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Amerasia Journal 31:2 (2005): xiii-xxiii
Thirty Years AfterWARd:
The Endings That Are Not Over
Yen L Espiritu
1
By most accounts, Vietnam was the site of one of the most brutal
and destructive wars between western imperial powers and the
people of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. U.S. military poli-
ciessearch and destroy missions in the South, carpet bombing
raids in the North, free-fire zones, and chemical defoliation
cost Vietnam at least three million lives, the maiming of count-
less bodies, the poisoning of its water, land, and air, the razing
of its countryside, and the devastation of most of its infrastruc-
ture. Indeed, more explosives were dropped on Vietnam, a coun-
try two-thirds the size of California, than in all of World War II.
Thirty years (1945-1975) of warfare destruction, coupled with
another twenty years of post-war U.S. trade and aid economic
embargo, shattered Vietnams economy and society, leaving the
country among the poorest in the world and its people scattered
to different corners of the globe. Yet post-1975 public discussions
of the Vietnam War in the United States often skip over this devas-
tating history. This skipping over of the Vietnam War consti-
tutes an organized and strategic forgetting of a war that went
wrong, enabling patriotic Americans to push military interven-
tion as key in Americas self-appointed role as liberatorspro-
tectors of democracy, liberty and equality, both at home and
abroad.
This special volume originates from our concern that thirty
years after the Fall of Saigon, a determined incomprehension
2
remains the dominant U.S. public stance on the history of the
Vietnam War. To be sure, the Vietnam War has not been forgot-
ten. Partly due to the lack of a national resolution, the Vietnam
War is the most chronicled, documented, reported, filmed, taped,
andin all likelihoodnarrated war in [U.S.] history. . .
3
But as
Ralph Ellison reminds us, the highly visible can actually be a type
YEN L ESPIRITU is professor of ethnic studies at the University of California,
San Diego.
Introduction
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of invisibility. In his 1981 introduction to Invisible Man, Ellison
laments that the hypervisibility of the black man in fact renders
him un-visible, enabling most whites to feign moral blindness
toward his predicament
4
to see him as mere background white
noise.
5
In the same way, we are concerned that the profusion
of text and talk on the Vietnam War actually conceals the wars
costs borne by the Vietnamesethe lifelong costs that turn the 1975
Fall of Saigon and the exodus from Vietnam into the endings
that are not over. As scholars, public historians, and the media
have repeatedly documented, the Vietnamese bodies, both during
and after the war, have not been accorded the same humanity
and dignity given to American bodies. Because warfare is ulti-
mately a conflict over which warring nations cultural construct
will prevail, the production of postwar memories often relies on
the material reality of the soldiers dead body to make the
nations cultural claims real. As Viet Thanh Nguyen argues,
from the American perspective, the Vietnamese bodies must be
dehumanized, de-realized, in order to allow for the humaniza-
tion of the American soldier and the substantiation of his body
and, through it, of American ideology and culture.
6
The highly
controversial Vietnam War Memorial, commissioned to com-
memorate and memorialize the U.S. soldiers who fought in Viet-
nam, provides a pointed example of this forgetting. Framed
within the nationalist context of the Washington Mall, the Me-
morial must necessarily forget the Vietnamese and remember
the American veterans as the primary victims of the war. Because
the Memorial is a key site where cultural memory is produced
and debated, the Vietnamese become unmentionable in this con-
text: They are conspicuously absent in their roles as collaborators,
victims, enemies, or simply the people whose land and over whom
(supposedly) this war was fought.
7
Without creating an opening
for a Vietnamese perspective of the war, these dramatic and pub-
lic commemorations of the Vietnam War refuse to remember
Vietnam as a historical site, Vietnamese people as genuine sub-
jects, and the Vietnam War as having any kind of integrity of its
own.
8
We are interested in and concerned about how the Vietnam
War has served as a stage for the (re)production of American
identities and for the shoring up of American imperialist adven-
tures in the last thirty years, particularly now at the moment of
reinvigorated imperialism. As a controversial, morally question-
able and unsuccessful
9
war, the Vietnam War has the potential to
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upset the well worn narrative of rescue and liberation and refo-
cus attention on the troubling record of U.S. military aggression.
Despite important antiwar efforts, the U.S. loss in Vietnam has not
curbed the U.S.s crusade to remake the world by military force.
Instead, the United States appears to have been able to fold the
Vietnam War into its list of good warsmilitary operations
waged against enemies of freedom and on behalf of all who
believe in progress and pluralism, tolerance and freedom.
10
We believe that the narrative of the good refugee, deployed by
the larger U.S. society and by Vietnamese Americans themselves,
has been key in enabling the United States to turn the Vietnam
War into a good war. Otherwise absent in U.S. public discus-
sions of Vietnam, Vietnamese refugees become most visible and
intelligible to Americans as successful, assimilated, and anti-com-
munist newcomers to the American melting pot. Represented
as the grateful beneficiary of U.S.-style freedom, Vietnamese in
the United States become the featured evidence of the appropri-
ateness of the U.S. war in Vietnam: that the war, no matter the
cost, was ultimately necessary, just, and successful. It is this seem-
ing victorythe we-win-even-when-we-lose syndromethat
undergirds U.S. remembrance of Vietnams collateral damage
as historically necessary for the progress of freedom and de-
mocracy.
11
Most often, the narrative of the good refugee valorizes capi-
talism, equating freedom with economic access and choice, up-
ward social mobility, and free enterprise. As U.S. Representative
Dana Rohrabacher (R-CA-45) opined in a press release on the
twenty-fifth anniversary of the end of the Vietnam War, The com-
pelling difference between [Vietnamese American] success and
the poverty and under-development in their homeland is democ-
racy and freedom.
12
This narrative of opportunities bolsters
the myth of private property as fundamental to human devel-
opment and promotes freemarket/capitalist and procedural
notions of freedom, citizenship, and democracy, rather than
calling for more radical social transformations.
13
It is this col-
lapsing of capitalism into freedom and democracy that discur-
sively distances the free world from the enemies of freedom;
and it is this alleged distance that justifies continued U.S. mili-
tary interventions in the service of defending and bestowing free-
dom. The convergence of capitalist values and liberal concep-
tions of democracy is evident in commentator Stanley Karnows
glowing assessment of post-Vietnam United States: the United
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States has emerged from the war as the worlds sole super-
power, inspiring people everywhere to clamor for free enter-
prise, consumer products, the unbridled flow of information
and, above all, a greater measure of democracy.
14
On the thirtieth anniversary of the Fall of Saigon, the United
States indeed seems to have won the Vietnam War. Ten years
after normalization of relations with Vietnam, the United States
has emerged as Vietnams top trading partner, and the two coun-
tries are moving to increase security ties through military-to-
military contacts and intelligence co-operation.
15
In the mean-
time, the U.S. military had metamorphosed into a global cal-
vary, threatening to launch yet more preemptive wars against
rogue states, bad guys, and evildoers in the so-called arc of
instability, which runs from the Andean region of South America
through North Africa, across the Middle East to the Philippines
and Indonesia.
16
In recent months, the media have juxtaposed
daily reports on the crisis in Iraq against Washingtons pro-
nouncement of deepening security and economic ties with Hanoi.
During the June 2005 visit of Vietnamese Prime Minister Phan
Van Khai to the United States, the two countries pledged to
work together to strengthen security and anti-terror cooperation
in Southeast Asia.
17
As widely anticipated, Phans visit prompted
vigorous protests by Vietnamese living in the United States, with
many carrying signs likening Phan to Saddam Husseinthe
face of the current enemyin the hope of goading Washington
into rejecting Hanois overtures for closer U.S.-Vietnam relations.
However, except for a few obligatory remarks regarding Vietnams
human rights record, Bush mainly ignored the protesters pleas.
Most tellingly, Bush rejected the protesters effort to link Viet-
nam and Iraq, and communism and terrorism, stating instead
that the two nations would work together in the global fight on
terrorism.
18
In other words, thirty years after the wars end,
from the U.S. perspective, Vietnam appears to be well on its way to
become yet another satellite regime of the ever-expanding
American empire.
19
In this New World Order, Vietnamese refu-
gees, and their insistent demand for history, are cast aside, yet
again.
History and Memory
All of us have our own stories about the Fall of Saigon. This is
mine. We left Saigon on April 29, in those last few hectic hours.
Although we often characterize this first wave as part of the
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Vietnamese elites, there were also many others, like my family,
who were swept into this exodus, leaving to be on the safe side,
never intending this to be the goodbye. It wasnt until we
reached the Philippines that we heard on the radio that Saigon,
our home, had fallen. That evening, in our makeshift tent city, I
remember the stillness of a people in disbelief, in shock, a people
suddenly without their qu huong (homeland). It is funny how
after all these years, what I remember most about that night are
the cigarette lights that dotted our tent city, and the men who sat
filled with their own thoughts that evening, grieving, contemplat-
ing, already missing the way things used to be and could never be
again. To this day, I am compelled by the particular masculinity
that I witnessed that eveningnot triumphant and potent, but in l
thi diem thys words, sad and broken
20
an initial lesson about
the intersections of race, class, gender, and nation.
Over the years, I have looked for and found fragments of the
refugee story in the lives of other working-class immigrants; it is
through these shared stories that I came to recognize and name
anti-immigrant practices, under- and mis-education, and language
and class discrimination. But it was the U.S. war in Iraq that
brought me directly back to Vietnam: the spectacle of violence;
the we need to destroy it in order to save it mandate; the ways
that peace could only come in the form of a war without end;
and the brutal displacement of thousands of Iraqi men, women,
and children from their homes and neighborhoods.
The shock of recognition. For Vietnam War survivor Sonny Le
who came to the United States as a boat person in 1982, the
image of bombs raining down on Iraq from the belly of the B-52
bombers brought back embedded childhood memories of night-
ly artillery shelling and bombinga lullaby that million of
Vietnamese children. . .fell asleep to.
21
The media chatters end-
lessly now, as it did then, about the capabilities of the U.S. mili-
tary might, especially of its shock and awe air power and smart
bombs, but says almost nothing about the Iraqis/the Vietnamese
on the ground.
22
Their deeds done; never mind the after. On
November 7, 2004, as U.S. Marines surrounded the proud and
historic city of Fallujah, the top enlisted Marine in Iraq called on
his troops to kick some butt. In a pep talk, he rallied the
troops by referring back to U.S. destruction of another proud
and historic city of another time and place, the ancient citadel
city of Hue:
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Youre all in the process of making history. This is another Hue
city in the making. I have no doubt, if we do get the word, that
each and every one of you is going to do what you have always
donekick some butt.
23
These points of convergence, intersecting always with U.S.
imperialist ventures, demand that we refashion the fields of
American Studies and Asian American Studies, not around the
narratives of American exceptionalism, and immigration, and
transnationalism, but around the crucial issues of war, race, and
violenceand of the history and memories that are forged from
the thereafter.
s s s
In discussing her novel The Gangster We Are All Looking For, l
thi diem thy suggests that Vietnamese refugees live in a state
of having departed but not yet arrived.
24
This space be-
tweenbetween the old and the new, between homes, and be-
tween languagesconfounds and expands existing notions of
space and time and articulates the tensions, irresolutions, and con-
tradictions characteristic of Vietnamese lives. Vietnamese/Viet-
namese American cultural forms, as sites through which the
past returns and is remembered,
25
offer rich and varied de-
scriptions of the conflicting, ironic, and ambiguous nature of the
space betweenof lives that could or would have been, as
well as lives that did emerge from and out of the ruins of war,
and peace. Section I, Producing Cultures, features critical
readings of Vietnamese/Vietnamese American cultural produc-
tionsphotography, abstract painting, experimental video, fic-
tion, and filmthat together explore and expose the sounds and
silences of memory, trauma, alienation, sexuality, gender, and
transnationality. Lan Duong, in an insightful essay on Tony Buis
feature film Three Seasons, highlights the Vietnamese diasporic
subjects gendered desire to re-imagine and apprehend a pre-
capitalist Vietnama desire that elides the reality of Vietnams
present postcolonial and postdevelopmental condition. Viet Le
examines three contemporary Vietnamese American visual art-
istsDinh Q. L, Ann Phong, and Nguyen Tan Hoangwhose
work traces and unsettles the legacies of the Vietnam War.
Isabelle Pelaud, in a review of Linh Dinhs collection of short
stories Fake House, calls attention to the transnational debris
the discarded, disconnected, and dysfunctional unchosens
that emerge from the brutal dislocations produced by war, coloni-
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zation, and globalization and that inhabit lifes social margins.
Focusing on the representation of Vietnamese mixed-race children,
Fiona Ngs critical reading of the documentary film Daughter
from Danang likewise emphasizes the brutal cultural contact be-
tween the United States and Vietnam, the aftermath of which is
told through and on the childrens very bodies.
These young Vietnamese American scholars, and the artists
whom they feature, urge us to be mindful of the ghosts that in-
habit the space betweenthose from whom we many have been
separated or never met due to the many consequences of war(s),
and those with whom we live but may never fully know due to
the many ghosts in their lives. How do we begin the many un-
finished conversations with the ghosts of our/other livesto
make contact with what is without doubt often unsettling, pain-
ful, and difficult? To take seriously the space between is also
to ask a number of theoretical and political questions about death
and the dead: When does death begin? How to count the dead?
Whose death matters? Who own the dead? What about the liv-
ing dead, who live as a shadow, already a ghost, never allowed
to be fully present? And what about those who are kept alive
but always in a permanent condition of being in pain?
26
To begin answering these questions, we have to be willing
to become tellers of ghost storiesthat is, to pay attention to what
modern history has rendered ghostly, and to write into being
the seething presence of the things that appear to be not there.
27
Since memory activitiesthat is, the writing of historyare al-
ways mediated by relations of power and accompanied by ele-
ments of repression, it is necessary to identify what is at stake
in remembering and forgetting past events in certain ways and
not in others.
28
As we know, much of official U.S. history about
Vietnam is based upon organized forgetting. Noam Chomsky
writes in 1984:
For the past twenty-two years, I have been searching to find
some reference in mainstream journalism or scholarship to an
American invasion of South Vietnam in 1962 (or ever), or an
American attack against South Vietnam, or American aggres-
sion in Indochinawithout success. There is no such event in
history. Rather, there is an American defense of South Vietnam
against terrorists supported from the outside (namely from Viet-
nam).
29
There is no such event in history. As a consequence of U.S.
historys erasure of Vietnamese, especially of South Vietnamese
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accounts, of the war, the most that we have are fragmented
flashes of memory, of partial and imperfect recollections. Look-
ing for and calling attention to the lost and missing subjects of
history is critical to any political project. Earlier, in a different
context, Toni Morrison instructs us to be mindful that invisible
things are not necessarily not-there.
30
How do we write about ab-
sences? How do we compel others to look for the things that are
seemingly not there? How do we imagine beyond the limits of
what is already stated to be understandable? To engage in war
and refugee studies then to is to look for the things that are seem-
ingly not there, or barely there; and to listen to fragmentary tes-
timonies, to barely distinguishable testimonies, to testimonies
that never reach us.
31
That is, to write ghost stories.
In Section II, Moving Communities, Thuy Vo Dang engages
the missing subjects of history by featuring the lives of first-gen-
eration Vietnamese refugees who deploy the narrative of anti-
communism in part to keep alive their history and memories of
war, lest it be forgotten by the American public and/or the next
generation of Vietnamese Americans. Loan Dao spotlights com-
munity protest against the misrepresentation and marginalization
of Southeast Asia and its people in the Oakland Museums exhibit,
Whats Going On: California and the Vietnam Era.
In Section III, AfterWARdA Forum, five scholarsJohn
D. Blanco, George Dutton, Denise Ferreira da Silva, Khatharya Um,
and Lisa Yoneyamacomment on the points of convergence and
divergence of U.S. wars in Vietnam, Cambodia, the Philippines,
and Iraq and on the lessons glimpsed therein for our shared fu-
ture.
I have memories of a war that took place before I was born,
writes Vince Diaz of the wars in the Philippines and in Guam,
told to him by his Filipino parents and by Chamorro survivors
respectively.
32
A young Vietnamese student, after learning about
the spraying of chemical defoliation on Vietnamese soil in my
class, dreamt that night that her young body was covered with
the toxic Agent Orange. How do young Vietnamese Americans,
born and raised in the United States, create their own memories
of a war that took place before they were born? The process of
generational transmission of war memory is often complex and
difficult, as the second generation struggles between honoring
the survivors memory and constructing their own relation to
this legacy.
33
Marianne Hirsch has called the second generations
memory of war postmemory: the experience of being sepa-
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rated in time and space from the war being remembered, yet of
living with the eyewitness memory.
34
Section IV, Whose Memo-
ries?, features the writing of two second-generation Vietnamese
Americans, Thu Minh Pham and Brandy Lin Worrall, whose re-
flections on Vietnam are mediated by their own postmemory,
by their parents direct experience with the war, and by the poli-
tics of war commemoration practiced in the United States.
l thi diem thy writes that Vietnamese refugees are a people
larger than their situation.
35
What kinds of stories do we need
to tell that would capture this complex personhoodthe com-
plex and oftentimes contradictory humanity and subjectivity of
the Vietnamese people, here and elsewhere?
36
And how do we im-
pose a critical perspective on these storieswhich often remem-
ber South Vietnam as only free and democratic, North Vietnam
as only ruthless and Communist, and the United States as only
benevolent and powerfuland yet still bear witness to the other
truths behind these retellings? On the thirtieth anniversary of
the end of the Vietnam War, we stake our hope in the fact that
there is no way to close off new readings of even old stories; and
that it is precisely through the retellings and re-readings of sto-
ries that people negotiate, forge, and live with their version of
history, however fragmented and contested. On the road there,
as tellers of ghost stories, it is imperative that we always look for
something more in order to see and bring into being what is
usually neglected or made invisible or thought by most to be dead
and gonethat is, to always see the living effects of what seems
to be over and done with.
37
We need to see, and then to do
something with, the endings that are not over.
Notes
Acknowledgements: I thank Thu-Huong Nguyen-Vo for the many con-
versations on this volume and essay; ours has been a most productive
partnership. I also thank Russell Leong for his keen insights on history
and memory and Brandy Lin Worrall-Yu for her skills in shepherding
the volume through production.
1. This phrase is from Avery F. Gordon, Ghostly Matters: Haunting
and the Sociological Imagination (Minneapolis: University of Min-
nesota Press, 1997), 195.
2. Melani McAlister, Epic Encounters: Culture, Media, and U.S. Inter-
ests in the Middle East, 1945-2000 (Berkeley: University of Califor-
nia Press, 2001), 209.
3. John Carlos Rowe, Eyewitness: Documentary Styles in the Ameri-
can Representations of Vietnam, in John Carlos Rowe and Rick
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Berg, eds., The Vietnam War and American Culture (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1989), 197. Since 1990, scholars have
published more books on Vietnam than on World War II. See
Kenneth R. Weiss, After Such Strife, Vietnam Fades From Cam-
puses, Los Angeles Times, April 23, 2000.
4. Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man (New York: Verso [1952] 1981), xii.
5. Gordon, 16.
6. Viet Thanh Nguyen, Race and Resistance: Literature and Politics in
Asian America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 618.
7. Marita Sturken, Tangled Memories: The Vietnam War, the AIDS
Epidemic, and the Politics of Remembering (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1997), 62.
8. David Desser, Charlie Dont Surf: Race and Culture in the Viet-
nam War Films, in Michael Anderegg, ed., Inventing Vietnam:
The War in Film and Television (Philadelphia: Temple University
Press, 1991).
9. Robin Wagner-Pacifici and Barry Schwartz, The Vietnam Veter-
ans Memorial: Commemorating a Difficult Past, The American
Journal of Sociology 97:2 (1991), 381.
10. George W. Bush, Address to a Joint Session of Congress and the
American People, September 20, 2001.
11. I thank Jody Blanco for calling my attention to this point.
12. House Passes Resolution Remembering the Fall of Saigon, press
release. http://www.house.gov/royce/vietnamfall.p.htm, posted
June 19, 2001.
13. M. Jacqui Alexander and Chandra Talpade Mohanty, Introduc-
tion: Genealogies, Legacies, Movements, in M. Jacqui Alexander
and Chandra Mohanty, eds., Feminist Genealogies, Colonial Legacies,
Democratic Futures (New York: Routledge, 1997), xxxiii.
14. Stanley Karnow, Vietnam: 25 Years After the Fall, San Jose Mer-
cury News, April 23, 2000.
15. Paul Richter, Vietnams Premier Gets VIP Treatment, Los Angeles
Times, June 22, 2005.
16. Chalmers Johnson, Baseworld: Americas Military Colonialism,
Mother Jones Magazine, January 20, 2004.
17. Richter.
18. Ibid.
19. Chalmers Johnson, Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American
Empire (New York: Henry Holts, 2000), 19-23.
20. l thi diem thy, The Gangster We Are All Looking For (New York:
Knopf, 2003), 117.
21. Sonny Le, A Vietnam War Survivor, Reflects on Iraq, unpub-
lished personal account.
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22. Le, A Vietnam War Survivor.
23. Associated Press, November 7, 2004.
24. l thi diem thy, A Reading and Conversation, UC San Diego,
April 11, 2005.
25. Lisa Lowe, Immigrant Acts: On Asian American Cultural Politics
(Durham: Duke University Press, 1996), x.
26. Achille Mbembe, Necropolitics, Public Culture 15:1 (2003), 132.
27. Gordon, 7-8.
28. Lisa Yoneyama, Hiroshima Traces: Time, Space, and the Dialectics of
Memory (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 33, 28.
29. Noam Chomsky, Afghanistan and South Vietnam, in James Peck,
ed., The Chomsky Reader (New York: Pantheon Books, 1987), 225.
30. Toni Morrison, Unspeakable Things Uspoken: The Afro-Ameri-
can Presence in American Literature, Michigan Quarterly Review
28:1 (1989), 1-34.
31. Gordon, 36.
32. Vicente M. Diaz, Deliberating Liberation Day: Identity, History,
Memory, and War in Guam, in T. Fujitani, Geoffrey M. White, and
Lisa Yoneyama, eds., Perilous Memories: The Asia-Pacific War(s)
(Durham: Duke University Press, 2001), 155.
33. Natasha Burchardt, Transgenerational Transmission in the
Families of Holocaust Survivors in England, in D. Bertaux and
P. Thompson, eds., Between Generations: Family Models, Myths,
and Memories (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 121-139.
34. Marianne Hirsch, Past Lives: Postmemories in Exile, Poetics
Today 17 (1996), 664-680.
35. l, The Gangster, 122.
36. Gordon, 4-5.
37. Ibid., 17-23.
Asan Amercans
On War
& Peace
Edted by Russe . leong
8 Don T. Nakansh
oo. (( pp., (+ photographs, sotcover, 8 x ,
Asian Americans On War and Peace is
the first book to respond to the tragic world
events of September 11, 2001 from Asian American
perspectives, from the vantage points of those whose lives and communi-
ties in America have been forged both by war and by peace. Twenty-
four scholars, writers, activists, and legal scholars have written for this
collection. Together, their voices reveal how Asians, Asian Americans,
South Asians, Arabs, and others view the future of the planet in rela-
tion to the events of both yesterday and today. We join others who
continue to question both the ongoing crisis of the American presence
in the Middle East, and the concurrent crisis of civil liberaties and de-
mocracy in the United States.
CONTRIBUTORS: Helen Zia, Jessica Hagedorn, Roshni Rustomji-Kerns, Vijay
Prashad, Amitava Kumar, Russell C. Leong, Jerry Kang, Eric K. Yamamoto,
Susan Kiyomi Serrano, Frank Chin, Moustafa Bayoumi, Stephen Lee, Janice
Mirikitani, Ifti Nasim, Arif Dirlik, Grace Lee Boggs, Vinay Lal, David Palumbo-
Liu, James N. Yamazaki, Jeff Chang, Angela E. Oh, Michael F. Yamamoto, Mari
J. Matsuda.
Photographs of Asian Pacific Americans in New York City immediately
after 9/11 by Corky Lee; photographs of Central Asia (regions bordering Afghani-
stan) taken immediately after 9/11 by Eric Chang.
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