ExclusivE

Interview Detlev Mehlis

pp 4-5

mining militarisation & murdEr

in Mindanao pp 6

cHrP and PartnErs marK

Newsletter

WINTER 2011

maguindanaomassacrE
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HRP is marking two years since the Maguindanao massacre with an event supported by Amnesty International UK, UNISON, the International Federation of Journalists and the National Union of Journalists (UK) focusing on the killings and the need for judicial reform for prosecuting human rights violations in the Philippines. On November 23, two years to the day from the 2009 killing of 58 people in Maguindanao, Filipino lawyer and journalist, Carlos Zarate, Stefan Antor, a judge formerly of the European Union-Philippines Justice Support Programme (EPJUST), Jim Boumelha, president of the International Federation of Journalists, and CHRP UK chair Mark Dearn will speak at Never Forget, at the Amnesty International Human Rights Action Centre, London. Since the party of 58 people including 34 journalists were murdered en route to filing Ismael Mangudadatus candidacy for mayoral elections, there have been no successful prosecutions. Former local ruling family the Ampatuans have been put on trial, but the process has been dogged by delays, while many of the 195 accused remain at large. While the Maguindanao killings highlight the way in which provincial rulers needed by national government - whether to win elections or fight insurgencies - can act with disdain for human life and the rule of law, there remain a number of human rights abuses in which the military is culpable. Human Rights Watch documents seven extrajudicial killings and three enforced disappearances carried out by the military since President Aquino came to power in 2010, with no convictions. This year also marks the end of the 18-month, E3.9 million, EPJUST project. Implemented to help improve institutional capability around investigating and prosecuting perpetrators of human rights violations, such overseas technical assistance initiatives should be actively encouraged by the government. The Maguindanao massacre was a stark evocation of the culture of impunity around abuses of human rights in the Philippines, said CHRP chair Mark Dearn. The lack of progress made in prosecuting the killings is a reminder of the changes needed in the judicial system.

y examining the lack of progress in prosecuting the alleged perpetrators and in this and many other cases of human rights violations, CHRP urges the Philippine government to act on its commitment to stopping human rights abuses and help enable the successful prosecution of human rights abusers. CHRP believes that the 58 killings in Maguindanao in 2009 were an expected outcome of a tacit policy of supporting provincial rulers and granting them immunity from the law as highlighted by the legacy of killings, torture and abduction that have been documented to have occurred over the course of 20 years at the hands of the Ampatuans.

eing a democracy goes far beyond holding elections. The Aquino government must act on its promises and initiate the reforms long-needed to create the fair and transparent political and legal systems that will best serve the Philippine people. President Aquino must bring an end to the culture of impunity around human rights violations that persists in the Philippines since his election. Perpetrators of such violations must be brought to justice, and the government must work hand-in-hand with the military, police, civil society and the legal establishment to this end.

lEttEr from the Chairman

Mark Dearn

T
T I

he past year in the Philippines has served as a reminder that the election of a president promising reform does not guarantee reform. President Aquino condemned human rights violations in the Philippines and pledged to bring justice to the victims of the Maguindanao massacre since he has come to office Human Rights Watch has documented seven extrajudicial killings and three enforced disappearances in which there is strong evidence of military involvement, and there has been little progress in the prosecuting of the perpetrators of the 58 murders in Mindanao or the many other cases of death and disappearance that wait to be resolved.

the case of both communist and Islamic separatist conflicts, poverty in Mindanao the countrys breadbasket is a key driver. The government attitude of no development without peace first thus presents a conundrum which must be broached.

nderscoring all these issues is the need for deep and wide reforms to the criminal justice system an issue CHRP has chosen to highlight this year. A belief that there is no punishment for crime only serves to incentivise would-be criminals. Here, Maguindanao must be seen as a test case setting an example to would-be human rights violators. As Detlev Mehlis head of the now ended EU-Philippines Justice Support Programme - tells hese examples serve to highlight problems in the Philippine CHRP in an interview in this newsletter, the criminal justice political and legal systems which if not tackled will result in system is in desperate need of reform, from the police, through more deaths and disappearances if following previous trends, to prosecutors and criminal procedures. And in this, civil society of those who simply camhas a role to play. paign for better lives - and Ultimately, though, the impunity of those who Underscoring all these issues is the need for deep it is government are responsible for them. which must take and wide reforms to the criminal justice system the lead. As Met is clear that there rehlis tells CHRP, mains a need for far an issue CHRP has chosen to highlight this year. while civil society greater civilian control of plays a most ima more professionalised portant role in cremilitary, which itself must be better educated on human rights ating awareness and observing the government, functionand held to account by the courts. Breaking the dependency ing courts, an effective and determined prosecution service of national government on provincial trapos is another neces- and an effective police respected by the people can only be sity the manner in which such regional elites are given unre- implemented by the elected political institutions. And mitting support by central government due to their ability to here Mehlis says there must be a much bigger effort and win elections or fight insurgencies highlights systemic flaws in more determination than he saw when in the Philippines. the political system. Again, a well-funded military under firm public control would do away with the need for private militias e remain hopeful that Presidents Aquino will act with the and the well-understood risks of allowing provincial rulers to determination that he promised. And where he does not, amass private armies. Here, the issue of tackling insurgencies CHRP will be there to remind him of what needs to be done. comes to the fore it is clear that force alone will not defeat the governments enemies, and it is well understood that in Salamat

The Campaign for Human Rights in the Philippines c/o PIPLinks, Finspace 225-229 Seven Sisters Road London N4 2DA Phone: +44 (0)207 263 1002 Email: info@chrp.org.uk Website: http://www.chrp.org.uk

CHRP Newsletter is published in London

Editor : Mark Dearn Layout: RJ Fernandez

2 Campaign for Human Rights Philippines | Winter 2011

Bonifacio P Ilagan is the award-winning writer of FAMAS award-winning film Dukot and new release, Deadline, which CHRP is screening in London this December (see page 8). He spoke to CHRP about what motivates him to make human rights-focused films, human rights in the Philippines, his past and his future.
Ive been writing scripts for theater since the 1970s, particularly for the resurgent peoples movement in my country. My writing benefitted a lot from the fact that I had an activist theater group that performed my plays, and that I was part of the movement myself. Ive always said that I owe my art to my politics. That is because my being a writer was brought about by my being an activist. From theater, I moved on to television and the cinema. But as always, my works were what you may call the political, or social. In the 1980s, I did an unprecedented documentary drama series on the life and times of Filipino heroes and another drama series on the Philippine revolution against Spain. These were both produced and aired on mainstream television. With a couple of independent video groups, I continued to write and also direct socio-political documentaries. I am now a creative consultant with Kodao Productions, a progressive media outfit. Was Dukot the first project you worked on focused explicitly on human rights? What inspired you to write it? Not exactly. But Dukot is the first feature film I wrote that had human rights as an overriding theme. Previous to Dukot, I had written and directed a video documentary on extrajudicial killings whose victims were members of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines. What goaded me to write Dukot was the climate of impunity that saw the murder and abduction of more than 1,000 Filipino activists since 2001. I must admit, too, that a great deal of the inspiration had been engendered by my own personal experiences in the hands of the military that abducted and tortured me in 1976 and 1994, as well as the disappearance of a younger sister of mine in 1977, who remains missing to date. Were you at all surprised about the success of Dukot, and why do you feel it was successful? No. I had thought all along that Dukot was going to make a difference in the little big world of Philippine cinema, if only because of its daring. I expected that it was going to be one of the reasons for its success. And also because it had many mainstream elements, including its being directed by probably one of the most sought-after Filipino directors today, Joel Lamangan. I feel it was successful because it connected, in a big way, with the public on the issue of human rights. We screened Dukot in many cities and provinces all over the Philippines and it did make an impact, especially on the non-activist viewers. Quite a few award-giving bodies also cited Dukot for its artistic merits. How difficult is it to promote a Filipino film overseas? And how do you try and attract (non-Filipino) peoples interest in Filipino movies? Honestly, without the network of Filipino migrants, descendants and friends overseas with whom we have been working, I cannot say how we could screen our films in the various countries weve covered, including in North America, Europe, and Southeast Asia.

We try to attract (non-Filipino) peoples interest by underscoring the fact that human rights, freedom, democracy and peoples welfare are universal themes. These may take on a Filipino nationality and context, but in a larger perspective, when these are trampled upon, the violation is committed against humanity. One can very well identify a corresponding story in other climes. What made you want to make Deadline? Again, as with Dukot, what made me want to make Deadline was reality the series of media killings that plagued the Philippines and ended the careers and lives of at least 150 people since 1986. And then the Maguindanao Massacre happened. At least 32 media women and men were killed. Deadline is inspired by that single most violent incident against the media anywhere in the world. What is the message you are trying to bring with the film?

Winter 2011 | Campaign for Human Rights Philippines

Detlev Mehlis is a world-renowned lawyer currently working as Senior Public Prosecutor in the Office of the Attorney General, in Berlin, Germany. In 2005, then UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan appointed him Commissioner of the UN International Independent Investigation Commission into the assassination of former Lebanese prime minister Rafik Hariri and 22 other people in Beirut. He has recently ended an 18-month posting leading the European Union - Philippines Justice Support Programme, which was created after the Government of the Philippines formally requested the European Union to assist in the implementation of the key recommendations of the Melo Commission made in March 2007. He spoke to CHRP about what he encountered in the Philippines and what he thinks must be done to ensure better prosecution of human rights violations.

pines, given the number of recorded cases of human rights abuses?

The prosecution service seems to be part of the problem. It is incredible and totally unacceptable that only about 10% of all politically motivated murder-cases are brought to court. In scrutinizing the reasons, we reaBefore you arrived, what knowledge did lised that prosecutors had been threatened or you have of human rights violations in the even attacked, and are sometimes afraid of Philippines and their relation to the judicial effectively investigating these cases. Yet, they system? How would you summarise the sit- never received any personal safety and secuuation you encountered in the Philippines? rity training. This is where EPUST immediately stepped in. By now, the Department Prior to joining the EPJUST programme, of Justice is providing this training to all my knowledge of the human rights situ- prosecutors in the country. Prosecutors have ation in the Philippines was limited. You to effectively lead the investigation of these have to realize that the Philippines does not cases and have to cooperate more strongly receive too much with the poattention in the It is incredible that only 10% lice. It is the German media, prosecutor unless it is in the of politically motivated who has to context of natural take the lead. disasters. Human Criminal rights violations in the country are not a big procedures have to be improved as well. issue, as you have neighbouring countries New and up-to-date investigative techwith a much worse record than the Phil- niques, like undercover-investigations, ippines, if you think of China, Myanmar, wire-tapping and up-to-date witness-proVietnam and others. However, what makes tection will have to be introduced under human rights violations worse in the Philip- tight judicial control. On this, the EU pines is the fact that they happen in a democ- could be a role model for the Philippines. racy. Anyway, after consultations with representatives of human rights groups prior to What are the key reforms that you my departure I started to realize the extent of believe need to be made to the Philthe problem. This was confirmed after my ar- ippine justice system in this regard? rival. My immediate main conclusions were, that: the police was - sometimes deliberately, Better training for prosecutors, improved but mostly for lack of expertise - not properly criminal procedures, improved witness-proinvestigating human rights violations; pros- tection. Above all, restoring public trust in ecutors and judges were incapable to fulfil the criminal justice system. Without the their appropriate roles in the criminal justice trust of civil society in the police, prosecusystem, partly because of an insufficient legal tion service and courts, the situation cannot framework; and civil society, including the improve. In EPJUSTs final-report, we inpress, was either ignoring the problems or cluded an extensive list of recommendations, approached them on an individual basis - which - if applied - will improve the situation an organised, common effort was missing. considerably. However, this will not happen overnight, but will require extensive efforts, Why do you think there are so few hu- determination by the Philippine government, man rights prosecutions in the Philip- outside support and several years of work.

The Ju Proces FUll Gov SUPP BoTh Po aNd FiN

To what extent do you think politics is separated from the judicial process?

The judicial process needs full government support - politically and financially. However, there must not be political influence. Prosecutors and judges must be paid by the central government, not by cities or provinces. Appointments and promotions have to be authorized Civil socie by an independent body of judges, prosecutors and lawyers. have to coord How receptive were state actors you met to your and your teams input? The new government supported EPJUST as best as it could. However, there were flaws: we were not authorized by the judiciary to check on ongoing case files to learn more

clos

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What role do you think Philippine civil society should play in combating human rights violations, and how can it be better enabled to do this? Civil society has to play a bigger role in fighting human rights violations. The groups will have to coordinate more closely. They have to get away from having their own individual cases. A common effort, some kind of framework, a loose network, is needed. We started by setting up a Philippine Human Rights Network website, with much helpful information and coordination features. Unfortunately it does not seem to be used and developed in the way we hoped it would. What are the prospects for meaningful reform of the judicial system? The desperately needed reform of the criminal justice system will lead to more prosecutions and convictions of human rights violations and other crimes. Again, it requires a much bigger effort and more determination than what I saw during EPJUSTs time. Drafting nice-looking memoranda and signing important treaties is one thing, but implementing them is another. On paper the Philippines look like the perfect democracy, but we all know that it is not. Do you see problems around prosecuting human rights as something that can be solved by an individual government, or as more systemic in nature? Effectively prosecuting human rights violations definitely can and has to be implemented by the present government. It is the original responsibility of any government. While civil society plays a most important role in creating awareness and observing the government, functioning courts, an effective and determined prosecution service, and an effective police respected by the people, can only be implemented by the elected political institutions.

Are there any plans for an EP-JUST 2? How can the knowledge gained and shared be maximised now the programme has ended? Their will be no direct and immediate follow-up to EPJUST, and the Philippine government has not asked for one. However, the EU is planning for an Access to Justice programme which will contain elements of EPJUSTs efforts. I anticipate the start of this program in late 2012.

on paper the Philippines looks like the perfect democracy, but we all know that it is not
What are your abiding memories from EPJUST and will you return to the Philippines? If I will ever return to the Philippines in an official function - and if so in what capacity - remains to be seen and cannot be predicted, yet. No one has approached me so far and I have my important job with the Berlin Prosecutors Office here in Germany. My main personal conclusions are that a lot of countries are willing to assist the Philippines and that there has to be more coordination between donors for the welfare of the Philippines. The EU should curb bureaucratic procedures. I spent more time typing reports than in the field. The Philippines definitely deserved to be helped by Europe and things can be changed. Although fractured, civil society is impressive, effective and most helpful for the country and its people.

udicial ss Needs veRnment PoRt oliTical NaNcial

about the problems and find solutions - this is indispensable for any efficient support. Fortunately, human rights groups provided us with actual case files, which helped a lot. Another problem was that most of the political actors did not seem to realise that fighting politically motivated murder - organized crime, in fact - has to be a priority in the Philippines. How do you expect tourists to come to the country or business ety groups to invest if there is uncontrolled crime? I recall a situation where dinate more I requested a meeting with a secretary of a certain department to sely discuss the issue, but was told that the gentleman had more important business. Sometimes I had the feeling that it was more important for us to help the Philippine authorities than for them to be helped by us. This is unacceptable and has to change. With civil society, the picture was quite different.

Winter 2011 | Campaign for Human Rights Philippines

militarisation and murdEr in mindanao mining

by Andy Whitmore Indigenous Peoples Links / PIPLinks

n Monday, October 3, the Communist New Peoples Army (NPA) launched a punitive raid on mining companies on the east coast of Mindanao. In itself this was nothing new, as such raids - often equated with the imposition of war taxes have been endemic around small extractive companies in the outskirts for many years. What made this unusual was both the scale of the attack - around 200 red fighters were mobilised to attack three installations - but also the choice of targets, which included the Taganito Mine, run by the Philippines largest nickel miner, Nickel Asia, in partnership with Japans Sumitomo Metal Mining. The attack was estimated to do P3 billion (about 43 million) worth of damage to property and equipment, and the rebels held Japanese nationals on site briefly. All of this happened while the government was talking down the effectiveness of the NPA in stalled peace talks. There was no mention of revolutionary taxes in subsequent NPA statements on the attack, rather a litany of accusations of crimes against the local people and environment were outlined. An October 5 statement confirmed the NPA would carry out punitive actions against those that destroy the environment, exploit the workers and drive away indigenous people from their ancestral lands. As if to confirm this, Leo Jasareno, director of the Mines and Geosciences Bureau (MGB), said Taganito Mining had been issued notices of violation for the pollution of Claver Bay - there was little mention of previous efforts of local Mamanwa indigenous tribes people to barricade the mine in 2009 over supposed royalties that were never paid. As a result of the attack, the MGB

and the Environmental Management Bureau promised to dispatch a team to assess the social impact of the mines. owever, there were more disturbing repercussions. There were immediate calls for more armed protection for mining companies, especially foreign mining companies. The Chamber of Mines joined foreign embassies to call for armed protection for mining operations. This will involve the deployment of unaccountable paramilitaries - known as Special Civilian Armed Auxiliary units or SCAAs - in areas where there are major mining operations. A number of human rights and indigenous groups have pointed out how such paramilitaries have been responsible for rights violations in the past, notably against indigenous peoples, and how there is little confidence in their accountability in the future. This is especially true in situations where local communities are opposing mining projects.

As in many other countries, mining is a hugely contentious issue in thePhilippines, and there has been a long history of associated environmental and rights violations going back to colonial times. While the biggest environmental disaster remains the 1996 Marcopper leak on the island of Marinduque that devastated the Boac river, numerous violations have been recorded around Canadian companies, such as TVI Pacific and Echo Bay, Australian companies, such as OceanaGold and Royalco, as well as Filipino companies, such as Lepanto Consolidated and Benguet Corp. Many of the biggest mining companies in the world, including the UKs Rio Tinto, Anglo American and BHP Billiton have all left the Philippines after protests and complaints around their operations. Gabriela Womens Party Rep. Luz Ilagan said: It is very alarming that the Aquino government opts to collude with mining firms and multinationals in implementing a military solution in order to continue operations and pursue profits at the expense of our

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The remnants of the NPA attack on the compound of Taganito Mining Corp. in Claver, Surigao del Norte. ROEL N. CATOTO

Are human rights activists being made to pay for the attacks ?
communities. President Aquino has also come in for criticism over his support for this specific initiative, given he made an election promise to ban such groups due to human rights implications. Amnesty International issued a public statement on October 14, calling for Aquino to rescind plans to deploy militias in mining areas. Unfortunately the Chamber of Mines chose to condemn non-governmental organisations which are critical of mining, claiming they have emboldened the NPA to believe that protection of the environment can justify their attacks on mining companies. This was strongly denied by legitimate NGOs. A special committee representing a group of indigenous women said: As defenders of our rights, we organize campaigns we file cases, we take to the streets. We monitor, document, report and expose violations committed by the mining companies in our areas. As a result, our leaders have been killed. We experience harassment and threats. We have been labelled as NPA-supporters, or rebels ourselves. Prices are put on our heads. All these, because we oppose mining - because we exercise our right to say no to mining and we assert our right to our land. ot long after these statement there have been two killings in Mindanao, where the victims are known anti-mining activists. Italian missionary priest, Fr Fausto Pops Tentorio, was shot to death in his church on October 17, 2011. His murder is being linked to his opposition to the increasingly murderous Tampakan project in South Cotabato. This controversial project, led by the Swiss-UK company Xstrata, is one of those being lined up for further military support. A number of people, including company staff, have already lost their lives over what could be the Philippines biggest mine. Opposition to the project has led to a hotly contested provincial ban on open-pit mining, and critical interventions from environmental experts of the UKs Working Group on Mining in the Philippines. The second victim was the indigenous Manobo leader and broadcaster Datu (Chief ) Roy Boy Gamay Gallego, whose organisation had filed various complaints against mining in the Caraga region of Mindanao. The NPA attacks may have been financially costly, but at least no one lost their lives in the groups raids. But are human rights activists the ones being made to pay for the recent attacks?

Winter 2011 | Campaign for Human Rights Philippines

chrP coordiNaTes KarNaTioN Bail

HRP coordinated UK union activists last January to raise money for the bail of four workers jailed for nearly three years without a trial. As a result the workers were released in March 2010. However, in October this year a judge made a ruling which could send them and their co-workers back to jail. The four were employees of a company called Karnation, based in Rizal, which produces decor products for export. In 2007 they had gone on strike for better wages along with 16 co-workers together they were known as the Karnation 20 (pictured). The companys manager claimed that picketers had put a chain on the factory gates and that this amounted to false imprisonment. All 20 strikers were arrested and put in jail. Only through the efforts of sympathetic lawyers tipped off by the Centre for Trade Union and Human Rights were they granted bail more than two years later at the end of 2009. In that time two of them had died in appalling jail conditions. Four of the workers could not raise the bail money and were forced to remain behind bars. A Books for Bail book sale in London, organised by CHRP, raised the 600 needed to release Joseph Atienza, Pulido Baguno, Claro Claridad and one other colleague, who were freed on March 19, 2010. Since then the company has tried to get the decision to grant bail overturned. This month a judge ruled that while bail would still be allowed the amount would be raised from Peso 60,000 (about 880) to Peso 80,000

(about 1,170) for each worker. For workers with no real income this is little different from withdrawing bail. Few of the released workers have been able to gain employment with the original false imprisonment charges against them still not having come to court. The injustice is underscored by a labour court finding on November 10, 2010, that all the Karnation workers had been unfairly dismissed and should be reinstated with all their back pay. The company has not acted on this order. Thus workers who the law says should be back in their jobs are now threatened with having to return to jail.

airliNe uNioN ProTesT aTTacKed BY ThuGs

hilippine Airlines, the countrys national airline, has dismissed 2,600 workers and outsourced all ground staff jobs and hired thugs have now attacked a union protest camp resulting in eight injuries and one death. The airline is owned by one of the richest men in the Philippines, Lucio Tan (pictured). The decision to outsource on such a huge scale is set to destroy one of the Philippines longest established and powerful trade unions, PALEA (Philippine Airlines Employees Association pictured in a September 2011 protest). The union has tried to negotiate with the company but says the management is not interested in meaningful talks. The new government, however, is backing Philippine Airlines. On October 1, 2011, the company sacked its entire ground staff workforce. In response, PALEA has organised a permanent protest camp in front of the company in-flight services centre, where it has continued to picket vehicles going in and out. The company immediately called on the police to remove the protest camp, but as the picket was

peaceful and well supported no police action was taken. n October 29, some 50 men wielding sticks and clubs appeared and attacked the camp, injuring eight workers and killing one innocent passerby. The company has denounced as lies any accusations that it was behind the attack. On October 27, members of the US Machinists Union in the San Francisco Bay area protested outside the Philippine consulate in solidarity with PALEA. Lucio Tan is also owner of Keppel Subic Shipyard, where on October 11 a 42-ton ramp tower collapsed killing six workers. Workers report that it had been obvious the ramp was unstable. However, companies employing more than 200 workers are exempt from government health and safety inspections in the Philippines and are instead left to self-assess. Tan has failed to appear at any hearings into the incident.

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PhiliPPiNe uNioN Welcomes Film

journalists working in the Philippines has not subsided. In October, Aquiles Zonio, a correspondent for the Philippine Daily Inquirer in General Santos City, received death threats. Zonio was among three journalists who escaped the Maguindanao massacre in 2009 when they opted not to join the six-vehicle convoy which was later ambushed by up to 100 armed men. In September this year, the daughter of radio broadcaster Redempto Anda, an NUJP member, was abducted she was later rescued after messaging her mother from a mobile phone she had kept hidden. Deadline has been shown in cinemas in the Philippines and is being brought to the UK by CHRP for screenings on December 3 and December 11 at venues in London details are available at the CHRP website. A trailer for the film will be shown at CHRPs Never Forget event on November 23 at Amnesty Internationals International Human Rights Action. The President of the International Federation of Journalists, Jim Boumelha will be speaking along with Carlos Zarate of the NUJP and others. These events are being supported by UNISON, the British National Union of Journalists and the International Federation of Journalists, along with Amnesty International and CHRP.

he National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP) has welcomed the release of Deadline, the latest film by award-winning director, Joel Lamangan. The film, a drama revolving around four journalists who find themselves caught in a web of violence and murder which has already claimed the lives of other newsmen, will have its first UK screening this December after being brought to the country by CHRP. Deadline is the second Philippine film premiered in the UK by CHRP after last years FAMAS-winning Dukot, which chronicled the story of two disappeared ac-

tivists and was also directed by Lamangan. The Deadline plot plays out against the stark reality that the Philippines is one of the most dangerous countries in the world for journalists. The NUJP estimates that 146 broadcasters and journalists have been killed in the Philippines since 1986, with 104 of these killings during the Arroyo presidency including the 34 killed in the Maguindanao massacre - and five already under the 18-month-old Aquino government. However, as Lamangans film arrives in the UK, there remains little progress in prosecuting those responsible. In the past few months the threat to

BoNiFacio ilaGaN continued from page 3

current situation in the Philippines in relation to human rights? Bad - still. Deteriorating, in fact. The promised change and protection for human rights has turned out to be another empty promise by politicians. Extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances continue at least 53 cases during the first year of the Noynoy Aquino presidency it is as if Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo never left the presidential palace. Can you reveal anything about any projects you have planned for the future? I just came from Israel where I did location-hunting for a film on the OFWs. The title tells it all: Migrante (The Filipino Diaspora). Its going to be directed by Joel Lamangan again. But right now, I am working on a film project on the life and times of a great Filipino revolutionary who recently passed away, which I hope to direct. over the past decade that created the conditions in which the Ampatuan Town massacre could take place.The IFJ criticised the decision to promote General Alfred Cayton to deputy commander of the Philip- pine army within weeks of him refusing a military es- cort for the convoy that was subsequently massacred. Victims families have since launched a civil action against General Cayton. This promotion not only rewards a fatal act of gross negligence, but also makes clear the governments determination not to investigate the role and responsibility of the military in this massacre, added Boumelha. Prior to the Maguindanao killings, some 104 journalists met violent deaths since 1984. The murder of the 32 journalists, along with other civilians, made it the single worst atrocity against the media in living memory and the Philippines the most dangerous place for journalists.

I t o

hope help people realise that the killings that are happening every day in the Philippines are not so ordinary. Especially since the victims have increasingly become the people in the media - well, that is no ordinary commentary about our kind of democracy. Do you consider yourself to be an activist? Indeed. How would you describe the

Winter 2011 | Campaign for Human Rights Philippines

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