WORKING PAPER 2

AUGUST 2000 version

PROGRAM ON GENERAL DISARMAMENT

Annotated Bibliography: Disarmament and Related Issues

by

Christopher J. Fettweis
with the assistance of

Dr. Natalie J. Goldring Alex Campbell

UNIVERSITY OF MARYLAND

3140 Tydings Hall, College Park, MD 20742

http://www.bsos.umd.edu/pgd/pubs/annotbib.html

This bibliography provides a starting place for learning about general disarmament and related issues. It has three sections: in the first, you will find the major primary sources relating to general disarmament the treaties, the negotiations, and the agreements. The second section contains what we feel are some of the top secondary sources, which constitute the best places to find descriptions and analysis of disarmament proposals. Additional sources can be found in section three. In the future, we plan to add sources dealing with broader security issues such as human rights, resources and technology, and environmental security. We would especially appreciate your suggestions for sources on these topics, though proposed additions to any of the sections are welcome.

Section

Primary Sources
US Government
Primary sources available at these sites include official documents, speeches, correspondence, and treaties generated by national governments and international organizations. Together, they provide detailed information on past and current proposals, as well as key treaties. The Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (archive site) The Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA) became part of the U.S. State Department in April 1999. The University of Illinois at Chicago maintains an archive for the Department of State that includes the former ACDA site as part of the universitys Electronic Research Collection of historic State Department materials. At http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/acda/treaties.htm, you will find full texts of every arms control treaty to which the United States is a party, including the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, the Limited Test Ban Treaty, the Chemical Weapons Convention, the SALT agreements, and many others. http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/acda/reports1.htm ACDA's 1998 Report to Congress on Arms Control, Nonproliferation and Disarmament Studies, which contains, in its words, a comprehensive list of studies relating to arms control, nonproliferation and disarmament issues concluded during the previous calendar year by government agencies or for agencies by private or public institutions or persons. An excellent overview of ACDAs activities, containing information on world military expenditures and arms transfers; defense technologies, and a great list of official US government defense-related links. The place to find official government positions and reports.

International Sources
The Canberra Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons http://www.dfat.gov.au/dfat/cc/cchome.html This is a 1996 report by an independent commission sponsored by the Australian Government. The commission proposed practical steps towards a nuclear weapon free world including the related problem of maintaining stability and security during the transitional period and after this goal is achieved. Recommended steps include taking nuclear forces off alert, removal of warheads from delivery vehicles and ending nuclear testing. The International Court of Justice http://www.icj.org/~icj/ In July 1996, the International Court of Justice rendered a decision regarding nuclear weapons, declaring both their use and the threat of their use to be illegal under the rules of international law. Its opinion is available at: http://www.prop1.org/2000/icjop5.htm The United Nations http://www.un.org The United Nations Treaty Homepage-http://www.un.org/Depts/Treaty/enter.htm This set of pages contains every treaty deposited at the United Nations, from large multilateral treaties such the Land Mines Ban and the Nonproliferation Treaty to smaller bilateral agreements. http://www.unog.ch/frames/disarm/resolut/51/45.htm In January 1997, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution calling for a threestage process toward general and complete disarmament, echoing prior proposals by the Cold War superpowers. The full text of the resolution is available on line.

Other Sources
The McCloy-Zorin Agreement In the early 1960s the United States and the Soviet Union each proposed a path that the world could take toward general and complete disarmament. The final documents, commonly referred to as the McCloy-Zorin Agreement, are available on line at: http://www.wagingpeace.org/nf/docs/mccloy_zorin_accords.html (The American version of the McCloy-Zorin proposals is at: http://www.voicenet.com/~wbacon/stdk7277.html) Trevor N. Dupuy and Gay M. Hammerman, eds. Documentary History of Arms Control and Disarmament. Dunn Loring, VA: T.N. Dupuy Associates, 1973, p. 469-502. Shortly after the McCloy-Zorin Joint Statement was submitted to the United Nations, both the Soviet Union and the United States drafted proposals for general and complete disarmament. The talks that followed are generally seen as the beginning of modern strategic arms control negotiations. The multi-stage superpower proposals are available in their entirety in this very useful volume. Dr. Albert Schweitzer eloquently presented the case for the cessation of nuclear testing to President John F. Kennedy in April of 1962, from both a nonproliferation perspective and a concern for its effects on human health. The letter is available at http://www.schweitzer.org/english/aseind.htm.

Section

Top Secondary Sources

Alperovitz, Gar, Alex Campbell and Thad Williamson, Down & Out: A Nuclear Path, The Nation, December 30, 1996. http://www.ncesa.org/html/downout.html The authors argue that Bill Clinton should use his second term to pursue the path that Kennedy had proposed - toward general and complete disarmament. Nuclear disarmament will not work if nations feel threatened by the conventional arms of their neighbors, and in many regions general and complete disarmament is the only way to get to true security. Perhaps the best way toward this ultimate goal is by pushing for new rounds of nuclear disarmament, at the global and regional level. There is precedent for regional disarmament - various Nuclear Weapons Free Zones exist, and some nations have been persuaded to give up their arsenals. Global disarmament would be both the right thing to do and consistent with post-Cold War US national interests. Boulding, Elise and Randall Forsberg. Abolishing War. Boston: The Boston Research Center for the 21st Century, 1998. Boulding and Forsberg call for a post-Cold War order built on non-violent resolution of conflict, world governance, and global citizenship to lay the foundation for a stable world peace for the next century. The first sections of this book are conversational-style summaries of four seminars sponsored by the Boston Research Council addressing various theoretical and practical aspects of the pursuit of peace. Each contains a round table critique of the ideas presented. The final section is devoted to general responses from seven authors (Winston E. Langley, Seyom Brown, Virginia Mary Swain, Elmer N. Engstrom, Barbara Hildt, Robert A. Irwin, and George Sommaripa), and concluding thoughts by Boulding and Forsberg. Bull, Hedley, Arms Control and World Order, International Security, Vol. 1, No. 1 (Summer 1976), pp. 3-16. In the first issue of International Security, Bull argues that if order is to be maintained over the long-term in the international system of nations, and if the dangers of the

proliferation of arms are to be met, then arms control agreements must take into account the concerns of all nations, not just the bilateral strategic interests of the superpowers. For example, vertical proliferation, not just horizontal, is inherently dangerous and must be addressed. During arms control negotiations, it is the peace of the world that is at stake rather than merely the political convenience of the United States or the Soviet Union. Burns, Richard Dean, ed. Encyclopedia of Arms Control and Disarmament, New York : Scribners,1993. A three-volume set filled with essays and secondary sources covering arms control and disarmament over the past century. This set covers arms control theory and practice as well as regional issues. Caldicott, Helen, Missile Envy: The Arms Race and Nuclear War. Revised edition. New York: Bantam, 1986. This work by a major figure in the modern peace movement suggests that desire for feelings of sexual dominance may have played a role in key decisions that fueled the U.S.-Soviet arms race during the Cold War. Dean, Jonathan, Randall Caroline Forsberg, and Saul Mendlovitz, Global Action to Prevent War: a Coalition-Building Effort to Stop War, Genocide and Other Forms of Deadly Conflict. http://www.globalactionpw.org/global_action.html "GLOBAL ACTION TO PREVENT WAR is a comprehensive project for moving toward a world in which armed conflict is rare." The authors argue that for the first time in history, the world has the opportunity to free itself from the scourge of war. Their program hopes to bring together a large coalition to address the global problem of organized violence, examining military issues as well as poverty, human rights violations, environmental degradation, and all types of discrimination. They envision four phases of change, each of which would last 5-10 years, eventually ending with the establishment of a permanent global security system. Each phase would entail arms reductions, confidence-building measures, and greater involvement of multilateral international institutions such as the United Nations. This piece was preceded by several other articles by these authors, including: Dean, Jonathan, More Comprehensive Approach Needed on Conventional Arms http://www.igc.apc.org/disarm/deanconv.html

Dean, Jonathan and Tim Barner. A Global Treaty for Reducing Conventional Arms and Armed Conflict. Task Force on Peace and Security, c/o Union of Concerned Scientists, December 2, 1996. Mendlovitz, Saul and Ronald C. Slye, Weapons Wars and Death: A Problematique, Social Alternatives, Vol. 15, No. 3 (July 1996) pp. 13-20. In 1999, The Boston Review published a draft of the Global Action text, along with several short commentaries. Cranston, Alan, A Return to Peace, Boston Review, February/March 1999. http://bostonreview.mit.edu/BR24.1/cranston.html Kaldor, Mary, Missing the Politics, Boston Review, February/March 1999. http://bostonreview.mit.edu/BR24.1/kaldor.html Lumpe, Lora, Too Utopian, Boston Review, February/March 1999. http://bostonreview.mit.edu/BR24.1/lumpe.html Tsipis, Kosta, Irrational Interests, Boston Review, February/March 1999. http://bostonreview.mit.edu/BR24.1/tsipis.html Forsberg, Randall, Randall Forsberg Responds, February/March 1999. http://bostonreview.mit.edu./BR24.1/forsberg2.html Boston Review,

Krieger, David, Nuclearism and Its Remedies, Nuclear Age Peace Foundation Paper (c. 11/97), available at the Toda Institute website, http://www.toda.org/hugg_hon_papers/d_kreiger.html Nuclearism, which is defined as the belief that nuclear weapons and nuclear power are essential forms of progress that in the right hands will protect the peace and further the human condition, is a common but extremely dangerous ideology. The paper reviews many aspects of this ideology - its roots, its uses, its spread - and concludes that a new way of thinking about nuclear technology is long overdue. Among its assertions is that nuclearism, which has revealed its tremendous staying power after the end of the Cold War, is a Western, commercial and military ideology that is poisoning the earth and creating an acceptance of the subordination of science and technology to military purpose. Because the fate of the world remains tied to deterrence, nuclearism all but guarantees future disasters. The paper concludes with the assertion that due to the experiences of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, as well as Chernobyl and Three Mile Island, there may be, some hope, albeit slim, that from the geographic East, from Asia, there will be leadership for an end to nuclearism.

Raskin, Marcus G., Project Director; plus Howard Friel and Brian DAgostino. Abolishing the War System. Northampton Mass: Aletheia Press, 1992. Raskin argues that the end of the Cold War has created an opportunity for the United States to shift away from the war economy toward a peace economy. The military expenditures used in the struggle with the Soviet Union led to the erosion of the American social fabric and have ruined the economy of the United States. In chapter 1, Friel and Raskin propose that military spending should be cut by at least 70 percent; that the intelligence services be abolished; that all nuclear weapons be destroyed; in short, that a entirely new conception of national security should be adopted. Chapter 2 contains a 47-page Draft Treaty Outline which Raskin wrote, calling upon all nations of the world to disarm, and detailing how this could take place. Next Raskin presents an argument calling for the end of the CIA and secrecy in government. The final chapter examines disarmament in the context of international law. Rotblat, Joseph, Steinberger, Jack and Udgaonkar, Bhalchandra. A Nuclear WeaponFree World: Desirable? Feasible? Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993. Nobel-Prize Winner Rotblat and others look at past attempts to eliminate nuclear weapons, the doctrine of nuclear deterrence, feasibility of a nuclear weapons free world, and alternatives to getting there. Contributors include Carl Kaysen, Robert McNamara, and George Rathjens. Roy, Arundhati, The End of Imagination, The Nation, September 28, 1998. http://www.thenation.com/issue/980928/0928AROY.HTM Novelist Roy eloquently makes the case against the Indian nuclear weapons program. She argues that in a nation where more than 400 million of our people are illiterate and live in absolute poverty, over 600 million lack even basic sanitation and about 200 million have no safe drinking water, there can be no way to justify the bomb. It is not an instrument of peace, as the nationalists argue, but the ultimate symbol of war and destruction on the subcontinent, deterrence will not and cannot work given the levels of ignorance and illiteracy that hang over our two countries like dense, impenetrable veils. She makes a convincing case that India's nuclear bomb is the final act of betrayal by a ruling class that has failed its people. Sagan, Scott D. The Limits of Safety. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1993. Sagan details the numerous near-misses that could have turned into an accidental nuclear exchange between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. Sagan makes excellent use of "normal accident theory" in his examination of potential disasters during the Cuban Missile Crisis, the 1968 Thule Bomber Accident, and other near-disasters.

Schell, Jonathan. The Fate of the Earth. New York: Albert A. Knopf, Inc., 1982. This book consists of three essays about the nuclear predicament. The first, entitled, A Republic of Insects and Grass, describes what the health and societal effects of various degrees of nuclear war would be on the civilian population. The second, The Second Death, is a reflection upon the possibility of extinction of the human species. He argues that this s so much more horrifying to the individual than personal mortality because it would also mean the end of all that had come before, and all that would come after, which are central to the human sense of identity. The Choice presented by the third essay would allow the world to pull back from the brink of armageddon, and stop relying on nuclear weapons and deterrence to keep the peace. Schell, Jonathan, The Gift of Time: The Case for Abolishing Nuclear Weapons, The Nation, February 2/9, 1998, pp. 9-60. http://www.thenation.com/disarmament/home_txt.htm In a special double issue of The Nation, Jonathan Schells essay The Gift of Time: The Case for Abolishing Nuclear Weapons is followed by more than a dozen major interviews (five of which are included on the website - Robert S. McNamara, Joseph Rotblat, Bruce G. Blair, Mikhail Gorbachev and General George Lee Butler), all arguing that now is the time to move toward the ultimate abolition of nuclear weapons. Schwartz, Stephen I. Atomic Audit: The Costs and Consequences of U.S. Nuclear Weapons Since 1940. Washington: Brookings, 1998. http://www.brook.edu/fp/projects/nucwcost/weapons.htm This book presents an extensive analysis of the cost society has paid, and continues to pay, to maintain its nuclear deterrent. Trillions of dollars have been poured into these weapons systems with the understanding that they will never be used, and billions more are slated to be spent in the near future.
Turner, Stansfield, Caging the Nuclear Genie : An American Challenge for Global Security. Boulder, CO, Westview Press, 1997.

Turner, former head of the CIA, calls for a new era in nuclear disarmament, including a proposal for US unilateral disarmament. Other concepts presented in the book include a no-first use pledge, a strategic escrow program, and supervised storage of nuclear weapons.

Weiler, Lawrence D. General Disarmament Proposals, Arms Control Today, July/August 1986, pp. 6-15. A summary of the history of general disarmament proposals by the superpowers, beginning in 1928 when the Soviets first coined the term. Throughout the Cold War years, both sides continually reiterated their commitment to general and complete disarmament every time they drafted a treaty. The most serious discussions occurred in the early 1960s and culminated in the so-called McCloy-Zorin Agreement, which began the as yet unfinished series of strategic arms control and disarmament negotiations between the superpowers.

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Section

For Further Study

Section Three is currently split into five general topics: general and complete disarmament, arms control, weapons of mass destruction, conventional weapons, and other issues. In the future, we plan to add sources dealing with broader security issues such as human rights, resources and technology, and environmental security.

General and Complete Disarmament

Baker, Noel. Disarmament. New York: Harcourt Brace & Co, 1926. Part 1 is an eloquent post-Great War call for disarmament, reflective of both the optimism and the determination of the age. Parts 2 and 3 address the theoretical foundation for disarmament, and the specific issues of the day, respectively. Who in Europe does not know that one more war in the West and the civilization of the ages will fall with as great a shock as that of Rome? Barnett, Richard J. and Richard Falk A. eds. Security in Disarmament. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1965. A collection of essays addressing both theoretical and policy issues surrounding disarmament issues. Essays tend to cluster around two large areas: the problem of verification, and methods for states to maintain acceptable levels of security while progressing toward a weapon-free world. Contributors include the editors, Hans Morgenthau, Hans Linde, and Klaus Knorr, among others. Dhanapala, Jayantha, ed. Regional Approaches to Disarmament: Security and Stability. Brookfield, VT: Dartmouth University Press, 1993. A region-by-region analysis of the obstacles to and opportunities for disarmament. Multiple essays by local experts are included for each of the following regions: Northeast Asia and the Pacific Rim; South East Asia; South Asia and the Indian subcontinent; the Middle East; North Africa and the Magreb; Sub-Saharan Africa; and Central and South America.

11

DiFlippo, Anthony. Arms Control Versus Disarmament. National Commission for Economic Conversion and Disarmament, Briefing Paper 6, May 1991. The author differentiates between arms control (regulating, and hence managing a continuing arms race - not bringing it to an end) and disarmament (a phased, comprehensive and verifiable multilateral process at the end of which national warmaking institutions will no longer exist). It reviews disarmament proposals throughout the Cold War, and argues that they were in reality never more than arms control proposals. The conclusion calls for true disarmament to replace the arms race to pull the world back from the brink of armageddon. Independent Commission on Disarmament and Security Issues. Common Sense: A Blueprint for Survival. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1982. This book, which calls for an international common security system as a first step toward general and complete disarmament, is one of the rare works that seems even more relevant today than when it was published. The global cooperation it calls for is much more possible in the post-Cold War era, and its recommendations about how to get us there are still thoughtful and useful. Cyrus Vance and Olaf Palme provide introductions. Luard, Evan, ed. First Steps to Disarmament. New York: Basic Books, 1965. Essays from an academic perspective (including Thomas Schelling and Morton Halperin, among others) building on arms control theory to propose strategies that could start the world down the road to disarmament, with Cold War limitations in mind. Many of the ideas are still relevant today. Myrdal, Alva. The Game of Disarmament: How the United States and Russia Run the Arms Race. New York: Pantheon Books, 1976. The former Swedish Minister for Disarmament shares her perspectives on the superpower arms race. She dismisses many arms control and disarmament negotiations as propaganda that neither side truly wanted to come to fruition. In the end she recommends a more global approach to disarmament, one, which would not rely on superpower leadership and therefore would have a much better chance of success.

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Tate, Merze. The Disarmament Illusion: The Movement for a Limitation of Armaments to 1907. New York: MacMillan and Co., 1942. A detailed history of the first international arms control negotiations at Geneva around the turn of the century, which unfortunately did not meet with much success. The author suggests that efforts failed because no nation truly wanted to disarm, despite their rhetoric. This book reflects the pessimism surrounding disarmament that grew out of the outbreak of the Second World War. United Nations. Basic Problems of Disarmament. New York: UN, 1970. Published at the close of the first UN Commission on Disarmament (1952-1970), this work tries to incorporate the wisdom of nearly two decades of thinking and acting about the issue. It reviews the experiences of the Commission, both encouraging and frustrating, and offers a long list of recommendations about how the world ought to proceed from there.

Arms Control
Blacker, Coit D. and Gloria Duffy. International Arms Control: Issues and Agreements, 2nd. ed. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1984. In this book, the Stanford Arms Control Group addresses a basic question: do international arms control agreements help prevent war? The history of twentieth century arms control, from the post-World War I period to through the detente era, is examined for evidence to support the notion that arms control agreements can help create a foundation for international cooperation and trust. Brennan, Donald G., ed. Arms Control, Disarmament and National Security. New York: George Braziller, 1961. This is one of the first collections of essays approaching arms control from a variety of angles. The authors (Thomas Schelling, Hubert H. Humphrey, Raymond Aron, Herman Kahn, Edward Teller, Henry Kissinger, Morton Halperin, and others) address the background and theory of arms control, major issues and dilemmas, and the policies of the United States as well as those of other nations toward many aspects of disarmament and arms control.

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Brodie, Bernard. On the Objectives of Arms Control, International Security, Vol. 1, No. 1 (Summer 1976), pp. 17-36. The vast majority of writing on arms control is of no use to the policy maker, according to this author, because it fails to clarify and analyze its objectives. Common assumptions about the unstable and provocative nature of arms races are mistaken - the Cold War system is extremely stable. We have learned over three decades that nuclear weapons have been with us that the balance of terror is not delicate. (emphasis in original) The real objective of arms control, especially in the stable bipolar system of the Cold War, should be budgetary, to save money for governments by avoiding expensive arms purchases. Brown, James, ed. Old Issues and New Strategies in Arms Control and Verification. Amsterdam: VU University Press, 1995. Twenty-seven essays on arms control issues relevant to the world at the turn of the century, including the NPT, the BWC, the CWC, nukes, inspections and verification, regional issues, etc. A helpful base of information for those who wish to begin learning about the issues that are of great importance today. Dunn, Lewis A., and Sharon A. Squassoni, ed. Arms Control: What Next? Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993. Essays speculating about what the future emphases of arms control could and should be. Covers many different aspects - nuclear, conventional, naval, regional, etc. - and calls for new thinking to spark new interest, and to create new results, for arms control in the next century. Fisher, Walter R. and Richard Dean Burns, ed. Armament and Disarmament: The Continuing Dispute. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Co., Inc. 1964. An interesting collection of essays approaching the potential for arms control from the three classic levels of analysis - from human nature and individual motivation, to behavior of states, to the effects of the international system. Many contemporary luminaries join the debate, including Kruschev and Kennedy, Barry Goldwater and Fred Ikle, Inis Claude and Hermann Kahn, Curtis Lemay and J.D. Singer. Gottemoeller, Rose, ed. Strategic Arms Control in the Post-START Era. London: Brasseys, 1992. Produced by a working group on arms control at the International Institute for Strategic Studies, these essays explore the future of arms control between the nuclear 14

superpowers. Although this book was written just before the Soviet Union collapsed, there is still a great deal of wisdom in it for todays policy makers who will have the potential to create a post-START world. Especially good for presenting a balance between American and Russian experts. Isard, Walter. Arms Races, Arms Control and Conflict Analysis: Contributions from Peace Science. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988. A review of the various academic approaches to arms control. Discusses various quantitative and qualitative methods that have been used to understand the forces that propel arms races, and forecast the potential for curbing them. Includes sections on modeling individual and group behavior as well as arms races, decision-making studies, world system models, conflict and negotiation principles, and methods of learning. Kaufman, Robert G. Arms Control During the Pre-Nuclear Era. New York: Columbia University Press, 1990. Reviews history of arms control attempts, from the turn of the century to Hiroshima. Especially good detailed analysis of the negotiations surrounding the interwar naval restriction conferences. Long, Franklin A. and George W. Rathjens, eds. Arms, Defense Policy and Arms Control. New York: WW Norton & Co., Inc., 1976. Essays on the state of arms control at the height of detente, many of which are still relevant for an environment of increased cooperation. Authors include Les Aspin, Graham Allison, Richard Falk, Thomas Schelling, and others. Schelling, Thomas C. Strategy and Arms Control. New York: Twentieth Century Fund, 1961 (with Morton Halperin, assisted by Donald Brennan). Arms and Influence. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1966. Often considered the intellectual father of the modern conception of arms control, Thomas Schelling mapped out the intellectual foundations of, and the motivations behind, arms control strategies and negotiations techniques.

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Staar, Richard, ed. Arms Control: Myth vs. Reality. Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1984. A more skeptical but not entirely pessimistic look at the potential for arms control, with special emphasis on the inherent insecurity and anarchy of the international system which makes states hesitant to disarm. Essays by Colin S. Gray, Edward Teller, Richard Pipes, and others.

Weapons of Mass Destruction

(Including CBW and Nuclear Weapons)
Allison, Graham et al. Avoiding Nuclear Anarchy: Containing the Threat of Loose Russian Nuclear Weapons and Fissile Material. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1996. Presents the problem an enormous, under-funded and under-guarded Russian nuclear archipelago and offers some solutions, all of which involve increased US aid to help the Russians control the situation. Helped create awareness of a truly frightening situation. Its conclusions are still quite relevant - not to be read by those hoping to avoid nightmares. Alperovitz, Gar and Kai Bird. The Centrality of the Bomb, Foreign Policy, No. 94 (Spring 1994), pp. 3-20. The authors argue that the Cold War was fueled by the presence of nuclear weapons. There still might have been a post-war rivalry if the bomb had never been invented, but great power accommodation would have been more feasible without the insecurity that nuclear weapons caused. The bomb affected the U.S. post war re-armament of Germany and the war in Korea, which would never have been fought if the Soviet threat to Europe was not contained atomically. The over-militarization of the Cold War was in large part a result of the insecurity wrought by atomic weapons. Bailey, Kathleen. Why Do We Have to Keep the Bomb? The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, January-February 1995. There are six basic arguments for pursuing total nuclear disarmament: to eliminate the risk of nuclear war; to present an example for non-nuclear nations; to cement the end of the Cold War and prevent its resurgence; to fulfill obligations of the NPT; to end discrimination inherent between nuclear and non-nuclear states; and to reduce the military might of nuclear weapons states which often translates into political power. The author argues that none of these objectives would be served by nuclear disarmament, and instead says that deterrence imperatives outweigh the arguments to pursue nuclear abolition. 16

Blair, Bruce G., Harold A. Feiveson, and Frank N. von Hippel. Taking Nuclear Weapons off Hair-Trigger Alert, Scientific American, Vol. 277, No. 5, (November 1997), pp.74-8. http://www.sciam.com/1197issue/1197vonhippel.html Since the end of the Cold War there have been a couple of incidents where accidents have almost propelled the world into nuclear war. The authors explain that such dangers could be avoided by taking nuclear weapons off the hair-trigger alert status that they are now on, and give step-by-step procedures on how it could and should be done. Gallagher, Carole. American Ground Zero: The Secret Nuclear War. Cambridge MA: MIT Press, 1993. A collection of photographs and interviews with "down winders," U.S. military personnel, and employees at the test sites who suffered the brunt of the negative consequences of the nuclear fallout from U.S. atmospheric tests in Nevada. A disturbing and moving indictment of government callousness in pursuit of the "national interest." Also explores the role that Mormonism played in limiting resistance to the test program. Gompert, David, Kenneth Watman, and Dean Wilkening. U.S. Nuclear Declaratory Policy: The Question of Nuclear First Use. RAND, 1995. Current American declaratory policy regarding the use of nuclear weapons, formulated during the midst of the Cold War, is both out of date and unnecessarily vague. The United States should change its declared policy from one that reserves the right to be the first to use nuclear weapons to one that promises never to use WMD first. This would strengthen deterrence, and it would discourage the development of WMD programs in other nations by showing them that the United States will not be intimidated by WMD attacks. Halperin, Morton H. Defining >Eliminating= Nuclear Weapons, Disarmament Diplomacy, No. 19, July 1997. http://www.gn.apc.org/acronym/19zero.htm International nuclear arms control negotiations often become stalemated over the definition of what elimination of nuclear weapons truly means - true across the board elimination, as advocated by non-nuclear weapons states, or the end of nuclear weapons production, as the nuclear club insists. One way around this impasse is to redefine elimination to take into account the true goals of nuclear arms control, Halperin 17

argues. This would include offering strong multilateral security assurances, deferring to the rulings of the International Court of Justice, and decreasing current arsenals to no more than 200 warheads, none of which would be deployed in a ready-to-use fashion. Jones, Rodney W., Mark G. McDonough et al. Tracking Nuclear Proliferation: A Guide in Maps and Charts, 1998. Washington DC: The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1998. A reference work containing a nation-by-nation breakdown of the proliferation of all aspects of nuclear technology, from nuclear power and plant locations to weapons materials and delivery systems. Probably the best single-volume who has what work available. Kier, Elizabeth and Jonathan Mercer. Setting Precedents in Anarchy: Military Intervention and Weapons of Mass Destruction, International Security, Vol. 20, No. 4 (Spring 1996), pp. 77-106. A theoretical piece arguing that the actions taken in the post-Cold War years will set new precedents, and establish new conventions, that will take us into the next century. Explains the theoretical importance of setting precedents both as a way to construct international norms and as a way to break them down. Points out that precedents are not always successful - for example, the Gulf War did not set a precedent of response against all acts of military intervention deemed illegal by the international community. Recommends that nothing be done to change the present international conventions surrounding the use of weapons of mass destruction. Krieger, David. Nuclear Genocide. Nuclear Age Peace Foundation Paper. http://www.napf.org/nucleargenocide.html. Krieger argues that if causing the deaths of large numbers of people with a single weapon with the intent to kill these people is a reasonable definition of a genocidal weapon, then nuclear weapons are clearly genocidal, and should therefore be outlawed and banned. The International Court of Justice agrees. Manning, Robert A. The Nuclear Age: The Next Chapter, Foreign Policy, No. 109, Winter 1997/98, pp. 70-84. According to Manning, the likelihood of use of nuclear weapons is greater now than it was during the Cold War. The three catalysts of proliferation are still with us: insecurity, war and aggression. Yet the debate over nuclear abolition is unnecessary, counterproductive, and a diversion from advancing the real nuclear agenda, which 18

should include: a ban on plutonium production, or at least international control over it; strengthened international nuclear safeguards; de-alerting missiles; shrinking arsenals; and adopting no first use policies, perhaps including an American no first use of WMD pledge. Molander, Roger C. and Peter A. Wilson. On Dealing with the Prospect of Nuclear Chaos, The Washington Quarterly, Vol. 17, No. 3 (Summer 1994), pp. 19-39. Nuclear weapons should be de-emphasized as a flagship element of national security. The authors envision four post-Cold War scenarios for nuclear weapons high entropy deterrence, where the bomb spreads widely; a slowly expanding nuclear club, with controlled proliferation of weapons; continuation of the two-tiered have/have not system; and virtual abolition of nuclear arsenals. Without international leadership by key nations, the high-entropy scenario is almost assuredly...the natural end state of the nuclear age. Moore, Mike. The NAS Blueprint, The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, September/October 1997. Reviews a report from the National Academy of Sciences that Challenges the United States to rethink its Cold War-era nuclear weapons policies and seriously consider the goal of nuclear disarmament. The report does not call for complete nuclear abolition; instead, it makes the following recommendations: re-start START, de-alert missiles, dump the SIOP, preserve the ABM Treaty, adopt no first use, and cut deeply. The NAS says that the ultimate goal would be nuclear disarmament, but that it is not clear how or when that goal can be accomplished. Newhouse, John. War and Peace in the Nuclear Age. New York: Knopf, 1989. A balanced and comprehensive history of nuclear confrontation and arms control. The companion volume to the PBS series of the same name. Steinbruner, John D. Biological Weapons: Policy, No. 109 (Winter 1997-98), pp. 85-96. A Plague Upon all Houses, Foreign

Merely relying on the logic of deterrence will not be adequate to keep the world safe from biological weapons in the next century. International norms, backed up by strong agreements and disclosure arrangements led by the three nations with the largest historical programs (the United States, the United Kingdom and Russia), are the only effective defense against this most unstable of mass destruction weapons. As in the battle with any disease, the key to success is systematic prevention.

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The following articles are from the Special Issue on Nuclear Arms Control
The Washington Quarterly, Vol. 20 No. 3 (Summer 1997) Ikle, Fred C. Facing Nuclear Reality The state of nuclear weapons in the world today has not been re-examined in light of the end of the Cold War. Deterrence does not work against non-state actors, and the cornerstones of our stability, the ABM and START treaties, cannot guarantee our safety. The former should be jettisoned; the latter, expanded. International control over nuclear weapons must be established, despite the disturbing implications that this may have for national sovereignty. Goodpaster Committee, The Declining Utility of Nuclear Weapons The Cold War reliance on nuclear deterrence entailed significant risks and costs: it destroyed the political relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union; it cost both sides a tremendous amount of money, and drained both economies; and it raised the risk of accident leading to full-scale nuclear exchange. The logic of deterrence made some sense during the Cold War, but now the risks and costs far outweigh the benefits. In fact, there is a declining utility of nuclear weapons to address the security threats of the future, and global reliance on nuclear weapons should be curtailed. Nitze, Paul H. Is It Time to Junk Our Nukes? Post-Cold War deterrence of regional powers should not be based on nuclear weapons, but rather on conventional, and especially so-called smart weapons. They are safer, more cost effective, and because their use is plausible they deter much better. The military utility of nuclear weapons is shrinking, but it is not time to get rid of our arsenal until we are sure that we face no nuclear threat. Schlesinger, James R. Nonproliferation and U.S. Nuclear Policy Transcript of the speech during congressional debate over renewal of the NPT in which Schlesinger argues that the uncertainty at the end of the Cold War has increased the importance of the treaty. The United State ought to extend the treaty indefinitely, and if possible strengthen its verification procedures, but should not weaken its nuclear deterrent in these times of uncertainty.

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International Generals and Admirals, Statement on Nuclear Weapons Former military leaders from 17 nations declare that nuclear weapons constitute a peril to global peace and security and to the safety and survival of the people we are dedicated to protect. They recommend that immediate international ratification and indefinite extension of the NPT, reduction of nuclear stockpiles, and de-alerting missiles; as well as a long-term commitment to eliminating these weapons. Sokov, Nikolai, Russias Approach to Nuclear Weapons By the end of the Cold War, the Soviet Union had embraced the policy of second strike for its nuclear arsenal, meaning that it would only use them in response to an attack. The policy of second strike, which mandated waiting to launch a response until the warheads hit the ground, replaced the older policy of strike-on-warning (which was identical to the U.S.s launch-on-warning) called for launch before the incoming missiles hit. However, the technology was not upgraded to reflect that change in policy, so Russia maintained a de facto launch-on-warning policy. Speed, Roger D. International Control of Nuclear Weapons In order to ensure that proliferation does not spread unchecked, a 90s version of the Baruch Plan (which proposed international control over atomic energy) should be adopted. A three-phase approach to such a plan would unfold as follows: in Phase I, a new international security regime would be established; in Phase II, a UN-owned international nuclear deterrent force (INDF) would be created; and finally, in Phase III, all nuclear arsenals would be eliminated in favor of the INDF.

Conventional Weapons
Goldring, Natalie J. Bridging the Gap: Light and Major Conventional Weapons in Recent Conflicts, paper prepared for the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, Toronto, Ontario, 18-21 March 1997. http://www.basicint.org. The paper examines the roles of light and major conventional weapons in recent conflicts, and stresses the importance of addressing the entire range of weapons used in such conflicts when formulating policy proposals. It seeks to help prevent a division of the analytic and activist community into one group that deals with light weapons and one that deals with major conventional weaponry.

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Hartung, William. U.S. Weapons at War: United States Arms Deliveries to Regions of Conflict. World Policy Institute: World Policy Institute Issue Brief, May 1995. http://worldpolicy.org/arms/wawrep.txt In theory, the United States supplies armaments only to responsible allies who use these systems for legitimate defensive purposes. This paper compares that theory with the reality of international arms sales, and finds that US-supplied arms are being used in many conflicts in the world today by groups that are decidedly irresponsible and illegitimate. The author calls for more transparency, accountability and morality be infused into the process of US arms sales. International Campaign to Ban Landmines. The Landmine Monitor Report, 1999. New York: Human Rights Watch, 2000. From the introduction: The most comprehensive book to date on the global landmine situation, containing information on every country in the world with respect to mine use, production, trade, stockpiling, humanitarian demining and mine survivor assistance. A 49 page executive summary and order forms are available on line at www.icbl.org. Lumpe, Lora. Sweet Deals, Stolen Jobs, The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, September/October 1994. http://www.fas.org/asmp/library/articles/sweetdeals.htm Documents the many side deals that arms manufacturers make to sweeten their arms deals. The author argues that such deals profoundly complicate efforts to limit [or even to measure] international arms transfers. An informative exploration into how the arms market really operates. Sidel, Victor W., MD. The International Arms Trade and its Impact Upon Health. British Medical Journal, December 23,1995. Available at the website of the International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War, http://www2.healthnet.org/MGS/Article5.html Review of human consequences of the international arms trade, and efforts to stem (or at least control) its flow. Concludes by saying, Doctors and other health professionals have a special responsibility to participate in these efforts...Failure to accept this responsibility is a failure to live up to the trust our patients and our communities have placed in us.

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Small Arms, Big Problem, The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, Vol. 15, No. 1 (January/February 1999), pp. 18-70. A special issue of the Bulletin containing thirteen articles devoted to the issue of small arms proliferation. The problem is addressed from many angles, including the impact of such weapons, the global small arms trade, domestic and international linkages, methods to approach the problem, and prognoses for the future. Authors include Michael Klare, Natalie Goldring, Michael Renner, Lora Lumpe, Daniel Nelson, and many others.

Additional Issues
Chivian, Eric, MD, et al., ed. Last Aid: The Medical Dimensions of Nuclear War. San Francisco: W.H. Freeman and Co., 1982. The International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War discuss what the medical, psychological, and societal consequences of nuclear war would be. The experiences at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, as well as subsequent research, force them to conclude that there would be no way for the medical community to save the majority of people in the event of a nuclear exchange. Cohn, Carol. Slickems, Glickems, Christmas Trees and Cookie Cutters: Nuclear Language and How We Learned to Pat the Bomb, The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, June 1987, pp. 17-24. Defense intellectuals, the author argues, have built an entire miniature language around nuclear weapons to be able to discuss them rationally. This discourse, which is full of sexual and religious imagery as well as cutesy acronyms and euphemisms, desensitizes people to the ultimate purpose of the weapons they are creating. Cohn points out that language and mode of thinking are not neutral containers of information. They were developed by a specific group of men, trained largely in abstract theoretical mathematics and economics, specifically to make it possible to think rationally about the use of nuclear weapons. In order to change the nuclear culture, it will be necessary to deconstruct and then reconstruct its technostrategic discourse. Cortright, David. Peace Works: the Citizens Role in Ending the Cold War. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993. An in-depth account of peace activism in the 1980s and the relationship and interactions between the peace movement, particularly anti-nuclear activism, and arms control in the 1980s and the end of the Cold War.

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Frye, Alton. Zero Ballistic Missiles, Foreign Policy, No. 88, Fall 1992, pp. 3-20; and Banning Ballistic Missiles, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 75, No. 6 (November/December 1996), pp. 99-112. As Frye argues in these two articles, during the Cold War, technology drove strategy now, in more relaxed times, the situation should be reversed. As a start, ballistic missiles should be banned - not just regulated, but prohibited, as first proposed by President Reagan in 1986. This would help stabilize the continuing nuclear standoff, limit proliferation of missile technology and help create a safer world. Such a ban would be technologically feasible, economical, and would probably receive wide support from nuclear and non-nuclear states alike if only the heavyweights could be made to understand its benefits. Gosh, Pradhip K., ed. Disarmament and Development: A Global Perspective. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1984. Essays by authors from all over the world addressing the linkages between disarmament and development. They all cluster around the same theme: the failure to disarm by states is the biggest single obstacle to economic and social development. Heidenrich, John G. The Gulf War: How Many Iraqis Died?, Foreign Policy, No. 90 (Spring 1993), pp. 108-125. The author, an analyst for the Defense Intelligence Agency during the Gulf War, disputes the Pentagon estimate of 100,000 Iraqi deaths during the Gulf War. Using mostly estimates from numbers of wounded Iraqis captured by American forces, he asserts that true figure is no more than ten percent of that, and probably is about one percent. This is not to imply that the allied military forces were not effective - just not as deadly as previously thought. Note: William M. Arkin and Timothy R. Cote dispute these findings in Foreign Policy 91, and Heidenrich responds. Irwin, Robert A. Building a Peace System. ExPro Press, 1989. This handbook for "activists, scholars, students, and concerned citizens" covers a wide range of topics in an accessible manner, with useful citations.

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Klare, Michael T. Peace & World Security Studies: A Curriculum Guide, 6th ed. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1994. Includes syllabi by leading professors focusing on security studies in the post- Cold War era. Topics addressed include nuclear arms control, North-South relations, conflict resolution, international law and organizations, psychology and peace, the economics of peace and security, development, environmental security, human rights, race and ethnic conflict, feminist perspectives, and nonviolence, peace movements, and social change. Mendlovitz, Saul and Peter Weiss. Judging the Illegality of Nuclear Weapons: Arms Control Moves to the World Court, Arms Control Today, Vol. 26, No. 1 (February 1996), pp. 10-14. The International Court of Justice met in October 1995 to discuss the legality of the use of nuclear weapons. This article, written before the Court had made its decision, briefly reviews the genesis of the case, and assesses the arguments from the perspective of customary rules of international law. It predicted that the weapons would be found to be illegal. If the Court were to render a strong anti-nuclear opinion, although it might not have an immediate impact upon national policies, both civil society and the vast majority of non-nuclear-weapon states would be further energized to pursue disarmament. Odom, William E. July/August 1997. Transforming the Military, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 76 No. 4,

Odom argues that William Perry (in Foreign Affairs Vol. 75, No. 6 [11/96]) grossly mismatches means and ends. The 21st century U.S. military should prepare itself technologically and strategically for the threats and challenges that they are likely to be facing. Specifically, he recommends retiring expensive and anachronistic aircraft carriers and marine detachments, while maintaining forward deployments, which are useful peacekeeping deterrents. Orme, John. The Utility of Force in a World of Scarcity, International Security, Vol. 22, No. 3 (Winter 1997/98), pp. 138-167. This article begins with a review of the literature suggesting that war will become more and more obsolete (especially John Mueller, Retreat from Doomsday), and counters such optimism with three arguments: first, we are at the beginning of a revolution in military affairs, and such major shifts in the way wars are fought tend to favor the offense; second, the population explosion is putting great outward pressure on some nations; and finally, the spread of industrialization throughout the global south will increase competition over resources. This increased demand for scarce resources, coupled with an increase in the utility of the offense provided by the Revolution in

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Military Affairs, leads to the conclusion that war may not be obsolete, as some forecasters have predicted. Phillips, Alan. Twenty Mishaps That Might Have Started Accidental Nuclear War, May 1996. http://www.pgs.ca/pages/aphil971.htm Tracks the ever-increasing number of events that almost led to accidental extinction as they come to light. Luck, not deterrence, often kept armageddon at bay, as is apparent in this discussion of some of the most dangerous moments in the history of our species. Redick, John R., Julio C. Carasales and Paulo S. Wrobel. Nuclear Rapprochement: Argentina, Brazil and the Nonproliferation Regime, The Washington Quarterly, Vol. 18 No. 1 (Winter 1995), pp. 107-122. Until the early 1990s, Argentina and Brazil were considered by most to be on the threshold of acquiring nuclear weapons. By the time this article was written, they had given up their nuclear weapons programs and joined the NPT. This is due to a few key factors: the desire for mutual security, the transition to civilian leadership in the 1980s, mutual interest in development, and an international system that supported their choices. This suggests that rapprochement between rivals is possible, especially if external pressure and incentives are present. It also suggests that disarmament can contribute to the relaxation of tensions and the creation of mutual trust between states. Roman-Morey, Enrique. Latin Americas Treaty of Tlatelolco: Instrument for Peace and Development. http://www.iaea.org/worldatom/inforesource/bulletin/bull371/morey.html In February 1967, the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America was opened for signature in Tlatelolco, Mexico. Initially, 18 states signed it, but in the years since, all nations of the region (with one exception - Cuba) have joined the Treaty of Tlatelolco, which pledges its signatories to maintain a military denuclearized zone while allowing for the peaceful use of nuclear energy. The author argues that similar regional agreements could provide an example for eventual global denuclearization. Note: The text of the treaty is available at: http://193.135.136.30/genet/disarm/distreat/tlatelol.htm Sivard, Ruth. World Military and Social Expenditures 1996. Washington, DC: World Priorities. From the introduction: The report draws a stark contrast between how abundantly the world, and especially the US, feeds its military machine and how meagerly it meets the 26

social needs of its people. The 1996 edition maintains that the weapons and strategies elaborated by governments for defense are often irrelevant to the underlying instabilities and dangers of today. The report provides extensive data on conflict and world social and military expenditures. Spencer, Metta. Political Scientists, The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, JanuaryFebruary 1995. http://www.bullatomsci.org/issues/1995/ja95/ja95.spencer.html Scientists, including many former weapons scientists, were partly responsible - perhaps chiefly responsible - for persuading U.S. and Soviet political leaders that ending the Cold War was doable as well as desirable. Reviews efforts of Pugwash, the Federation of American Scientists, the CSS (Committee of Soviet Scientists for Peace and Against the Nuclear Threat) as well as others to persuade governments to end the Cold War arms race. The conclusions reached include the idea that citizens can influence the behavior of their governments, that scientists often take responsibility for the social consequences of their work, and that the Reagan-era nuclear arms build-up had little to do with ending the Cold War. Tirman, John. "How We Ended the Cold War," The Nation, November 1, 1999, pp. 1321. Tirman argues that the role played by the peace and anti-nuclear movements in ending the Cold War has been underrated. He rebuts interpretations from the right, which credit Reagan and the defense build-up of the 80s, and the center, which de-emphasize Reagan's contribution by focusing on forty years of bi-partisan containment. Instead, argues Tirman, the peace activism surrounding nuclear issues in the early 1980s had a dramatic effect on the way leaders on both sides thought about each other, and about the possibility of war. He credits both public pressure and the influence of the scientific community for changing the hearts and minds of the Cold War combatants. Towle, Philip. Enforced Disarmament: From the Napoleonic Campaigns to the Gulf War. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997. In an interesting approach to the possibilities for disarmament, the author gives a case history of forced demilitarizations and discusses their effect on the disarmed nations. Cases include many of the vanquished following the World Wars - Germany and Japan, as well as Central Europe following World War I - but also Vichy France and Iraq after the Gulf War.
The Program on General Disarmament gratefully acknowledges the support of the Ford Foundation and The John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation.

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