A

TERM PAPER ON

TERRORISM IN NIGERIA

PRESENTED BY

ADEDEJI FRIDAY

2011

TABLE OF CONTENT Introduction Definition of Terrorism History of Terrorism in Nigeria Causes of Terrorism in Nigeria Religion Terrorism in Nigeria Political Terrorism in Nigeria Cases and Activities of Terrorist Groups in Nigeria Politics of Combating Terrorism in Nigeria

Conclusion

Introduction Terrorism poses important political and diplomatic challenges. It is designed to call attention, through the use of violence, to the causes espoused by terrorists, and to bring about changes in policy favourable to those causes. Nigeria and its allies and all other affected nationsmust deal with this threat to civilized order with all appropriate measures, ranging from diplomatic to military. One potential means for dealing with terrorism is law. Nigerians are particularly attracted to the law as a means for repressing violence, and are committed domestically to using law to control criminal conduct and to resolve disputes. They invoke the law almost instinctively, and repeatedly, assuming that it regulates conduct and, in particular, provides a system for bringing terrorists to justice. The time has come to ask, frankly and honestly, why terrorism is so loudly condemned in Nigeria, and yet so prevalent. How good is the law in fighting terrorism and how effective are the security agencies in the country in their bid to quash terrorism. While the events of 9/11 in the US serve to draw the attention of many to terrorism globally, terrorism has had a long history in Nigeria. Jesse and Odi events in Nigeria are two examples of state terrorism, which have placed Nigeria in the global terrorist map. Recent is that of Kidnapping in the Niger Delta Region of the Country, the Bomb attacks

and Killing by the Boko Haram Muslim Sect e.t.c which has blown up Nigeria rank in the world terrorist attack countries scale. Despite its prevalence, terrorism has manifested in different ways in Nigeria. Domesticity of terrorism has added important dimensions to terrorist groups, terrorist acts and the politics involved in combating it. Although activities of different groups that target civilians are definitely terrorist in nature, the attempts of the government in Nigeria to use this label may have created some confusion, especially when political opponents, civil society groups, and opponents of governments have also been branded terrorists. There have also been doubts as to whether groups agitating for purely parochial interests of ethnic, religious and social groups are terrorists groups because of how they have been classified by the government. The UN consolidates a list, which lists individuals and entities linked to Al Qaeda, Osama bin Laden, and the Taliban. Owing to the fact that none of the groups in Nigeria has featured on this list, although there were instances of linkages between groups in Northern Nigeria and the Taliban, Nigerian government has refrained itself from branding these groups as terrorist groups. Definition of Terrorism The definition of terrorism has proved controversial. Various legal systems and government agencies use different definitions of terrorism in their national legislation. Moreover, the international community has been slow to formulate a universally agreed, legally
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binding definition of this crime. These difficulties arise from the fact that the term "terrorism" is politically and emotionally charged. During the 1970s and 1980s, the United Nations attempts to define the term foundered mainly due to differences of opinion between various members about the use of violence in the context of conflicts over national liberation and self-determination." According to Ambassador Chief Arthur C.I. Mbanefo, MFR, Permanent Representative of Nigeria to the United Nations, "Terrorism is a global menace. It is, indeed, a scourge which needs to be frontally confronted. It is a violation of our fundamental human rights, especially the right to life and that of peaceful coexistence. The terror and tragedies that terrorists unleash on innocent and unsuspecting citizens pose a serious threat to the stability of all societies. It threatens existing democratic institutions. Emerging democracies are very vulnerable to tragedies which such terrorist attacks cause. Since 1994, the United Nations General Assembly has repeatedly been using the following political description of terrorism: "Criminal acts intended or calculated to provoke a state of terror in the general public, a group of persons or particular persons for political purposes are in any circumstance unjustifiable, whatever the considerations of a political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic, religious or any other nature that may be invoked to justify them. Terrorism is the use of force or violence against persons or property for the purpose of
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intimidation, coercion, or ransom. Terrorists often use violence and threats to create fear among the public, to try to convince people that their government is powerless to prevent acts of terrorism, and to get immediate publicity for their causes. Acts of terrorism can range from threats to actual assassinations, kidnappings, airline hijackings, bomb scares, car bombs, building explosions, mailings of dangerous materials, agroterrorism, computer-based attacks, and the use of chemical, biological, and nuclear weaponsweapons of mass destruction (WMD). According to Hoffman who believes it is possible to identify some key characteristics of terrorism. He proposes that: By distinguishing terrorists from other types of criminals and terrorism from other forms of crime, we come to appreciate that terrorism is :

ineluctably political in aims and motives violent or, equally important, threatens violence designed to have far-reaching psychological repercussions

beyond the immediate victim or target

conducted by an organization with an identifiable chain of

command or conspiratorial cell structure (whose members wear no uniform or identifying insignia) and

perpetrated by a subnational group or non-state entity.

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A definition proposed by Carsten Bockstette at the George C. Marshall Center for European Security Studies, underlines the psychological and tactical aspects of terrorism: Terrorism is defined as political violence in an asymmetrical conflict that is designed to induce terror and psychic fear (sometimes indiscriminate) through the violent victimization and destruction of noncombatant targets (sometimes iconic symbols). Such acts are meant to send a message from an illicit clandestine organization. The purpose of terrorism is to exploit the media in order to achieve maximum attainable publicity as an amplifying force multiplier in order to influence the targeted audience(s) in order to reach short- and midterm political goals and/or desired long-term end states." Walter Laqueur, of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, noted that "the only general characteristic of terrorism generally agreed upon is that terrorism involves violence and the threat of violence". This criterion alone does not produce, however, a useful definition, since it includes many violent acts not usually considered terrorism: war, riot, organized crime, or even a simple assault. Property destruction that does not endanger life is not usually considered a violent crime, but some have described property destruction by the Earth Liberation Front and Animal Liberation Front as violence and terrorism.

The AU Convention on the Prevention and Combating Terrorism article 1 (3) defines terrorism as any act which is a violation of the criminal laws of a State Party and which may endanger the life, physical integrity or freedom of, or cause serious injury or death to any person, any number or group of persons or causes or may cause damage to public or private property, natural resources, environmental or cultural heritage and is calculated or intended to: (i) intimidate, put in fear, coerce or induce any government, body, institution, the general public or any segment thereof, to do or abstain from doing any act, or to adopt or abandon a particular standpoint or to act according to certain principles; or (ii) (iii) disrupt any public service, the delivery of any essential service to the public or to create a public emergency; or create general insurrection in a State.

History of Terrorism in Nigeria In the history of Nigeria, terrorism is dated back since 1952 when there were severe killings in Kano State Nigeria powered by misconstrued and misdirected politicians. The same has continued until the recent time in 1999, when the country witnesses emancipation from the military rulers. The history of terrorism is a history of well-known and historically significant individuals, entities, and incidents associated, whether
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rightly or wrongly, with terrorism. Scholars agree that terrorism is a disputed term, and very few of those labelled terrorists describe themselves as such. It is common for opponents in a violent conflict to describe the other side as terrorists. Those called terrorists can often be referred to as militants, paramilitaries, guerrillas, resistance movements or freedom fighters. However, they are united in the range of tactics they commonly employ which involves non-systemic covert or semi-covert warfare, driven by an ideological basis often political religious or socially based. They often seek to use propaganda of the deed to cause a psychological impact alongside the actions themselves to drive the aspired change. Historically, three waves of terrorist groups are discernible in Nigeria. The first of such groups existed even before colonial rule. They were the age-grades, guild associations and special interest groups performing one function after another in the overall engineering of their respective polities. Examples include Ndinche, Modewa, Aguren, Eso, Akoda and Ilari and so on. The second wave relates to groups, essentially based on kinship affinity, with presence in every part of Nigeria, including the northern region, Fernando Po, and the Gold Coast. As Coleman had noted, such groups were formed as people began moving from one area to the other in search of colonial jobs. As ethnic associations, they were based on strong loyalty and obligation to their kinship group, towns or villages. These associations were the organizational expression of strong persistent feeling of loyalty and
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obligation to the kinship group, the town or village where the lineage is localized.i Examples include the Calabar Improvement League, Owerri Divisional Union, Igbira Progressive Union, Urhobo Renascent Convention, Naze Family Meeting, Ngwa Clan Union, Ijo Rivers Peoples League, Ijo Tribe Union, etc. The third wave comprises of groups such as the OOdua Peoples Congress(OPC), Arewa Youth Consultative Forum, Movement for the Actualization for the Sovereign State of Biafra, Anambra State Vigilante Service, Abia State Vigilante Service, Imo State Vigilante Service, Niger-Delta Volunteers Force, Ogoni Youth, Ijaw Youth, Bakassi Boys, Egbesu Boys, Onitsha Traders Organization, Mambilla Militia Group, Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta{MEND} and the BOKO HARAM. Attention shall be devoted to the third wave in this paper, as only this relates to current trends in terrorism in Nigeria.

Causes of Terrorism in Nigeria Nigeria, like many nations in Africa, is not in short supply of groups and associations agitating for one thing or the other. This paper limits its focus to groups agitating for political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic and religious interests of their peoples and groups. The first condition that can be considered a direct cause of terrorism is the existence of concrete grievance among an identifiable subgroup of
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a larger population, such as an ethnic minority discriminated against by the majority. In this case, are actions of Nigerian government leaders that were dominated by the majority Northern leadership such that it neglected the needs and aspirations of the Delta area? Was the purported actions due to lack of political will; incompetence; or was it as a result of corruption effects? Was it also in any case a result of corruption, such that the neglect was perpetrated by the Delta leadership that saw self before the State? The second condition that creates motivations for terrorism is lack of opportunity for political participation. It is obvious in International Community that Regimes that deny access to power and persecute dissenters create dissatisfaction. In this case, grievances are primarily political, without social or economic overtones. In the case of Niger Delta, we could all agree that there is an existence of a lack of opportunity for political participation until recent changes adopted by the current government, but the question still remain, as to whether the native Delta participants in the rulership of their government activities will in turn positively impact their masses or will it be a negative effect that is a down turn of corruption. Other conditions that I will not discuss in this paper will include the religious overtone Muslim fundamentalist, Class warfare and Cultural divisions that encourages terrorism. Several factors underlie the growth and development of terrorist groups in Nigeria. Economic recession of the 1980s, falling commodity
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prices, OPEC price increases, privatization, economic liberalization, deregulation, currency devaluation, Cold War politics, trade barriers, civil conflict, etc. are some of the notable examples. These myriads of problems reduced governments ability to fund welfare projects. The impact of these policies ranged from job cuts, high inflation rates and unemployment to a burgeoning informal sector. Military dictatorship, especially under Generals Babangida, Abacha and Abubakar, not only stifled opposition, but also introduced favouritism in government appointments, promotion and allocation of developmental projects. These trends combined to make crime and criminal activities rampant. The inability of law enforcement agencies to curtail the spate of crime and violent conflicts in the country engendered a situation whereby non-state actors, in their bids to provide security and other necessities, contested crime control and community policing with law enforcement agents. This, undoubtedly, was a flagrant abuse of the Nigerian Criminal Procedure. Religion Terrorism in Nigeria VIOLENT fundamentalism and extremism, especially in the name of religion, has grown in northern Nigeria. From the 1980s after the Maitatsine sect unleashed terror on innocent citizens and were eventually routed by the superior fire power of the federal military government, Northern Nigeria has become a festering ground for a remarkable number of radical Islamic sects that have demonstrated
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their readiness to inflict violence and mayhem to pursue their agenda. The recent group Boko Haram has being engaging themselves in the use of guns, bows and arrows, machetes and bombs to unleash unimaginable terror on ordinary citizens, including young graduates on national service. These have provoked, given the dominance of Muslims in the North, similar dispositions among Christian groups in the north. It seems the political leadership at both national and subnational levels has not adequately taken account of the remarkable growth of extremism since the return to democratic rule. OVER time, in some parts of the North, religion-inspired violence has become more and more vicious and better organised. The instruments of violence have also grown in sophistication, just as intellectual capacity of the leadership of these extremist groups has improved with the recruitment of university graduates, top government officials and important elements from the upper rung of the society in the North. FOR all practical purposes, it must be recognised that religious extremism and/or terrorism has become a mark of many cities in northern Nigeria. It has become obvious by the frequency and the systematic occurrence of these events that they are planned to intimidate or cause terror in pursuit of religious, political and other goals. This is certainly the perception of victims of these crimes. This conclusion is further justified by the fact that perpetrators of these crimes usually go scot-free; they are never punished. Where the government overwhelmed the perpetrators of the acts, the leaders of
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the sect involved are usually eliminated in action, extra-judicially killed or set free. That is why since the 1980s, no leader of these terror groups has had the chance to make a case in the law court, fuelling rumours that people in high places have something to hide concerning state sponsorship of such groups. THE intergovernmental conflict that led to the setting up of two parallel panels by the Federal Government and the Plateau State government over the previous mayhem in Jos also buttresses the view that there is more to these crises than meets the eye. THE involvement of a Nigerian youth who has lived in several cities in the North, though born to a wealthy Nigerian from Katsina, may be a harbinger of the arrival of a northern network that has adopted extremism and terror as policy. The government must deal with the issue of extremism in the North with all the seriousness it can muster. This should involve detailed investigation into the various religious sects and radical groups that hold the potential of unleashing terror. A strong intelligence network should be established to keep a perpetual eye on their activities. Proactive and pre-emptive measures must be the focus of intervention. THIS also means that government at the state and national levels must cooperate to address social, political and economic conditions that feed fundamentalism and intolerance and make ordinary people available for recruitment. These conditions include poverty, typified by widespread deprivation and hunger,
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lack

of

access

to

quality

education, unemployment, political manipulation of religion by the elite class and struggles over control of state resources. All these conditions must be addressed fully to bring an end to these crises not just in the North but in other parts of the country

Political Terrorism in Nigeria As many people across the globe celebrate the year 2010, disgruntled terrorists are busy maiming lives and properties. The case is same in the northern Nigeria where politically triggered crisis are the order of the day. The most recent of these traumas is that of the Jos Plateau crisis that claimed about 460 lives of innocent people of which many are Christians. Who are this terrorist? Without mincing words, these terrorist are those who have no regard for human right. Of course they are not like the average Nigerian who work all round the clock in search of daily bread; they are the highly ranked politicians seeking for one selfish reasons or the other. In this time and age, it is ironical that while most nations of the world are pushing and pursuing the frontiers of knowledge to improve their socio-economic wellbeing using the pathway of science and technology, most states in the country belonging to the sectarian alliance are seriously wishing to advance backwards into Stone Age when ignorance held sway. This is the exact picture of what the Nigerian nation is passing through.
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Today, the Nigerian government own media campaign of civilian rule and democracy in the country whereas the same class of cabals from different part of Nigeria has vowed to keep ruling the nation. These so called political leaders want to remain in power by all means in other to continue their control of the nations economy. They still see politics as a do or die affairs and they enforce themselves on the people by terrorizing the innocent Nigeria and kill those that refuse them to have their ways those they refer to as oppositions. They sponsors, fund and make use of different terrorist group to achieve this their selfish agenda. Internal terrorism still exists in the country and unless true democracy is practiced, there would be no peace in the country. In a sad situation like this, the country would continue to deteriorate and loss their cordial relationship with the international community.

Cases and Activities of Terrorist Group in Nigeria In the remaining part of this section, the study shall examine representative cases of the activities of a few of these groups and associations. Beginning with the OPC, on 20 February 2001, two police officers and three members of the OPC were killed in clashes between the police and OPC in Ikotun Egbe in Lagos after the police tried to disperse a gathering of the OPC that was considered illegal. On 10 August 2001, one alleged robber, Saheed Akanbi, was set ablaze by the OPC in the Agege area of Lagos state.ii Akanni Arikuyeri was killed
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and nailed to a wooden cross on 10 August 2001 by the OPC in the IdiOro area of Lagos. The alleged offence of this middle-age man was that he had killed several members of the OPC and policemen who had attempted to stop his robberies. In a similar vein, between 1 and 13 January 2002, 36 people were killed in clashes between the OPC and the guards of Olowos palace at Owo. As a result of these multiple killings, Ganiyu Adams was declared wanted by the police.iii Over the years members of the OPC and the leaders, Dr. Fasheun and Ganiyu Adams, have been arrested and detained ten times for these and many other activities. Only once were they brought to trial. By 2001, newspaper reports were replete with stories of the inhuman treatment, extrajudicial killings and human rights violations perpetrated by the Bakassi Boys in Abia state. In fact, 25 deaths were recorded on 30 October 2001, reportedly the work of the Bakassi Boys because of late payment of rent. On 25 January 2002 at Umuleri community, 11 suspected armed robbers were summarily executed by the Bakassi Boys. As a result of its alleged nefarious activities, the mobile police raided five operations bases of the Bakassi Boys and liberated 46 prisoners being held in different cells. Irrespective of the claims of controlling crime and criminality, the activities of the Bakassi Boys (Abia) included arson, kidnapping, extrajudicial killings, looting, unlawful detention and disappearances. The police, and sometimes the communities, are in no doubt that these
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groups are more of a menace than a partner in curbing crime and criminality or fighting for ethnic goals. In February 2001, for example, Mr. Gilbert Okoye, the leader of the Anambra state Bakassi Boys, was arrested (APP), and the questioned by the party police in over the murder state.iv of Like Ezeodumegwu Okonkwo, the chairperson of the All Peoples Party main opposition Anambra Ezeodumegwu Okonkwo, Odi Okaka Oquosa, an artist and a religious leader, was arrested and tortured by the Bakassi Boys in Onitsha on 19 October 2000. His offence was that he had been paying regular visits to the chairperson of the Bakassi Boys in Onitsha to persuade him to order his boys to stop the human rights violations they had allegedly committed. He was severely beaten for three days and eventually released through the intervention of his relatives. The Civil Liberties Organization (CLO) estimated the number of extrajudicial executions committed by the Bakassi Boys in Anambra state at over 2 000 between April 2000 and January 2002. Its report also stated that thousands who had been treated cruelly, inhumanly or in a degrading way or tortured by the Bakassi Boys of Anambra state had either lost their lives from injuries sustained or been stigmatized as criminals. Between 4 January and 15 March 2002 alone, an estimated 105 people were extra-judicially executed by the vigilante service in Onitsha and its environs. Between 15 and 31 July 2000, witnesses stated that over 30 people were killed and their bodies dismembered with machetes and set
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ablaze in various locations in and around Onitsha. Eddy Okeke, a religious leader from Nawgu, Anambra state, was reported to have been beaten, kicked, whipped, mutilated and decapitated in the presence of thousands of villagers on 9 November 2000. His hapless body was later doused with petrol and set ablaze. He was allegedly found guilty by the vigilante group of aiding and abetting armed robbers. On 9 May 2001, the Bakassi Boys announced the execution of 36 alleged robbers in Onitsha after having detained and tortured them for weeks in Chukin Mansion, the headquarters of the group in Onitsha market. On 9 July 2001, the Bakassi Boys, ignoring the police request that the suspect be handed over, drove Okwudili Ndiwe, aka Derico, a notorious alleged criminal, to a popular market in Onitsha where his head was severed. On 11 August, eyewitnesses stated that eight people were dismembered and set ablaze in public at Lagos Motor Park, Sokoto Road, Upper Iweka, and other locations near Onitsha. Another 20 people were killed in similar circumstances in Nnewi and Okija between 25 and 30 November 2001. As noted by the CLO, most of these killings were done with active connivance or collaboration of the federal police and the Anambra State Vigilante Service. In fact, more than 40 bodies were said to have been dumped in the Niger River in the presence of the police.v In Imo, one of the states that invited the Bakassi Boys, the CLO reported that
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on 3 January 2001, the Bakassi Boys publicly executed an alleged criminal in front of the St. Pauls Catholic Church, near Owerri main market. The victim was killed with machetes and the body was set ablaze. On the same day, another person was executed and incinerated in Oshishi (wood market) by the Bakassi Boys in Owerri. Also in January 2001, over a dozen suspected criminals met a similar fate at the hands of the Bakassi Boys in Owerri. By February, when the Nigerian police raided the bases of the Bakassi Boys, 46 members of the group and some suspected criminals held in illegal detention centres were arrested. As noted by the police commissioner, the Bakassi Boys created illegal detention camps and were killing innocent people on the streets without proper investigation and were carrying unregistered arms. The arrested members were said to have since been released on bail. On 29 July 2002, Agence France Press reported that the Bakassi Boys took machetes to four suspected armed robbers along the Owerri-Port Harcourt road. Their bodies were said to have been set ablaze. vi In another development, on 10 April 2000, V.O. (m), 20 years old, O. Ok. (m), 13 years old, O.O. (m), 32 years old, Ch.b. (m), 19 years old, Ch.Ch (m), 24 years old and Ch.O. (m), 22 years old were reported by Civil Liberty Organization to have been killed in Inland Town, near Onitsha by a combined group of members of the federal police and Anambra State vigilantes; their bodies were later dumped in the River Niger. The real names of the victims are

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deliberately suppressed for security of their families. The same story was happened in all the states in which the Bakassi Boys operated. Organizations such as Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND), MASSOB and many other groups in the Niger-Delta are famous for hostage taking, kidnapping for ransom, pipeline vandalization, oiltheft, arson and ambush. Till date, more than five hundred oil workers, politicians, actors, children, and other important personalities have either been kidnapped or taken hostage. Initially, the groups and associations argued that kidnapping and hostage taking were introduced to force experts involved in crude oil exploration in the Niger-Delta areas to pressure Nigerian government to take decisive steps towards ameliorating the environmental, social and political problems bedeviling the area. More recently, the trends and patterns of hostage taking and kidnapping differ markedly from using it as proxies to get government attentions, as the groups focus more on the ransom paid to ensure release of the oil industry workers. Today, groups target foreign nationals irrespective of whether they work in the oil industry or anywhere near the oil-producing areas or not. The primary intention is that when such people are captured or kidnapped; their relatives and embassies would pay whatever amount to ensure their release. In January 2007, four foreign oil workers were abducted at a Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) location in Bayelsa State. In
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the early hours of Saturday February 18, Ijaw youth launched series of coordinated and devastating commando-like attacks on specifically selected and strategically located oil facilities and installations in western Niger Delta. In March of the same year, Ijaw youths took hostage another nine expatriate oil workers, while by April; thirteen expatriates were abducted in Port Harcourt alone. Altogether, more than five thousand foreigners, most of whom are from America, Britain, Thailand, Egypt, and the Philippines have been kidnapped and taken hostage by Niger-Delta groups. These actions of the youths signaled a new dimension in what is happening in the Niger-Delta, as the youths were ready to tell the world that the Nigerian Government has lost control over what is happening within its borders, most especially in the oil rich Niger Delta. Before 2008, no group or organization ever dared the Nigerian Army, but now as leader of MEND and most wanted militant in the Niger Delta, Ekpemupolo, aka Tompolo said that their recently coordinated attacks are because they are ready to take their future in their own hands, actions, which have since forced Nigerian government to set in motion processes of negotiation that ultimately resulted in the ongoing Amnesty Programme. Since the beginning of 2008, kidnapping and hostage taking have ascended new heights. Many Nigerian politicians, university lectures, kings and their chiefs, musicians and movie industry workers have
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featured among the kidnapped. Anybody can be kidnapped. More often than not, kidnappers and hostage-takers hardly kill victims, although a number of deaths have been recorded. Whenever a person is kidnapped, the family, company or embassy of the country of the victim is notified and a price is placed on his or her head. Prices are quoted based on the worth of the victim. If a renowned personality with clouts in government or oil magnate or, better still children of any of these is kidnapped, the price is usually high. The former governor of the Central Bank, Prof. Charles C. Soludos father was released after a whopping 200 million naira was paid to kidnappers. Peter Edochie and Nkem Owoh, two of Nigerias famous movie stars, were only released after 20 million and 1.4 million naira were paid. The geography of kidnapping-for-ransom has also changed. From Niger-Delta to Lagos, Ibadan to Kadunna, Adamawa to Ekiti, different people male and female, old and young, have been kidnapped in all these places. In all these places, allowances are usually made for bargaining. Once agreement is reached and ransom is paid, the victim is released. Deaths have occurred, but where deaths have occurred, as in the case of Chief Irabor in Edo State, it was usually the case that injuries were sustained in the process of capture or when victims attempted to escape. On some occasions, victims have been killed when ransom was not paid or partly paid or to shield kidnappers from being revealed.

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Activities Of The Boko Haram Sect

7 September, On that day Boko Haram frees over 700 inmates from a 2010 prison in Bauchi State. December, 2010 Boko Haram is blamed for a market bombing, following which 92 of its members are arrested by the police.[35] 28 January, 2011 The Borno state candidate of the All Nigeria People's Party (ANPP) for the April 2011 gubernatorial elections is assassinated, along with his brother, four police officers and a 12-year old boy. Boko Haram is blamed for these killings, other commentators note that the assasination of the ANPP governorship candidate Mr. Modu Fannami Gubio is politically motivated. No evidence is offered for Boko Haram's involvement. [36][37] 8 February, 2011 Boko Haram offer conditions for peace. The radicals demand that the Borno State Governor, Senator Ali Modu Sheriff, step down from office with immediate effect and also allow members to reclaim their mosque in Maiduguri, the capital of Borno State.[38] On 9th May 2011 Boko Haram rejects an offer for amnesty made by the governor-elect of Borno state, Kashim Shettima[39] 29 March, 2011 The police thwarts a plot to bomb an [ANPP] election rally in Maiduguri, Borno State (map). The threat is blamed on Boko Haram. 1 April, 2011 On the day before the original date of Nigerias legislative elections, suspected Boko Haram members attack a police station in Bauchi (map). 9 April, 2011 A polling center in Maiduguri is destroyed. 15 April, 2011 The Maiduguri office of the Independent National Electoral Commission is bombed, and several people are shot in a separate incident on the same day. Authorities suspect Boko Haram. 20 April, 2011 Boko Haram kills a Muslim cleric and ambushes several police officers in Maiduguri. 22 April, 2011 Boko Haram frees 14 prisoners during a jailbreak in Yola, Adamawa State (map)[40] 29 May, 2011 Boko Haram is blamed for a series of bombings in northern Nigeria that leave 15 dead.[41] 17 June, 2011 The group claims responsibility for a bombing attack on the police force headquarters in Abuja that occurred the
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26 June, 2011

27 June, 2011 03 July, 2011

previous day. Officials believe that the attack is the first suicide bombing in Nigeria's history and that it specifically targeted Police Inspector-General Hafiz Ringim.[42] The sect carries out a bombing attack on a beer garden in Maiduguri, according to officials and witnesses. Militants on motorcycles throw explosives into the drinking spot, killing about 25 people.[43] Another bombing in Maiduguri is attributed to the group. It kills at least two girls and wounds three customs officials.[44] A bombing in a beer garden in Maiduguri is attributed to the group. It results in the death of at least twenty people.
[45]

10 July, 2011

A bombing at the All Christian Fellowship Church in Suleja, Niger State.[46] 11 July, 2011 The University of Maiduguri temperory closes down its campus citing security concerns.[47] 12 August, 2011 Prominent Muslim Cleric Liman Bana is shot dead by Boko Haram. He dies after sustaining gunshot wounds. He walking home after conducting prayers at the main mosque in Ngala.[48] 26 August, 2011 The UN headquarters in Abuja are blown up by a suicide car bomber, leaving at least 21 dead and dozens more injured. A Boko Haram spokesman later claimes responsibility.[49] Four men are produced in an Abuja magistrates' court, they are charged with organising the bombing and are remanded in custody for a federal high court hearing.[50] 16 October, 2011 Police suspect that members of Boko Haram have shot and killed politician Modu Bintube outside of his home in Maiduguri.[51] 22 October, 2011 Spokesman Abu Qaqa indicats that the militant group has slain Alhaji Zakariya Isa, a Nigerian Television Authority journalist, claiming that he was a government informant.[52] 5 November, A series of coordinated attacks in Borno and Yobe states, 2011 primarily around Damaturu, kill at least 67 people, leaving a new police headquarters in ruins, and government offices burned. A Boko Haram spokesman tells The Daily Trust newspaper that it is responsible for the attacks and promises more.[53][54] 25 December, Boko Haram claims responsibility for bomb attacks on
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2011 churches across Nigeria.[55] 5-7 January 2012 Boko Haram was widely assumed to be responsible for a string of attacks in northern Nigeria since publication of an ultimatum for Christians to leave the area. At least 37 people had died in attacks in towns across four states, and the group claimed responsibility for at least some of the attacks. According to the Red Cross, gunmen in Mubi, Adamawa state killed three people and then the following night killed 18 mourners. In Yola, local residents reported that eight people had died as gunfire opened on Christians leaving church. In a separate incident in Gombe, the group claimed responsibility for an attack on a church service that left at least six dead. Elsewhere, a Christian couple was killed in the Mairi ward of Maiduguri

These groups and association, in carrying out their activities, have used the following means and methods: (i) (ii) (iii) (iv) (v) (vi) (vii) Chopping off hands and other body parts; Burning victims to death, clubbing and matchetting victims to death; Beheading and chopping body parts into pieces; Burning homes, motor vehicle; Beating to death Hostage taking, kidnapping, arrest and illegal detention; etc. Ransom collection;

THE PREVENTION OF TERRORISM ACT 2011 The bill for an act to make provisions for and about offences relating to conduct carried out or purposes connected with terrorism was passed
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by the Sixth National Assembly in February 2011 and subsequently accented to by the President and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic Nigeria, Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan. A critical look at these legislation show that it has the ability to prevent, prohibit and combat acts of terrorism including the financing of terrorism in Nigeria. It is also evident that they will facilitate and promote the effective implementation of the international Convention on the prevention and combating of terrorism as well as the suppression of the financing of terrorism. For example, section 2(c) of the terrorism bill defines act of terrorism as causing an attack upon a persons life which may cause serious bodily harm or death; kidnapping of a person; destruction to a government or public facility, transport system, and infrastructural facility including an information system, a fixed platform located on the continental shelf, public place or private property likely to endanger human life or result in major economic loss. The bill also went further to explain that a person who belongs to or professes to belong to a proscribed organization has committed an offence and shall on conviction be liable to imprisonment for a maximum term of 20 years. But as good as these pieces of legislation are, little seems to be happening as regards their implementation and hence the wanton destruction of property and loss of lives across the country

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The bill gives the police and security forces powers to seal off a property or vehicle without a search warrant and allows judges to order the detention of suspects for up to 30 days if they feel it is in the interests of public safety. All terrorism cases will now be heard at Nigeria's Federal High Court where, depending on the severity of the charges, judges can pass sentences of up to 30 years in prison. Anti-terror legislation in other parts of the world has been

controversial, especially when dealing with surveillance, which human rights groups and even the United Nations have said can sometimes go beyond what is required to combat terror. Nigeria's bill gives the top law, police and government security officials the right to access post, e-mails, phone calls or other data if they believe it is in the interests of national security

Combating Terrorism in Nigeria Evidence abounds to demonstrate that the activities of these groups enjoy tacit or actual endorsement of the state. In fact, some states have increased the profile of these groups by openly endorsing armed vigilante groups, either as the most reliable force in the fight against crime and criminality, or as a critical part in the campaign. Such actions have proven popular among a population often dismayed by the poor police record in curbing crime and criminality. It must be noted that national and international human rights organizations, the
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Nigerian press, the Nigerian Bar Association and individuals have alleged that these groups carry out extra judicial executions, illegal detention and other acts of terrorism for and with the direct support of politicians or political office holders. The nations constitution empowers only the Nigeria Police Force to perform policing functions; the usurpation of police functions by vigilante groups is an aberration that must not be allowed, regardless of the circumstances. In Anambra, Imo, Abia, Ebonyi, Edo and Enugu states, Bills were initiated and passed by state assemblies establishing vigilante services in these states. Consequently, governors in these states have openly supported the establishment, activities and modus operandi of these illegal associations or groups. In August 2001, Governor Lucky Igbinedion of Edo State publicly announced a Bill establishing a vigilante group in the state. On 10 June 2002, the Ebonyi State governor also publicly announced that he would soon sign into law a Bill establishing the Bakassi Boys. The State Assembly has already passed the Bill. On 25 June 2001, Governor Tinubu of Lagos State announced plans to turn the OPC into the state security service in a ceremony at the commissioning of the statue of Mrs. Kudirat Abiola, the slain wife of M K O Abiola. 26 July 2001 witnessed a situation whereby the state released and discharged unconditionally more than 100 OPC members the Nigerian police had accused of criminal activities ranging from armed robbery to arson.

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In this atmosphere of tacit and/or explicit official approval of vigilante and ethnic militarism, it is puzzling to note that the federal government still acknowledges the rights of individuals to fair hearing, fair trial and rights to life. The laws in Nigeria recognize the fact that anyone who is deprived of his rights shall have the right to take proceedings before a court, in order that the court may decide without any delay whether such deprivation is lawful or not. As enshrined in all international conventions entered into by the nation, everyone charged with a criminal offence shall have the right to be regarded as innocent until proven guilty by a court of competent jurisdiction. Therefore, it is unlawful for any state governor to set in motion machineries for setting up and passing into law a Bill, which creates bodies and sponsors groups whose activities are in clear violation of peoples fundamental rights and the laws of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Piqued by the activities of these associations and groups, President Obasanjo sought parliamentary approval on 10 April 2002 to outlaw certain armed groups and associations in Nigeria. Among other things, the Bill seeks to prohibits any group of persons, association of individuals or quasi-military group to retain, organize, train, or equip any person or group of persons for the purpose of enabling the group of persons or association of individuals to use or display physical force or coercion in order to promote any political objective or interest; ethnic or cultural interest; social, occupational or religious interest.

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A major criticism against the Bill deals with its ambiguous and unclear stance on parallel organizations usurping police functions or any armed organizations allegedly created to curb crime and criminality. The Bill is a good start to controlling and curbing ethnic and vigilante militarism in Nigeria, but it is, nevertheless, silent on which groups or associations qualify for proscription and which do not. The establishment and endorsement of vigilante groups by legal statutes on the one hand, and on the other a (federal) law calling for the proscription of these associations and groups create conflict for law enforcement and foster an environment where crime and terrorism can thrive. The government in Nigeria has, at different times, adopted different approaches to combat terrorism. In the first instance, government has evaded the tendencies to dub what is going on in the Niger-Delta area as terrorism, especially in order not to complicate the situation, especially since the 9/11 events in the USA. In addition, counterterrorism has been employed. Odi and Jesse are two classic examples. In both cases, government has responded by deploying terrorism against not only the terrorists but the entire communities of Odi and Jesse. This action has complicated rather than ameliorated the problem. In the specific case of the Niger-Delta, government has also used dialogue and negotiation. For instance, at every turn when militants
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abduct foreign nationals, negotiating teams to negotiate release of victims are raised by government. When nine Shell workers, earlier mentioned, were kidnapped, the Federal Government raised a negotiating team to negotiate with the Federated Niger Delta Ijaw Communities (FNDIC) who coordinated their abduction. Chief James Ibori, the Governor of Delta State, went the extra mile to talk to militant groups in Okerenkoko and Gbaramatu as well as the FNDIC. The most comprehensive action taken so far in curbing terrorism in Nigeria is the on-going Amnesty Programme. The programme aims mainly at ensuring unconditional pardon and cash payments to rebels who agree to lay down their arms within a sixty-day period. The third component of the programme is the rehabilitation of the militants. Government officials say that any militant who surrenders his or her arms would be given about 255 a month in cash and food allowances during the rehabilitation period. A major demand by the militants in the Niger-Delta, which was also supported by a government appointed committee last year, was that Niger-Delta states should receive 25% of the country's oil revenue, as against the current 13%. So far, this critical component of the yearnings of the people, which addresses the underlying problems in the Niger-Delta region, remains to be addressed. Mr. Richard Moncrieff, West Africa Project Director for the International Crisis Group notes that The amnesty idea is a step in the right direction, but there does not appear to be a substantial amount

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of planning and political engagement behind it. Unless this happens, it would appear to be a half-hearted measure." In all, 7000 men and women from different terrorist groups all over Ondo, Delta, Edo, Cross-River, Rivers, Bayelsa, and the entire NigerDelta region accepted the Amnesty and laid-down their arms. However, the first drawback in the Amnesty Programme is the fact that constitutionally, the President lacks the power to grant Amnesty to uncharged, un-tried and un-convicted persons. Another drawback is the fact that government has no comprehensive plan to rehabilitate these terrorists. This problem reared its head almost immediately after the deadline for renouncing terrorism, when ex-terrorists discovered that the much-talked-about training and empowerment programme of government was not actually in place. Many of these men and women have openly expressed regrets laying down their arms. It goes beyond saying that Nigerian government lacks the capacity to rein in terrorists and, as such, faces the danger associated with these men and women returning to their old ways. Conclusion: Factors to Consider for Improved Cooperation With Nigeria in Fighting Terrorism From the above cases and examples, it goes without saying that while global attention is focused on embassy-bombing, aircraft-hijack and 9/11 terrorists-attack kind of terrorism, equally devastating terrorist
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activities are going on in Nigeria vis--vis Africa without as much publicity and policy attention as embassy-bombing, aircraft-hijack and 9/11 terrorists-attack kind of terrorism are attracting. As noted by the UN, a terrorist act is considered transnational if more than one territory can be identified with the planning, preparation, targeting, execution and effects of that act. Invariably, what is going on in Nigeria is terrorism, although government in Nigeria has shied away from calling groups deploying terror activities in Nigeria as terrorist groups. Nevertheless, the preparation, training, resources and effects of their activities affected nationals of different countries. In addition, the transnationality of the effects of their activities is not in doubt. For instance, their terrorists activities affected oil and gas production in both Nigeria and globally. One hard fact the government in Nigeria cannot contest is the fact the targets, whether Nigerians or nationals of other countries, are used as proxies to get government in Nigeria to arrest environmental, economic and marginalization problems in the Niger-Delta area. The same is true of the activities of the various vigilante and ethnic-defender groups in other parts of Nigeria. For development to be meaningful, it must be systematic, holistic and responsible. To be meaningful and sustainable; development must not only be co-operative, but also responsive and co-responsible. With plethora of evidence staring us in the face, we now know that the 21 st Century is different from other centuries before it. It is unlike the 19th Century, which, for Africa, marks
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its

forceful

and

unprepared

incorporation into the vortex of international political economy. It is unlike the 20th Century and its Cold War geo-politics. It is a century with its own rules. It has shrunk the divide between the North and South, between the developed nations of the West and the developing nations of Africa, Asia and Latin America. It globalizes not only products but also thoughts. Its anti-gap capacity has made it possible for people, even in Lagos, to be aware of events as they unfold in Laos. Nowhere is too remote and no news is too unimportant. Our worlds have been wired and connected like never before. Consequently, development in Africa or anywhere for that matter must be coresponsible. Globally, we have reached a point where the cost of remedial action pale into insignificance against the cost of continued inaction. Therefore the task of combating domestic and transnational terrorism in Nigeria should not be left to Nigeria alone. It must be a collective responsibility of all. To this end, the following intervention opportunities are suggested for Nigerias friends and partners. Intervention for Development: While not discounting the fact that Nigeria must solve its own problems, it is essential to note that Nigeria has demonstrated little or no control over the problems of underdevelopment and the unwholesome practices of the multinational corporations involved in exploration of oil and gas in the Niger-Delta. In their intercultural communications and multilateral cooperation with Nigeria, international organizations and development partners must
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insist

on

minimum

benchmarks,

especially

from

multinational

corporations involved in mineral resources extraction not only in Nigeria but also in other nations of Africa. This is fundamental in two ways: (i) the global fight for a better environment and (ii) peace between mineral extracting corporations and their host communities. Three interrelated factors are critical to explain the importance of this suggestion. (a) Scarcity, which is understood as the ratio of the human demand to natures ability to supply it; (b) politics of ownership, management and control; and (c) the mineral resources extracting processes. Where scarcity is underwritten by natures inability to meet demands, conflicts and wars in these areas would require sustainable management efforts to save the areas. Where scarcity is underwritten by uneven distribution of wealth, as we have in present day Nigeria, conflicts easily slip into terrorism, as groups seek better bargaining opportunities with government and government, on its own part, seeks to protect itself at all costs. The politics associated with ownership, control and distribution of resources deals with not only on how resources are managed by the state but also with what laws ownership and control are guided. In Nigeria, like in most of Africa, three different and antagonizing ownership and control structures exist. Pre-colonial ownership structure, which placed ownership of resources on the people, the community and generations unborn; and the colonial ownership structure, which vested ownership on government and the community;
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exist side-by-side with a more modern ownership structure, which removed the people and reposes ownership and control on the whims and caprices of the elected officials. Poverty and underdevelopment have brought out the resiliency of the pre-colonial ownership system. Given these antagonizing ownership systems, the complexities associated with mineral resources extraction have become nuanced. All these are compounded by multinational corporations use of obsolete equipment, which leaves behind a depleted environment. The victims of terrorist activities in the Niger-Delta and their families have since known how important is the need to do something about all these. Also in their intercultural communications and multilateral cooperation with the government in Nigeria, international organizations and development partners should remind the government in Nigeria of the need for justice in its enterprise with the terrorists. Sacrificing justice on the altar of the need for peace is not a way out of any problem. The factor of agency is crucial to development and the current amnesty deal must reflect just that. As things are, the deal, without justice, would embolden recalcitrant groups. We cannot continue to act irresponsibly and hope to attract investors to the nation. While measures geared at engaging the terrorists in Nigeria must have local-contents that reflect Nigerias national peculiarities, other nations with experiences and proven local best practices in this area should
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also share such practices with Nigeria, as peace in Lagos is peace in Washington and Copenhagen.

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References:

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J S Coleman, Nationalism and Development in Africa: Selected essay, USA, California: University of California Press, 2001, 15. ii Detention by vigilance groups illegal, say police, The Guardian (Nigeria), 10 February 2001, 2 & 5. iii Reports of reprisal killings must be investigated, Amnesty International Index: AFR 22/006/2001, New York, USA: United Nations Publication, 2001. iv Amnesty International, Nigeria: Vigilante violence in the south and south-east in Amnesty International Index: AFR 44/014/2002, New York, USA: United Nations Publication, 2001. v On 10 April 2002, an Amnesty International delegation witnessed members of the Anambra State Vigilante Service (AVS) trying to set alight a man inside the compound of the Government House of Anambra state, some 100 metres away from the state governors own office. The armed men were surrounding a man, apparently some 50 years of age. The man was on his knees, his arms tied behind his back and his face disfigured by recent beatings. He was bleeding profusely. Members of the vigilante service were shouting at the man, apparently insulting him. Then one of them poured petrol over the mans body with the clear intention of setting him on fire. When they realised that strangers were watching the scene, they bundled their victim into a van, loaded the vehicle with machetes and guns, and drove away. The government of Anambra state refused to give an explanation for the incident and inform Amnesty International about the identity of the suspect and the treatment he received from the vigilante group after this incident. vi Agence France Press, Vigilantes kill four suspected robbers in Nigeria, 31 July 2002.