This paper reports a recent study asking current community design practitioners
to identify the most influential people and key issue leaders in the community
design field and to define the concept itself. The results of the study show that in
addition to the continuing concepts such as participation, there are new concepts
such as new urbanism and sustainability which are now associated with
community design. The most important conclusion, however, is that community
design field is in fact in search of new perspectives.
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I
n 1969, Sherry R. Arnstein opened the discussion on redistribution of
power in her famous article ‘A Ladder of Citizen Participation’ with
this sentence: ‘The idea of citizen participation is a little like eating spin-
ach: no one is against it in principle because it is good for you’ (p.216). Today,
I believe this observation remains relevant in the light of increasing popular-
isation of the term community design in the fields of architecture, urban design
and planning. Many approaches (e.g. new urbanism and sustainability) and
many practitioners have now adopted the term to use it as a catch phrase.
Some (e.g. Comerio, 1984; Hester, 1996; Curry, 2000b) have criticised recent
community design practices for their lack of reference to the original princi-
ples, such as advocating low-income and politically disadvantaged groups
within a voluntary organisational structure. The purpose of this paper is to un-
veil the new face of community design as it is understood and practiced among
its recent practitioners.
Four decades ago, community design stood for an alternative style of practice
based on the idea that professional technical knowledge without moral and
political content is often inadequate (Comerio, 1984). In the broadest sense,
community design has been identified as a movement ‘discovering how to
Corresponding author:
Z. Toker make it possible for people to be involved in shaping and managing their
zeynep.toker@csun. environment’ (Sanoff, 2000: i). However, representation of these ideas
edu has changed during the four decades of practice in terms of the ideals and
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achievements, and has become more diverse than ever. Increasing use of com-
munity design as a catch phrase especially requires attention. Therefore, cur-
rent practices of community design have become not only different
compared to initial ones, but also diverse and open to misinterpretation.
Since the last study asking community design practitioners about their
personal approaches, values and understandings were completed in 1984 by
Randolph Hester (and published in 1990), it is important to identify the new
concepts community design practitioners have integrated into their practices
in the last two decades.
However, Wates and Knevitt (1987: 17) state that the term ‘community archi-
tecture’ embraces community planning, community design, community devel-
opment and other forms of community technical aid. For them, community
architecture is the name used in the UK, while social architecture is used for
the same concept in the United States. For Hatch (1984: 7), ‘social architec-
ture’ aims to create critical consciousness among citizens. Furthermore,
Hamdi (1991: 75) claims that ‘community participation’ is the term covering
all the scales and techniques, which refer to the processes involving profes-
sionals, families, community groups, and government officials in shaping the
environment.
Shirvani (1985) for example identifies two types of approaches in the overall
scheme: facilitator approaches and political activist roles. Wulz (1986), on
the other hand, presents a continuum (Continuum 2 in Figure 1) composed
of seven stages of participation ranging between full autonomy of the profes-
sionals and the full autonomy of the users. By combining these two categori-
sations and adding other definitions in the literature, another continuum can
be constructed (Continuum 1 in Figure 1). On one end, there is the facilitator
approach. According to Shirvani (1985), facilitator approach uses participa-
tory methods for both problem definition and design solution generation
through design assistance techniques. Sanoff (2000: 38) defines facilitation as
‘a means of bringing people together to determine what they wish to do and
helping them find ways to work together in deciding how to do it’.
The facilitator approach, as Shirvani (1985) and Sanoff (2000) define, covers
the fourth, fifth, sixth and seventh stages of Wulz’s participation continuum,
which are dialogue, alternative, co-decision, and self-decision. The dialogue
is based on informal conversations between the architect and the users. The
alternative participation gives the local residents the chance to choose among
the alternatives prepared by the architect in a fixed frame. The participation
as co-decision aims at achieving direct and active involvement of users through
the whole design process. The participation scale is full in the seventh stage,
self-decision, in which the user controls the whole design and construction pro-
cesses (Wulz, 1986).
In the facilitator approach, the aim is to make the users aware of the alterna-
tives by using different techniques such as rating mechanisms, training and use
of graphic communication, and use of various simulation techniques. The ex-
tent that architect is involved, in facilitator approach, varies according to the
specific situations. This definition of the facilitator approach also matches with
Hatch’s (1984) social architecture definition. He claims that social architecture
Beyond the facilitator approach is the advocacy approach. Shirvani (1985) ex-
plains the political activist role as the advocacy, in which the aim is to organise,
and politically activate disadvantaged groups in society in order to involve
them in the planning process. Similarly, Hester (1990) defines characteristics
of community design as empowerment of destitute citizens for helping them
to get a fair share of community goods and services, assistance in litigation
that addresses any number of environmental inequalities, and participation
of lay citizens in the design process. With a parallel emphasis on helping dis-
advantaged and destitute groups in the society, Shiffman (1984) explains the
practice of the community design as maximising opportunities and range of
choices, particularly for low-and moderate-income people.
If one end is defined with facilitation and beyond that with advocacy, the other
end of this continuum is the lack of those; the first three stages in Wulz’s con-
tinuum (Continuum 2 in Figure 1): representation, questionnaire, and region-
alism. In the representation architecture, the architect reflects his/her personal
and subjective interpretation of the user. In questionnaire architecture, the con-
cern is the general characteristics of an anonymous user. The third stage, re-
gionalism, puts an emphasis on the historical and cultural heritages of the
specific localities and collects data from the local population about inhabi-
tants’ preferences on architectural expression, symbols, forms, and spatial be-
haviour (Wulz, 1986). At this end, participation dissolves as the professional
expertise dominates.
It is difficult to distil one way of describing what exactly is done as the practice of
community design, in the literature. Although involving people in the decision-
making process for shaping their environment is the common theme, advocating
politically powerless or specifically low-income groups can only fit into one end of
a broad continuum. Different expectations and descriptions of community design
can be followed in its historical development as its focus has shifted on that
continuum.
Although legislation was there to support the existing social movements, these
social movements remained unorganised until the formation of social reform,
known as the War on Poverty, and legitimisation by the provision of the Com-
munity Action Program. With these federal programmes of the 1960s, people,
outside the professions were allowed to make decisions about the planning and
financing (Sanoff, 2000). With the Model Cities Program of 1967e1973, citi-
zens were given the right to participate in policy making (Hamdi, 1991; Hester,
1996). This programme was activated by the Demonstration Cities and Metro-
politan Development Act of 1966. The act authorised grants and technical as-
sistance to help communities to participate in the planning and implementation
processes (Rice, 1979). Later on, even though the neighbourhood units of these
grassroots organisations emerged, they did not share common goals. There-
fore, their achievements were limited. However, Alinsky model of community
organisation emerged as an effort to organise urban protests (Castells, 1983).
Saul Alinsky was a sociologist, who started his career as a neighbourhood or-
ganiser (Castells, 1983). According to Alinsky (1972) his agenda was based on
the belief that people have the desire to change the world. In order to achieve
this aim the only way was to be organised. For him, the power of the poor and
the disadvantaged lies in their standing and organisational capacity. ‘Alinsky
believed in pluralism, government accountability, local autonomy and wide-
spread citizen participation’ (Sanoff, 2000: 2).
While Alinsky model was dealing directly working with communities, Davidoff
questioned the planning practices, which failed to provide the formulation of
alternatives by the interest groups that will eventually be affected by the com-
pleted plans. He argued that the grassroots movements proved the necessity
of planning practices to involve all groups in society, particularly low-
income families to discuss the political and social values (Davidoff, 1965).
Being a planner and a lawyer, he challenged planners to become advocates
Community design centres emerged in the United States as the staging ground
for design and planning professionals, who were influenced by Davidoff’s ad-
vocacy model of planning and were questioning conventional practices of their
own professions (Sanoff, 2000). Practitioners who aimed at fighting against
urban redevelopment and advocating for the rights of poor citizens established
community design centres. These design centres aimed at providing planning,
architecture and development services to emerging civic organisations or
established community-based development corporations (Sanoff, 2000).
The first community design centre in the United States was one of the pioneer-
ing implementations of the advocacy approach. Architectural Renewal Com-
mittee in Harlem in 1964 fought a proposal of freeway passing through
Manhattan (Sanoff, 2000). However, in the following decades, community de-
sign centres have evolved. The phases that community design centres have
gone through are very demonstrative of how community design practices
evolved in general. Two phases can be identified for community design centres:
until late 1970s e the idealistic phase, and after that until late 1980s e the
entrepreneurial phase.
During the idealistic phase, in an effort to help low-income people define their
own planning goals and effectively present them to city hall, community design
centres became advocacy groups, providing professional and technical sup-
port, including information, management know-how and design assistance.
They provided, free of charge, a wide array of services, ranging from helping
individuals cope with the local red tape and economic problems of remodelling
a house to creating plans and designs for developing an entire neighbourhood;
from designing a rural health clinic to recycling a city library (AOD, 1976).
Towards the late 1970s, community design practices had gradually become less
idealistic and more pragmatic due to the new political climate, which turned
out to be more conservative and reluctant in terms of funding (Comerio,
In 1984, Randolph T. Hester conducted a national survey and asked the pur-
pose of community design to several of its practitioners. Despite the change in
the character of the practice, community designers of the time still ranked em-
powering the disadvantaged as the primary purpose. It was followed by im-
proving environments for the deprived, designing for user’s needs, and
achieving environmental justice by making communities economically viable
(Hester, 1990), all of which are parallel to the characteristics of the early com-
munity design practices.
Almost two decades later, in the light of the fact that community design con-
cept has been increasingly popularised among the proponents of new urban-
ism, in a sense that cannot be further away from advocacy, it is reasonable
now, if not imperative to ask community designers define the concept.
Table 1 List of currently practicing professionals of architecture and planning in community design field with
available e-mail addresses and fax numbers
These community design practitioners were asked how they define their prac-
tices and whom they identify as the most influential people in the field with ref-
erences to their publications. Regarding the possibility that people may
identify the most influential person and key issue leaders differently, they
were asked separately in the first two questions. Moreover, in order to achieve
more specific information about the most influential person and the key issue
leaders, the relevant references of these people were asked. In the third ques-
tion, the respondents were asked to define community design according to
their own perspective of the concept.
Analysing the answers of the first two questions: (1) the most frequently men-
tioned key issue leaders and most influential people were listed, (2) the books
and articles stated to be written by the most influential people or key issue
leaders of the community design field were listed. For the third question, (3)
content analysis of the responses revealed key concepts to define community
design.
(1) The most frequently identified key issue leader in community design field
was Henry Sanoff, who was followed by Rex Curry and Michael Pyatok.
The third group included Christopher Alexander, Andres Duany and
Peter Calthrope. Finally, Sam Mockbee, Randall Arendt and Elizabeth
Plater-Zyberk were in the fourth group. The notable aspect of the third
and fourth groups is that three of them (Andres Duany, Peter Calthrope
and Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk) are associated with new urbanism as the
founders and strong proponents of that trend. Considering the long stand-
ing critique of new urbanism regarding its spatial determinism disguised as
On the other hand, needs was another common concept respondents referred
to for defining community design. Bryan Bell, Robert Busser and Don Hanlon
mentioned the importance of respecting the needs of people, which is defined
by the people, in community design. Don Hanlon clarified one of the charac-
teristics of community design as providing architectural design services for
people who need but cannot afford them.
Community design was explained through its relations to the design of public
realm by Robert Bainbridge. In addition to this statement, David Glasser men-
tioned its relation to the civic life and to embracing sociological, economic,
legal and physical aspects of life.
It is important to point out that community design has become a popular term
among the proponents of new urbanism, although in practice none of the orig-
inal principles of community design are embraced. Harvey (1997) questions
Parallel with the findings of this study, Harrison (1998: 15) claims, ‘A new
partnership emerged between environmentalists and urbanists that was helpful
in redefining the notions of ‘‘site’’ and ‘‘user’’ that recognised the interdepen-
dency of diverse locations and socioeconomic groups.’ She mentions the cur-
rent emerging emphasis on humanist issues under the rubric of sustainability
even though it is still less visible.
Considering the findings of this study, the new trends in community design
field seem to be emerging according to the new fashions in city planning and
architecture. However, since the number of respondents in this study and their
representativeness are limited, generalisation is not the purpose here. It is
rather to point out the possible emerging trends in the field.
4 Conclusion
Despite the diversion from the initial ideals, the role of contemporary practices
of community design in the fields of architecture and city planning cannot be
overlooked. It still is the alternative way reminding the social responsibility to
the practitioners in those disciplines. This study, however, points to the fact
that the current practitioners of the field are looking for new grounds for their
practices, such as sustainability and new urbanism. Some of the terms, which
are used by the respondents in their definitions, are new to the community de-
sign field. There may be several reasons for these variations in the field.
The new practices, as they influence the definition, are based on different ideals
than the previous ones. The important aspect of this metamorphosis is that it
provides adaptability to the concept since new disciplines are introduced to the
field in the process. Therefore, it is noteworthy to realise the new potentials in
the community design field, which are embedded in the various implementa-
tion processes within different concentrations in the built environment
disciplines.
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