, 10 September 1984, petugas yang menyiram pengumuman dengan air selokan itu lewat di depan sekelompok pemuda yang sedang berada di Pasar Koja. Mereka segera menghadangnya dan mencoba mengeroyok petugas tersebut. Pada saat itu ada dua warga yang mencoba menyelamatkan petugas itu. Setelah itu para pengeroyok mencoba melampiaskan kemarahan mereka dengan membakar sepeda motor dinas yang digunakan petugas itu. Selanjutnya, sesuai prosedur hukum yang berlaku, Polres Jakarta Utara terpaksa menahan dua orang penyelamat itu dan dua orang lagi yang diduga sebagai pelaku pengeroyokan untuk dimintai keterangan. Penahanan sementara diperlukan oleh aparat keamanan guna penelitian dan pengusutan lebih lanjut serta guna penuntutan sesuai dengan hukum yang berlaku. Rabu, 12 September 1984, sekitar pukul 19.30 WIB, di Masjid Rawabadak berlangsung ceramah agama oleh Amir Biki, Syarifin Maloko, S.H., dan M. Nasir. Para penceramah melontarkan ucapan-ucapan anti-Pancasila, anti asas tunggal, memecah persatuan dan kesatuan bangsa, serta mengganggu stabilitas nasional. Di akhir ceramahnya. Amir Biki yang dikenal masyarakat setempat sebagai tokoh agama dan tokoh masyarakat yang berpengaruh, mengajak pendengar agar ramai-ramai mendatangi polres Jakarta Utara untuk menuntut agar empat orang, yang sebenarnya hanya ditahan sementara guna dimintai keterangan, dibebaskan saat itu juga. Sekitar pukul 23.00 WIB peserta ceramah beramai-ramai mendatangi Polres Jakarta Utara, dipimpin Amir Biki yang membawa bendera hijau. Karena gerakan ini sudah tercium sebelumnya, pengamanan Polres Jakarta Utara diperkuat pasukan Laksusda Jaya. Sesampainya massa di depan Polres, terjadi perundingan antara Amir Biki dan Komandan Laksusda Jaya dan Danres (Kapolres) Jakarta Utara. Sementara itu, para pengikutAmir Biki mulai berteriak-teriak mencaci petugas keamanan. Mereka memaksa agar empat orang temannya dibebaskan saat itu juga. Akhirnya, karena massa terus mendesak maju dan karena sakit hati dicaci maki terus menerus, petugas keamanan sebagai biasanya manusia, hilang kesabarannya. Maka tanpa dapat dicegah, sebagian petugas keamanan membidikkan senjata mereka ke arah massa. Terjadilah hal-hal yang tidak diinginkan. Sekitar 40 orang tewas tertembak saat itu juga, termasuk Amir Biki, serta puluhan lainnya mengalami luka-luka. Selanjutnya, para peserta ceramah sambil meneriakkan "Allahu Akbar" mengamuk dan membakar toko-toko milik orang Tionghoa hingga jatuh korban orang-orang Tionghoa yang mencapai 100 orang lebih. Kamis,13 September 1984, pukul 00.00 WIB, aparat keamanan Laksusda Jaya berhasil mengendalikan situasi, menguasai keadaan, dan membubarkan massa. Sumber: Buku Tanjung Priok Berdarah, Tanggungjawab Siapa: Kumpulan Fakta dan Data, Yogyakarta: Gema Insani Press.

Kronologi Peristiwa Tanjung Priok Versi Abdul Qadir Djaelani
Abdul Qadir Djaelani adalah salah seorang ulama yang dituduh oleh aparat keamanan sebagai salah seorang dalang peristiwa Tanjung Priok. Karenanya, ia ditangkap dan dimasukkan ke dalam penjara. Sebagai seorang ulama dan tokoh masyarakat Tanjung Priok, sedikit banyak ia mengetahui kronologi peristiwa Tanjung Priok. Berikut adalah petikan kesaksian Abdul Qadir Djaelani terhadap peristiwa Tanjung Priok 12 September 1984, yang tertulis dalam eksepsi pembelaannya berjudul “Musuh-musuh Islam Melakukan Ofensif terhadap Umat Islam Indonesia”. Sabtu, 8 September 1984 Dua orang petugas Koramil (****nsa) tanpa membuka sepatu, memasuki Mushala asSa'adah di gang IV Koja, Tanjung Priok, Jakarta Utara. Mereka menyiram pengumuman yang tertempel di tembok mushala dengan air got (comberan). Pengumuman tadi hanya berupa undangan pengajian remaja Islam (masjid) di Jalan Sindang. Ahad, 9 September 1984 Peristiwa hari Sabtu (8 September 1984) di Mushala as-Sa'adah menjadi pembicaran masyarakat tanpa ada usaha dari pihak yang berwajib untuk menawarkan penyelesaan kepada jamaah kaum muslimin. Senin, 10 September 1984 Beberapa anggota jamaah Mushala as-Sa'adah berpapasan dengan salah seorang petugas Koramil yang mengotori mushala mereka. Terjadilah pertengkaran mulut yang akhirnya dilerai oleh dua orang dari jamaah Masjid Baitul Makmur yang kebetulan lewat. Usul mereka supaya semua pihak minta penengahan ketua RW, diterima. Sementara usaha penegahan sedang.berlangsung, orang-orang yang tidak bertanggung jawab dan tidak ada urusannya dengan permasalahan itu, membakar sepeda motor petugas Koramil itu. Kodim, yang diminta bantuan oleh Koramil, mengirim sejumlah tentara dan segera melakukan penangkapan. Ikut tertangkap 4 orang jamaah, di antaranya termasuk Ketua Mushala as-Sa'adah. Selasa, 11 September 1984 Amir Biki menghubungi pihak-pihak yang berwajib untuk meminta pembebasan empat orang jamaah yang ditahan oleh Kodim, yang diyakininya tidak bersalah. Peran Amir Biki ini tidak perlu mengherankan, karena sebagai salah seorang pimpinan Posko 66, dialah orang yang dipercaya semua pihak yang bersangkutan untuk menjadi penengah jika ada masalah antara penguasa (militer) dan masyarakat. Usaha Amir Biki untuk meminta keadilan ternyata sia-sia. Rabu, 12 September 1984 Dalam suasana tantangan yang demikian, acara pengajian remaja Islam di Jalan Sindang Raya, yang sudah direncanakan jauh sebelum ada peristiwa Mushala as-Sa'adah, terus berlangsung juga. Penceramahnya tidak termasuk Amir Biki, yang memang bukan

mubalig dan memang tidak pernah mau naik mimbar. Akan tetapi, dengan latar belakang rangkaian kejadian di hari-hari sebelumnya, jemaah pengajian mendesaknya untuk naik mimbar dan memberi petunjuk. Pada kesempatan pidato itu, Amir Biki berkata antara lain, "Mari kita buktikan solidaritas islamiyah. Kita meminta teman kita yang ditahan di Kodim. Mereka tidak bersalah. Kita protes pekerjaan oknum-oknum ABRI yang tidak bertanggung jawab itu. Kita berhak membela kebenaran meskipun kita menanggung risiko. Kalau mereka tidak dibebaskan maka kita harus memprotesnya." Selanjutnya, Amir Biki berkata, "Kita tidak boleh merusak apa pun! Kalau adayang merusak di tengah-tengah perjalanan, berarti itu bukan golongan kita (yang dimaksud bukan dan jamaah kita)." Pada waktu berangkat jamaah pengajian dibagi dua: sebagian menuju Polres dan sebagian menuju Kodim. Setelah sampai di depan Polres, kira-kia 200 meter jaraknya, di situ sudah dihadang oleh pasukan ABRI berpakaian perang dalam posisi pagar betis dengan senjata otomatis di tangan. Sesampainya jamaah pengajian ke tempat itu, terdengar militer itu berteriak, "Mundur-mundur!" Teriakan "mundur-mundur" itu disambut oleh jamaah dengan pekik, "Allahu Akbar! Allahu Akbar!" Saat itu militer mundur dua langkah, lalu memuntahkan senjata-senjata otomatis dengan sasaran para jamaah pengajian yang berada di hadapan mereka, selama kurang lebih tiga puluh menit. Jamaah pengajian lalu bergelimpangan sambil menjerit histeris; beratus-ratus umat Islam jatuh menjadi syuhada. Malahan ada anggota militer yang berteriak, "*******! Pelurunya habis. Anjing-anjing ini masih banyak!" Lebih sadis lagi, mereka yang belum mati ditendang-tendang dan kalau masih bergerak maka ditembak lagi sampai mati. Tidak lama kemudian datanglah dua buah mobil truk besar beroda sepuluh buah dalam kecepatan tinggi yang penuh dengan pasukan. Dari atas mobil truk besar itu dimuntahkan peluru-peluru dan senjata-senjata otomatis ke sasaran para jamaah yang sedang bertiarap dan bersembunyi di pinggir-pinggir jalan. Lebih mengerikan lagi, truk besar tadi berjalan di atas jamaah pengajian yang sedang tiarap di jalan raya, melindas mereka yang sudah tertembak atau yang belum tertembak, tetapi belum sempat menyingkir dari jalan raya yang dilalui oleh mobil truk tersebut. Jeritan dan bunyi tulang yang patah dan remuk digilas mobil truk besar terdengarjelas oleh para jamaah umat Islam yang tiarap di got-got/selokan-selokan di sisi jalan. Setelah itu, truk-truk besar itu berhenti dan turunlah militer-militer itu untuk mengambil mayat-mayat yang bergelimpangan itu dan melemparkannya ke dalam truk, bagaikan melempar karung goni saja. Dua buah mobil truk besar itu penuh oleh mayat-mayat atau orang-orang yang terkena tembakan yang tersusun bagaikan karung goni. Sesudah mobil truk besar yang penuh dengan mayat jamaah pengajian itu pergi, tidak lama kemudian datanglah mobil-mobil ambulans dan mobil pemadam kebakaran yang bertugas menyiram dan membersihkan darah-darah di jalan raya and di sisinya, sampai bersih. Sementara itu, rombongan jamaah pengajian yang menuju Kodim dipimpin langsung oleh Amir Biki. Kira-kirajarak 15 meter dari kantor Kodim, jamaah pengajian dihadang oleh militer untuk tidak meneruskan perjalanan, dan yang boleh meneruskan perjalanan hanya 3 orang pimpinan jamaah pengajian itu, di antaranya Amir Biki. Begitu jaraknya kira-kira 7 meter dari kantor Kodim, 3 orang pimpinan jamaah pengajian itu diberondong dengan peluru yang keluar dari senjata otomatis militer yang

menyatakan bahwa pada tanggal 12 September 1984. Puluhan orang jamaah pengajian jatuh tersungkur menjadi syahid. Huru-Hara di Tanjung Priok Sejak hari Minggu pagi lalu (pertengahan September 1984 . Peristiwa kerusuhan itu sendiri diungkapkan dan dijelaskan langsung oleh Pangkopkamtib Jenderal L. disebabkan membakar motor petugas. sewaktu saya diperiksa oleh Kepolisian Daerah Metropolitan Jakarta Raya.). Namun. menjadi panik dan mereka berdiri mau melarikan diri. memang masih tampak tentara berjaga-jaga. Di beberapa daerah yang Rabu malam pekan lalu diamuk kerusuhan. saya sempat berbincangbincang dengan Kolonel Polisi Ritonga. di saat ia dan mayat-mayat itu dilemparkan ke dalam truk militer yang beroda 10 itu. Dalam keadaan bertumpuk-tumpuk dengan mayat-mayat itu di kamar mayat. Senin malam pekan ini tampak terparkir dua panser di depan kampus PTDI (Perguruan Tinggi Dakwah Islam) di Jalan Tawes.Ed. Melihat kejadian itu. jamaah pengajian yang menunggu di belakang sambil duduk. Jenderal Benny sama sekali tidak menuduh suatu pihak atau kelompok mendalangi peristiwa ini. yang lalu dibawa menuju Rumah Sakit Gatot Subroto (dahulu RSPAD). corat-coret di beberapa jalan di daerah Tanjung Priok. di saat saya ditangkap tanggal 13 September 1984. Banyak yang memuji langkah ini. karena gerak cepat tersebut telah berhasil mengempiskan bermacam kabar angin dan menghindarkan timbulnya berbagai isu. Yang lebih menarik. Kepala Intel Kepolisian tersebut di mana ia menyatakan bahwa jamaah pengajian di Tanjung Priok menuntut pembebasan 4 orang rekannya yang ditahan. saudara Yusron berteriak-teriak minta tolong. Bahkan. Ketiga orang pimpinan jamaah itu jatuh tersungkur menggelepargelepar. Amir Biki sempat datang ke kantor Satgas Intel Jaya. Sebenarnya peristiwa pembantaian jamaah pengajian di Tanjung Priok tidak boleh terjadi apabila PanglimaABRI/Panglima Kopkamtib Jenderal LB Moerdani benar-benar mau berusaha untuk mencegahnya.00 pagi. Suasana Tanjung Priok sendiri sudah pulih. Ia juga tidak menghubungkannya dengan kegiatan subversif apa pun. kira-kira pukul 10. Tanggungjawab Siapa: Kumpulan Fakta dan Data. telah dihapus. yang ditutup sejak Jumat malam. tetapi disambut oleh tembakan peluru otomatis. sekitar 14 jam setelah kejadian. mayat-mayat itu langsung dibawa ke kamar mayat. Ini karena pada tanggal 11 September 1984. kehidupan sehari-hari bisa dikatakan telah kembali normal. Jakarta Utara.B. termasuk di dalamnya saudara Yusron. Sesampainya di rumah sakit.menghadangnya. Moerdani kepada pers Kamis siang. Yogyakarta: Gema Insani Press. apalagi pihak Kopkamtib yang selama ini sering sesumbar kepada media massa bahwa pihaknya mampu mendeteksi suatu kejadian sedini dan seawal mungkin. kira-kira 30-40 mayat berada di dalamnya. Kapur tebal putih telah menutupi tulisan-tulisan yang bernada rasial dan anti pemerintah itu. Sumber: Buku Tanjung Priok Berdarah. Menurut ingatan saudara Yusron. . Petugas rumah sakit datang dan mengangkat saudara Yusron untuk dipindahkan ke tempat lain. menurut petugas-petugas satgas Intel Jaya.

00. Sekitar setengah jam kemudian.500 orang. Setelah itu ia menyebut: 9 meninggal dan 53 luka-luka. sehingga regu pengamanan." begitu bunyi siaran pers yang dibacakan Jenderal Benny Moerdani. "Sudah 16 bulan saya menjabat ****nsa di sana. Sertu Hermanu kembali datang ke mushala yang terletak di Gang IV Jalan Raya Pelabuhan itu. dan 3 rumah (termasuk sebuah apotek) terbakar. adalah "Penduduk Tanjung Priok yang secara berkala mengadakan ceramah di Rawabadak". menemukan beberapa poster di Mushala asSa'adah. "Bahkan. Usaha regu pengamanan secara persuasif untuk menenangkan dan membubarkan massa tidak berhasil. Tatkala ditanya tentang jumlah korban yang jatuh. ia mengambil sehelai koran. satu regu pengamanan ABRI di Tanjung Priok yang terdiri atas 15 orang telah menghadapi serangan gerombolan massa yang berjumlah sekitar 1. mereka terus menyerang dengan mengayunkan senjata celurit dan berusaha merebut senjata petugas keamanan. dan Kapolda Mayjen Soedjoko. 3 sepeda motor. asal mula peristiwa itu adalah suatu insiden kecil. dalam keadaan kritis dan terpaksa. yang menjadi ****nsa (Bintara Pembina Desa) di Kelurahan Koja Selatan. "Tapi mereka sempat membakar mobil. Sertu (Sersan Satu) Hermanu. gerombolan massa kembali menyerang. dan membubarkan massa. 7 September. hingga jatuhnya korban tidak dapat dihindari lagi. dan M. merusakkan beberapa rumah dan apotek. "Dia minta agar poster-poster itu dicopot." kata seorang jamaah. pada Rabu malam pekan lalu. dan berdialog dengan beberapa remaja serta jamaah yang ada. Menurut pelacakan Tempo. Menurut Benny Moerdani." kata Benny." ujarnya menambahkan. Pamflet itu berisi anjuran agar para wanita memakai pakaian "Islam" termasuk jilbab (kerudung).Menurut Pangab Moerdani. Dengan santun. Benny menoleh dan berbisik kepada Try Soetrisno. Permintaan itu ditolak. dan melaburkan airnya . Syarifin Maloko.00 WIB. Tembakan-tembakan peringatan ke udara tidak mereka acuhkan. Menteri Penerangan Harmoko. "Sekitar pukul 00. "Tembakan terpaksa diarahkan ke tanah dan kekaki para penyerang. Selain itu. oknum-oknum yang mendalangi peristiwa itu: Amir Biki. serta membunuh beberapa pemiliknya." Baru setelah bantuan pasukan pengamanan lain datang. 3 skuter. "Mereka itu campuran antara yang terkena tindakan tegas aparat keamanan. Pada Jumat sore. gerombolan massa mundur. 3 truk. menguasai keadaan. " Kata Hermanu. serta siapa saja yang tidak berkenan bagi mereka. sang sersan membuka sepatu." kata siaran tersebut." ujar Jenderal Benny. 3 mobil sedan. masuk mushala. Sementara itu. yang dalam konferensi pers di Mabes ABRI itu didampingi oleh Pangdam V/Jaya Mayjen Try Soetrisno. Esok siangnya. "Tapi tidak ada tempat hiburan yang ikut dibakar. "Dalam ucapan-ucapan mereka secara sepihak melontarkan kritik yang tidak sehat kepada sebagian pejabat pemerintah maupun pemerintah sendiri. Massa bahkan terus mendesak maju dengan teriakan-teriakan yang menyatakan tidak mengenal kompromi. mencelupkannya ke selokan di depan mushala. pasukan pengamanan Laksusda Jaya berhasil mengendalikan situasi. melakukan penembakan untuk mencegah usaha mereka merebut senjata. Nasir. sekitar pukul 23. Tatkala mengetahui poster itu masih ada. maupun akibat kerusuhan itu sendiri.

Puluhan loud speaker diikat di tiang listrik di sepanjang Jalan Sindang yang lebarnya sekitar 7 meter. Entah siapa yang memulai. antara lain Syarifin Maloko. berkembang menjadi tentara mengguyur masjid dengan air comberan. Ia mengenakan celana cokelat dan kemeja batik hitam. menyampaikan tuntutan yang sama melalui telepon kepada markas aparatur keamanan. Desas-desus pun menjalar cepat. kepada Tempo Hermanu mengatakan bahwa agamanya Islam).00. Pengajian yang diadakan di persimpangan jalan (yang ditutup untuk lalu lintas). Tampaknya. Melihat kemacetan itu beberapa anggota Polisi Militer datang. yang diisi ceramah beberapa ustadz. dan M. Mula-mula beredar cerita. seperti diungkapkan Jenderal Moerdani. Jadi. acara yang akan diselenggarakan adalah pengajian remaja. karena beberapa kali ia menegaskan agar massa "menunggu instruksinya". Yayan Hendrayana. massa pun menyeret sepeda motor Honda GL 100 warna merah milik Sertu Hermanu ke tengah Jalan Raya Pelabuhan.yang hitam itu ke tiga poster yang menempel di dinding luar mushala itu. Nasir. Achmad Sahi. tiba-tiba ada yang berteriak "motornya". Massa pun makin mengumpul.00 malam itu. M. Rabu 12 September. Ia juga menjelek-jelekkan pemerintah. Ia juga membawa sebilah badik. dari gusuran tanah sampai keluarga berencana dan RUU keormasan. dan Sofwan pun diangkut petugas. Hermanu mengaku beragama Islam. yang mula-mula ditolaknya. Kemudian. yang sedang menyeret sepeda motor itu. Esoknya. Dalam undangan yang disebarkan oleh Remaja Islam Sindang. Ia mengancam akan menggerakkan massa jika mereka tidak dibebaskan sebelum pukul 23. menurut beberapa sumber. Massa yang marah lalu membakar motor tersebut. yang muncul sebagai pembicara pertama malam itu adalah Amir Biki. persis di perempatan lorong 102. yang ditunjukannya kepada massa. sebuah panggung didirikan di Jalan Sindang. Senin pagi 10 September. ketua pengurus Mushala as-Sa'adah. Amir Biki. Nur (22 tahun). Jalan pun macet. . ada sersan masuk masjid tanpa melepas sepatu." cerita beberapa saksi mata. Tiba-tiba suasana memanas setelah muncul isu "Sersan Hermanu orang kristen". ditangkap. Untunglah bantuan dari Kodim 0502 Jakarta Utara segera tiba dan berhasil membubarkan massa. Maka. yang rupanya dimintai bantuannya untuk melepaskan keempat pemuda yang ditahan. ia merencanakan sesuatu. yang tak keruan ujung pangkalnya (belakangan. Syarifudin Rambe. Massa pun bergerak akan menghajar Hermanu. Puncak pidatonya adalah tatkala ia menuntut "kepada penguasa" agar melepaskan keempat pemuda yang ditahan. "Waktu ditanya agamanya. ia pasti bukan Islam. Mereka menuntut agar Hermanu meminta maaf. Ternyata. Amir Biki pada sekitar pukul 22. Achmad Sahi. Tapi ia mengucapkan kala Allah (Alloh) dengan bunyi "Alah". tetapi bisa dicegah oleh Sahi dan beberapa kawannya. serta beberapa temannya bertemu dengan Hermanu. Rupanya. Selasa siangnya. biasa diadakan di kawasan tersebut Acara malam itu dimulai sekitar pukul 20. Pidato mengecam berbagai hal. pergi ke Skogar untuk mengurus.00. seorang tokoh Tanjung Priok yang disegani. Melihat itu penghuni gang tadi mulai berdatangan. dan "ceramah saya ini mungkin yang pertama dan terakhir". Di atapnya ditutup dengan tenda terpal warna garis-garis hijau putih.

yang memang tidak dijaga. Antara lain: Abdul Qadir Djaelani. Toko Tanjung Jaya.00. dan keempat tahanan tidak dibebaskan. Esoknya. Pasukan ini mencegah dan berusaha membubarkan massa. sekitar dua meter. menurut saksi ini. Bersama tiga rekan pria sesama pembantu. di depan kantor Polres di Jalan Yos Sudarso. Tetapi api yang membakar Tanjung Jaya ikut meludaskan Apotek Tanjung. Ia membagi mereka dalam dua kelompok. Sebuah sumber kepolisian menyebutkan. Pangab Jenderal LB. bisa jadi mereka sendiri akan tewas lebih dulu. Dalam waktu singkat. Massa tercerai-berai oleh tembakan.Amir mengancam "akan melakukan pembunuhan dan perusakan-perusakan apabila keempat tahanan tersebut tidak dibebaskan"." kata pemuda asal Purwokerto. terbangun. Sebelumnya. Datangnya bantuan pasukan membuat mereka mundur. ia menghambur ke luar kamar --dan bertemu pembantu wanita. memang menjadi sasaran amukan massa." kata seorang yang malam itu berbaris di dekat Amir Biki. massa urung membakar Apotek Tanjung di sebelahnya. yang pada hari Kamis tercatat sembilan orang meninggal. dan Mawardi Noor. yang menjual onderdil. sejumlah perusuh dan tokoh yang diduga terlibat ditahan. Tony Ardie. Jumlah korban. mereka dihadang sepasukan tentara. "Jadi bila petugas tak menembak. kabarnya tak kurang "keras" suaranya. memimpin satu kelompok yang menuju markas Kodim di Jalan Yos Sudarso. Tatkala pukul 23. Sekitar tengah malam itu Riswanto (20 tahun). Malah ada pembicara yang menghasut massa dan isi hasutannya sangat rasialistis. Moerdani sendiri kabarnya ikut memeriksa situasi setempat setelah lewat tengah malam. "Saya lihat asap masuk kamar dan terdengar suara ribut-ribut. terutama dilakukan oleh sekelompok lain yang melewati Jalan Jampea. Namun. Tuntutan melalui telepon itu diulangi lagi pada pukul 23. . Menurut suatu sumber dari luka-luka mereka yang tewas diketahui. setelah diberitahu pemiliknya Cina Islam. setengah perjalanan. pembantu yang baru bekerja empat hari di Toko Tanjung Jaya di Jalan Jampea. Tatkala mereka terus bergerak. Beberapa pembicara lain setelah Amir Biki. kabarnya bertambah. bahan bakar." kata sebuah sumber. Amir Biki pun menggerakkan massa. pasukan keamanan bisa menguasai keadaan. petugas keamanan melepaskan tembakan peringatan. menempuh jarak sekitar 1.5 km.00 tiba. mereka memang terkena tembak dalam jarak dekat. dan pelumas. "Tapi Pak Amir rupanya sudah emosi." kata seorang pejabat. Ia malah memegang bendera dan meneriakkan 'maju dan serbu'. Saat itulah perusakan dan pembakaran mulai terjadi. Amir sendiri berjalan di depan. "Pembicaraannya ngawur dan jelas bertentangan dengan ajaran Islam. korban yang meninggal tercatat 28 orang. di reruntuhan Tanjung Jaya di temukan delapan mayat keluarga Tan Kio Liem serta seorang pembantunya. Pemerintah telah menyatakan berduka cita kepada keluarga korban yang jatuh. Jarak antara petugas dan penyerbu. masing-masing membawa bendera hijau. sampai Sabtu pekan lalu. Sementara itu. dan luput dari tembakan. melewati Jalan Anggrek.

I have told people to arm themselves with sharp weapons. dan PDI mengeluarkan pernyataan yang menyesalkannya seraya memuji tindakan aparatur keamanan yang tegas. A Call for Action from TAPOL. who saw service last year in East Timor and gained a reputation for extreme brutality. memuji sikap Pangab Jenderal Moerdani yang sangat menolong mendudukkan perkara ini sesuai apa adanya berkat keterangannya yang tidak dibuat-buat dan tidak. Just shoot them or knife them. machetes or whatever. According to AFP [The Straits Times. on the north-western tip of Sumatra." katanya. Pemerintah tampaknya tidak akan menuding suatu golongan mendalangi peristiwa ini. In an interview with Tempo [17 November. 1990]. is part of the notorious red-beret unit known as Kopassus. Sumber: Majalah Tempo. Sekjen DPP Golkar. West Java. Earlier in August. Di belakang peristiwa ini. to 12. acting on the orders of regional military commander Major-General Djoko Pramono. PPP.. No need to investigate.. an airborne battalion of 600 men was parachuted into the districts of North Aceh. 22 September 1984 Pembunuhan yang terjadi di Aceh Mass Murder in Aceh. 300 marines and about 100 men from the mobile brigade based in East Java were sent to Sigli. just kill them. didramatisasikan. Menurut Try. East Aceh and Pidie. Dec 17. have embarked on a campaign of systematic murder. Sarwono Kusumaatmadja. the Indonesian armed forces. Itu terlihat dari pernyataan Pangdam V/Jaya Mayjen Try Soetrisno dalam Sarasehan DPP KNPI pekan lalu. The military commander has called on the local population to take part in a mass murder campaign. meski bertentangan dengan Pancasila. Pramono said many people had already been killed and that killings are occurring almost every day.. known in English as the Aceh-Sumatra National Liberation Front. 16 August 1990]. "Kita harus tetap menyucikan agama. DPP Golkar. The number of troops in the area has been doubled. kata Sarwono. masyarakat tidak perlu khawatir akan ada golongan yang harus menerima citra akibat Peristiwa Tanjung Priok. you should kill them. If you encounter the GPK.Terjadinya Peristiwa Tanjung Priok ini disesalkan semua pihak. based in Bogor.000. Pramono said: "I have told the people here: if you meet GPK members. . son-in-law of President Suharto." ['GPK' or 'security disruptors' is the term used officially for the Gerakan Aceh Merdeka or GAM. Regular territorial troops have been withdrawn from the villages and replaced by four commando units.] In the same interview. seperti terlihat konsep tertentu yang hendak dipaksakan. 1990 After trying for more than a year to put down widespread rebellion and protest in Aceh. the capital of Pidie. It is commanded by Colonel Prabowo. This battalion.

or engage in a shoot-to-kill campaign to exterminate the 'GPK' and strike fear into the entire population.On 8 November 1990. residents said. some villagers have been set upon. Death toll It is not possible to quantify the number already slain this year. In some cases. There is strong evidence that bodies are deliberately left without burial for greater psychological impact. You often have a fifty-fifty chance of ever coming back.government party politician. as saying that residents reported finding mass graves and a steady flow of decomposed corpses. three months before a deadline set by Pramono to end the conflict. weighted down and drowned. A mass grave was discovered in Akue Mira. according to a western human rights observer. Mutilated corpses litter the roadsides and ditches.. "Some soldiers admit to killing unarmed people and leaving their corpses in public places as a 'counter-terrorist' measure.. bodies have been buried with a foot or arm exposed. No-one has reported any attempts to identify the bodies or carry out autopsies to determine the cause of death. Villagers troubled by a foul smell found an open pit with 200 bodies in it." According to The Economist [15 December 1990].." The Aceh National Liberation Front believes that more than five thousand people have been put to death since the beginning of the year. on their way home. On 23 November. villagers working on a river bank found eight bodies tied together. In a press release issued on 10 December. Most of the victims are local civilians. Our source reports that many villagers suspected of sympathising with GAM have been rounded up. their bodies grotesquely mutilated and left on the roadside.' said a non..." A TAPOL contact in Jakarta was told by a senior intelligence officer that the security forces in Aceh face two options. according to the Front. killed. Acehnese are being rounded up in their hundreds and taken to detention centres. a Reuter correspondent who visited the area wrote: "A trickle of deaths over the past year became a torrent in late September. Many have been found with hands and feet tied together and a bullet wound in the head. either to arrest many thousands of people and deal with them in the courts of law which could take years. The bodies of people not known locally have been found in plantations and by rivers. Reuter quoted an Indonesian human rights lawyer. The Reuter report [23 November] said that "hundreds of unidentified corpses have been found and hundreds of people have disappeared. as many . a senior army doctor puts the toll at more than a thousand. it listed many large detention centres each of which are being used by the army to hold up to a thousand people at any one time. taken to nearby military centres and forced to pledge loyalty to the government. though several members of the security forces and some of the rebels have also been killed. recently returned from Aceh. 'They are taken out of their houses at night. often on the smallest suspicion. Pramono has clearly chosen the second option.

as a hundred people may be taken out from each of the camps and killed in a night. Army troops shot at least a hundred Muslims in Tanjung Priok in September 1984 who were protesting against the arrest of mosque officials. has left an estimated 200. It calls on governments and people everywhere to exert pressure on the Suharto government to put a stop to the slaughter. Reudeuep Lhok Sukon.placing the victim in filthy water for hours or days. This information should be submitted to the February 1991 session of the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva. In 1983-84. Sigli. . it was responsible for the massacre of an estimated one million communist suspects or sypathisers. Its war in East Timor.000 people dead. Langsa. . Medan and Takengon. before the campaign of mass slaughter began. . Need for action The campaign of extermination now under way in Aceh is the latest in a string of crimes against humanity perpetrated by the Suharto regime.000 people. out of a population of about 700. July or August this year.squeezing a man's testicles with pliers. Bindjai. . .electric shock. army death squads killed at least 4.immersing the victim in boiling water. Lampung. In 1965-66. Tualang Tjut. . and urges the Indonesian Legal Aid Institute (LBH) and Asia Watch to make public without delay the findings of on-the-spot investigations already carried out by them.mutilating various parts of the body.000. launched in 1975. a campaign which Suharto described in his autobiography as 'shock therapy' against alleged criminals. Peureulak. Lhok Seumawe. . also give details of torture methods which include: .nailing down the hands as if for crucifixion. The Front earlier compiled a dossier of reports naming hundreds of people who had been arrested or who had disappeared. Dozens.placing the feet under the legs of a chair on which a soldier sits until the bones are broken. .raping women and mutilating their breasts. Western governments should send officials to Aceh to assess the scale of the massacre. South Sumatra. .hanging the victim upside down. Rantjong. Keudah (Bandar Aceh). Tjot Girek. perhaps more than a hundred. . These centres are located in Lammeulo. TAPOL most vigorously condemns this latest murder campaign against the people of Aceh. most of which were written in June.using cigarettes or hot irons to inflict burns. The reports. It calls on human rights organisations in Indonesia (LPHAM and Infight) and abroad (Amnesty International and the International Commission of Jurists) to send observers to Aceh. in February 1989. villagers were killed in Way Jepara.

Further demands were made for some form of economic and financial integration of the Indies with Japan. A nonaggression pact with the Soviet Union in April 1941 freed Japan to wage war against the United States and the European colonial powers. Library of Congress The Japanese occupied the archipelago in order. 1942-45 [JPEG] A Japanese soldier watching oil tanks near Jakarta set afire by the retreating Dutch. Japan's invasion of North China. large amounts of petroleum. Those responsible for the killings must be brought to justice. To feed Japan's war machine. 1990 Ini tentang Kejahatan Jepang terhadap Indonesia! Indonesia WORLD WAR II AND THE STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE. especially oil. played for time. 1942-50 The Japanese Occupation. Because Japan could not continue its China war without these resources. scrap iron. which had begun in July 1937. The Indies government. Most oil--about 55 percent--came from the United States. French Indochina was already effectively under Japanese control. . China. and the Dutch) toward Japan's invasion of China reflected their desire to throttle its legitimate aspirations in Asia. the militarydominated government in Tokyo gave assent to an "advance south" policy. realizing its extremely weak position. by the end of the decade had become bogged down in the face of stubborn Chinese resistance. an International Tribunal on Crimes against Humanity should be convened to hold the Suharto regime responsible for its campaign of death and mass intimidation in Aceh. but Indonesia supplied a critical 25 percent. From Tokyo's perspective. But in summer 1941. Negotiations continued through mid-1941. German occupation of the Netherlands in May 1940 led to Japan's demand that the Netherlands Indies government supply it with fixed quantities of vital natural resources. like their Portuguese and Dutch predecessors. it followed the United States in freezing Japanese assets and imposing an embargo on oil and other exports. March 1942 Courtesy Prints and Photographs Division. the increasingly critical attitude of the "ABCD powers" (America. to secure its rich natural resources. Britain. Since this cannot be done in Indonesia. TAPOL calls on solidarity organisations throughout the world to exert pressure on their own governments along these lines and make their own approaches to the NGOs mentioned above.The European Parliament should adopt an emergency resolution calling for an end to the slaughter. London 17 December. and other raw materials had to be imported from foreign sources.

The Japanese divided the Indies into three jurisdictions: Java and Madura were placed under the control of the Sixteenth Army. the light of Asia. 1941. the Japanese justified their occupation in terms of Japan's role as.000 were repatriated to Java. most of whom were put to work on economic development and defense construction projects in Java. and cultural life. this approach was appealing and harmonized remarkably well with local legends that a two-century-long non-Javanese rule would be followed by era of peace and prosperity. despite British numerical superiority and the strength of its seaward defenses. Japanese troops often acted harshly against local populations. 1942.The Japanese experienced spectacular early victories in the Southeast Asian war. with Japan as the focal point. It shattered the myth of Dutch superiority. within limits. The Battle of the Java Sea resulted in the Japanese defeat of a combined British. business. where they joined other Asians in performing wartime construction projects. the Dutch language was discarded in favor of Malay and Japanese. the Netherlands Indies government surrendered without offering resistance on land. Singapore. Britain's fortress in the east. fell on February 15. encompassing both Northeast and Southeast Asia. On March 9. "The leader of Asia. there were profound cultural implications from the Japanese invasion of Java. was to be a nonexploitative economic and cultural community of Asians. Given Indonesian resentment of Dutch rule. which got its start with language unification efforts in 1928 and underwent considerable development before the war. and United States fleet. The worst abuse. The Sixteenth Army was tolerant. only 52.000 romusha were sent to the Outer Islands and Japaneseheld territories in Southeast Asia. of political activities carried out by nationalists and Muslims. This tolerance grew as the momentum of Japanese expansion was halted in mid-1942 and the Allies began counteroffensives. In Sumatra and the east. The relatively tolerant policies of the Sixteenth Army on Java also confirmed the island's leading role in Indonesian national life after 1945: Java was far more developed politically and militarily than the other islands. joined with Malaya under the Twenty-fifth Army. received further impetus under Japanese auspices. Sumatra. Australian. for a time. causing widespread misery and starvation by the end of the war. The Japanese military police were especially feared. in the words of a 1942 slogan. In administration. the protector of Asia. the overriding concern of the occupiers was maintenance of law and order and extraction of needed resources. Java's economic value with respect to the war effort lay in its huge labor force and relatively developed infrastructure. Japanese commanders promoted the independence movement as a means of frustrating an Allied reoccupation. The Japanese occupation was a watershed in Indonesian history." Tokyo's Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. At the end of the war. was the forced mobilization of some 4 million--although some estimates are as high as 10 million--romusha (manual laborers). and the eastern archipelago was placed under naval command. Although their motives were largely acquisitive. There was little resistance as Japanese forces fanned out through the islands to occupy former centers of Dutch power. Dutch. Food and other vital necessities were confiscated by the occupiers. The occupation was not gentle. About 270. In addition. as Batavia gave up its empire without a fight. Committees were organized to standardize Bahasa Indonesia and make it a truly national language. Modern Indonesian literature. In the closing months of the war. Revolutionary (or traditional) . however.

and he became increasingly valuable to them as the need to mobilize the population for the war effort grew between 1943 and 1945. Japanese attempts to coopt Muslims met with limited success. was attached to Masyumi. For example. as fellow Asians. paramilitary units recruited by the Japanese in mid-1943. By the end of the war. . Sukarno and Hatta agreed in 1942 to cooperate with the Japanese. the Army of God. it had 37.000. and others. the occupiers believed that Indonesians. Soon after the Dutch surrender. His reputation. which embittered Dutch-Japanese relations even in the early 1990s). was tarnished by his role in recruiting romusha. as were a large number of kyai (religious leaders).000 men in Java and 20. designed to create a united front of orthodox and modernist believers. to administer the countryside. administration. the Japanese relied on local indigenous elites. While Japanese military officers occupied the highest posts. and the Defenders of the Fatherland (Peta) in 1943. Many members of the elite responded positively to an inculcation of samurai values. the seventeenthcentury governor general. military personnel. Although the occupiers propagated the message of Japanese leadership of Asia. Muslim leaders opposed the practice of bowing toward the emperor (a divine ruler in Japanese official mythology) in Tokyo as a form of idolatry and refused to declare Japan's war against the Allies a "holy war" because both sides were nonbelievers. were interned (the harsh conditions of their confinement caused a high death rate. According to historian Anthony Reid. however. In December 1944. as this seemed to be the best opportunity to secure independence. Because of the harshly exploitative Japanese policies in the closing years of the war. businessmen. however. the personnel vacuum on the lower levels was filled with Indonesians. European officials. however.Indonesian themes were employed in drama. the occupiers began organizing Indonesians into military and paramilitary units whose numbers were added by the Japanese to romusha statistics. What was needed was a dose of Japanese-style seishin (spirit. films. at least in camps for male military prisoners. totaling around 170. The most significant legacy of the occupation. These included the heiho (auxiliaries). As the fortunes of war turned. were essentially like themselves but had been corrupted by three centuries of Western colonialism. Nahdatul Ulama was given a prominent role in Masyumi. The occupiers were particularly impressed by Sukarno's mass following.000 in Sumatra (where it was commonly known by the Japanese name Giyugun). who were brought to Jakarta for training and indoctrination. as they did in their Korean colony. semangat in Indonesian). the Japanese allowed a huge rally in Batavia (renamed Jakarta) to celebrate by tearing down a statue of Jan Pieterszoon Coen. and art. Peta was a military force designed to assist the Japanese forces by forestalling the initial Allied invasion. whom the Dutch had largely ignored. was the opportunities it gave for Javanese and other Indonesians to participate in politics. after the Japanese surrender collaborators in some areas were killed in a wave of local resentment. or Barisan Hizbullah. and hated symbols of Dutch imperial control were swept away. the Japanese organized the Consultative Council of Indonesian Muslims (Masyumi). In October 1943. they did not attempt. Like the Dutch. and the military. a Muslim armed force. such as the priyayi on Java and the Acehnese uleebalang. to coercively promote Japanese culture on a large scale. however.

and hungry. and shortly afterwards. A party of male survivors went off to find Japanese. She looked around for the other twenty-one nurses and saw none. While some guarded the Australian nurses. Japanese aircraft bombed and strafed the overloaded ship and it sank quickly. In addition to the Australian nurses. They were accompanied by civilian women and their children. the Japanese soldiers returned alone. she pretended to be dead. After some time had passed. The nurses heard gunfire from this direction. The unlucky survivors. The twenty-two Australian nurses stayed to look after the injured. she risked a glance at the beach and saw that the Japanese soldiers had gone. As the Vyner Brooke was passing between Sumatra and Borneo. Some were wiping blood from their bayonets. The twenty-two Australian nurses were then ordered by the Japanese to form a line and walk into the sea. the ship was crammed with over two hundred civilian evacuees and English military personnel. The women knew what was going to happen to them. The lucky survivors were rounded up at gunpoint by the Japanese and herded into a building that was filthy and overcrowded. about fifty in number. thirsty. but none panicked or pleaded for mercy. and they made and erected a red cross to indicate to the Japanese that they were non-combatants. the rest herded the male survivors. Their expectations were short lived. Sister Vivian Bullwinkel was in this group of nurses. When the number of survivors at the bonfire reached about one hundred. down the beach and around a headland. including twenty-two Australian nurses. including Sister Vivian Bullwinkel. She was the only nurse who had survived the massacre. or by drifting with the tide. Upon discovering that she was only wounded. The Japanese were unsympathetic to their plight and only offered the survivors a bucket of water and a bucket of rice. it was decided that they should surrender to the Japanese. sixty-five Australian Army nurses. When the water had reached the nurses' waists. the nurses expected to be treated in a civilised manner by the Japanese when they reached shore. A patrol of about fifteen Japanese soldiers arrived from the coastal township of Muntok. All of the survivors were tired. The remaining fifty-three nurses reached Bangka Island in lifeboats. on rafts. were evacuated from the besieged city on the small coastal steamer Vyner Brooke. Twelve Australian nurses were either killed in the attack on the ship or drowned in the sea. . the Japanese opened fire on them. Some were suffering from exposure to the sun after many hours immersed in the sea. and some had been wounded in the attacks on the ship and the lifeboats. with the fall of Singapore to the Japanese imminent. Sister Bullwinkel was hit in the back by a bullet and knocked off her feet. Wearing their Red Cross armbands. and having protected status as non-combatants by convention of civilised nations.Data as of November 1992 THE BANKA ISLAND MASSACRE (1942) Sister Vivian Bullwinkel's Story On 12 February 1942. The survivors in lifeboats were strafed by Japanese aircraft but some reached Bangka Island off the coast of Sumatra. landed in lifeboats on the northern coast of Bangka Island and lit a bonfire to guide other survivors to them.

Harapan mereka telah berlangsung lama. Sementara beberapa perawat yang dijaga ketat dari Australia. Ketika jumlah korban di bonafiditas mencapai sekitar seratus. Beberapa yang menderita terekspos sampai matahari terbenam setelah banyak jam di laut. dan telah beberapa luka dalam serangan di kapal dan lifeboats. Sister Bullwinkel concealed her wound from the Japanese and treated it herself. THE PULAU MASSACRE Banka (1942) Adik Vivian Bullwinkel Cerita Pada tanggal 12 Februari 1942. Realising that the lives of all survivors of the Vyner Brooke would be at risk if the Japanese discovered what she had seen. perawat yang diharapkan untuk diperlakukan dalam cara civilised oleh Jepang ketika mereka mencapai pantai. enam puluh lima perawat Angkatan Darat Australia. termasuk dua puluh dua perawat Australia. dan lapar. Sebuah patroli dari sekitar lima belas tentara Jepang tiba dari pantai negeri dari Muntok. telah diputuskan bahwa mereka harus menyerah kepada Jepang. Private Kingsley died from the bayonet wound. she was joined by an English soldier who had survived the massacre behind the headland. Sebuah pihak laki-laki korban pergi off untuk menemukan Jepang. Pakaian mereka Palang Merah armbands.When she reached the beach. termasuk Sister Bullwinkel Vivian. sisanya herded laki-laki . Yang beruntung korban yang tercakup di ujung laras senapan oleh Jepang dan herded ke dalam bangunan yang kotor dan terlalu sesak. Shortly afterwards. Mereka diiringi oleh sipil perempuan dan anak-anak mereka. Naas yang selamat. Jepang bombed pesawat terbang dan kapal strafed yang berlebih dan sank dengan cepat. they realised that their position was hopeless. but after two weeks. They were given food by the local village women. yang diungsikan dari terkepung di kota kecil pantai kapal api Vyner Brooke. Semua dari para korban yang lelah. Sisa lima puluh tiga perawat mencapai lifeboats di Pulau Bangka. haus. and they decided to walk to Muntok and give themselves up. atau oleh Gerakan dengan air pasang. Dua belas Australia perawat yang baik tewas dalam serangan di kapal atau tenggelam di laut. pada rakit. Kedua puluh dua perawat Australia untuk tinggal setelah terluka melihat. Seperti yang telah lulus Vyner Brooke antara Sumatera dan Kalimantan. Adik Vivian Bullwinkel di grup ini dari perawat. dilindungi dan memiliki status sebagai kombatan dengan non-konvensi dari civilised bangsa. Selain itu perawat ke Australia. di lifeboats mendarat di pantai utara Pulau Bangka dan kesusasteraan bonafiditas yang lain untuk membimbing korban untuk mereka. She survived harsh imprisonment to give evidence of the massacre at a war crimes trial in Tokyo in 1947. dengan jatuhnya Singapura ke Jepang dekat. dan mereka yang dibuat dan palang merah yang didirikan untuk menunjukkan kepada Jepang bahwa mereka nonkombatan. Jepang telah unsympathetic untuk mereka berjanji dan hanya ditawarkan para korban ember air dan ember beras. Private Kingsley had been bayoneted by the Japanese and left for dead. Para korban di lifeboats yang strafed oleh pesawat terbang Jepang tetapi beberapa mencapai Pulau Bangka di lepas pantai Sumatera. kapal telah crammed dengan lebih dari dua ratus sipil di daerah bencana dan personil militer Inggris.

tentara Jepang kembali sendiri. Ketika air telah mencapai perawat 'pinggang. ia bergabung dengan tentara Inggris yang bertahan di belakang tanjung besar-besaran. dengan jatuhnya Singapura ke Jepang dekat. Para korban di lifeboats yang strafed oleh pesawat terbang Jepang tetapi beberapa mencapai Pulau Bangka di lepas pantai Sumatera. termasuk Sister Bullwinkel Vivian. Jepang bombed pesawat terbang dan kapal strafed yang berlebih dan sank dengan cepat. Harapan mereka telah berlangsung lama. Kingsley swasta telah bayoneted oleh Jepang dan kiri untuk mati. Selain itu perawat ke Australia. Saudara Bullwinkel menerima pukulan di bagian belakang dengan peluru dan terlanda lama dia kaki. THE PULAU MASSACRE Banka (1942) Adik Vivian Bullwinkel Cerita Pada tanggal 12 Februari 1942. haus. dia risked dalam sekejap di pantai dan melihat bahwa tentara Jepang telah pergi. namun setelah dua minggu. yang diungsikan dari terkepung di kota kecil pantai kapal api Vyner Brooke. Perempuan yang tahu apa yang akan terjadi kepada mereka. atau oleh Gerakan dengan air pasang. tetapi tidak panik atau untuk mengaku rahmat. dan mereka memutuskan untuk berjalan kaki ke Muntok dan memberikan diri. Aku belajar untuk yang lain sekitar dua puluh satu perawat dan melihat tidak ada. Beberapa orang dari mereka wiping darah bayonets. enam puluh lima perawat Angkatan Darat Australia. Sister Bullwinkel dia bersembunyi luka dari Jepang dan dirawat itu sendiri. Jepang api dibuka pada mereka.korban. Pakaian mereka Palang Merah armbands. Setelah menemukan bahwa dia hanya luka. pada rakit. Sisa lima puluh tiga perawat mencapai lifeboats di Pulau Bangka. Gunfire perawat yang mendengar dari arah ini. Setelah beberapa waktu telah berlalu. Beberapa yang menderita terekspos sampai matahari terbenam setelah banyak jam di laut. Yang beruntung korban yang tercakup di ujung laras senapan oleh Jepang dan herded ke dalam bangunan yang kotor dan terlalu sesak. mereka menyadari bahwa posisi mereka adalah harapan. Ketika ia mencapai pantai. Dia bertahan keras penjara untuk memberikan bukti yang besar-besaran di persidangan kejahatan perang di Tokyo tahun 1947. Seperti yang telah lulus Vyner Brooke antara Sumatera dan Kalimantan. dan segera setelah itu. bawah pantai dan di sekitar tanjung. Dua belas Australia perawat yang baik tewas dalam serangan di kapal atau tenggelam di laut. Semua dari para korban yang lelah. kapal telah crammed dengan lebih dari dua ratus sipil di daerah bencana dan personil militer Inggris. Mereka diberi makan oleh perempuan desa setempat. Swasta Kingsley meninggal dari luka sangkur. Dia adalah satu-satunya perawat yang telah bertahan besar-besaran. dan telah beberapa luka dalam . dilindungi dan memiliki status sebagai kombatan dengan non-konvensi dari civilised bangsa. dia pura-pura menjadi mati. perawat yang diharapkan untuk diperlakukan dalam cara civilised oleh Jepang ketika mereka mencapai pantai. Sesaat setelah itu. Mewujudkan kehidupan yang selamat dari semua Vyner Brooke akan beresiko jika Jepang menemukan apa yang dia lihat. dan lapar. Kedua puluh dua perawat Australia yang kemudian disusun oleh Jepang untuk membentuk baris dan jalan ke laut. sekitar lima puluh jumlahnya.

2008 Tonight I received an email from Batara Hutagalung.serangan di kapal dan lifeboats. Beberapa orang dari mereka wiping darah bayonets. Mewujudkan kehidupan yang selamat dari semua Vyner Brooke akan beresiko jika Jepang menemukan apa yang dia lihat. Aku belajar untuk yang lain sekitar dua puluh satu perawat dan melihat tidak ada. Saudara Bullwinkel menerima pukulan di bagian belakang dengan peluru dan terlanda lama dia kaki. Sister Bullwinkel dia bersembunyi luka dari Jepang dan dirawat itu sendiri. August 14. Sesaat setelah itu. Mereka diiringi oleh sipil perempuan dan anak-anak mereka. sekarang kita sudah merdeka. Sebuah patroli dari sekitar lima belas tentara Jepang tiba dari pantai negeri dari Muntok. tentara Jepang kembali sendiri. Mereka diberi makan oleh perempuan desa setempat. Jepang telah unsympathetic untuk mereka berjanji dan hanya ditawarkan para korban ember air dan ember beras. Kedua puluh dua perawat Australia untuk tinggal setelah terluka melihat. Swasta Kingsley meninggal dari luka sangkur. Naas yang selamat. dia pura-pura menjadi mati.. Sebuah pihak laki-laki korban pergi off untuk menemukan Jepang. Setelah beberapa waktu telah berlalu. ia bergabung dengan tentara Inggris yang bertahan di belakang tanjung besar-besaran. dia risked dalam sekejap di pantai dan melihat bahwa tentara Jepang telah pergi.mirip jaman penjajahan sekarang tapi dengan muka yang modern hehehe Rawagede Massacre: An Unpublished Story Thursday. mereka menyadari bahwa posisi mereka adalah harapan. dan mereka yang dibuat dan palang merah yang didirikan untuk menunjukkan kepada Jepang bahwa mereka nonkombatan. bawah pantai dan di sekitar tanjung. tetapi tidak panik atau untuk mengaku rahmat. Jepang api dibuka pada mereka. Ketika air telah mencapai perawat 'pinggang. Ketika ia mencapai pantai. Ketika jumlah korban di bonafiditas mencapai sekitar seratus. Adik Vivian Bullwinkel di grup ini dari perawat.. di lifeboats mendarat di pantai utara Pulau Bangka dan kesusasteraan bonafiditas yang lain untuk membimbing korban untuk mereka. telah diputuskan bahwa mereka harus menyerah kepada Jepang. Sementara beberapa perawat yang dijaga ketat dari Australia. Perempuan yang tahu apa yang akan terjadi kepada mereka.. sisanya herded laki-laki korban. Kingsley swasta telah bayoneted oleh Jepang dan kiri untuk mati.. sekitar lima puluh jumlahnya. Dia bertahan keras penjara untuk memberikan bukti yang besar-besaran di persidangan kejahatan perang di Tokyo tahun 1947.. dan mereka memutuskan untuk berjalan kaki ke Muntok dan memberikan diri. namun setelah dua minggu. Gunfire perawat yang mendengar dari arah ini.rakyat kaga sejahtera sejahtera.. a leader of Committee of Dutch Honorary Debts – a group of people that strive for The Netherlands' apology for what . dan segera setelah itu. Setelah menemukan bahwa dia hanya luka. Dia adalah satu-satunya perawat yang telah bertahan besar-besaran. Kedua puluh dua perawat Australia yang kemudian disusun oleh Jepang untuk membentuk baris dan jalan ke laut.tapi apa sesungguhnya kita memang sudah merdeka ya. termasuk dua puluh dua perawat Australia.

“The troops started to bombard us. I quickly dropped myself to the ground. He recently had damaged a train containing weaponry with another train. 1947. Imih still could not forget the day when. Lukas Kustario – an Indonesian soldier who had previously attacked some Netherlands facilities. she saw troops all over her village. located about 60 kilometers to the east of Jakarta. at four o’clock in the morning. but my husband – he was so frightened he ran away and got shot. Batara's email reminded me of my story about Rawagede Massacre that didn't get published. However. Saih managed to survive by playing dead. The email said that the committee was planning to stage a demonstration in front of Dutch Embassy this Friday. They opened fire and soon everyone was in panic. Please tell me what you think okay :) ########## Up until now. They separated male citizens from the crowds and made them stood in line.they did to Indonesia years ago. recollecting a horrible day she had 60 years ago. They also chased other male residents who were hiding in a nearby river. “I quickly told my husband and my father to stay in the house because I knew it was safer there. A bullet hit my back but I lay still. Kustario.” He remembered how the troops continued shooting at all dead bodies to make sure none is alive before they left the scene. . Since it's been almost a year.” said the 74-year-old woman. the wanted soldier actually had left the village for Jakarta the day before.” an 84-year-old soldier Saih said. a village between Karawang-Bekasi. with some tracker dogs they brought. after more than 300 hundreds troops of Netherlands army surrounded Rawagede. had entered Rawagede to join the soldiers force in the city. I would like to just share the story here.” The tragedy took place on December 9. “There were hundreds of them. The troops ordered all residents to get out their houses. They asked the people: “Where is Lukas Kustario?! Where are the soldiers?!” None of the men said anything. back when I was still an intern reporter at The Jakarta Post. “As they shot. They were in attempt to capture Mr. Kali Rawagede. according to a report the troops received. Pissed off by the response. gather up in a yard.

“Hundreds of man died that day. cannot shout “Independence!” and carry weapon any more. We.” said Imih. While Netherlands considered what happened in Rawagede “a correctional action” – as they claimed the area as their territory at the time – a group of people is currently putting effort on getting Netherlands apology for what they did. We only managed to identify 181 out of 431 victims. “It was a crime against humanity. “It’s hard to identify all the victims. and throw flowers at their graves. leader of Committee of Dutch Honorary Debts said. The “Rawagede People Struggle Monument” complex also has a cemetery for the victims. All men who were lucky to be alive escaped the village for their lives because the troops were believed to come back anytime. They make moment of silence. They sing national anthem. Some elderly people are crying as they hear the poem. “The Netherlands surrendered to Japan in 1942 while Indonesia declared its independence in 1945 so it was not also war crime as there was no war at all. Saih stood up and walked home. Moreover. dedicated to the victims: “Karawang-Bekasi”. “I saw so many victims.When he thought it was safe to make a move. They pray for the heroes.” she said. Every year the people of Rawagede hold a ceremony at the monument to commemorate the tragedy. We should reach reconciliation with dignity. But not all victims were relocated and buried here.” . a famous poem from a namely poet Chairil Anwar.” said head of Rawagede Foundation Sukarman. They read the story on how Netherlands troops had tore down the entire life of the village. who manages the monument complex. It is ironic that the massacre happened just one day after Indonesia and Netherlands started the “USS Renville” peace talk. “They should say sorry and pay compensation to the victim’s family to help them prosper. making there were only women and children in this village. “It took us two days to bury all 431 dead bodies.” said Batara. A monument was built in 1996 in the village to “honor the heroes”.” he said.” Batara Hutagalung. who have lain down between Karawang-Bekasi.

” “They were just looking for Mr. I remember the sound of the guns clearly: tat-tat. Indonesia .” The CIA provided lists of thousands of leftists. we really had no idea where he was. tat-tat.” As for Saih.” recalled Surien. seized control of the military in 1965 and ruled the country for 32 years.000 to 1 million cited by US historians Barbara Harff and Ted Robert Gurr. and schoolteachers.from 1965 to 1968 range from a government figure of 78. 68. “People called it the beach of stinking corpses because of the smell. A frenzy of anticommunist violence stained rivers with blood and littered the countryside with the bodies of teachers.” said Talam. suppressing dissent with force and supported by an American government at the height of the Cold War.Hiding out in the dense. who was later jailed for 10 years after being named a leftist sympathizer. many of whom were executed or sent to remote prisons. January 28. a woman who lived near a bay used as an execution ground.“They gunned them down and dumped their bodies in a mass grave dug by other prisoners. and the killings were part of a final offensive by forces under General Suharto to wipe out the communist party and secure his position as leader of Indonesia. Estimates for the number killed during his bloody rise to power . we would not tell them anyway. and mow them down with round after round of automatic weapons fire. line them up. Imih said she just wished to have her house repaired. he only wished his family a better life. over and over again. intellectuals. It was the worst mass slaughter in Southeast Asia’s modern history after the Khmer Rouge killing fields in Cambodia. 2008 pada 7:11 am (soeharto) Published on Monday. who have published books on Indonesia’s history.Talking about compensation. farmers. and others. 2008 by The Boston Globe by Anthony Deutsch BLITAR. . now the world’s most populous Muslim nation. who died yesterday at a Jakarta hospital. . “I have no hatred in my heart against them. . 70.” “Of course even if we did. humid jungle. including trade union members. The big-hearted old man said he had forgiven Netherlands. Lukas but unfortunately.0128 04It was 1968.” Mass Killings Under Suharto Recalled Februari 1. “That’s all. Suharto. tat-tat . Markus Talam watched Indonesian soldiers herd manacled prisoners from trucks. “They used to dump the bodies here.

“They robbed me of the opportunity to raise my seven children. a former member of a left-wing union for park rangers. Jakarta. There is no official record of the shootings Talam said he witnessed by the Indonesian Army near Blitar. Similar abuses left more than 100. “Suharto ordered the elimination of communists and leftwing sympathizers.000 others died during a 29year separatist rebellion in Aceh Province.” Putmuinah hid in a cave south of Blitar before being picked up and detained for 10 years.” . he described how he was detained by police but escaped. In fact. 1. according to an East Timorese commission sanctioned by the UN. He stumbled across dead bodies in shallow graves and slept in dank caves with hundreds of others. “The ones who should be held accountable for those crimes are Suharto. according to a local human rights group.Another 183. living in caves. until being picked up. which lies 310 miles east of Jakarta. survivors of the atrocities recounted a life on the run. a former communist city council member in Blitar. Dragging on a clove-cigarette with trembling hands. Near Blitar.100 miles east of the capital.000 died due to killings.” she said. said he was tortured and beaten repeatedly during interrogations while detained on remote Buru island. Details of the communist purge are banned from school books. where people are more concerned with day-to-day survival. and seeing beheadings of other captives. and the military has blocked efforts by relatives to unearth mass graves. eating what the jungle had to offer for 50 days. “They beheaded many of us because we were members of the union for women. whose simple two-room home overlooks a valley dotted with overgrown mass graves. the dark era remains largely unknown to many Indonesians. the head of Human Rights Watch Asia. Though Suharto was swept from power in a 1998 prodemocracy uprising in this nation of 235 million people. being beaten. a former communist stronghold. Talam.” said Brad Adams. in part because some of Suharto’s former generals remain in power. no one has ever been tried for the bloodletting. said Putmuinah. “One of the enduring legacies of Suharto’s regime has been the culture of impunity. public interest in reviving a turbulent past is muted in the largely poor country. 80.” she added. hunger.000 dead in West Papua. and illness during Indonesia’s 1975-1999 occupation of East Timor.” she said. where about 12. disappearances. Those believed responsible still wield influence in politics and the courts.” said Talam. “I was spared torture because I knew the commander who arrested me. “Why has no one been put on trial?” he asked. his government and his regime. In recent interviews around the city of Blitar. I saw great cruelties and am lucky I am not dead. and the Communist Party is still banned in Indonesia today. Moreover. a prominent monument and museum honors the crushing of the communist threat. “I am disappointed. About 15.000 political prisoners were held.

Demikian juga Jenderal Wiranto sebagai Panglima ABRI hanya bersikap wait and see. Hongkong.Namun apa yang terjadi? Pintu pertokoan tersebut kemudian dikunci dari luar dan dibakar oleh para provokator. Tigabelas pasar. Jumlah seluruh kerugian diperkirakan paling sedikit Rp. 45 bengkel. 9 SPBU. Trisakti.479 ruko. Demikian juga sejumlah shopping mall dan pertokoan antara lain Glodok Plaza.604 toko. Poso.026 rumah tinggal habis dirusak.hembuskan oleh sebagian orang sebagai "eksodus" dan tindakan anasional.nya tragedi ini masih diselimuti awan misterius.2.Ribuan toko dan rumah tinggal milik orang-orang Tionghoa habis dijarah dan dibakar. Tanjung Priok.119 mobil. 1. Supermarket Hero dan supermarket Tops. Menado. Tindakan anarkis dan kekerasan kali ini merupakan puncak dari berbagai kekerasan anti Tionghoa yang terjadi di Indonesia sejak zaman penjajahan Belanda sampai di masa Republik. Supermall Karawaci dan City hotel berikut pusat pertokoan Glodok. Talangsari. dijarah dan dibakar selama berlangsung aksi anarkis tersebut. 40 mall dengan 1. Malaysia.5 triliun atau $US 238 juta. Mereka kemudian disuruh menjarah apa saja yang ditemukan. Demikian juga ribuan kendaraan bermotor baik roda dua maupun roda empat hangus dan menjadi bangkai karena dibakar gerombolan anarkis. 821 sepeda motor dan 1. PUNCAK KEKERASAN ANTI TIONGHOA DI INDONESIA (Disampaikan dalam Seminar Memperingati Tragedi Mei 1998 yang diselenggarakan ICAA di Los Angeles. . Diperkirakan lebih dari seribu orang yang tewas akibat dibakar hidup-hidup tersebut. antara lain Yogya Department Store di Klender dan Super Mall Karawaci. Australia. Malari. Yogya Department store. Eropa bahkan ke Amerika Serikat.Akibat aksi kekerasan ini ribuan warga Tionghoa yang merasa trauma dan ketakutan dengan berbagai jalan berusaha menyelamatkan diri dengan meninggalkan seluruh harta bendanya untuk mengungsi ke berbagai tempat yang dianggapnya aman antara lain ke Bali. dsb. Sementara itu ratusan rakyat kecil yang terdiri dari anak-anak. Singapore. Marsinah. [1][1] Yang sangat disesalkan adalah sikap pihak keamanan yaitu Kapolda Metro Jaya Mayjen Hamami Nata dan Pangdam Jaya Mayjen Sjafrie Sjamsuddin yang tidak berbuat suatu apapun untuk mencegah dan mengatasi aksi-aksi anarkis tersebut. 8 bus dan kendaraan umum lainnya. Memang ada beberapa kasus yang telah dibawa ke Pengadilan namun ternyata yang disidangkan hanya oknum-oknum yang dikorbankan tanpa mengungkap siapa yang menjadi otak atau dalang yang sesungguhnya. Setiono Tanpa terasa tahun ini kita memperingati Tragedi Mei 1998 yang ke delapan kalinya. Udin. Ambon.kasus lainnya seperti Peristiwa G30S. Namun sampai saat ini seperti kasus. Munir. Padahal tindakan menyelamatkan diri adalah hak paling hakiki dari setiap machluk yang diciptakan Tuhan. Kalimantan Barat. Yang paling tragis adalah terjadinya perkosaan massal terhadap puluhan kalau tidak ratusan perempuan Tionghoa yang dilakukan secara brutal. menyerbu berbagai mall. Penyelamatan diri inilah yang dihembus. 2. 14 Mei 2006) Oleh : Benny G. 13 Mei 2006 dan ICA Net di San Francisco.PERISTIWA 13-15 MEI 1998. remaja dan ibu-ibu rumah tangga yang berhasil diprovokasi. Semanggi. Kalimantan Barat. 387 kantor.

Sebaliknya Coen berusaha mendatangkan sebanyak mungkin tenaga dari daratan Tiongkok untuk dijadikan kuli. Mereka hidup membaur dengan saling membawa budaya masing-masing.pendatang dari Tiongkok hidup damai dengan penduduk setempat.Peristiwa ini sangat memprihatinkan dan memalukan serta merusak citra seluruh bangsa Indonesia di dunia Internasional.[2][2] Mereka menikah dengan perempuan pribumi setempat atau membeli budak untuk dijadikan gundik. Setelah Belanda (VOC ) dibawah pimpinan Jan Pieterszoon Coen (1587. juga dari Komnas HAM yang telah menyelesaikan tugasnya dengan menyerahkan seluruh hasil penyelidikannya yaitu berupa rekomendasi dan Berita Acara (BAP) yang bersifat pro justicia kepada pihak penyidik yaitu Kejaksaan Agung. SH dari Komnas HAM. Sejak itu jung-jung dari Tiongkok dilarang merapat ke pelabuhan Banten. tukang dan pedagang eceran demi memajukan koloni dan perdagangannya.1629) menguasai Jayakarta atau Sunda Kelapa yang lalu dirubah namanya menjadi Batavia. bertani dan menjadi tukang. Apa sebenarnya yang menyebabkan timbulnya berbagai aksi kekerasan terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa di Indonesia? Untuk menjawabnya baiklah kita buka lembaran sejarah kita. Namun seperti kasuskasus sebelumnya. Hubungan Tionghoa dengan pribumi di masa sebelum kemerdekaan Sebelum kedatangan orang-orang kulit putih ke Nusantara. Rekomendasi Komnas HAM mengajukan nama Jenderal Wiranto dan Mayjen Sjafrie Sjamsyudin yang layak dicurigai untuk dimintai pertanggung-jawabannya. disamping berbahayanya pelayaran di masa itu. Eropa. Untuk meredamnya Presiden B. Australia. ia segera membangun koloninya tersebut dengan bantuan orang-orang Tionghoa dibawah pimpinan Souw Beng Kong yang dibujuk dan diberi janji-janji untuk pindah dari Banten. Hongkong. sehingga lahirlah keturunan campuran yang biasa disebut peranakan atau babah. Dengan adanya kemajuan teknologi di bidang komunikasi. pendatang. Namum hingga saat ini tidak ada kabar beritanya apakah hasil penyelidikan tersebut akan ditindak lanjuti sesuai dengan Undang-Undang Nomor 26 Tahun 2000 Tentang Pengadilan HAM atau mungkin akan dipetieskan saja. Terjadi protes-protes dan demonstrasi di muka Kedutaan atau Perwakilan Republik Indonesia di berbagai negara.J. Komnas HAM telah membentuk tim Ad Hoc Penyelidikan Perisitiwa Kerusuhan Mei 1998 di bawah pimpinan Salahuddin Wahid. Orang Tionghoa hidup dengan berdagang. Pada 6 Maret 2003. Pelaut Belanda tidak segan-segan merompaki jung-jung Tionghoa secara terang-terangan dan menahan awak kapalnya untuk kemudian dipaksa bekerja di Batavia. antara lain di Amerika Serikat. dan Beijing. Habibie membentuk Tim Gabungan Pencari Fakta (TGPF) di bawah pimpinan Marzuki Darusman. Taipei. hasil kerja TGPF ini yang berupa rekomendasi dan telah diserahkan kepada Jaksa Agung dan Menteri Dalam Negeri tidak pernah ditindak lanjuti dan hilang begitu saja bagaikan debu ditiup angin. Pada masa itulah terjadi gelombang kedatangan orang Tionghoa secara besar-besaran ke tanah Jawa yang pada umumnya berasal dari provinsi Hokkian di bagian tenggara . Coen segera menjalankan politik monopoli di segala bidang perdagangan dan melakukan blokade atas pelabuhan Banten. Kanada. seluruh kejadian dengan kasat mata dapat disaksikan secara langsung oleh jutaan pemirsa TV di seluruh dunia. Mereka tidak membawa istri dari Tiongkok karena memang ada larangan dari Kaisar membawa perempuan keluar dari daratan Tiongkok.

101 orang pada 1682 menjadi 10.574 orang pada 1739.390 Lain-lain 123.389 Kongfu 97. di Teluk Jakarta atau di berbagai tempat di pesisir utara Pulau Jawa. Tujuan utama mereka hanya mencari kehidupan baru dengan memasuki semua bidang perdagangan dan hidup damai dengan .941 64.423 24.448 orang di antaranya laki-laki. dari 3. baik ke daerah pedalaman maupun di sepanjang pesisir utara.88. Demikian juga dengan imigran-imigran dari negara lain seperti dari Arab.728 Hakka 124.Tiongkok.[5][5] Akibat dibukanya kembali perdagangan Tiongkok dengan Asia Tenggara oleh Kaisar dari Dinasti Ch'ing dan berhasilnya pasukan Ch'ing mengamankan Selat Taiwan serta dimulainya liberalisasi di bidang ekonomi oleh pemerintah Hindia Belanda dengan diizinkannya pihak swasta membuka perkebunan dan pertambangan. data orang Tionghoa di Hindia Belanda adalah sebagai berikut: Laki-laki Perempuan Hokkian 309.000 orang.[6][6] Menurut laporan Kolonial Verslag 1895. India (Keling).[7][7] Selanjutnya berdasarkan hasil sensus pada 1930 seperti dinyatakan dalam Volkstelling 1930.740 38. deel VII. Sejak itu migrasi orang-orang Tionghoa. Batavia 1935. Jepang dan terutama orang-orang Tionghoa dari bagian selatan Tiongkok membanjiri Hindia Belanda yang menjadi tanah harapan mereka. pada akhir 1893 di seluruh Hindia Belanda ada 443. Chineezen an andere Vreemde Oosterlingen in Nederlandsch Indie terbitan Departement van Economische zaken. padahal seluruh penduduk pulau Jawa diperkirakan hanya 5 juta orang.484 orang Tionghoa dan 235.945 orang Tionghoa. Belum lagi para imigran gelap yang diturunkan di kepulauan Seribu. 290. telah mendorong mengalirnya para imigran dengan deras dari daratan Tiongkok. Jumlah orang Tionghoa naik dengan pesat. terutama dari provinsi Fujian/Hokkian dan Guangdong/Kwangtung.[4] [4] Pada permulaan abad ke-19 jumlah penduduk Tionghoa di Batavia saja hampir 100.468 [8][8] Orang-orang Tionghoa ini hidup menyebar ke seluruh pulau Jawa.[3][3] Namun migrasi perempuan Tiongkok ke Asia Tenggara baru dimulai pertengahan abad ke-19 dan permulaan abad ke-20. Di pulau Jawa saja terdapat 248.222 orang di antaranya laki-laki.831 Teo Chew 63.905 75.253 245. Dengan terjunnya pihak swasta di sektor perkebunan dan pertambangan dan semakin stabilnya keamanan. jumlah penduduk di Jawa meningkat dengan pesat. hal. Migrasi perempuan Tiongkok dimungkinkan bertalian dengan adanya fasilitas penggunaan kapal api dan murahnya tarif angkutan. baik laki-laki maupun perempuan meningkat dengan pesat. Jumlah kedatangan jung-jung dari Tiongkok meningkat pesat. Dari tiga atau empat buah menjadi lebih dari dua puluh buah dalam setahun.

mulai timbul rasa kurang senang orang-orang Jawa kepada orang Tionghoa dan menjadi benih sentimen-sentimen dan aksi. ketika dinasti Ch'ing telah berhasil menegakkan pengendalian sepenuhnya terhadap orang-orang Han. Karena jumlah orang Tionghoa yang memeluk Islam semakin banyak. tidak terdapat sebuah sungai.aksi kekerasan di kemudian hari. para imigran Tionghoa yang datang dari Tiongkok telah menggunakan gaya rambut pada zaman dinasti Ch'ing. Tetapi jabatan mayor atau kapiten dalam masyarakat muslim Tionghoa di Batavia dihapuskan pada 1827. sebagai akibat kontak-kontak yang sering mereka lakukan dengan para pendatang baru itu. Mereka datang ke Indonesia dengan tetap mempergunakan gaya rambut seperti pada zaman dinasti Ming. menghindari serbuan bangsa Manchu. maka VOC memisahkan mereka dari masyarakat Tionghoa yang bukan muslim dan menyerahkan pengurusan dan pengawasan mereka kepada seorang kapiten Tionghoa yang diangkat dari kalangan mereka sendiri. Hal ini dikarenakan gaya rambut tersebut memang wajib digunakan di seluruh daratan Tiongkok. yaitu dengan mencukur bersih rambut di kepala. Bahkan di dalam pandangannnya. Mereka masuk menjadi Islam dan menolak memakan daging **** dan memungut seluruh ada-istiadat penduduk asli. orang-orang Jawa yang baik hati telah menjadi lebih pandai dan rajin.000 ronde realen. Timbulnya istilah "Cina kunciran" yang berkonotasi penghinaan. makanan. yang memerintah dari 1677-1703 menikmati penghasilan kira-kira 50.[9][9] setelah mereka menjadi sulit dibedakan lagi dari penduduk asli yang beragama Islam. Banyak dari mereka yang memeluk agama Islam sebagai akibat peristiwa Pembantaian 1740 dan juga untuk menghindari pajak kepala yang khusus dikenakan kepada orang-orang Tionghoa. mengungkapkan dalam uraian dan gambaran tentang wilayah Timur Laut pantai utara pulau Jawa (1700-1703). pakaian maupun agama.uang real yang bulat-bulat-dari pajak-pajak seperti itu. Sejak itu istilah "peranakan" hanya digunakan bagi orang Tionghoa yang lahir di Jawa. khusus merujuk kepada orang-orang Tionghoa pendatang baru. Namun pada masa-masa kemudian. bahwa sejak 1683 jumlah orang Tionghoa yang terdapat di daerah tersebut tumbuh dengan pesat. Gubernur Jenderal Johan Van Hoorn (1653-1711) dalam masa jabatannya. Di sepanjang pesisir utara.. pelacuran dan kelak tempat menghisap candu oleh pemerintah Hindia Belanda.1704-1709. Orang-orang Tionghoa tetap bermukim di perantauan sampai beberapa keturunan tanpa pernah kembali ke negeri asalnya. di mana tidak terdapat sebuah pos bea cukai (gerbang tol) yang penjaganya pasti seorang Tionghoa. teluk ataupun anak sungai yang masih dapat dipergunakan untuk pelayaran. Sunan Amangkurat II. mereka langsung membuktikan diri mereka sebagai orang-orang yang dapat bekerja keras. kecuali sisa di bagian belakang kepala yang dibiarkan tumbuh panjang dan dikepang (tauchang). Disamping itu mereka pun diberi hak untuk membuka rumah judi. Mereka membaurkan diri baik dalam soal bahasa.[10][10] Banyak dari para imigran Tionghoa yang datang ke Indonesia pada abad ke –17 terutama orang-orang Hokkian sebagai pelarian. Hal ini berlawanan dengan golongan .penduduk setempat. Begitu mereka diizinkan untuk bermukim di wilayah kekuasaan kerajaan Mataram. pelabuhan. Karena perbuatan segelintir orang Tionghoa yang telah melakukan kolusi dengan para Sultan dan Pangeran Jawa dan penguasa Belanda inilah.

peranakan yang telah berasimilasi sampai tingkat tertentu ke dalam masyarakat Jawa asli. Kemudian pejoratif sebutan Cina (berasal dari bahasa Belanda Ch'ina untuk Tiongkok) tersebut berlanjut dan berkembang terhadap seluruh etnis Tionghoa sehingga timbulnya gerakan kebangkitan dan berdirinya Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan pada 1900 dan Chung Hua Ming Kuo atau Republik Tiongkok pada 1911. Kata Chung Hua dalam dialek Hokkian adalah Tiong Hoa.[11][11] Pada saat berlangsungnya Perang Jawa (Perang Diponegoro) 1825-1830, gaya rambut orang Tionghoa ini kembali menjadi suatu masalah ketika Pangeran Diponegoro memerintahkan semua orang Tionghoa yang ingin bergabung menjadi muslim, harus disunat dan memotong kuncir mereka. [12][12] Pengaruh kebudayaan Tionghoa. Kebudayaan Tionghoa kemudian membaur dan beradaptasi dengan kebudayaan setempat baik bahasa,kesenian, tarian, pengobatan, cara berpakaian, kuliner dan sebagainya. Terdapat cukup banyak bukti yang dapat kita jumpai dalam kehidupan sehari-hari, seperti kesenian gambang kromong, cokek, topeng Betawi, Lenong atau di bidang kuliner seperti tahu, kecap, taoge, bakmi, bakso, bihun dan di bidang pakaian seperti kebaya encim, baju koko, oto, angkin dan sebagainya. Malahan naga, binatang legenda Tiongkok juga beradaptasimenjadi naga Jawa, bedanya naga Jawa memakai mahkota. Demikian juga mesjid-mesjid dan surau-surau di Indonesia pasti digantungi bedug seperti yang terdapat di klenteng-klenteng di Tiongkok. Bedanya bedug di Indonesia dipukul dengan tongkat seperti memukul tambur, sedangkan bedug dan genta di Tiongkok dipukul dengan mendorong sebatang kayu balok yang digantung di muka bedug tersebut. Bedug hanya dijumpai di mesjid-mesjid di Indonesia. Di negara-negara Arab dan Timur Tengah lainnya tak akan kita jumpai bedug-bedug yang digantung di samping mesjid.[13][13] Arsitektur mesjid-mesjid di Jawa sangat dipengaruhi kebudayaan Tiongkok yang bergaya pagoda dan beratap susun, berbeda dengan arsitektur mesjid-mesjid di Timur Tengah yang beratap dome (bulat) Contohnya mesjid semacam ini sampai saat ini dapat kita jumpai di sepanjang pesisir utara Pulau Jawa (pantura). Pendatang-pendatang Tionghoa juga mengajarkan cara menanam padi di sawah yang dibajak dan diairi yang hasilnya lebih maksimal dibandingkan menanam padi di huma yang dipelajari penduduk pribumi dari orang-orang India. Demikian juga mereka mengajarkan penduduk setempat cara berkebun tebu dan cara membuat gula. Mereka juga mengembangkan budi daya tanaman kacang tanah, kacang hijau, kacang kedelai, semangka dan nila atau tarum untuk dijadikan bahan pewarna. Sejak 1611 mereka mengembangkan penyulingan arak yang dibuat dari beras yang difermentasi, tetes tebu dan nira. Dari kacang hijau dan kedelai mereka menghasilkan taoge, tauco dan kecap. Mereka juga mengajarkan pembuatan bata dan genting sebagai pengganti batu dan rumbia untuk membangun rumah. Demikian juga mereka mengajarkan menjahit baju dan menyamak kulit untuk keperluan busana. Di bidang pengobatan, pengaruh kebudayaan Tionghoa sangat kental. Seperti kita ketahui, jamu yang sangat terkenal, yang menjadi pusaka peninggalan dari kraton-kraton Jawa sangat mirip dengan obatobatan Tionghoa. Jamu merupakan ramuan yang menggunakan bahan-bahan dari dedaunan, rempah-rempah dan akar-akaran. Cara penyajiannya dengan merebus daun-

daunan obat atau menumbuk dan menggilingnya, identik dengan obat-obatan Tionghoa yang telah berusia ribuan tahun. Pengobatan dengan jamu-jamuan ini hanya berasal dari Jawa dan Madura, tidak berasal dari kepulauan lain di Nusantara. Belum lagi permainan pencak silat, permainan judi dan kebiasaan membakar petasan atau mercon pada masa bulan Ramadhan dan menyambut Idul Fitri atau pada upacaraupacara perkawinan atau khitanan dan sebagainya, yang dilakukan umat Islam di pedesaan di pulau Jawa, jelas merupakan tradisi yang dipengaruhi tradisi Tionghoa yang membawa kebiasaan ini dari daratan Tiongkok, tempat asal petasan tersebut. Masih banyak lagi contoh-contoh pengaruh budaya Tionghoa dalam kehidupan kita sehari-hari yang tentunya tidak dapat kita tuliskan satu-persatu di makalah ini. Demikianlah sekilas keadaan masyarakat Tionghoa di masa sebelum kedatangan orangorang kulit putih dan di masa penjajahan Belanda baik di bawah VOC maupun di bawah pemerintahan Hindia-Belanda. Pembantaian 1740, aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di masa VOC Ketika orang-orang Belanda di bawah pimpinan Cornelis de Houtman pada 23 Juni 1596 berhasil mendarat di pelabuhan Banten, ternyata orang Portugis telah lama mempunyai kantor dagang di sana. Ketika tiba di Nusantara orang-orang Belanda dan kemudian Inggris menjumpai pemukiman-pemukiman Tionghoa di kebanyakan Bandar di Asia Tenggara seperti di Hoi An, Patani, Banten, Phnom Penh, dan Manila. Pada 1642 di Hoi An terdapat 45.000 orang Tionghoa dan pada 1600 di Banten ada 3.000 orang Tionghoa.[14][14] Terbukti dalam sejarah bahwa kedatangan Belanda ini mengubah peta poltik di seluruh Nusantara. Salah satu "jasa" Belanda adalah berusaha menyatukan seluruh wilayah Nusantara ke dalam genggamannya, yang pada ujungnya melahirkan gerakan kebangkitan nasional di kemudian hari. Dengan kedatangan Belanda, hubungan orang-orang Tionghoa yang begitu harmonis dengan penduduk setempat, berangsur-angsur mulai menjadi renggang. Belanda memandang hubungan harmonis antara etnis Tionghoa dan penduduk setempat sebagai "duri" dan suatu bahaya bagi niat mereka menguasai Nusantara. Belanda kemudian mulai menjalankan politik devide et impera atau pecah belah dan mengeluarkan berbagai kebijakan dan peraturan yang bertujuan memisahkan orangorang Tionghoa dari penduduk setempat. Antara lain dengan "mengekslusifkan" tempat tinggal mereka melalui "wijkenstelsel dan "passenstelsel". Demikian juga cara berpakaian orang-orang Tionghoa diatur oleh pihak penguasa kolonial. Ketika itu orang Tionghoa dilarang memakai pakaian model Eropa (Barat) atau memakai pakaian Jawa atau pribumi lainnya. Bagi yang melanggar diancam hukuman denda atau kurungan penjara. Kebijaksanaan memisahkan kelompok-kelompok ini menguatkan sikap acuh tak acuh di antara kelompok-kelompok, dan bagi Belanda lebih mudah untuk mengendalikan orang Tionghoa dari pakaiannya, tempat pemukimannya dan tandatanda yang mudah dikenali yang ada pada mereka. Sampai akhir abad ke-19 orang Tionghoa di Hindia Belanda dilarang memakai pakaian model Eropa, yaitu jas dan celana pantalon. Pasal 128 Regeeringreglement 1854 memerintahkan para gubernur jenderal mengatur sekolah untuk anak-anak negeri, namun tidak termasuk anak-anak Tionghoa, sehingga

mereka tidak dapat diterima baik di Europeesche School maupun Inlandsche School. Jadi bagi anak- anak Tionghoa tidak disediakan sekolah sama sekali. Sebaliknya segelintir orang-orang Tionghoa dijadikan alat pemerintah Hindia-Belanda untuk memeras rakyat dengan menjadikan mereka pachter pajak, pachter judi, pachter madat dan pachter gadai. Semua ini semakin menguatkan kesan buruk, kebencian dan sentimen anti Tionghoa sebagian orang Jawa terhadap orang Tionghoa. Pada 1854, pemerintah Hindia-Belanda melakukan politik segregasi dengan membagibagi penduduk menjadi tiga kelompok. Yang pertama kelompok orang Eropa termasuk ke dalamnya orang-orang Indo Eropa. Yang kedua kedua kelompok Vreemde Ooosterlingen atau Orang Timur Asing yang terdiri dari orang Tionghoa, Arab dan orang Asia lainnya. Yang ketiga kelompok inlander atau pribumi. Peraturan ini dimuat dalam Staatsblad No. 2, Jo.1 Pasal 131. Jo.61 Wet op de staats inrichting van NederlandschIndie atau Indische Staats regeling (IS) tahun 1855. Ketiga kelompok ini tunduk kepada sejumlah buku undang-undang yang berbeda dan diadili di pengadilan yang berbeda-beda pula. Tetapi khusus untuk masalah perdagangan, sejak awal VOC, bagi orang Tionghoa diberlakukan Hukum Dagang Belanda, sepanjang hukum itu masih dapat diterapkan. Selain dari masalah perdagangan terutama dalam masalah kriminal, status orang Tionghoa disamakan dengan golongan inlander dan perkaranya diadili di landraad atau politieroll. Dengan diberlakukannya undang-undang ini lengkap sudah politik pecah belah dan adu domba pemerintah Hindia-Belanda terhadap penduduk Nusantara terutama di Pulau Jawa. Aksi kekerasan pertama terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa di Nusantara adalah Peristiwa Pembunuhan Orang-orang Tionghoa (Chinezenmoord) 1740. Dalam aksi kekerasan yang berlangsung selama dua minggu tersebut, hampir 10.000 orang Tionghoa tewas, dibunuh secara kejam oleh tentara Belanda dengan dibantu orang-orang Eropa lainnya, para kelasi kapal, para gelandangan, orang-orang Sepoy (India), para tukang dan budak. Pembunuhan yang terjadi di masa pemerintahan Gubernur Jenderal Adriaan Valckenier ini bertujuan mengeliminasi orang-orang Tionghoa yang jumlahnya dianggap telah membahayakan posisi orang-orang Belanda. Demikian juga orang-orang Tionghoa ini dianggap telah mendominasi perdagangan dan perkebunan serta pabrik gula yang banyak berdiri di seputar Batavia. Pada 1740 terdapat 2.500 rumah orang Tionghoa di dalam tembok kota Batavia, sedangkan seluruh jumlah orang Tionghoa termasuk yang berada di luar tembok kota diperkirakan berjumlah tidak kurang dari 15.000 orang. Jumlah tersebut merupakan 17% dari seluruh jumlah penduduk di daerah tersebut. Ada kemungkinan jumlah orang Tionghoa sebenarnya jauh lebih besar, karena berdasarkan sensus yang diadakan pada 1778, sebesar 26% dari jumlah penduduk yang berada di luar tembok kota adalah orang-orang Tionghoa. Sedangkan pada masa pemerintahan Inggris (1811-1816) jumlah orang Tionghoa merupakan 24% dari seluruh jumlah penduduk yang berdiam di dalam dan di luar tembok kota. Namun suatu hal yang jelas sangat berbeda dengan apa yang terjadi dengan Peristiwa Mei 1998 adalah tindakan pihak VOC yang dengan segera mengambil tindakan dengan memecat dan kemudian menangkap Gubernur Jenderal Adriaan Valckenier di Capetown, Afrika Selatan dalam perjalanannya pulang ke Belanda. Ia kemudian dibawa

namun warga Tiongkok maupun Taiwan menolak tuduhan tersebut. Tanpa memperdulikan jerit dan tangisan perempuan dan anak-anak yang sangat memilukan. merupakan lembaran hitam yang mencoreng muka pemerintah Belanda dan merupakan kejadian pertama dalam sejarah orang Tionghoa di perantauan. untuk gampangnya orang. Akhirnya ia meninggal dunia pada 1751 dan pemeriksaan terhadap dirinya dihentikan. Di seluruh Jawa Tengah dan di sepanjang Bengawan Solo. seluruh anggota masyarakat Tionghoa yang terdapat di Ngawi. pembunuhan terhadap orang Tionghoa perantauan terjadi kembali. sehari setelah anggota parlemen memilih Snyder Rini sebagai perdana menteri.pedagang yang berasal dari provinsi Hokkian. Sebaliknya pemerintah Taiwan tidak berbuat apa-apa untuk membantu warga Tionghoa setempat yang menjadi korban aksi kekerasan tersebut. habis dibantai. padahal Taiwanlah yang mendapat pengakuan diplomatic dari kepulauan Salomon. yang diduga berasal dari dari kata "sengli" yang dalam bahasa Hokkian berarti dagang. ibukota Kepulauan Salomon. Perlu diketahui sampai pertengahan abad ke-19. Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa semasa Perang Jawa Pada 23 September 1825 yang merupakan masa awal Perang Jawa. Mungkin karena kebanyakan perantau Tionghoa pada masa itu adalah pedagang. pembantaian orang-orang Tionghoa terjadi berulang-ulang.orang Spanyol menyebut orang –orang Tionghoa sangley. puteri Sultan Hamengku Buwono I menyerbu Ngawi sebuah kota kecil di perbatasan Jawa Tengah . Massacre yang dipimpin VOC di Batavia terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa ini.[15][15] Baru-baru ini kita dikejutkan dengan berita bahwa pada 17 April 2006. Tubuh-tubuh yang telah terpotong-potong dibiarkan bergelimpangan di muka pintu. orang-orang Spanyol menyebut orang Tionghoa dengan sebutan sangley bukan "Cina". di jalanan dan di rumah-rumah yang penuh lumuran darah. Pemerintah RRT segera mengirim pesawat charter China Southern Airline dari Guangzhou untuk mengangkut 300 warganya kembali ke Tiongkok. Akibat kerusuhan tersebut sekitar 150 keluarga Tionghoa kehilangan rumah dan tempat usahanya karena dijarah dan dirusak/dibakar massa. sebuah pasukan berkuda di bawah pimpinan Raden Ayu Yudakusuma. Pemeriksaan Valckenier berlangsung berbelit-belit dan berkepanjangan sampai hampir sepuluh tahun lamanya. Sekali ini. penguasa Spanyol di Manila membantai ribuan orang "sangley".[16][16] Setelah peristiwa pembunuhan di Batavia sekelompok orang Tionghoa yang sakit hati dan dendam di bawah pimpinan Que Panjang atau Sie Panjang (Oei Panko) menuju Jawa Tengah dan bersekutu dengan sejumlah Pangeran Jawa untuk melakukan perlawanan terhadap VOC. aksi kekerasan meletup di Honiara. Pembantaian di Ngawi tersebut ternyata bukan satu-satunya kejadian pada masa permulaan Perang Jawa. Namun ternyata pada 1762.Jawa Timur yang terletak di tepi Bengawan Solo.kembali ke Batavia dan dimasukkan ke penjara Robijn di benteng Batavia. Aksi kekerasan tersebut terjadi karena warga setempat menuduh warga asal Tiongkok dan Taiwan menyuap anggota parlemen untuk mempengaruhi hasil pemilihan perdana menteri. Apa yang menyebabkan pembantaian orang-orang Jawa Tengah terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa? Padahal mereka sebelumnya hidup damai dan rukun serta saling membantu dengan penduduk Jawa tempat mereka tinggal? Pemimpin pasukan yang melakukan .

jembatan. Pada masa itu para sultan. ia dibantu oleh seorang komandan bangsa Tionghoa yang ahli senjata api. Karena para sultan selalu kekurangan uang. pelabuhan. pangkalan di sungai-sungai. yang kemudian berkembang menjadi kerajaan Mataram. Akibatnya para Bandar ini mencari jalan untuk memungut pajak yang sebesar-besarnya dengan cara yang lebih kejam kepada penduduk.pembantaian di Ngawi. candu dan lain-lainnya. terutama para pedagang Tionghoa . sebelumnya mempunyai hubungan yang baik dengan orang-orang Tionghoa Jawa Timur yang sering meminjaminya uang. Peranan orang-orang Tionghoa muslim yang semakin besar di sejumlah kesultanan Islam yang ikut dibentuknya. senjata. terutama dalam menyediakan kebutuhan mereka akan uang perak. ternyata mengalami banyak perkembangan. Demikian juga tanah-tanah milik kesultanan banyak yang mereka sewakan kepada orang-orang Tionghoa yang dengan rajin akan mengolah sebaik-baiknya. Orang-orang Tionghoa juga dijadikan bandar-bandar pemungut pajak di jalan-jalan utama. kaliber 18 pon.senjata api dan mesiu. istri Bupati Wieasari yang sering sakitsakitan. Hubungan orang-orang Tionghoa dengan penduduk setempat di Jawa yang telah berjalan selama ratusan tahun. Oleh karena semakin banyak yang ingin terjun di bidang yang dianggap basah ini. Demikian juga senjata. Orang-orang Tionghoa juga telah memberikan sumbangan yang besar dalam pengembangan ketrampilan dan teknologi militer. Tionghoa muslim bernama Endrasena. Demikian juga banyak orang-orang peranakan Tionghoa. memasuki segala bidang kehidupan di Jawa. Ketika terjadi pemberontakan Pangeran Trunajaya dari Madura. Pada 1636 ketika Pangeran Pekik dari Surabaya menaklukkan Giri. sudah tentu semakin mahal pula yang harus dibayarkan kepada para sultan tersebut. pangeran dan pejabat kesultanan banyak yang mengambil perempuan peranakan Tionghoa yang cantik-cantik dan berkulit putih bersih untuk dijadikan selirnya. menimbulkan dampak semakin tergantungnya para raja dan pejabat lainnya kepada mereka. pasar dan lain-lainnya. kadangkadang mereka harus membayar sampai dua atau tiga kali lebih besar dari yang seharusnya mereka bayar. Malahan karena semakin ketatnya persaingan di antara mereka. Malahan banyak orang Tionghoa yang ikut bertempur bahu-membahu melawan Belanda. Orangorang Tionghoa ini berlomba-lomba melakukan penawaran untuk mendapatkan konsesi pemungutan pajak. Terutama dalam pekerjaan memungut pajak untuk menjalankan roda pemerintahan dan memenuhi kebutuhan pribadinya. maka mereka lalu meminjamnya dari para rentenir Tionghoa yang dengan senang hati akan selalu membantunya. Orang-orang Tionghoa di Gresik yang telah berabad-abad bermukim di sana membangun pusat persenjataan dan memproduksi meriam kuningan berukuran besar dan panjang. Raden Ayu Yudakusuma.Migrasi orang-orang Tionghoa yang mengalir dengan deras setelah Belanda membuka pintu demi kepentingan ekonomi kolonial yang sedang dibangunnya. banyak laporan yang dibuat orang-orang Jawa bahwa raja pendeta dari Giri mendapat bantuan dari 200 orang Tionghoa penembak cepat yang dipimpin oleh seorang anak angkatnya. ikut berjuang bersama-sama pasukan Pangeran Diponegoro.

sehingga kedudukan mereka baru dapat diganti setelah ada persetujuan dari pihak kompeni. tetapi juga bagi kantung para pejabat setempat. Pembantaian terhadap orang Tionghoa pada awal Perang Jawa telah menimbulkan kekecewaan dan prasangka yang mendalam pada diri orang. orang Tionghoa banyak yang ingin bergabung dengan pasukan Pangeran Diponegoro. bahkan banyak petugas gerbang tersebut yang dibunuh.orang Tionghoa terhadap orang Jawa. Rumah-rumah judi yang pengelolaannya dilakukan oleh orang-orang Tionghoa. Menjelang Perang Jawa terjadilah penjarahan dan pembakaran gerbanggerbang tol tempat pemungutan pajak di berbagai tempat. para bandar pemungut pajak tersebut. Ia juga melarang mereka mengambil gadis-gadis peranakan Tionghoa menjadi gundiknya. melakukan hal yang sama di daerah-daerah yang telah dikuasainya. maka sang Pangeran mengeluarkan instruksi agar mereka masuk Islam terlebih dahulu dengan disunat dan memotong kuncirnya. Pada awal Perang Jawa. Sikap takut dan curiga orang. Sesuai dengan apa yang ditulisnya sendiri di . Padahal mereka hanya menjadi alat dari kekuasaan yang ada. Pangeran Diponegoro juga bersikap sama dengan melarang para komandannya melakukan hubungan yang akrab dengan orang-orang Tionghoa. untuk menjaga keselamatan mereka yang mengakibatkan makin meningkatnya sentimen politik terhadap orang Tionghoa.orang Tionghoa ini dibalas dengan sikap yang sama oleh orang-orang Jawa. Dengan masuk Islam mereka terbebas dari pajak-pajak yang dirasa sangat memberatkannya. Sikap Diponegoro ini disebabkan oleh pengalamannya sendiri ketika menghadapi kekalahan pertempuran di Gowok. Dari sinilah mulai tumbuh "rasa benci" orang-orang Jawa. sebenarnya lebih banyak disebabkan pertimbangan ekonomi.sendiri yang kadang-kadang harus membayar sampai tiga kali lebih banyak dari yang harus dibayar orang Jawa. di luar Surakarta pada 15 Oktober 1826. Hal ini tentu saja banyak menimbulkan ekses negatif yang berpotensi besar timbulnya konflik di antara penduduk Jawa dengan orang-orang Tionghoa.terutama orang-orang Jawa Tengah di pedalaman kepada orang-orang Tionghoa yang dianggapnya sebagai pemeras dan pembawa sial dan kesengsaraan.menyesuaikan diri dengan masyarakat setempat dan mendekatkan diri dengan kultur Jawa. Sementara itu para Bandar pajak ini mendapatkan perlindungan hukum dari para Sultan atau pemerintah Hindia-Belanda. yang dilakukan para bandit setempat. yaitu untuk menghindari "pajak konde" dan pajak kepala yang dikenakan pemerintah Belanda kepada orang-orang Tionghoa. Demikian juga dengan rumah pelacuran (bordil) yang menyediakan perempuan-perempuan segar dan cantik untuk para pangeran dan pejabat kompeni Belanda. Sebagai akibatnya para penjaga gerbang tol itu mengorganisasi diri dengan membentuk pasukan pengawal yang terdiri dari orang-orang Jawa. Baik dari para sultan Jawa maupun dari pemerintah Belanda maupun Inggris. Demikian juga pemerintah Hindia-Belanda maupun Inggris yang melihat begitu efektifnya orang-orang Tionghoa dalam membantu para sultan Jawa dalam memungut pajak. Malahan mereka juga menunjuk segelintir orang Tionghoa menjadi pachter candu dengan mengijinkan mereka membuka berbagai tempat pengisapan candu yang impornya dimonopoli mereka. bukan saja bagi pemerintah. Banyaknya orang Tionghoa yang masuk Islam selain karena alasan praktis. karena ia berpendapat bahwa hubungan dengan gadis-gadis Tionghoa hanya akan membawa sial dan malapetaka. juga menjadi sumber penghasilan yang besar.

Ada 3 mayat orang Tionghoa yang bertumpuk di kamar mandi. ada mayat yang sudah menjadi arang dan tertimbun puingpuing rumah yang habis terbakar. Pati.[18][18] Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di masa pemerintahan Hindia-Belanda Berdirinya Sarekat Dagang Islam (SDI) yang diprakarsai Tirto Adhi Soerjo pada awalnya sebenarnya bukan bertujuan untuk melawan pedagang Tionghoa yang dianggap pesaing utama para pedagang Islam. Untuk mengalihkan konflik. ia telah terjebak dan "dihancurkan" oleh kecantikan seorang gadis Tionghoa yang tertangkap di daerah Panjang dan kemudian dijadikan tukang pijitnya. Dalam perkembangannya SI menjadi organisasi yang paling militan pada masa itu dalam berjuang melawan penjajah Belanda.[19][19] SDI kemudian berubah menjadi Sarekat Islam (SI) dan berkembang dengan pesat sehingga anggotanya mencapai setengah juta orang. dalam pertempuran di pesisir utara. Pada malam itu semua rumah dan toko milik orang Tionghoa di kota Kudus habis dijarah dan dibakar oleh ribuan massa Sarekat Islam yang datang dari Mayong. Persaingan antara pedagang batik dan rokok kretek Arab dengan pedagang-pedagang Tionghoa sengaja dihembus-hembuskan pemerintah kolonial Belanda dengan para penasehatnya dari Biro Umum Bumiputera. Korban meninggal dunia ada 16 orang yang terdiri dari orang-orang Tionghoa dan para perusuh. Demak dan daerah sekitarnya. Terjadilah sejumlah bentrokan kecil antara kedua kelompok pedagang tersebut yang mencapai puncaknya pada Kamis malam 31 Oktober 1918 di kota Kudus yang terkenal dengan Peristiwa Peroesoehan di Koedoes. di daerah Lasem karena melanggar perintahnya dengan menggauli seorang perempuan Tionghoa di Lasem. yang sampai sekarang masih dihembus-hembuskan oleh kalangan tertentu. pemerintah kolonial Belanda melakukan politik adu domba dan berusaha membenturkan kepentingan pedagang. Ada mayat gadis yang masuk kedalam bak mandi namun karena rumahnya terbakar matang terebus. Ada 40 rumah/toko yang habis dijarah dan dibakar dan sebuah klenteng dirusak. Prosesi ini di selenggarakan sebagai upaya menangkal wabah penyakit influenza yang menyerang kota Kudus dan telah meminta korban jiwa Karena wabah penyakit ini dikuatirkan akan meminta lebih banyak korban. Korban yang luka-luka mencapai ratusan orang yaitu kaum perusuh yang diserang polisi. Namun ada . Jepara.dalam Babad Dipanegara. Pandangannya yang keliru dan bersifat rasis inilah yang seolaholah menjadi "mitos" bahwa orang-orang Tionghoa hanya membawa sial.pedagang Islam yang dipelopori para pedagang Arab dengan pedagang Tionghoa yang menjadi saingan utamanya. telah menimbulkan anggapan Pangeran Diponegoro bahwa kalahnya dia dalam pertempuran dengan Belanda disebabkan orang-orang Tionghoa yang membawa sial dan malapetaka. Perisitiwa kerusuhan ini diawali dengan perkelahian antara sejumlah pemuda Tionghoa yang sedang melakukan prosesi arak-arakan gotong Toapekong dengan sejumlah pemuda SI. dengan maksud memojokkan etnis Tionghoa di Indonesia. Demikian juga ia menyalahkan kekalahan iparnya Sasradilaga.[17][17] Kenyataan bahwa komandan-komandan pasukannya banyak yang menggauli gadisgadis Tionghoa sebagai hiburan dan penggunaan candu secara bebas di antara prajuritnya. Selain itu sejumlah pabrik rokok dan batik habis dijarah dan dirusak. masyarakat Tionghoa di Kudus yang masih percaya akan kebiasaan yang berbau tahayul lalu mengadakan upacara gotong Toapekong untuk menghentikan wabah tersebut.

kota kecil seperti Cibadak. Mereka menggunakan kesempatan ini menghasut para pengurus dan anggota SI setempat dengan melakukan sejumlah provokasi. Pada 25 Pebruari 1919 dibacakan vonis hakim yang menjatuhkan hukuman terberat 15 tahun dan teringan 9 bulan. baik politik.kota besar mendobrak dan menjarah toko-toko P&D yang ditinggalkan pemiliknya untuk mengungsi. hukum. Masa sebelum Perang Dunia II biasa disebut zaman "normal" karena pemerintah HindiaBelanda dianggap berhasil menegakkan hukum dan menjaga kemanan sehingga penduduk merasa aman dari berbagai tindakan kejahatan (kriminal). Namun terlepas dari semuanya. Hal ini juga dilakukan pengusaha-pengusaha Tionghoa di Batavia. pihak keamanan Belanda tidak segera menghentikan kerusuhan itu dan setelah jatuh banyak korban baru meminta bantuan polisi dari Semarang. kelompok tersebut lalu mengganggu dan mengejek para peserta upacara itu. Ratusan perusuh yang ditangkap. namun hanya 69 orang saja yang diajukan ke pengadilan. Evakuasi mencapai puncaknya ketika pemerintah Hindia-Belanda memerintahkan agar para pengusaha Tionghoa menyingkir dari kotakota besar. dan Bogor telah menjadi pilihan para pengusaha Tionghoa. Ratusan pabrik milik orang Tionghoa dihancurkan pasukan Belanda yang sedang mengundurkan diri. beberapa orang dinyatakan bebas karena terbukti tidak bersalah.orang Tionghoa di Jawa Barat dan Jawa Tengah. Pembauran dan integrasi orang-orang Tionghoa dengan orang-orang Jawa yang selama ratusan tahun berjalan dengan harmonis berhasil dirusak Belanda dengan menjalankan politik segregasi di segala bidang. karena ketika pasukan Jepang mendarat di Jawa dan Sumatera. ekonomi. Peristiwa kerusuhan Kudus membuktikan keberhasilan pemerintah kolonial Belanda dalam mengadu domba etnis Tionghoa dengan golongan pribumi. Maka terjadilah berbagai aksi perampokan dan penjarahan toko-toko dan rumah-rumah orang Tionghoa yang ditinggalkan pemiliknya untuk mengungsi. Perbuatan ini telah mendorong rakyat yang hidup serba kekurangan untuk meniru tindakan para anggota militer Belanda tersebut. suasana menjadi chaos dan terjadi penggedoran dan penjarahan terhadap semua pabrik dan gudang milik Belanda dan Tionghoa oleh orang-orang Indonesia. Ternyata kebijaksanaan ini keliru. perusahaan-perusahaan Belanda telah memindahkan persediaan barangnya ke kota-kota kecil di pedalaman. Namun situasi ini berubah sepenuhnya pada saat tentara Jepang mendarat di Jawa. Di Jawa Barat kota. hanya 32 yang selamat dari perusakan. karena kalah bersaing dengan para pengusaha Tionghoa. Peristiwa kerusuhan di Kudus yang merupakan puncak dari berbagai kerusuhan kecil yang dimulai di Surabaya dan Solo pada 1912. Dari 130 pabrik gula yang berada di pulau Jawa pada 1940. Yang paling disesalkan masyarakat Tionghoa Kudus. adalah awal dari rangkaian kerusuhan rasial anti Tionghoa yang berlangsung selama abad ke-20. Namun pada keesokan malamnya terjadilah kerusuhan tersebut. Untuk mengantisipasi serangan pasukan Jepang.sekelompok haji yang menjadi pengusaha pabrik rokok kretek yang selama ini merasa dirugikan. . Ternyata para pemuda Tionghoa tersebut terpancing dan terjadi perkelahian yang kemudian berhasil dilerai. pemerintah kolonial Belanda dalam usahanya menegakkan "law and order" masih mau menyeret para pelaku dan dalangnya ke pengadilan. Sindanglaya. dan kebudayaan. beberapa bulan sebelumnya. Kerugian paling banyak dialami orang. Ketika berlangsung prosesi. Tentara Belanda yang mengundurkan diri dari kota.

Tan Hoan Kie. Ternyata terdapat empat orang Tionghoa yang diangkat menjadi menjadi anggota yaitu: Liem Koen Hian. Di dalam sidang PPKI pada 18 Agustus 1945.Soekarno sebagai ketua dan Drs. Hatta sebagai Wakil Ketua. perkebunan-perkebunan di sekitar Medan. UUD 1945 disahkan dan Ir. H. .usaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (BPUPKI) yang susunan anggotanya diumumkan pada 29 April 1945 dibawah pimpinan Dr. Tentara Kerajaan Belanda kemudian berusaha kembali ke Indonesia dengan mendompleng tentara sekutu dan mendirikan pemerintahan NICA (Netherlandsch Indies Civil Administration) dibawah pimpinan Letnan Gubernur Jenderal Dr. Soekarno diangkat menjadi Presiden pertama RI dan Drs.[20][20] Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di masa Perang Kemerdekaan Pada 1 Maret 1945. Demikian juga dengan Hioe Nyan Yoeng. Pasukan. Moh. Oei Tjong Hauw. department store terbesar yang memindahkan stok barangnya ke Sukabumi. Di Sumatera. pusat perdagangan pengusaha Tionghoa dan grosir tekstil menderita kerugian terbesar. Dimulailah periode revolusi bersenjata melawan Belanda dalam mempertahankan Republik dan mengusir penjajah Belanda untuk selamalamanya dari bumi Indonesia. Hatta sebagai wakil Presiden.Aksi penjarahan tersebut hanya berlangsung beberapa hari karena berhasil diredam pasukan Jepang yang bertindak tegas terhadap para penjarah tersebut dan hukuman mati dijatuhkan kepada mereka yang terlibat dalam kerusuhan bersenjata. Daerah Pintu Kecil. Di daerah pedalaman. van Mook. Tjung See Gan seorang importir dan grosir tekstil terbesar yang memindahkan stok barangnya ke Cibadak menderita kerugian 370. Setelah melalui berbagai perundingan yang menghasilkan berbagai perjanjian yang merugikan Republik antara lain Perjanjian Linggajati dan Perjanjian Renville. Demikian juga di daerah Jembatan Lima. pada 20 Juli 1947 tengah malam.J. tambang-tambang dan kilang minyak serta tambang batu bara di sekitar Palembang dan Padang diduduki. pemilik toko De Zon. Saiko Syikikan (Panglima Tertinggi Tentara Jepang ke-16 untuk Jawa dan Sematera) Letjen Kumakichi Harada mengumumkan pembentukan Dokoritu Zunbi Tyoosa Kai atau Badan Penyelidik Usaha.000 gulden. Daerah Tanjung Priok juga mengalami nasib yang sama. diperkirakan jumlah kerugian mencapai dua juta gulden. pengusaha tekstil terkemuka lainnya menderita kerugian 280. 7080% pengusaha Tionghoa menjadi korban penjarahan. Moh. Oei Tiang Tjoei.pasukan Belanda bergerak dari Jakarta dan Bandung untuk menduduki Jawa Barat dan dari Surabaya untuk menduduki Madura dan ujung timur Jawa. KRT Radjiman Wedioningrat.000 gulden. Belanda melancarkan agresi militer atau "aksi polisionil" yang pertama. mengalami nasib yang sama dengan kedua orang tersebut. Di daerah Krawang. Mereka ini termasuk para founding fathers yang merancang konsitusi atau UUD 1945 sebagai persiapan dalam menghadapi proklamasi kemerdekaan. Demikian juga daerah sekitar Semarang diamankan. DI Jakarta pasukan Belanda menduduki kantor-kantor Republik Indonesia dan menangkap anggota-anggota delegasi yang sedang berunding dengan Belanda.Kemudian pada 7 Agustus 1945 di Jakarta diumumkan terbentuknya Dokuritu Zunbi Inkai atau Panitia Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (PPKI) yang dipimpin Ir. Drs. Yap Tjwan Bing dipilih menjadi anggota mewakili etnis Tionghoa. sembilan dari sepuluh toko dijarah habis. beras dijarah habis dari gudang-gudang penggilingan beras. Kerugian yang diderita para pengusaha Tionghoa diperkirakan berjumlah 100 juta gulden. dan Tan Eng Hoa.

perampokan dan penjarahan yang dilakukan para gangster dan kriminal yang bekerja sama dengan oknum. Lim Tjoen Nio seorang gadis berusia 20 tahun dan Lim Tiang Tjeng seorang anak berusia 3 tahun dibakar hidup-hidup. pada September 1946 diserang . malahan dengan oknum TKR. Diperkirakan ada 25.Pada hari itu seluruh orang Tionghoa menyatakan ikut berkabung dengan menutup semua toko dan perusahaan miliknya dan sepanjang hari hanya berdiam di rumah.[23][23] Di Bagan Siapi-api lain lagi. Menurut laporan. 1.Pasukan Republik dalam keadaan bingung dan panik akibat aksi polisionil Belanda yang tiba-tiba segera bergerak mundur ke pedalaman dan melakukan taktik bumi hangus serta menghancurkan segala apa yang dapat dihancurkan. toko.188). Di berbagai tempat di Jawa Barat. Masyarakat Tionghoa lalu mengumumkan 11 Juni 1946 sebagai hari Duka Cita. Di kota yang terletak di pantai timur Sumatera yang penduduknya hampir seluruhnya nelayan Tionghoa. Pembunuhan massal tersebut belum berhenti sampai pada 8 Juni. pabrik. Sebagian ada yang ditampung di gedung perkumpulan Sin Ming Hui. Peristiwa keji tersebut menimbulkan kegeraman di kalangan banyak orang. dan berbagai harta benda milik orang Tionghoa. Malahan di beberapa tempat terjadi pembunuhan terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa yang tak berdosa dengan tuduhan menjadi agen atau mata-mata NICA. penjarahan dan pembakaran rumah-rumah. mayatnya ditumpuk dan hartanya dijarah lalu rumahnya dibakar. Jawa Tengah. termasuk 136 perempuan dan 36 anak-anak.[22][22] Dalam keadaan stress. Lim Tjiaw Hie yang telah berusia 71 tahun. Menurut laporan yang diterima Palang Merah Jang Seng Ie Jakarta. Terjadi pembunuhan besar. Di daerah Mauk malah laki-laki Tionghoa diminta membuka celananya untuk kemudian disunat secara paksa. bengkel. 653 orang Tionghoa telah dibunuh di daerah Tangerang dan sekitarnya. Antara lain kawasan Mauk. orang-orang Tionghoa mengamati dan mencatat dengan cermat seluruh kejadian yang menakutkan. di desa Panggang (Cilongok). Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di Jawa Barat terjadi pada 3 Juni 1946 jauh sebelum aksi polisionil yang pertama. termasuk perempuan dan anak-anak yang dibakar hidup-hidup. Serpong dan Krawang.000 orang pengungsi di Jakarta yang datang dari daerah tersebut.besaran terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa yang berdiam di daerah sebelah barat sungai Tangerang (Cisedane). dan Jawa Timur terjadi perampokan. Demikian juga perempuan Tionghoa banyak yang diperkosa secara brutal.Ratusan orang Tionghoa yang tidak berdosa dibantai dengan kejam. Di Medan terjadi gelombang pembunuhan.oknum organsasi pemuda.[21][21] Pada 3 Juni 1946.268 rumah dibakar habis dan 236 lainnya dirusak. perusahaan. Dengan cepat aksi pembunuhan di Tangerang menyebar ke berbagai tempat. The New York Times edisi 6 Juni 1946 melaporkan 600 orang Tionghoa yang dituduh bekerja sama dengan Belanda dibunuh dan desanya dibakar. di Molenvliet West (Jl. Namun dalam keadaan kacau dan tidak terkendali terjadi ekses terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa. Gajah Mada No. sejak tanggal 1 sampai 5 Juni terjadi 28 kasus pembakaran di sekitar Tangerang dimana orang-orang Tionghoa dibakar hidup-hidup.

Prapatan. 23. 27. Rajagaluh. mereka berusaha mengisolasi kota Bagan Siapi-api sehingga sekitar 14.penjarahan. Gombong. Kemuning. Rawatamtu. 26. 10. 6. Sukabumi dan Cibadak. Kalisat. Outlining Acts And Inhumanity Perpetrated By Indonesian Bands. dan Mumbusari. Krawang dan Cikampek. 5. namun mereka yang selamat melakukan perlawanan dengan menggunakan senjata seadanya. Tetapi banyak juga yang berhasil melarikan diri dan menurut Departemen Sosial Inggris. Kejadian yang hebat terjadi di kawasan Jawa Timur. Curamalang. 30. Mjang. Bangsalsarie. Menghadapi serangan yang tiba-tiba. Maja. Karena serangan tersebut gagal. Gajasan. Di Telok Poelau 34 orang. Beberapa daerah di mana . Cilacap. Dalam Memorandum tersebut dengan jelas dan rinci dilaporkan jumlah korban sebagai akibat penjarahan. Picoro. Wirolegi dan Aryoso.000 orang anggota pasukan Angkatan Laut Republik. Tempuran. 4. Dembulsari. Di Bangko 20 orang Tionghoa dibunuh. Pembakaran. Kuningan. Salatiga. di Palembang 250 orang Tionghoa yang tidak berdosa dibunuh dan kerugian yang diderita diperkirakan 20 juta gulden. 24. Ceracas dan Cilimus. para nelayan sering diganggu para perompak yang mendapat bantuan anggota Angkatan Laut Republik. 28. Simpalan. 14.pemerkosaan dan pembunuhan terus berlangsung di berbagai daerah di Jawa dan Sumatera hingga akhir 1949. Sukateja. Nogosari. 32. Jember. Tanggul. 2. dibantu 450 orang tentara menyerbu pemukiman Tionghoa di Bagan Siapi-api. Pada 18 September 1946. 40. Purwokerto. 8. sekitar 4. Jamblang dan Arjawinangun. Surabaya dilepaskan dan dipersenjatai serta direkrut ke dalam sejumlah satuan pasukan. Mengaran dan Jatiroto. Pekalongan. Kaliwining. tidak kurang dari 2. Keselir Kulon. 200 orang Tionghoa meninggal dunia. 18. perkosaan dan pembunuhan terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa sebagai ekses aksi polisionil pada Juli 1947 bisa dilihat laporan yang dikeluarkan Chung Hua Tsung Hui Batavia pada 15 September 1947 untuk Liga Bangsa. Jatiwangi. Mereka ini dipersilahkan melakukan apa saja asal membantu pengosongan kota guna mendukung politik bumi hangus yang dipilih pihak Republik. pembunuhan dan perkosaan terhadap penduduk Tionghoa di daerah-daerah dan kota sebagai berikut: 1. di Mentaga 40 orang. Petung. 15. 1947.[24][24] Selanjutnya untuk memberi gambaran yang lebih jelas mengenai para korban selama terjadi penjarahan. 34. Talaga dan sekitarnya. 17. yaitu Memorandum. Wangon. 22. 38. Tegal. Indramayu. Sebelum penyerangan tersebut. Polisi juga dengan cepat mengambil bagian dalam serangan tersebut.orang-orang Indonesia. Sumberjambe. 21. 20. Selanjutnya pada Januari 1947. pembakaran. pihak penyerbu terpaksa mengundurkan diri ke pedalaman sambil melakukan pembunuhan terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa yang ditemuinya.000 orang menjadi pengungsi di Malaka. Jatitujuh. Jangawah. Gumukmas. Menghadapi perlawanan tersebut. Ciawigebang dan daerah sekitarnya. Bobotsari. dan Puger. Tanjong Rejo dan Wuluhan. 7. Ambulu. 29.000 penduduk Tionghoa menghadapi bahaya kelaparan. 25. Malang. dan Rambogudono. 19. 9. Kutobeda dan Buring. Manglis dan Panti. 11. 12. 13.Bangsa. 21. 35. Kencong. 31. terutama sejak para tahanan penjara Kalisosok. 33. perampokan. 39. Purbalingga. Rambipuji. Jalaksana. Cikijing. 3. 36. Sukowono. Majalengka. Lawang. Singosari. di Djembra 75 orang. Ledokombo. Lumajang. Gugut. Kadipaten. 16. dan Sekar. On Innocent Chinese Before And After The Dutch Police Action Was Enforced On July. Karanganyar. 37.

bangunan vital saja yang harus dihancurkan. tampak dengan jelas bahwa Belanda melakukan politik adu domba dengan mengorbankan orang-orang Tionghoa. Karena dalam setiap gerakan pasukan Belanda. Semua yang diperoleh lalu dikumpulkan dan dibagi di antara para pembunuh. Harta mereka yang kebanyakan emas dan permata yang dijahit diujung baju diambili.penganiayaan.[25][25] Demikianlah rangkaian penjarahan. apabila akan memasuki suatu daerah atau kota. Seharusnya hanya bangunan. Mereka lalu diminta membuat lubang yang kemudian ditumpuki kayu. Malahan di Sukabumi pasukan Belanda melakukan pemberitahuan terlebih dahulu dengan menyebarkan pamflet. Hal ini sebagai ekses taktik bumi hangus yang dijalankan oleh TRI yang dipelopori Divisi Siliwangi. Baru ketika menghadapi kedatangan pasukan Belanda. Kebanyakan pembunuhan dilakukan dengan cara menggiring semua orang Tionghoa keluar kota dengan mengatakan bahwa kota harus dikosongkan. namun dalam pelaksanaannya terjadi banyak ekses dan penyelewengan yang dilakukan oknum-oknum TRI yang diikuti laskar-laskar liar yang sukar dikendalikan. penjarahan dan pembakaran dilakukan oleh pasukan Indonesia. Memang revolusi memerlukan pengorbanan. Begitu sampai di luar kota. tetapi apa yang diderita etnis Tionghoa bukanlah pengorbanan tetapi kekonyolan yang sia-sia. rombongan dipisahkan antara laki-laki dengan perempuan dan anak-anak.mayoritas Tionghoa jadi korban aksi penjarahan dan pembunuhan ini antara lain adalah daerah Kertosono. Dengan segera Belanda menyiarkan seluruh kejadian yang menimpa orang Tionghoa dengan tujuan memojokkan Republik yang dianggap barbar dan belum layak untuk merdeka. . Laki-laki dewasa dibagi dalam kelompok-kelompok lalu digiring ke hutanhutan dan pegunungan. sebelum tiba di sasaran mereka akan menghentikan gerakannya dan beristirahat terlebih dahulu. bahkan menyiksa dan membunuhnya. Sungguh sangat disayangkan para pemimpin Republik kurang waspada dan secara naïf memakan umpan yang disodorkan Belanda sehingga terjadi tindakan yang sangat merugikan reputasi Indonesia di mata dunia dan menyebabkan etnis Tionghoa harus menanggung semua penderitaannya.pembakaran. walaupun penangkapan terhadap orangorang yang dicurigai sebagai mata-mata berlangsung dari waktu ke waktu. Orang Tionghoa yang mengungsi biasa membawa semua anggota keluarga berikut harta bendanya. Caruban. toko dan rumah milik orang Tionghoa yang tidak berdosa yang menjadi sasaran penjarahan dan pembakaran. Wlingi dan Malang.perkosaan dan pembunuhan yang dialami orang-orang Tionghoa sebagai ekses revolusi kemerdekaan tahun 1946-1949. Mayat-mayat yang berserakan kemudian ditimbun dengan tanah. Justeru bangunan-bangunan pabrik. Tindakan penjarahan dan pembakaran ini bukan saja usaha Belanda untuk mengadu domba pribumi Indonesia dengan orang Tionghoa. Tulungagung. Kediri. Nganjuk. tetapi lebih dari itu merupakan suatu grand strategi Belanda untuk menghancurkan reputasi Republik Indonesia di mata Internasional. Keesokan harinya orang-orang Tionghoa tersebut diminta berkumpul di dalam lubang tersebut untuk kemudian ditembaki. Blitar. Sebenarnya sebelum kedatangan pasukan Belanda. memberikan kesempatan kepada laskar-laskar dan gerombolan-gerombolan liar untuk menjarah dan membakar toko-toko dan rumah-rumah orang-orang Tionghoa. orang Tionghoa yang berdiam di daerah Republik tidak mengalami gangguan. Kalau kita perhatikan dengan seksama. Madiun.

Soumoukil yang berhasi ditangkap dan kemudian dijatuhi hukuman mati oleh Sidang Mahkamah Militer Luar Biasa (Mahmilub). Pada pertengahan 1958 praktis pemberontakan tersebut berhasil dipatahkan walaupun seluruh kekuatan para pemberontak baru berhasil dihancurkan pada 1961. Sebelumnya pada 2 Maret 1957 Saleh Sahade membacakan piagam Perjuangan Semesta Alam (PERMESTA). Juga dinyatakan dalam UUDS bahwa sistim pemerintahan (kabinet) adalah parlementer yang tidak bertanggung jawab kepada presiden melainkan kepada parlemen.1959) dan Demokrasi Terpimpin (1959-1965). Pada 17 Pebruari 1958 PERMESTA menggabungkan diri dengan PRRI. UUDS 1950 disusun oleh Panitia Bersama yang terdiri dari 14 orang dan dibentuk oleh Badan Pekerja KNIP (Komite Nasional Indonesia Pusat) dan Pimpinan DPR-RIS. Suatu hal yang sangat penting adalah dihapusnya Pasal 6 ayat 1 UUD-45 (pasal yang sangat rasialis) yang menyatakan presiden Indonesia adalah orang Indonesia asli. Selama berlakunya UUDS-1950 sampai dikeluarkannya Dekrit 5 Juli 1959 untuk kembali ke UUD-1945 oleh Presiden Soekarno. Pemberontakan tersebut hanya bertahan beberapa bulan. saat memperingati hari ulang tahun Proklamasi Kemerdekaan. Kahar Muzakkar di Sulawesi Selatan dan Daud Beureu'eh di Aceh. Disamping itu juga terjadi pemberontakan Republik Maluku Selatan (RMS) di bawah pimpinan Dr. . Kekacauan lain adalah pemberontakan PRRI/PERMESTA yang dimulai pada 15 Pebruari 1958 dengan diprokamirkannya Pemerintah Revolusioner Republik Indonesia (PRRI) oleh Kolonel Ahmad Husein. dalam UUDS dicantumkan dengan mengambil oper seluruh Universal Declaration of Human Rights PBB yang telah disahkan oleh Sidang Umum PBB pada 10 Desember 1948. Hak-hak asasi manusia yang dalam UUD-1945 tidak dinyatakan secara jelas. Pasal 33 UUD-1945 yang dihapus oleh UUD-RIS. UUDS ini berlaku sampai dilaksanakannnya pemilihan umum yang akan menyusun UUD baru. Sementara Kahar Muzakkar tertembak mati dalam sebuah operasi militer di hutan Sulawesi Selatan. Bentuk negara adalah negara kesatuan menggantikan negara federal UUD-RIS. Sehingga sebenarnya kekuasaan tidak berada di tangan Presiden Soekarno. Republik Indonesia Serikat (RIS) sebagai hasil Konferensi Meja Bundar (KMB) yang berlangsung 23 Agustus-2 Nopember di Den Haag dibubarkan dan dideklarasikan berdirinya Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia (NKRI) dengan Undang-Undang Dasar Sementara (UUDS) yang selesai disusun pada 24 Juli. nyaris tidak terjadi aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa yang berarti.Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di masa Demokrasi Parlementer (1950. Pada 17 Agustus 1950. Kartosuwiryo akhirnya berhasil tertangkap dalam sebuah operasi militer di hutan di Jawa Barat dan pada sidang Mahkamah Angkatan Darat Keadaan Perang untuk Jawa dan Madura (Mahadper) pada 16 Agustus 1962 dijatuhi hukuman mati. pasal ini juga telah dirubah menjadi presiden dan wakil presiden adalah orang Indonesia sejak kelahirannya dan tidak pernah menerima kewarganegaraan lain atas kehendaknya sendiri. Ketentuan ini tidak disinggung sedikit pun dalam UUDS. Ternyata UUDS ini berhasil mengakomodasi seluruh jiwa Proklamasi 17 Agustus 1945 yang sangat esensial. Syukur dalam amandemen UUD-1945 ke-3 yang dilakukan MPR pada 21 Nopember 2001. Soumoukil. Yang terjadi adalah aksi-aksi kekacauan yang dilakukan gerombolan DI/TII Kartosuwiryo di Jawa Barat–Jawa Tengah. Demikian juga dengan Dr. dihidupkan kembali dalam Pasal 38 UUDS. Antara lain Pancasila dimasukkan kembali ke dalam Mukadimah UUDS tersebut. Salah seorang anggotanya adalah Siauw Giok Tjhan.

Para penguasa militer di daerahdaerah dengan seenaknya mengusir bukan saja orang-orang Tionghoa asing tetapi juga orang-orang Tionghoa yang berdasarkan UU Kewarganegaraan tahun 1946 telah menjadi warga negara Indonesia. sehingga terjadi kesimpang siuran dalam menentukan yang mana asing dan mana WNI. karena pada masa itu Undang-Undang Kewarganegaraan Tahun 1958 belum dilaksanakan. Ia menyatakan bahwa peraturan semacam ini tidak bisa dikeluarkan oleh seorang menteri. yaitu di luar ibukota daerah swatantra tingkat I dan tingkat II yang berlaku sejak 1 Januari 1960. Ia juga memperingatkan kalau sampai orang-orang Tionghoa tersebut diusir dari tempat kediaman dan usahanya di daerah pedalaman. Presiden Soekarno sangat marah kepada Rachmat Moeljomiseno. Presiden Soekarno secara de fakto baru benar-benar memegang kekuasaan sejak 5 Juli 1959 dengan membentuk kabinet gotong royong dan menerapkan doktrin Demokrasi Terpimpin. seorang tokoh NU yang pernah aktif di KENSI. Rupanya peraturan ini sengaja dikeluarkan pada saat Presiden Soekarno sedang berada di luar negeri. Tanpa terduga sebelumnya. pada Agustus 1958. akan menimbulkan kemunduran ekonomi Indonesia. Sebenarnya PP-10 ini merupakan kelanjutan dari Peraturan Menteri Perdagangan Kabinet Djuanda yang dijabat Rachmat Moeljomiseno. melainkan harus merupakan sebuah undang-undang yang disahkan DPR. Presiden Soekarno pada November 1959 dengan tiba-tiba menandatangani Peraturan Pemerintah N0. Ada yang berpendapat bahwa Presiden Soekarno mendapat tekanan dari militer dan partai-partai Islam. Siauw Giok Tjhan menyatakan bahwa orang-orang Tionghoa mempunyai usaha yang legal di daerah.daerah pedalaman yang otomatis mendapatkan perlindungan hukum internasional yang harus dipatuhi pemerintah Indonesia. Ketika peraturan ini diterbitkan. Peraturan tersebut dikeluarkan pada Mei 1959.10 atau yang lebih terkenal dengan sebutan PP-10. Semua sekolah Kuomintang di seluruh Indonesia ditutup dan gedungnya dijadikan sekolah negeri. sehingga dalam kabinet yang dibentuk setelah 5 Juli 1959 ia tidak diikut-sertakan.Peraturan ini berisi larangan bagi orang-orang asing (terutama ditujukan kepada orang-orang Tionghoa) untuk berdagang eceran di daerah-daerah pedalaman.Karena keterlibatan Taiwan dalam pemberontakan PRRI/PERMESTA. kegiatan Kuomintang dilarang di seluruh Indonesia. Demikian juga seluruh perusahaan milik orang-orang Kuomintang diambil alih militer. Sudah tentu peraturan yang rasialis ini sangat mengejutkan dan menggoncangkan sendisendi kehidupan orang Tionghoa di Indonesia. Seluruh pimpinannya ditangkap atau melarikan diri ke luar negeri. Siauw Giok Tjhan segera menentangnya di DPR. Sudah tentu hal ini sangat merugikan para pedagang Islam yang baru bermunculan. Keahlian dan pengalaman yang dimiliki orang-orang Tionghoa yang telah beberapa generasi lamanya akan merusak dan melumpuhkan jaringan distribusi di daerah pedalaman. Apa yang sesungguhnya menjadi alasan sehingga Presiden Soekarno akhirnya menandatangani peraturan tersebut tetap menjadi tanda tanya dan kontroversi. berisi larangan bagi orang asing untuk tinggal dan berdagang di daerah pedalaman. Ketika kembali dari lawatannya ke luar negeri dan mengetahui adanya peraturan tersebut. Para . Pada umumnya perdagangan eceran di daerah pedalaman didominasi para pedagang Tionghoa yang telah mempunyai pengalaman dan jaringan beberapa generasi.

seorang perempuan Tionghoa mati tertembak karena ia bersama keluarganya mencoba bertahan dan tidak mau meninggalkan tempat kediamannya.000 orang Tionghoa yang meninggalkan Indonesia untuk bermukim kembali di Tiongkok. Satu-satunya aksi kekerasan anarkis yang terjadi dimasa Demokrasi Terpimpin adalah peristiwa rasialis 10 Mei 1963 di Jawa Barat. Murad (seorang aktivis PSI) yang menjadi tertuduh dalam kecelakaan lalu lintas di jalan raya Gronggong. sehingga pada akhir 1960-an.pedagang Islam yang pada umumnya berkiblat ke NU dan Masjumi merasa sulit bersaing dengan pedagang Tionghoa.RRT. Ada juga orang-orang Tionghoa yang memilih pindah ke Singapore. sehingga oleh pihak militer mereka dipaksa meninggalkan tempat kediamannya. Berbagai cerita yang penuh penderitaan di daratan Tiongkok menyebabkan menurunnya minat orang-orang Tionghoa untuk kembali ke Tiongkok. Sebuah mobil di muka toko Medan. berbondong. Amerika. Eropa. Terjadi perkelahian di Pengadilan Negeri Cirebon antara pemuda-pemuda Tionghoa dengan pemuda-pemuda pribumi. akhirnya mereka berusaha ke luar dari daratan Tiongkok untuk dapat bermukim di Hongkong. Hal ini terjadi karena Pengadilan menjatuhkan vonis bebas kepada putera Dr. Pada saat itu timbul keguncangan dan demam repatriasi di kalangan masyarakat Tionghoa. di pinggiran Cirebon. Peristiwa ini meminta korban harta benda orang Tionghoa yang cukup besar. Pelaksanaan PP-10 ini menimbulkan ketegangan hubungan diplomatik RI. Tetapi kondisi dan sistim masyarakat di tempat baru serta kebiasaan di tempat lama di Indonesia. tetapi banyak juga pemuda dan pelajar Tionghoa yang menyambut dengan gembira dan dengan penuh semangat berbekal keranjang-keranjang rotan dan peti-peti besar berisi berbagai macam keperluan. ditambah lagi dengan kendala bahasa ternyata menimbulkan banyak kesengsaraan. Bukan hanya para pedagang tetapi yang tidak berdagang pun diusir. Rupanya vonis hakim yang membebaskan tertuduh tidak memuaskan keluarga korban dan teman-temannya. pemerintah RRT menyampaikan protes-protesnya dan menyatakan kesediaannya menampung korban PP-10 dengan mengirimkan beberapa kapalnya dan mengangkut mereka untuk ditempatkan di berbagai tempat di Tiongkok. Pada saat pulang dari pengadilan para pemuda pribumi mulai melakukan perusakan terhadap toko-toko milik Tionghoa dengan cara melemparinya dengan batu. Berbagai insiden menyedihkan terjadi. Murad menabrak seorang pemuda Tionghoa yang kemudian meninggal dunia. gelombang tersebut surut sama sekali. Dalam kecelakaan tersebut putera Dr. Peristiwa ini diawali di Cirebon pada akhir Maret 1963. Pada awalnya bukan hanya mereka yang menjadi korban PP-10. lalu terjadi terjadi perkelahian di halaman pengadilan antara pemuda-pemuda tersebut dengan sekelompok pemuda pribumi. Dengan dikeluarkannya peraturan tersebut mereka merasa diuntungkan. Brasil dan negara-negara lainnya untuk mencari kehidupan baru di sana. . Macau dan negara lainnya.bondong berangkat ke tanah harapan. Serawak. Melalui Duta Besar Huang Chen dan Radio Peking. Tindakan paling buruk dilakukan pihak militer di Jawa Barat dibawah pimpinan Kolonel Kosasih. seperti di Cimahi pada Juli 1960. Merasa tidak betah. Orang Tionghoa dianggap semuanya berstatus dwikewarganegaraan atau asing. Pada masa itu lebih dari 136.

Kerusuhan tersebut diawali dengan perkelahian di kampus ITB antara seorang mahasiswa Tionghoa dengan seorang mahasiswa pribumi karena terjadi senggolan sepeda motor. Yang terparah disamping Bandung adalah Cianjur dan Sukabumi. Cianjur. terdiri dari 28 truk. Kerusakan lainnya 4 pabrik di bakar (1 pabrik kertas. dan Sukabumi. Disamping itu 114 rumah dan 2 gedung bioskop dirusak. anggota DPR-RI fraksi PNI. Selanjutnya 40 toko bersama isinya habis dijarah dan dibakar. Di samping itu 2 becak dibakar para pengemudinya. sedangkan Peristiwa 10 Mei di Bandung telah mengakibatkan kerugian pada 500 buah toko. 63 mobil habis dibakar dan puluhan kendaraan lainnya dirusak. Tetapi anehnya baru pada 10 Mei 1963. mantan anggota PPKI yang turut mengesahkan UUD 1945. 4 jeep.[26][26] Dari Bandung aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa menjalar ke kota-kota sekelilingnya antara lain Garut. 20 oplet. [27][27] Peristiwa ini menimbulkan banyak reaksi. Sudah tentu para pemimpin . rumah tinggal dan kendaraan milik Tionghoa menjadi korban perusakan para pemuda anarkis. Peristiwa di Tegal telah menimbulkan kerugian materiil sebesar 650 juta. Kerusuhan dimulai dari daerah Tegallega. Di Sukabumi 98 kendaraan bermotor habis dibakar. ratusan rumah tinggal. aksi kerusuhan anti Tionghoa tersebut menjalar ke Bandung. Di Cianjur 137 kendaraan bermotor habis dibakar.Jumlah toko yang dirusak 316 sedangkan barang-barang isi toko tersebut habis dibakar. 4 pick-up dan 11 sepeda motor. 4 mobil tangki minyak. Padahal salah seorang anaknya menderita lumpuh akibat terkena penyakit polio. 7 bus. Sebuah mobil baru milik Yap Tjwan Bing habis dibakar massa pemuda. Kendaraan lainnya yang menjadi korban. karena istrinya menjadi trauma dan kuatir apabila kejadian serupa terulang kembali. Ironis sekali salah seorang yang menjadi korban adalah Drs. 1 pabrik aci atau tapioka dan I pabrik teh). Bogor. Banjar dan di kampung Panumbangan. 1 pick-up dan 2 sepeda motor. Sebuah pabrik teh dibakar. 57 oplet. Namun kejadian tersebut dapat segera diatasi dan tidak berlanjut. anggota Dewan Kurator ITB dan anggota Panitia Ujian Fakultas Farmasi Universitas Padjadjaran. 3 bus. 2 pabrik aci dibakar yaitu di kampung Cijambu. Malahan kabarnya terdapat korban jiwa dalam aksi kerusuhan itu. anggota Dewan Pimpinan Pusat PNI. rumahnya yang terletak di jalan Cipaganti 32 akan menjadi sasaran. 12 sedan. rumah tinggal dan kendaraan milik orang Tionghoa di Bandung. Kejadian inilah yang menyebabkan Yap Tjwan Bing dan keluarganya meninggalkan Indonesia untuk menetap di Belanda dan kemudian pindah ke Amerika Serikat. PKI dan kelompok kiri lainnya dengan segera mengeluarkan pernyataan bahwa peristiwa ini adalah peristiwa rasialis kontra revolusioner yang didalangi oleh sisa-sisa Masjumi dan PSI. terdiri dari 52 truk. Di luar kota Ciamis selain sebuah pabrik soun di Cisaga. Kemudian dipelopori mahasiswa ITB dan mahasiswa Universitas Padjadjaran. Demikian juga Baperki mempunyai pandangan yang sama. Tasikmalaya. dimulailah aksi perusakan toko-toko. Sebaliknya LPKB di bawah pimpinan Sindhunata mengeluarkan selebaran berisi pernyataan bahwa peristiwa ini disebabkan oleh prilaku orang Tionghoa yang ekslusif dan suka pamer kemewahan.di jalan Pasuketan dibakar massa menyebabkan terjadi kepanikan di kalangan masyarakat Tionghoa Cirebon. 35 becak dan 167 sepeda hangus dibakar. 30 sedan. Ratusan toko. 16 rumah tinggal hancur dilempari massa anarkis. demikian juga bungalownya di Lembang di rusak.Kerugian lainnya 120 ton aci habis dibakar. Yap Tjwan Bing. 1 pabrik tenun. hanya saja pada 5-6 Mei sempat menjalar ke Tegal.

Baperki. Namun untuk menampung aspirasi dan menjaga mobilitas para mahasiswa. Puluhan ribu orang Tionghoa di seluruh Indonesia baik yang menjadi pengurus atau anggota PKI. Orang-orang Tionghoa dituduh menjadi kolone kelima.agen CIA dan MI-6 mendapatkan dukungan dari LPKB dan perwira-perwira AD dan pimpinan partai politik yang anti Tionghoa dengan memojokkan Baperki serta mengkondisikan terjadinya aksi-aksi anti Tionghoa. tanpa perlindungan dan mudah dipermainkan.Baperki memprotes para pimpinan LPKB yang dianggap secara provokatif mengipasi kemarahan massa. pemuda dan pelajar yang tergabung dalam KAPPI/KAMI/Laskar Ampera ARH. pihak militer juga melakukan penangkapan terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa dengan tuduhan yang sama. Pemuda Rakyat. tukang timbun dan sama sekali tidak pernah peduli dengan kepentingan rakyat. harus dicari "kambing hitam". Pemilihan etnis Tionghoa untuk dijadikan kambing hitam dengan pertimbangan bahwa mereka adalah golongan yang secara politis sangat lemah. Sebenarnya tujuan utamanya adalah untuk memeras uangnya. Chung Hua Tsung Hui. terutama masalah inflasi tidak dapat diperbaiki dengan segera. merebut kursi presiden dari Soekarno. Maka hal yang paling mudah adalah dengan menimpakan segala kesalahan ini kepada orang-orang Tionghopa. banyak juga yang . Pada masa itu Perang Vietnam sebagai manifestasi perang dingin antara kubu negara-negara kapitalis Barat dibawah pimpinan Amerika Serikat dan Inggris dengan kubu negara. IPPI. Di dalam negeri sendiri agen. Kampanyei anti Tionghoa ini disponsori oleh kekuatan asing terutama Inggris dan Amerika Serikat. ditimbulkan oleh faktor-faktor eksternal dan internal. kader dan anggota PKI dan ormas-ormasnya yang dituduh terlibat G30S. Tidak ada satu pun negara di permukaan bumi yang terhindar dari pengaruh perang dingin. Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di masa Orde Baru Selaras dengan aksi penumpasan G30S/PKI maka dimulailah kampanye anti "Cina" (Sinophobia) baik yang ditujukan kepada pemerintah RRT yang secara aktif melalui Radio Peking dan kantor berita Hsinhua menyerang rezim militer Soeharto-Nasution. Chiao Chung maupun hanya simpatisan saja atau bukan. Setelah PKI dibubarkan dan Presiden Soekarno dikurangi kekuasaannya dengan membentuk kabinet baru. maupun kepada orang-orang Tionghoa di Indonesia.negara sosialis Eropa Timur dan Asia dibawah pimpinan Uni Soviet dan RRT sedang mencapai puncaknya. Dalam melakukan operasi-operasi penangkapan dan pengejaran terhadap pimpinan. kalau dituduh berindikasi PKI langsung "diciduk" (ditangkap) pihak militer. PPI. Jadi dapat disimpulkan bahwa kampanye dan kerusuhan-kerusuhan anti Tionghoa yang terjadi setelah G30S. Dalam kalkulasi Soeharto. baik WNI mau pun WNA yang dituduh menjadi pengacau dan parasit ekonomi. Perhimi. kekuatan para mahasiswa dan pemuda merupakan kekuatan yang ampuh dan masih dibutuhkan dalam menyelesaikan tahap akhir rencananya. Pemerintah Amerika dan terutama peemrintah Inggris merencanakan dan mensponsori kampanye dan aski-aksi antiTionghoa yang seolah-olah mendapatkan "dukungan" dari kegiatan Radio Peking dan kantor berita Hsinhua. Terjadi tarik-menarik kedua kekuatan tersebut hampir di seluruh belahan dunia. Namun bagi yang tidak mempunyai uang. CGMI.Orang-orang Tionghoa dituduh mempunyai loyalitas ganda dan selalu berusaha mentrasfer uangnya ke luar negeri. ternyata masalah kesulitan ekonomi.

[31][31] Dalam perkembangannya ternyata banyak di antaranya telah berubah menjadi ruko dan gedung perkantoran.[30] [30] Seluruh sekolah-sekolah dan universitas-universitas Baperki ditutup dan disita. Massa demonstran dipimpin gerombolan Pemuda Pancasila kemudian mengamuk ke seluruh kota Medan. Penjarahan. Mereka tinggal di gudang-gudang tembakau. Brigjen Ishak Djuarsa mengumumkan agar seluruh orang Tionghoa WNA meninggalkan Aceh sebelum 17 Agustus 1966.ditahan sampai bertahun-tahun lamanya.tembok penuh coret-coret anti Tionghoa antara lain "Orang-orang Cina pulang " dan "Sekali Cina Tetap Cina". Massa demonstran mengamuk dan kemudian menjarah. Pada awalnya terjadi demonstrasi yang dilakukan mahasiswa dan pemuda anggota HMI dan Ansor yang ditujukan ke konsulat RRT. Menurut nota protes Kedubes RRT. klenteng dan bekas sekolah-sekolah Tionghoa. Mereka menjarah toko-toko dan kios-kios milik orang-orang Tionghoa dan melukai atau membunuh siapa saja yang berani melawan.000 orang menjadi korban. Akibatnya lebih dari 15. jendela-jendelanya hancur dan 3 orang stafnya mengalami luka-luka. Di kota Medan sendiri tembok. Disamping itu setelah Peristiwa G30S intensitas kerusuhan anti Tionghoa makin menjadi-jadi. toko-toko. rumah dan mobil milik orang-orang Tionghoa. malahan ada yang ikut dibuang ke pulau Buru bahkan ribuan orang Tionghoa ikut dibunuh. Kerusuhan berikutnya terjadi di Medan pada 10 Desember 1965. lebih dari 2. merusak dan membakar berbagai toko. Pangdam Aceh. ditambah tindakan represif penguasa militer inilah yang menimbulkan kekuatiran dan trauma berkepanjangan dan menjadi salah satu sebab mengapa orang-orang Tionghoa selama tiga puluh dua tahun mati-matian berusaha menghindari wilayah politik.000 toko dan rumah milik Tionghoa mengalami kerusakan dan hampir seribu keluarga bangkrut. . dan memusatkan seluruh perhatian dan kegiatannya hanya di bidang bisnis.orang Tionghoa diseret turun dari becak.Demikian juga seluruh sekolah-sekolah Tionghoa dan gedung. Diperkirakan sebanyak 2. Hal ini menimbulkan kemarahan massa yang mengira pihak konsulat lah yang melakukan penembakan tersebut. Malahan KAPPI Sumatera Utara kemudian mengeluarkan pernyataan agar mengusir seluruh orang Tionghoa dari Indonesia atau KAPPI sendiri yang akan bertindak. mobil dan sepeda motor. Kampanye dan berbagai aksi anti Tionghoa. tetapi aksi-aksi anarkis kemudian berlanjut ke pertokoan dan pemukiman orang Tionghoa. Pada Agustus 1966 KAPPI dan KAMI Sumatera Utara menuntut agar sebelum akhir tahun semua warga negara RRT diusir dari Sumatera Utara. Aksi-aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa terjadi antara lain di Makassar pada 10 Nopember 1965. Pada 8 Mei 1966.gedung perkumpulan yayasan-yayasan Tionghoa diduduki pihak militer. kemudian ditikam dengan pisau dan sangkur. Di tengah aksi tersebut pihak keamanan melepaskan tembakan ke arah massa demonstran. perusakan dan pembakaran rumah-rumah. Di jalan-jalan raya orang. Konsulat RRT dihujani batu.000 pengungsi Tionghoa WNA menuju kota Medan dan sekitarnya. sekolahsekolah dan mobil-mobil milik orang Tionghoa terjadi di mana-mana.

Demikian juga toko-toko dan rumah-rumah milik orang Tionghoa diserbu dan isinya dijarah. Jakarta. terjadi aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di Kalimantan Barat. demonstrasi untuk memprotes hukum gantung dua orang KKO berubah menjadi aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa. terjadi suatu insiden di Glodok. Selanjutnya pada akhir Oktober dan Nopember 1967 dalam rangka penumpasan Pasukan Gerakan Rakyat Serawak (PGRS) dan Pasukan Rakyat Kalimantan Utara (PARAKU). diburu dan dibunuhi orang Dayak. Namun pada Januari 1968. Empat puluh orang Tionghoa menderita luka-luka dan beberapa toko dirusak ketika terjadi aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa tersebut. kedua orang KKO tersebut menjalani hukum gantung di penjara Changi. agar membatalkan hukuman gantung tersebut. Orang-orang Tionghoa yang berdiam di pedalaman Kalimantan Barat atas hasil rekayasa pasukan RPKAD. pada 25 Januari. dua peleton anggota RPKAD menyerbu Glodok untuk melakukan pembalasan. Seorang kopral RPKAD yang berusaha "memeras" seorang pedagang Tionghoa terlibat perkelahian dengan beberapa orang pemuda Tionghoa. meninggalkan rumah dan harta bendanya di daerah pedalaman yang telah ratusan tahun turun-temurun dihuninya. para anggota RPKAD tersebut dengan ngawur menyerang setiap orang Tionghoa yang mereka temui. karena tertangkap basah ketika melakukan aksi sabotase di Orchard Road . Ratusan orang Tionghoa menjadi korban pembunuhan dan puluhan ribu lainnya terpaksa mengungsi.demonstrasi anti Tionghoa tidak cukup untuk mematahkan dominasi orang Tionghoa dalam perekonomian setempat. kopral tersebut bersama temannya seorang anggota garnisun dipukuli sekelompok pemuda Tionghoa yang membela temannya sesama pedagang. Karena tidak dapat menemukan pemuda-pemuda yang terlibat dalam aksi pemukulan kepada teman mereka.Dalam suatu rapat umum mahasiswa pada 15 Oktober 1966. massa melakukan sweeping. . Beberapa hari kemudian. Seluruh perabot rumah tangga dilemparkan ke tengah jalan. selaras dengan kebijaksanaan pemerintah dalam menghadapi masalah Tionghoa dan bekunya hubungan diplomatik dengan RRT. di Surabaya terjadi kerusuhan anti Tionghoa sebagai ekses dari suatu demonstrasi KAPPI untuk memprotes digantungnya dua orang KKO di Singapura. Pangdam Sumatera Utara Brigjen Sobiran Mochtar menyatakan bahwa demonstrasi. menuju kota-kota pesisir Kalimantan Barat seperti Singkawang dan Pontianak. Semua mobil yang dikendarai orang Tionghoa dihentikan.Singapura pada masa konfrontasi dengan Malaysia. Pengemudinya diminta keluar dan dipukuli. kemudian dibakar. Para mahasiswa harus memelopori menolak membeli atau menjual barang kepada orang Tionghoa dan secara aktif mengawasi toko-toko milik Tionghoa agar orang enggan belanja ke sana. Sungguh luar biasa. Pemerintah Singapura dibawah pimpinan Perdana Menteri Lee Kuan Yew tidak menghiraukan permintaan Presiden Soeharto yang mengirim Brigjen Tjokropranolo untuk melakukan pendekatan. Dalam perkelahian itu. Di kawasan Pandaan yang merupakan lintasan jalan Surabaya-Malang. Mobil. Pada 21 Oktober 1968. kemudian mobilnya dicemplungkan ke sungai. Kegiatan anti Tionghoa relatif menurun. sepeda motor dan becak dihentikan kemudian dibalikkan dan dibakar. Pada 17 Oktober 1968. Setelah terjadi peristiwa aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di Kalimantan Barat. maka dengan menggunakan rantai sepeda dan pisau komando.

Melihat kejadian tersebut beberapa orang menjadi marah dan mengeroyok ketiga pemuda tersebut.500 toko dan rumah milik etnis Tionghoa. Asia Afrika.Aksi perusakan berjalan sehari penuh dan jam malam terpaksa diberlakukan. Badan yang Ketua Umumnya K. 4 bemo dan 660 sepeda dirusak atau dibakar. tiba-tiba dikejutkan dengan terjadinya huru-hara anti Tionghoa di Bandung. Demikian juga ratusan kendaraan bermotor habis dibakar atau dirusak. . Walaupun telah terbentuk Bakom-PKB. Kopo dan lainnya habis dijarah dan dirusak para perusuh. di muka bioskop Siliwangi disenggol gerobak yang dikendarai Asep bin Tosim.Kemudian beredar isu bahwa Asep ditusuk dan meninggal dunia. Aksi penjarahan dan perusakan terhadap toko-toko dan rumah-rumah milik orang-orang Tionghoa tersebut dipicu oleh sebuah kecelakaan lalu lintas kecil dimana sebuah VW yang sedang lewat di jalan Astana Anyar. Korban akibat perusakan tersebut diperkirakan 98 mobil. Demikian juga 444 toko. Sebagai akibat aksi tersebut lebih dari 1. Kebetulan hari itu sedang disiapkan demonstrasi para tukang becak untuk menentang diberlakukannya daerah bebas becak di kota Bandung. Pada Minggu 5 Agustus 1973. Demonstrasi anti Jepang pada saat kedatangan Perdana Menteri Kakuei Tanaka berhasil diprovokasi sehingga berubah menjadi aksi penjarahan dan perusakan terhadap toko-toko dan kendaraan milik orang Tionghoa di daerah Glodok dan mencapai puncaknya dengan aksi penjarahan dan pembakaran pertokoan proyek Senen. Kerusuhan kembali terjadi pada waktu meletusnya Peristiwa Malari atau Lima Belas Januari 1974. 176 sepeda motor/scooter. Setelah Peristiwa Malari '74 yang meminta korban cukup banyak etnis Tionghoa yang tidak berdosa. Yani. A. Dengan dukungan Gubernur DKI Jaya.namun karena kebijaksanaan pemerintah Orde Baru terutama di bidang ekonomi yang diterapkan terhadap etnis Tionghoa dan KKN yang semakin subur berkembang. terutama di pusat kota antara lain di Jalan Braga. beberapa orang mantan pimpinan LPKB merasa kuatir melihat perkembangan situasi di mana gap antara yang kaya dan miskin di Indonesia semakin dalam dan menjurus ke arah rasialisme. Aksi penjarahan dan perusakan yang dimulai pukul 4 sore baru berakhir pukul 1 dini hari. Sudirman. masyarakat Tionghoa yang telah merasa tenang dengan meredanya aksi-aksi anti Tionghoa. Tiga orang pemuda Tionghoa turun dari VW tersebut dan terjadi perkelahian yang mengakibatkan Asep terluka ringan dan dibawa ke rumah sakit. Ali Sadikin pada Agustus 1974 mereka mendirikan Badan Pembinaan Kesatuan Bangsa (BPKB) yang kemudian pada 18 Oktober 1977 berubah menjadi Badan Komunikasi Penghayatan Kesatuan Bangsa (Bakom-PKB). sentimen rasialisme dan benih-benih anti Tionghoa ternyata masih saja hidup di dalam hati sebagian rakyat Indonesia yang mudah diprovokasi menjadi aksi-aksi anarkis. hanya mobilnya hancur dirusak massa. Massa tukang becak kemudian diprovokasi dan dialihkan melakukan aksi-aksi anarkis anti Tionghoa. Sindhunata dengan dibantu oleh Junus Jahya dan Kwik Kian Gie mendapatkan pengakuan resmi dari Menteri Dalam Negeri yang menjadi pelindungnya pada 31 Desember 1977. Namun ketiganya berhasil menyelamatkan diri. 9 pabrik dan 71 rumah tinggal beserta isinya dirusak dan dijarah.

Selama tiga puluh dua tahun pemerintahan rezim Orde Baru. perusakan dan pembakaran toko-toko dan kendaraan milik Tionghoa di Solo yang berlangsung pada 22-23 Nopember 1980. Aksi-aksi tersebut antara lain terjadi di Purwakarta (31 Oktober – 2 Nopember 1995). Beberapa pemuda Tionghoa yang dijumpai diludahi dan dipukuli massa. perusakan dan pembakaran yang paling parah terjadi di Semarang mulai tanggal 25 Nopember 1980. Di kota-kota ini para perusuh melempari semua rumah dan toko Tionghoa.toko milik orang Tionghoa juga menjalar ke beberapa kota di Jawa Timur antara lain Ngawi.2 milyar dan PT Standard Battery sebesar 600 juta. Mereka menyerang semua toko dan bangunan milik orang Tionghoa dengan cara melemparinya dengan bongkahan batu yang telah dipersiapkannya terlebih dahulu. Aksi penjarahan. Salatiga. Krisis moneter yang berkembang menjadi krisis ekonomi membuktikan bahwa konsep pembangunan yang digembar-gemborkan rezim Orde Baru ternyata membawa kesengsaraan tidak terhingga kepada seluruh rakyat Indonesia.[32][32] Beberapa tahun menjelang terjadinya krisis moneter yang menimpa Indonesia. Ambarawa. Madiun dan Jombang. Banyubiru. Peristiwa penjarahan. Malahan aksi-aksi perusakan toko. Aksi anarkis yang berlangsung beberapa hari lamanya. Pekalongan (24 Nopember . Ratusan pelajar dengan mengendarai sepeda motor bercampur-baur dengan menggunakan seragam sekolah secara terbalik sehingga identitasnya tidak bisa dikenali lagi. Aksi. Kerugian terbesar diderita PT Arta Electronics yang konon berjumlah 1. bahkan seorang santri yang mengalami penganiayaan oleh anggota kepolisian (Tasikmalaya) menyebabkan terjadinya aksi-aksi anarkis tersebut. Salatiga. negara telah dibuat bangkrut dengan meninggalkan utang yang luar biasa besarnya. antara lain insiden seorang pemuda Tionghoa yang tidak waras disuruh menyobek kitab suci Al-Qur'an (Pekalongan) atau seorang perempuan Tionghoa yang merasa terganggu dan marah-marah kepada sekelompok pemuda pemukul bedug untuk membangunkan umat Islam melakukan saur (Rengasdengklok). Hanya segelintir penguasa bersama kroninya. Seluruh hasil pembangunan ternyata hanya fatamorgana yang dihasilkan melalui utang dan penjarahan kekayaan alam negara. Dengan cepat kerusuhan menjalar ke Boyolali.aksi tersebut kemudian berkembang bukan hanya ditujukan kepada etnis Tionghoa tetapi juga kepada gerejagereja Kristen dan Katolik. Boyolali. dimulai dari daerah Coyudan kemudian menjalar ke daerah-daerah lainnya dan ditunggangi para "gali" (gang anak liar) yang menjarah toko-toko tersebut. dipicu hanya oleh sebuah perkelahian antara 3 siswa Sekolah Guru Olahraga (SGO) dengan seorang pemuda Tionghoa. Pemicu aksi tersebut tidak masuk akal. Malahan di beberapa tempat kelenteng-kelenteng dan vihara-vihara Buddha turut dijadikan sasaran perusakan. Candi dan Semarang. Semarang yang kemudian menjalar ke Kudus dan beberapa kota kecil lainnya. antara lain 15 pabrik besar kecil dirusak atau dibakar. muncul rasa ketidakpuasan di kalangan masyarakat luas terhadap kebijaksanaan ekonomi pemerintah yang dianggap hanya menguntungkan keluarga Presiden Soeharto dengan kroninya segelintir konglomerat Tionghoa. Situasi ini dengan mudah digunakan oleh para provokator untuk melakukan aksi-aksi anarkis anti Tionghoa. Kerugian dari aksi kerusuhan ini puluhan milyar.Hal ini terbukti dengan terjadinya peristiwa huru-hara anti Tionghoa di Solo. sekelompok konglomerat hitam yang menikmati kue pembangunan.

malahan sampai detik terakhir kekuasaannya mereka diberikan kesempatan untuk merampok negara dengan mengucurkan ratusan trilyun dana BLBI. Tanah Abang (28 Januari 1997). terutama dari koalisi Poros Tengah pimpinan Amien Rais dengan alasan gender. Megawati sebagai calon presiden dari partai pemenang Pemilu mengalami hambatan dari partai-partai Islam. Abdurrachman Wahid menjadi Presiden. Aksi tersebut telah menyebabkan terjadinya kerusuhan yang mengakibatkan puluhan bangunan perkantoran. lurah dan Rt/Rw. Sanggau Ledo (30 Desember 1995-2 Januari 1996). Para pengikut PDIP/ Megawati yang merasa dizalimi mengamuk dan melakukan aksi-aksi anarkis di Bali dan Solo.15 Mei 1998. Pemilihan presiden baru untuk menggantikan Presiden B. Hal ini dilakukan mulai dari pemegang puncak kekuasaan bersama keluarganya sampai ke tingkat paling bawah. Perbankan dsb. Situbondo ( 10 Oktober 1996). maka dapat ditarik kesimpulan bahwa masalah Tionghoa adalah bagian dari masalah nasional yang diwarisi oleh penjajah Belanda. Satu-satunya aksi anarkis yang meminta korban tokot-toko milik Tionghoa di era reformasi adalah pada saat Sidang Umum MPR hasil Pemilu 1999 (September 1999) memilih K. HPH. Ingat apa yang dilakukan oleh Van Mook dan KMB yang menghasilkan negara federal ciptaan mereka yang ingin memecah-belah bangsa Indonesia yang baru saja memproklamirkan kemerdekaannya. Tasikmalaya (26 Desember 1996). Setelah terjadinya krisis moneter berbagai kerusuhan dan aksi-aksi rasialis anti Tionghoa masih terjadi antara lain di Makassar (15 September 1997) dan setelah lengsernya Presiden Soeharto di Kebumen (7 September 1998). sehingga gaji pegawai negeri tidak pernah dicukupi dan mereka diberi kesempatan untuk melakukan korupsi asal memberikan upeti kepada atasannya.J. toko dan kendaraan bermotor sepanjang jalan Salemba dan Kramat Raya habis dirusak atau dibakar massa yang mengamuk. malahan Pasar Besar Solo yang sangat terkenal dan menjadi salah satu icon kota Solo habis dibakar massa yang menjadi brutal dan sulit dikendalikan. Habibie mengalami berbagai rekayasa. Pada 27 Juli 1996. Rengasdengklok (27 Januari-31 Januari 1997) dan Banjarmasin (23 Mei 1997).H.nya diberikan kepada segelintir konglomerat Tionghoa. Berbagai kemudahan. Sudah tentu kembali etnis Tionghoa yang menjadi korban. Puncak aksi-aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa seperti telah disampaikan di halaman pertama makalah ini adalah Peristiwa 13.kantor DPP PDI di jalan Diponegoro diserbu gerombolan yang mengaku pendukung PDI Kongres Medan dibawah pimpinan Buttu Hutapea cs. mengakibatkan bangsa Indonesia terkotak-kotak.1995). Masalah Tionghoa adalah bagian dari masalah nasional Setelah dengan jujur mempelajari sejarah . Sistim upeti yang menjadi tradisi raja-raja Jawa diterapkan. . Kebijaksanaan politik segregasi penjajah Belanda. Kebiasaan dan kebijaksanaan raja-raja Jawa yang diteruskan oleh pemerintah HindiaBelanda untuk memelihara segelintir orang Tionghoa yang dijadikan kroninya untuk memeras rakyat ternyata ditiru dan diterapkan oleh rezim Orde Baru yang juga memelihara segelintir oknum Tionghoa untuk dijadikan kaki-tangannya dalam menumpuk kekayaan. agama dan sebagainya. Ratusan toko milik orang Tionghoa hancur.

1.429 orang. kira-kira 41. penduduk Batavia dan sekitarnya pada Desember 1866 berjumlah 530. gender. dalam Mely G. termasuk seluruh kekuatan politik yang ada di Indonesia. 1815. Peraturan Pemerintah. [2][2] Major William Thorn. Pertanyaannya sekarang adalah bagaimana kita harus bersikap? Apakah kita akan menerima saja keadaan yang penuh ketidak-pastian bagi hari depan anak cucu kita atau kita menginginkan perubahan? Jawabannya ada di dalam lubuk hati masing-masing.000 orang dan pada 1928.426 orang. tetapi juga oleh seluruh komponen bangsa. [3][3] Adolf Heuken SJ.Pribumi 1. Peraturan Daerah dsb.Tan (ed).018 orang terdiri dari Eropa 6. agama.Jumlah rata-rata sejak 1900 sampai .253 orang. [6][6] Sejak 1920 sampai 1930 jumlah imigran Tionghoa yang datang ke Hindia Belanda rata-rata lebih dari 40.583 orang dan lain-lain 881 orang. Tionghoa 50. kepercayaan. Kita tidak bisa berilusi bahwa etnis Tionghoa bisa berjuang dan menyelesaikan masalah Tionghoa sendirian tanpa menceburkan diri ke dalam mainstream bangsa dan bersamasama komponen bangsa lainnya ikut menciptakan masyarakat baru Indonesia seperti yang kita cita-citakan. [4][4] G. fisik dsb. Batavia Landdrukkerij 1868 dan 1900. BATAVIA in Nineteenth Century Photographs. Hal.043 orang terdiri dari Eropa 12. Singapore 2000."Tempat-tempat bersejarah di Jakarta".510 orang dan lainnya 3. 173-174. Pada 1921 jumlahnya kurang lebih 43. Untuk menjadi bangsa yang modern dan berperadaban tinggi kita harus membangun negara kita menjadi negara yang demokratis. Untuk itu baik UUD maupun seluruh Undang-undang. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------[1][1] Damar Harsono "May Riots Still Burns Into Victim's Minds" dalam The Jakarta Post.2002. Sedangkan pada Desember 1895. Hal. Golongan Etnis Tionghoa di Indonesia. legislatif maupun yudikatif dengan seluruh aparat dan birokrasinya dari pusat sampai ke tingkat Rt/Rw.nya harus bersih dari unsur-unsur diskriminasi.Hal. [5][5] Menurut Scott Merilles. Jakarta. Mei 14. Pribumi 472.242-244.169. Hal. The Conquest Of Java.William Skinner. Seluruh warga negara tanpa memandang asal-usul ras.000 orang setahun.268. "The Chinese of Java in Colloquium on Overseas Chinese".Yayasan Cipta Loka Caraka. Angka-angka ini diperoleh dari Regeering Almanak voor NederlandschIndie.15. menjunjung tinggi hukum dan hak azasi manusia serta bersih dari segala bentuk KKN dan diskriminasi. egaliter.Rangkaian aksi-aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa yang dimulai dari zaman VOC/HindiaBelanda sampai mencapai puncaknya dengan terjadinya tragedi 13-15 Mei 1998 adalah warisan sejarah yang harus diselesaikan bukan saja oleh etnis Tionghoa. reprinted 1993 by Periplus Edition (HK) Ltd. Jakarta 1979. penduduk Batavia dan sekitarnya berjumlah 1.nya mempunyai hak dan kewajiban yang sama. 1997. Archipelago Press. PT Gramedia.000 orang. etnis. Baik yang berada di eksekutif.301 orang.678 orang.Tionghoa 82.

000 orang. [7][7] Pada 1875 di Jawa terdapat 8.Lihat James R. 8.000 orang. Kuala Lumpur.14.Jakarta. Menurut catatran kaki.ELKASA. De Haan. ini adalah informasi tertulis dari Ny. Holmes. 1998. Landmark Books. [11][11] Benny G. Hal. Masyarakat Islam Tionghoa di Indonesia.Lihat Amen Budiman. [14][14] Lynn Pan. Jakarta.Rush. 1937 berjumlah 31. 1860.K.000 orang."Opium to Java. Hal. terutama sekali di daerah pesisir utara tanah Jawa.Setiono "Tionghoa Dalam Pusaran Politik ". [9][9] Menurut Dr.000 orang dan 1938 berjumlah 20.000 orang berusia di atas 12 tahun. 40. 1968. catatan kaki hal. Archipelago Press.383 orang Arab dan 14. 84-85. oleh karena bukan mustahil ikhwal ini pun merupakan pengaruh dari arsitektur Tiongkok.Cornell University Press. 1935 berjumlah 15." Lihat Amen Budiman.000 orang anak laki-laki berusia di bawah 12 tahun. 1933 berjumlah 9.Tanjung Sari. 1940.H.465. Semarang 1979. "Riwajat 40 Taon T. 1990. 2003. Revenue Farming and Chinese Enterprise in Colonial Indonesia. di mana kita bisa menjumpai adanya begug-bedug yang tergantung di serambi klenteng. [15][15] Ketika pemerintah Indonesia menginvasi Timor Portugis.Hal. .Lebih lanjut periksa: Welch. Semarang.kapiten Tionghoa peranakan Islam terakhir di Batavia bernama Muhammad Japar.249.toko milik orang Tionghoa dan penduduk sipil lainnya." Konglomerat Oei Tiong Ham.Hal. Oxford University Press. 1979. PT.Hal.H. "Masyarakat Islam Tionghoa di Indonesia". [12][12] Amen Budiman "Masyarakat Islam Tionghoa di Indonesia" Tanjung Sari. Ia meninggal pada 1827 dan pada tahun berikutnya penguasa Belanda di Batavia telah mengakhiri bentukan masyarakat Islam Tionghoa di Jakarta dengan menyatukannya dalam golongan masyarakat Tionghoa. [13][13] Menurut Amen Budiman.000 orang. 1936 berjumlah 19. 2000 orang anak perempuan berusia di bawah 12 tahun dan 6. The Buddhist Revival in China.51.Hal.000 orang. [8][8] Nio Joe Lan.Singapore.Hal. 55-58.1979.000 orang. 1981."Kapitalisme Cina di Hindia-Belanda" dalam Yoshihara Kunio.1991. Lihat : Victor Purcell. Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan Batavia. Semarang.Batavia".34 [10][10] Onghokham. Sedangkan pada 1932 berjumlah 12.1930 lebih dari 28.Michele Blusse.10. Kerajaan Bisnis Pertama di Asia Tenggara".000 orang. pada 7 Desember 1975 pasukan Indonesia berusaha meduduki Dili dengan melakukan penembakan di di jalan-jalan raya secara mem**** buta kepada siapa saja yang ditemuinya sambil melakukan penjarahan toko.573 orang Timur Asing lainnya bukan Tionghoa. 1934 berjumlah 12. "The Encyclopedia of the Chinese Overseas". Hal.Pustaka Utama Grafiti. "The Chinese in Southeast Asia".1910".32-35. Tanjung Sari. Second Edition.Yang datang pada 1938 terdiri antara lain 3. "Sangat menarik juga untuk dicatat ikhwal penggantungan bedug-bedug besar di serambi mesjid-mesjid di tanah Jawa. Hal.000 orang berusia di atas 12 tahun. Batavia.

25 April 2006.Hal.. [24][24] Chung Hua Tsung Hui (Federation Of Chinese Associations) in Batavia. Star Weekly No 25 Tahon ke 1 Edisi 23 Juni 1946 dan Star Weekly No 26 Tahon ke 1 Edisi 30 Juni 1946.anggotanya adalah para saudagar supaya ilmu sarwat bisa dilakukan dengan sepertinya dan supaya lidi yang mudah dipatahkan itu tidak mudah dipatahkan. Hal. MEMORANDUM.1994. tetapi kerukunan ini terbikin di bawah tangan. Jakarta.23 Tahon k1.Ltd. [18][18] Benny G. 700 orang di antaranya orang Tionghoa.000 orang penduduk Dili tewas akibat pembunuhan yang dilakukan pasukan Indonesia tersebut. 24 April 2006. Outlining Acts Of Violence And Inhumanity Perpetrated By Indonesia Bands On Innocent Chinese Before And After The Dutch Police Action Was Enforced On July 21. Hal.1825 ". Oxford University Press. [16][16] Harian "Suara Pembaruan".1947.Hal. Hal. Lidi digabungkan jadi satu menjadi teguh karena tali pengikat. [20][20] Twang Peck Yang.jadi tidak kekal dan mudah bubar. Batavia. diperkirakan 2. Hal. Oxford University Press.Australia. "Orang Jawa dan Masyarakat Cina 1755. Lihat : Adam Schwarz. "The Chinese in Southeast Asia". Hasta Mitra. Star Weekly No 24 Tahon ke 1 Edisi 16 Juni 1946. yaitu persarikatan saudagarsaudagar yang mempunyai badan hukum yang diakui dan dilindungi undang-undang negeri. Pembunuhan tersebut berlanjut sampai satu minggu lamanya. "A Nation in Waiting."The Chinese Business Elite in Indonesia and the Transition to Independence 1940-1950". karena dipersatukan sehingga menjadi teguh. 15 September 1947. Untuk melihat detil pembantaian ini bisa dilihat Star Weekly No 23 Tahon ke 1 Edisi 9 Juni 1946. Lihat Pramoedya Ananta Toer. Edisi 9 Juni 1946.7 dan Harian "Kompas". [22][22] Aksi penjagalan. Hal. Antara saudagar Islam satu dengan yang lain tentu sudah ada yang membikin kerukunan dalam suatu hal.9 [17][17] Dr. [19][19] Pengantar pendirian SDI yang disampaikan Tirto Adhi Soerjo menyatakan antara lain.6. . [23][23] Lihat iklan seruan hari duka cita dalam Star Weekly No. Menurut laporan seorang pastor Katolok.Setiono Op cit. Indonesia in the 1990s".Hal. untuk mendapatkan perubahan kedudukan kaum pedagang kita bangsa Islam di Hindia wajib satu badan yang anggota.474. 1985.Hal. Kuala Lumpur. Pustaka Azet.120-121. 171-177.pemerkosaan dan pengusiran warga Tionghoa di kawasan Bandung Selatan. Kuala Lumpur. Jakarta 1986. "Sang Pemula". Peter Carey.Pasukan Indonesia yang menjarah dan membunuh orang-orang Tionghoa tersebut berdalih bahwa mereka adalah pelarian G30S/PKI dari Indonesia yang menyelamatkan diri dan mengkonsolidasikan diri di daerah jajahan Portugis itu. 1998. Allen & Unwin Pty. [21][21] Victor Purcell. 1981.Tangerang. Mauk dan sekitarnya yang konon mencapai ribuan korban jiwa ini terjadi sepanjang Mei hingga Juli 1946.9. Second Edition.204.70-72.

Blitar dan Nganjuk pada Desember 1986 dan Agustus 1987. [32][32] Dalam suatu pengumuman yang dikeluarkan Menko Bidang Perekonomian pemerintahan Megawati Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti dinyatakan bahwa seluruh utang dalam negeri dan luar negeri pemerintah berjumlah lebih dari Rp 1.Sebaliknya kantor berita Hsinhua menyatakan beratus-ratus orang Tionghoa yang mati selama 6 bulan setelah G30S. 2001.22.5 Km sebelah barat Nganjuk.782 orang dan jumlah guru 6.Otobiografi seorang Pejuang Kemerdekaan". PT Gramedia.250 orang korban.[25][25] Kisah ini dikumpulkan berdasarkan hasil wawancara dengan sejumlah anak korban yang salah satu di antaranya dengan ilmu silat yang dikuasainya berhasil melompat dan melarikan diri ke hutan. Jakarta. Lihat . Di kuburan massal ini dikuburkan 1. [26][26] Yap Tjwan Bing."Lima Jaman.79. sekitar 9. [27][27] Harian "Warta Bhakti". Jakarta-Amsterdam. Jakarta. Site Sponsors . 1981.Andi Jauhari. [29][29] Budi Setiawanto.Robert Shaplen menyebut angka kira-kira 20. Charles Coppel. Pustaka Sinar Harapan.000 orang mati. Sumber Dokumen Stanley. [30][30] Menurut majalah Life dan Far Eastern Economic Review beratus.324-325.1994 Hal. Kecamatan Bagor.Rahmad Nasution dan Unggul Tri Ratomo.Perwujudan Integrasi Wajar". Hasil Wawancara Dengan Sejumlah Keluarga dan Korban Pembunuhan Anti Tionghoa di Malang. Proses penggalian dan pencarian jenasah para korban pembunuhan massal yang terjadi sepanjang 1946-akhir 1949 ini dilakukan oleh berbagai cabang Chung Hua Tsung Hui di sejumlah kota pada 1951. Yayasan Teratai.Hal.400 trilyun ataus setara dengan $ US 140 milyar.478 orang. "Tionghoa Indonesia Dalam Krisis". Jakarta 1988.Aksara Karunia. Salah satunya adalah sebuah kuburan masaal yang berlokasi di pinggir hutan di Desa Donomulyo.124-125. [28][28] Siauw Giok Tjhan. Jakarta."Meretas Jalan Kemerdekaan. [31][31] Seluruh sekolah Tionghoa di Indonesia yang ditutup berjumlah 629 buah dengan jumlah murid 272.ratus ribu orang Tionghoa telah dibunuh.Hal. 26 Mei 1963. "Menguak Tabir Perjuangan Suripto". Hal. Namun menurut Charles Coppel jumlah orang Tionghoa yang terbunuh hampir tidak mungkin melebihi dua ribu orang. Di beberapa daerah dengan mudah bisa ditemukan kuburan massal para korban.

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