MASSINCARCERATION,EXFELONDISCRIMINATION,&BLACKLABORMARKETDISADVANTAGE JordanSegall

ABSTRACT

This Article considers the impact of labor market discrimination against ex-felons on both the life chances of individual criminal defendants and the systemically unequal American labor market as a whole. I argue that there is an immediate relationship between employment discrimination against ex-felons and the black-white unemployment gap, and that hiring discrimination on the basis of previous criminal record is a form of racial discriminationnot just because of the overrepresentation of black defendants in the criminal justice system but also because employers systematically disfavor black ex-felons compared to whites with identical criminal records. The Article then considers the limited effectiveness of legal antidiscrimination remedies to the problems posed by ex-felon discrimination, and concludes that a vigorous antidiscrimination regime aimed at promoting the hiring of ex-felons cannot be rooted in either contemporary antidiscrimination jurisprudence or in laws that seek to conceal criminal records from employers. Instead, such an effort would require substantial new legislation, predicated on accommodationist antidiscrimination norm and reflecting a new national consensus about how to weigh the benefits of post-prison social reintegration against the rationality of discrimination against ex-felons.
INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................................2 I. EXPLAININGTHEUNEMPLOYMENTGAP...........................................................................5 II. THEEFFECTOFINCARCERATIONONECONOMICOPPORTUNITY.....................................13 III.REMEDIALAPPROACHES:ANTIDISCRIMINATIONLAWANDSOCIALPOLICY....................19 A.StatutoryLimitationsonExFelonUnemployment..........................................19 B.CriminalRecordDiscrimination.......................................................................25 C.PolicyReform:Race,Privacy,andStatisticalDiscrimination.........................34 CONCLUSION........................................................................................................................36

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Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1674064

INTRODUCTION Between1980and2008,thecountrysincarceratedpopulationspikedfromaround

500,000toahighof2.3million.1Thisincrediblegrowthinthecarceralapparatuswhichgavethe UnitedStatesthedubiousdistinctionofbecomingtheworldsbiggestincarcerator,aswellasthe onlycountryintheworldthatimprisonsmorethan1%ofitsadultpopulation2hasattracted significantattentionfromjournalists,socialscientists,andlegalcommentators.Theseobservers havepaidspecialattentiontotheracializedcharacterofthetransitiontomassincarceration.The ethniccompositionoftheinmatepopulationintheUnitedStateshasbeeninvertedinthelast halfcentury,goingfromabout70%whitein1950toaround30%whitetoday.3Thoughblacks havebeenoverrepresentedinAmericanprisonssincethefederalgovernmentbegankeeping recordsofadmissionstostateprisonsin1926,4theextremeoverrepresentationthatcharacterizes modernprisondemographicsisaphenomenonofthelastquartercentury.5Thisgrowthinthe blackwhiteinmategaphasoccurreddespitethearrestratesforwhitesandblacksremaining stable.

*J.D.Candidate,StanfordLawSchool,2011;Ph.D.Candidate,StanfordUniversityDepartmentof Sociology,2013.IamgratefultoMarkKelman,AndrewYaphe,RakeshKilaru,andAlexisCasillasfortheir supportandassistance. 1 BureauofJusticeStatistics,CorrectionalPopulations, http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/glance/tables/corr2tab.cfm(lastvisitedFeb.1,2010).Therateofinmate growthfaroutstrippedpopulationgrowth;infact,thenumberofincarceratedinmatesper100,000more thantripledbetween1980and2008.BureauofJusticeStatistics,IncarcerationRate19802008, http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/glance/tables/incrttab.cfm(lastvisitedFeb.1,2010). 2 SeePEWCTR.ONTHESTATES,ONEIN100:BEHINDBARSINAMERICA2008,at5(2008).Formorestatistics onglobalincarceration,seeROYWALMSLEY,INTLCTR.FORPRISONSTUD.,WORLDPRISONPOPULATIONLIST3 (8thed.2008),availableathttp://www.kcl.ac.uk/depsta/law/research/icps/downloads/wppl8th_41.pdf. 3 LocWacquant,FromSlaverytoMassIncarceration,13NEWLEFTREV.41,44(2002). 4 PatrickLangan,RacismonTrial:NewEvidencetoExplaintheRacialCompositionofPrisonsinthe UnitedStates,76J.CRIM.L.&CRIMINOLOGY666,666(1985)(Thatyear,aboutoneinfourpersonsentering stateprisonswasblackwhileonlyoneineveryelevenpersonsintheUnitedStateswasblack.). 5 AfricanAmericanmendidnotsupplythemajorityofprisonentrantsuntil1988.SeeWacquant,supra note3,at44.

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Intheageofmassincarceration,thelifetimecumulativeprobabilityofspendingaperiod

oftimeinprisonis4%forwhites,butastaggering29%forblacks.6Theprisonisthusamajor socialinstitution,affectingthelivesofalargeandgrowingportionoftheAmericanpopulation. Anditisanexpensiveinstitution,intermsofbothstatespendingandthecostsitimposeson inmates,correctionalworkers,andemployees.Thesecostshaveattractedextensiveattention fromresearchers,ontopicsrangingfromtheimpactoffelondisenfranchisementonAmerican politicstotheimplicationsofprisonprivatizationtorecidivismratesandchronicoffending.7

Oneunderattendedeffectofmassincarcerationisitseffectonincomeandlifetime

employmentoutcomesafterprison.Stratificationresearchonoccupationstypicallyfocuseson schools,families,andotherinstitutionsastheprimarydeterminantsofjobmarketinequality.But thelargeandgrowinginfluenceofthehalfmillionprisonersreleasedfromthecriminaljustice systemeachyearraisesobviousquestionsabouttheimpactofincarcerationonlabormarkets. Thelackofattentionpaidtothelinkbetweenincarcerationandunemploymentisexplicable whenoneconsidersthatithasbeensometimesinceunemploymenthasbeenconsidereda pressingsocialproblem.Beginningin1992andcontinuingthroughtheendofthedecade,the UnitedStatesexperiencedasustainedperiodofdecliningunemployment,reachingalowof4.0% in2000.8ButasthisArticlewillshow,thisupbeathistoricalunemploymentdataconcealsa chronicgapthathasexistedbetweenblackandwhiteunemploymentratessincethe1960sone

Id. Foragoodsummaryofthisliterature,seeINVISIBLEPUNISHMENT:THECOLLATERALCONSEQUENCESOF MASSIMPRISONMENT(MarcMauer&MedaChesneyLindeds.,2002). 8 U.S.BUREAUOFLAB.STAT.,LABORFORCESTATISTICSFROMTHECURRENTPOPULATIONSURVEY,attbl.A1, availableathttp://www.bls.gov/webapps/legacy/cpsatab1.htm(selectseasonallyadjustedunemployment rateandclickRetrievedata).

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thathasgrownsteadilywidersincethesubprimemortgagecrisisbeganin2007.9Evenresearch studyingthisgap,however,hastypicallypaidonlypassingattentiontotheroleofincarceration.

Discriminationagainstexfelonsmaybemandatedbythestateasinlawsthatrestrict

exfelonsfrompublicemploymentorlicensedprofessionsorsimplypermittedbythestate.The impactofstateandfederallawsimposingcollateraljobmarketconsequencesonfelonshasbeen betterstudied,thankstothevigorousdebateovertheselawsthattookplaceinthe1970sand 1980s.10Recently,however,newdatahaveemergedontheimpactoffelonyconvictionson employmentopportunityinprofessionsnotsubjecttotheselaws.ThisArticleisaneffortto evaluaterecentresearchonthelinkbetweenemploymentdiscriminationagainstexfelonsand blackunemployment.Unlikediscriminationonthebasisofrace,sex,orage,employment discriminationagainstexfelonsisnottypicallyconsideredpernicious,giventhestronginterest employershaveinhiringlawabidingemployees.Buttheparametersofcontemporarymass incarcerationcompeltheconclusionthatemploymentdiscriminationagainstexfelonsinthe labormarketshouldbeunderstoodasaformofracialdiscrimination.Andnotonlybecause blacksrepresentsuchalargepercentageofthepostprisonpopulation:asIdiscussinPartIII, recentresearchindicatesthattheimpactofaconvictionismuchworseforblackjobseekersthan itisforwhites.

InPartI,Isummarizethepredominantexplanationsinthesocialscienceliteratureforthe

durabilityoftheblackwhiteunemploymentgap,andproposethatexfelondiscriminationmay beonemechanismthroughwhichracialbiasinemploymentoftenbelievedtobewaningor mostlyeradicatedisexercised.InPartII,Ievaluatesociologicalinvestigationsofthe relationshipbetweenprisonrecordandunemployment,firsttodemonstratethatthefailureto

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SeeinfraPartII. SeeinfraPartIII.

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properlyaccountfortheevolutionofmassincarcerationhasdistortedunemploymentstatistics andconcealedtheruinousimpactofincarcerationonblacks,andespeciallyblackyouth,and secondtodescribethescopeandfunctionofracializedexfelondiscrimination.Iadditionally suggestthatthecurrentpracticeofmasspleabargainingwherebytheoverwhelmingmajorityof criminalcasesareresolvedwithpleasinsteadoftrialsmagnifiesthediscriminatoryeffectsof discriminationagainstjobapplicantswithcriminalrecords.Finally,inPartIII,Iconsiderlegal andpolicyremediestotheproblemsposedbyexfelondiscrimination.Iarguefirstthat antidiscriminationlaw,ascurrentlyconstituted,isunlikelytohelpremedytheraciallybiased natureofexfelondiscrimination,andIconsiderwhatanaccommodationistexfelon antidiscriminationprogrammightlooklike.Second,Iarguethatcertainpolicyapproachestothe probleminparticular,effortstorestrictemployeraccesstocriminalrecordsmayhave unintendedconsequencesthatparadoxicallymakeemployersmorelikelytodiscriminateonthe basisofrace.

I.EXPLAININGTHEUNEMPLOYMENTGAP

Sincetheearly1970stheblackunemploymentratehasremainedpersistentlyhigherthan thewhiteunemploymentrate.11AtthelowebbofnationalunemploymentinOctober2000,blacks wereunemployedatarateof7.3%,comparedwithawhiteunemploymentrateof3.4%.12Thegap haswidenedinperiodsofrecession:inJune2003,afteraperiodofeconomiccontraction followingtheSeptember11attacks,whiteunemploymentpeakedat5.5%,butblack

SeeFinisWelch,TheEmploymentofBlackMen,8J.LAB.ECON.526(1990). U.S.BUREAUOFLAB.STAT.,LABORFORCESTATISTICSFROMTHECURRENTPOPULATIONSURVEY,attbl.A2, availableathttp://www.bls.gov/webapps/legacy/cpsatab2.htm(selectseasonallyadjustedunemployment rateforwhitesandblacksandclickRetrievedata).

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unemploymentreached11.5%.13Therecessiontriggeredbythefinancialcrisishaspushedthegap wider:inApril2010,9.0%ofwhiteswereunemployed,butaremarkable16.5%ofblackswere withoutwork.14Sociologistsandeconomicsinthelastquartercenturyhaveworkedatlengthto reconciletheblackwhiteunemploymentgapwithsubstantiallynarrowedgapsinotheraspectsof socioeconomiclife,includingeducation,occupationalattainment,andearnings.15Threegeneral hypotheseshaveattractedthemostattentionfromacademics.

Afirstpossibilityusuallytermedspatialmismatchtheoryisthatthediscrepancy reflectsashiftinthedemandforblacklabor,giventheparticulardemographiccharacteristicsof theblacklaborpool.ThisviewismostassociatedwithWilliamJ.Wilson,whoarguesthatspatial andstructuralchangesintheAmericaneconomyparticularlyatransitionawayfrom manufacturinginurbancentersandtowardservicesectorjobslocatedinsuburbsproduced disproportionatejoblessnessinlesseducatedworkers,especiallythosewithouttheresourcesto relocateoutsideoftheghettoareasofmajorcities.16DouglasMasseyandNancyDenton,intheir wellknown1993monographAmericanApartheid,offeradialecticalversionofthisargument, notingthatincreasedjoblessnessamongtheblackghettopooracceleratestheflightofemployers outoftheseraciallysegregatedareasevenasthisflighthelpsexpandtheurbanunderclass.17

Wilsonisgenerallysanguineaboutthesuccessofantidiscriminationlawsinreducing barrierstooccupationalentryforblackswhoseskillsmatchtheneedsoftheneweconomy.But

Id.TheparticularlydeleteriousimpactofrecessionsonAfricanAmericansiswelldocumentedinthe socialscienceliterature.See,e.g.,GeraldD.Jaynes,TheLaborMarketStatusofBlackAmericans:19391985,4 J.ECON.PERSPS.9(1990). 14 Id. 15 SeeFranklinWilson,MartaTienda,&LawrenceWu,RaceandUnemployment:LaborMarket ExperiencesofBlackandWhiteMen,19681988,22WORK&OCCUPATIONS245,249(1995). 16 WILLIAMJ.WILSON,THEDECLININGSIGNIFICANCEOFRACE(1978);WILLIAMJ.WILSON,THETRULY DISADVANTAGED(1987);..SeealsoSASKIASASSEN,CITIESINAWORLDECONOMY(2006). 17 DOUGLASMASSEY&NANCYDENTON,AMERICANAPARTHEID:SEGREGATIONANDTHEMAKINGOFTHE UNDERCLASS(1993).

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hehasalsoobservedthatprocessesofghettoizationgiveemployersincentivetostatistically discriminateagainstinnercityblacks.18Becauseemployersuseraceasaproxyforavarietyof pathologiesassociatedwithresidentsoftheinnercitywhomtheyviewasunstable,dishonest, unreliable,undereducated,undermotivated,hostile,andrebellioustheyareabletojustifyrace biasedhiringprocessesonproductivitygrounds.Discriminationagainstworkingclassblacks, Wilsonandhisadherentsargue,ismuchmoredifficulttoextirpatewithconventional antidiscriminationlawthandiscriminationagainstwhitecollar,professional,orpublic employees,andsoisamajorcontributortotheblackdisadvantageinthelabormarket.

Asecondapproach,termedthevoluntarywithdrawalthesis,rejectsspatialmismatch theoryandarguesthatblackworkershavebeenunresponsivetochangesinlabordemandsince the1970s.Byamassingalargeamountofdataaboutservicesectorworkininnercities,Lawrence Meadarguesthatinnercityblackswhodidseekandsecurejobsinthe1980sexperiencedrising earningsandstableemployment.19Meadcontendsthatthemaincriteriaforsecuringnewservice sectorjobsweretimeliness,appropriateworkrelatedattitudes,andacommitmenttowork regularly.Meadconcludesthatthehighjoblessrateamonginnercityblacksreflectsvoluntary withdrawal,eitherbecauseofdissatisfactionwiththesenewexpectationsorbecauseofmore attractivealternatives(especiallywelfare,butalsoillegalincome).20RogerWaldingers controversialmonographStillthePromisedCityisaversionofthisapproach.21Waldingerfollows

WilliamJ.Wilson,StudyingInnerCitySocialDislocations:TheChallengeofPublicAgendaResearch, 56AM.SOC.REV.1,10(1991). 19 LAWRENCEMEAD,THENEWPOLITICSOFPOVERTY:THENONWORKINGPOORINAMERICA(1992);seealso Welch,supranote11. 20 ButseeSamuelL.Myers,Jr.,HowVoluntaryIsBlackUnemploymentandBlackLaborForce Withdrawal?,inTHEQUESTIONOFDISCRIMINATION:RACIALINEQUALITYINTHEU.S.LABORMARKET100,10506 (StevenShulman&WilliamA.Darityeds.,1989)(concludingthatfewerblacksthanwhitesarevoluntary withdrawals,andurgingsocialscienceresearchtoaddressthecausesofinvoluntarywithdrawalofblack menfromthelaborforce).Notably,LawrenceMeadwasasignificantproponentofwelfarereforminthe 1990s. 21 ROGERWALDINGER,STILLTHEPROMISEDCITY(1997).

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Meadandothersinarguingthatlegitimateworkintheinnercityismoreabundantthanspatial mismatchtheoristsadmit.Buthisargumenthingesonexpectationsandcompetitionratherthan attitudes.Hecontendsthaturbanblacksfailedtoadjusttheirwageexpectationsdownwardas increasingcompetitionfromnewimmigrantsandtherapiddeclineofthemanufacturingsector drovedownworkingclasswages.Finally,somepoliticallyconservativecommentatorshave advancedaculturalvariantofthevoluntarywithdrawalthesis,arguingthatthefatalismofghetto cultureisanimportantdeterminantoftheirproblemsinthelabormarket.22

AthirdhypothesiswhichIwilltermtheintractablediscriminationtheoryisthatthe unemploymentgapisaproductofpersistentexclusionarybarriersinlabormarkets.23Steven Shulmansanalysisoffederallaborstatisticsdemonstrateshighrelativeratesofblack unemploymentinamongallagegroups,educationlevels,andoccupationalcategories,casting doubtonboththespatialmismatchandvoluntarywithdrawalhypotheses.24Inparticular, sociologistshaveobservedthatblackemploymentgainshavelargelybeenaproductofexpanded publicsectoremployment,andthatprivatesectoremploymentgainsresultedfrompublicly

See,e..g.,DINESHDSOUZA,THEENDOFRACISM:PRINCIPLESFORAMULTIRACIALSOCIETY478,484(1995) (Theconspicuouspathologiesofblacksaretheproductofcatastrophicculturalchange....Blacksin Americaseemtohavedevelopedwhatsomescholarstermanoppositionalculturewhichisbasedona comprehensiverejectionofthewhiteman'sworldview.).Liberalobservershaveechoedtheseculturalist arguments,albeittypicallywithmoresympathytowardthoseblackswhomtheyallegetoholdeconomically disadvantageousculturalattitudes.See,e.g.,StephenPetterson,TheEnemyWithin:BlackWhiteDifferences inFatalismandJoblessness,3J.POVERTY1,1,26(1999)(proposingamildversionofthishypothesis, explicitlydisclaimingastrongculturalargumentbutfindingthatajustifiablyfatalisticorientationtothe labormarkethobblesblackyouth);seealsoELIJAHANDERSON,CODEOFTHESTREET:DECENCY,VIOLENCE,AND THEMORALLIFEOFTHEINNERCITY(2000);MARYC.WATERS,BLACKIDENTITIES:WESTINDIANIMMIGRANT DREAMSANDAMERICANREALITIES335(1999)([S]omeblacksintheUnitedStatesdetachthemselves, especiallyfromeducation,redefinesocialnorms,andseebehaviorssuchasdoingwellinschool,speaking standardEnglish,andsoonasoppositionaltotheirverycoreidentity.) 23 CharlesHirschman,MinoritiesintheLaborMarket,inMINORITIES,POVERTY,ANDSOCIALPOLICY(Gary D.Sandefur&MartaTiendaeds.,1988). 24 See,e.g.,StevenShulman,Discrimination,HumanCapital,andBlackWhiteUnemployment:Evidence fromCities,22J.HUM.RESOURCES361(1987).Infact,Wilson,Tienda,andWufoundthatpositive relationshipbetweeneducationandblackwhiteunemploymentratio:theunemploymentgapforcollege educatedblackmenwashigherthanitwasforthosewithnohighschooldiploma.Wilson,Tienda,&Wu, supranote15,at250.

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mandatedaffirmativeactionprograms.25Asaconsequence,blackemploymentlevelshavebeen highlysensitivetotheshiftingpoliticalclimate:inperiodsofaggressivecivilrightsenforcement andhighspendingonsocialprograms,theunemploymentgaphasclosedsomewhat.26Many observershavetakenthesefindingsabouttheimpactoffederalinterventionontheracial compositionoftheworkforceasevidencethatdiscriminatorybarrierstoprivatesectorblack employmentaremostlytoblamefortheblackwhiteunemploymentgap.27

Muchoftheliteratureadvocatingtheintractablediscriminationtheoryhassoughtto identifymorenuancedmechanismsofdiscriminationthantheconventionalaccountofawhite racistemployermakingprejudicedpersonneldecisions.RichardFreemanpredictedasearlyas 1973thatthissortofovertlybigotedemploymentdiscriminationwoulddecreaseovertime,for threereasons:anincreasedcostofdiscriminationduetofederalpolicy,adeclineinindividual bigotry,andthegrowthofrelativelynondiscriminatorysectorsoftheeconomyasblacksmoved outofagricultureandhouseholdlaborandintobureaucraticfirmsorpublicemployment.28 Empiricalevidenceandhistoricalcommonsenseconfirmtheprediction:thenakedbigotryin hiringthathadcharacterizedtheJimCrowerawasrapidlystigmatizedafterthe1964CivilRights Act.Academicsseekingtolinktheenduringblackwhiteunemploymentgaptointractablelabor

SeeWilliamDarity,RaceandInequalityintheManagerialAge,inSOCIAL,POLITICAL,ANDECONOMIC ISSUESINBLACKAMERICA(WornieReeded.,1990);JonathanLeonard,TheImpactofAffirmativeAction RegulationandEqualEmploymentLawonBlackEmployment,4J.ECON.PERSPS.47(1990). 26 From1969to1973,forexample,theblackwhiteunemploymentgapdeclinedtoitslowestpointsince thepassageofthe1964CivilRightsAct,thankstofavorableeconomicconditionscoupledwith employmentmaximizingpublicpolicies.Duringthe1980s,bycontrast,thegapremainedhigh,especially forcollegeeducatedblackmenwhowerethemostlikelytosufferfromtheReaganeraretreatfromcivil rightsenforcement.SeeJohnBound&RichardFreeman,BlackEconomicProgress:ErosionofthePost1965 Gainsinthe1980s?,inTHEQUESTIONOFDISCRIMINATION:RACIALINEQUALITYINTHEU.S.LABORMARKET, supranote20,at32. 27 SeeWilson,Tienda,&Wu,supranote15,at24963. 28 RichardFreeman,ChangesintheLaborMarketforBlackAmericans,194872,4BROOKINGSPAPERSON ECON.ACTIVITY67,68(1973).

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marketdiscriminationhavethussoughttoidentifysubtlerpracticesbywhichcontemporarylabor marketdiscriminationisrealized.29

Oneexampleistherealizationthattheincreasedmobilityoftheblackmiddleandupper middleclassesakeyreasonWilsoninvokedthedecliningsignificanceofraceismoreillusory thanitfirstappears.Manysuccessfulblackprofessionalsandmanagersoccupyaracializedniche intheAmericancorporateapparatus,occupyingjobsthatarelinkedtotheneedsoftheblack community.Ascompaniesincreasinglycametoassociatecompliancewithantidiscrimination statuteswithelaborateinstitutionalstructuresaffirmativeactionoffices,personnelandpublic relationsmanagers,grievanceboards,andsoforthaparalleljobladderdevelopedinmany firms,withblackprofessionalsprimarilyoccupyingpositionswithinthesestructures. Marginalizationintothisnichehashadahostofnegativeconsequencesforblackprofessionals, sincethesepositionsaretypicallyremuneratedless,arequalitativelylessimportanttothecentral workoffirmsthanotherpositions,andrarelyofferpromotionopportunitiestoupper management.30Thisemploymentpatternmaycontributetotheunderemploymentofblackswith highlevelsofhumancapital,becauseblacksareconsideredqualifiedtofillonlythislimited subsetofpositions.

Anotherexampleofasubtlediscriminationmechanismonethatoperatestodisfavor workingclassblacksisWilson,Tienda,andWusdiscoverythatblackmenaresubstantially

Thissameconundrumtheneedtoreconciledurableracialinequalitywiththeapparentdeclineof bigotryhasmotivatedavarietyoftheseswithvaryingdegreesofcredibility,fromCharlesLawrences unconsciousracismtoNicholasKristofsracismwithoutracists.SeeCharlesR.LawrenceIII,TheId,the EgoandEqualProtection:ReckoningwithUnconsciousRacism,39STAN.L.REV.317(1987)(criticizingthe requirementofpurposefulintentthatpervadesAmericanantidiscriminationlawonthegroundsthatmost racismisunconscious);NicholasD.Kristof,RacismWithoutRacists,N.Y.TIMES,Oct.4,2008,atWK10 (arguingthatracialbiasesaredeeplyembeddedwithinusbutsoundingthehopefulnotethatwecan overcomeunconsciousbiasbyelectingBarackObama). 30 Foragoodsummaryofempiricalresearchintothisphenomenon,seeJACKNIEMONEN,RACE,CLASS, ANDTHESTATEINCONTEMPORARYSOCIOLOGY10910(2002).

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morelikelytobeunemployedbecauseoffiringsandlayoffsthanwhitemen.31Theypointedto empiricalevidenceshowingthateveninemploymentsectorswithahistoryofblack overrepresentationforinstance,incertainpublicemploymentandmanufacturingpositions blackswere1.55timesaslikelyaswhitestobeunemployedbecauseofdismissals.32Exaggerating thestratifyingeffectsofdismissalswasthetendencyofemployerstogivepreferentialtreatment towhiteemployeesinperiodsofeconomiccontraction.PaulSchervishslongitudinalstudyof privatesectoremploymentshowedthatonaverage,withinthesamefirm,whiteemployeeswere morethantwiceaslikelyasblackstobeplacedontemporarylayoffinlieuofbeingpermanently fired,and1.7timesaslikelytoberehiredafteraperiodoflayoff.33Theseearlystudiesfailedto adequatelycontrolforhumancapitalcharacteristics,andsoinvitedtheclaimthatthe discrepancywastheresultoftheinferiorqualityofblackemployees,ratherthanaformof employmentdiscrimination.Theargumentwasrefutedbylaterstudieswhichshowedthat,netof humancapitalandjobcharacteristics,blacksremainedtwiceaslikelytobedismissedaswhites,34 stronglysuggestingthatinequalitiesoftherateofinvoluntaryjobterminationsreflected employerdiscrimination.

Thisresearchhasprovedespeciallyusefulinexplainingwhytheblackwhite unemploymentgapwidensinrecessionaryperiods,andwhytheblackunemploymentrateis slowertodeclineinperiodsofgrowth.Critically,thisresearchalsocomplicatesthespatial

Wilson,Tienda,&Wu,supranote15,at26566. Id.at252. 33 PAULSCHERVISH,THESTRUCTURALDETERMINANTSOFUNEMPLOYMENT(1983). 34 See,e.g.,CraigZwerling&HillarySilver,RaceandJobDismissalsinaFederalBureaucracy,57AM.SOC. REV.651,65758(1992)(reportingthatblackpostalworkersinalargemetropolitanregionweremorethan twiceaslikelytobefiredaswhiteemployeeswithidenticalworkhistoriesandpersonalcharacteristics);see alsoAlfredJ.Field&WilliamR.Winfrey,JobDisplacementandReemploymentinNorthCarolina:The RelativeExperienceoftheBlackWorker,25REV.BLACKPOL.ECON.57(1997)(examiningtheunemployment experiencesofworkersinNorthCarolinainvolvedinmasslayoffsandplantclosingsandconcludingthat, relativetotheirwhitecounterparts,blacksarelaidoffinnumbersdisproportionatetotheircompositionin thelaborforce,aremorelikelytoberepeatedlylaidoff,andaremorelikelytoreturntolowerwage occupationsuponreemploymentthanwhiteworkers).
32 31

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mismatchhypothesis.Thoughmostoftheresearchonlayoffanddismissaldifferentialshasbeen motivatedbyanefforttodisputespatialmismatchtheoristsconjecturethatclass,notrace,isthe moresalientdemographicfeatureforpredictinglongtermlifechances,therelationshipbetween thetwolinesofargumentismorecomplicated.Abundantevidencesuggeststhattheblack populationdoessufferfromitsparticularresidenceandlabormarketposition.Residencein centralcities,forinstance,raisesunemploymentforbothblacksandwhitesbyapproximatelythe sameamount,butblacksaredisproportionatelyconcentratedintheseareas.35Similarly,the concentrationofblacksintoindustriesandoccupationswithhighratesofunemploymentsince the1970shasalsocontributedtotheblackwhiteunemploymentgap.36ButWilliamJ.Wilsonand othersmaybeoverhastyinannouncingthedecliningsignificanceofraceonthebasisofthese findings.Joblessnessandeconomicexclusionmayhavetriggeredaprocessof hyperghettoizationthatdisproportionatelyimpactsblacks,buttheconsequencesofeconomic transitionmaybemagnifiedforblacksbecausetheyarethefirsttargetsofrecessionarylayoffs andthelastcandidatesforrehiring.37Moreover,theasymmetriccausality38betweenthegeneral economyandtheinnercitythatis,thetendencyforconditionsintheinnercitytobecome dramaticallyworseinrecessionaryperiodsbutnottoreturntonormalwhentheeconomy improvesmaybepartiallyexplainedbythestructuralbarrierstoreemploymentthatblacksface.

Socialscientistshavemadeimpressivestridesinexplainingwhyblacksfaceconsistently worseoutcomesinjobmarkets,despiteimprovementsinblackeducation,thepolitical commitmenttoaffirmativeactionandantidiscriminationefforts,themovementofblacksinto

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SeeFranklinD.Wilson&LawrenceWu,AComparativeAnalysisoftheLaborForceActivitiesofEthnic Populations,inU.S.BUREAUOFTHECENSUS,PROCEEDINGSOFTHE1993ANNUALRESEARCHCONFERENCE340 (1993). 36 SeeWilson,Tienda,&Wu,supranote15,at266. 37 LocWacquant&WilliamJ.Wilson,TheCostsofRacialandClassExclusionintheInnerCity,501 ANNALSAM.ACAD.POL.&SOC.SCI.8,9(1989). 38 Id.at24.

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occupationswithlowerturnoverrates,andthemarginalizationofbigotryasanacceptablepublic attitude.Themostpersuasivetheorieshavecombinedsocialstructuralelementsboth macroeconomicfactorslikehumancapitalattainmentandspatialfactorslikeneighborhood compositionwithevidenceofcontinuedemploymentdiscrimination,whichappearstodayto operateinsubtlerormoreindirectwaysthaninthepast.InthenextPart,Iconsidertheimpactof thecriminaljusticesystemonblacksocioeconomicoutcomes,andsuggestthatthedetrimental impactofthecarceralapparatusonblackworkersisaproductbothofsociopoliticalconfiguration andsimpleracialdiscrimination.

II.THEEFFECTOFINCARCERATIONONECONOMICOPPORTUNITY

Researchinthe1980sand90sontheeffectofcontactwiththecriminaljusticesystemon

economicopportunityshowedcontradictoryresults.Analysisoflongitudinalsurveydata typicallytheBureauofLaborStatisticsCurrentPopulationSurveyshowedthatconvictionwas stronglycorrelatedwithreducedincomeandemploymentprobabilitiesafterrelease.39

Otheranalyses,mostlybyeconomists,observedanegligibleeffectofincarcerationin

unemployment.40Thesestudiesrejectedacausallinkbetweenincarcerationandemployment outcomes,andintheabsenceofanyotherexplanation,attributedthepooroutcomesofex offenderstopreexistingpersonaltraitslikedrugandalcoholabuse,behaviorandanger problems,poorinterpersonalskills,andimpulsivenessthatmadethembothcrimeproneand bademployees.Someofthesestudiesseemedtostraincredulity.JeffreyKling,forinstance,

See,e.g.,RichardFreeman,TheRelationofCriminalActivitytoBlackYouthEmployment,16REV. BLACKPOL.ECON.99(1987);DanielNagin&JoelWaldfogel,TheEffectofConvictiononIncomeThroughthe LifeCycle(NatlBureauofEcon.Research,WorkingPaperNo.4551,1993). 40 See,e.g.,JeffreyGrogger,Arrests,PersistentYouthJoblessness,andBlack/WhiteEmployment Differentials,74REV.ECON.&STAT.100(1992);JeffreyKling,TheEffectofPrisonSentenceLengthonthe SubsequentEmploymentandEarningsofCriminalDefendants(WoodrowWilsonSch.DiscussionPapersin Economics,WorkingPaperNo.156,1999).

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reportedinanunpublishedpaperthatthereexistednodifferenceintheimpactonfuture earningsoremploymentratesbetweenconvictswhoservedlongsentencesforseriousfelonies andconvictswithshortersentences.41

Asevidencemountedthatcriminalconvictionshadseriouslongtermeconomic

consequences,thepersonaltraitstudiescameunderstrenuousmethodologicalattackby economistsandsociologists.Manyofthepersonaltraitstudieswereconductedusingdatathat linkedfromcourtrecordstoadministrativedatafromstateunemploymentinsurancefiles.Critics argued,amongotherthings,thatrelyingonthesedataintroducedpowerfulselectioneffects, becauselowwageandtemporaryjobsweremuchlesslikelythanothertypesofjobstobe compliantwithunemploymentinsurancelaws.Comparedtoresultsfromnationallongitudinal data,studiesusingunemploymentinsurancedataappearedtosystematicallyunderstatetheeffect ofconvictionsonincomeandtheprobabilityofemployment,exceptforthewhitecollarworkers whowereleastlikelytohavebeenconvictedofseriouscrimes.

In2000,WesternandPettitpublishedapaperthatshowedthattheblackwhite

unemploymentgapwasmuchhigherthanpreviouslythought.42WesternandPettitobservedthat themajorityoflongitudinaldatathatpriorresearchershadusedtocalculateunemployment statisticsexcludedinstitutionalpopulationsfromthesamplingframe.Bycombiningdatafroma varietyofsources,includinglaborforcesurveys,aggregateincarcerationfigures,andcorrectional facilitiesmicrodata,WesternandPettitdemonstratedthatthereportedunemploymentratewas artificiallysuppressedbythehighincarcerationrate.Developinganaccuratedatasetofthepenal populationledWesternandPettittoreconsiderthefindingsofpriorsurveyresearchthathad

SeeKling,supranote40,at1013. BruceWestern&BeckyPettit,IncarcerationandRacialInequalityinMensEmployment,54INDUS.& LAB.REL.REV.3(2000).

42

41

14

concludedthattheblackwhiteunemploymentgapstoppedgrowinginthe1980s.Afteraccurately accountingforthepenalpopulation,theyconcludedthatthegaphadinfactgrownsteadily:

In1982,ayoungunskilledwhitemanwasabout50%morelikelytoholdajobthan a young unskilled black man. By 1996, young white high school dropouts were more than twice as likely to hold jobs as were there African American counterparts.43 Theseeffectsweresostarkthattheacrosstheboardimprovementsinthejobprospectsofyoung disadvantagedminoritymenduringtheeconomicexpansionoftheClintonyearswascompletely overshadowedbytheriseinincarceration.

Byhighlightingthemisleadingeffectofmassincarcerationonconventional

unemploymentstatistics,WesternandPettitsstudydecisivelyrebukedPollyannaishresearch thatallegedthatracialdisparityinemploymentwasdeclining.Buttheirpaperwasunableto identifythecausesofthepersistentracialdisparityinlaborforceparticipation.Significantracial disparitiesinratesofcontactwiththecriminaljusticesystemappearedtobeasignificantfactor, andsurveyresearchersprofferedabroadarrayofhypothesistoexplaintheobservedrelationship betweenincarcerationandunemployment.44Theseincludedthelabelingeffectsofcriminal stigma,45thedisruptionofsocialandfamilyties,46injurytopreexistingsocialnetworks,47human capitalloss,48andlegalbarrierstoemployment.49

In2003,thesociologistDevahPagerpublishedtheresultsofanauditpairstudyof

Milwaukeeareaemployersdesignedtoevaluatewhethercriminalhistoryinfluencedtheoddsofa
Id.at9. SeeDevahPager,TheMarkofaCriminalRecord,108AM.J.SOC.937,94041(2003). 45 SeeRichardSchwartz&JeromeSkolnick,TwoStudiesofLegalStigma,10SOC.PROB.133(1962). 46 SeeROBERTJ.SAMPSON&JOHNH.LAUB,CRIMEINTHEMAKING:PATHWAYSANDTURNINGPOINTS THROUGHLIFE(1993). 47 SeeJohnHagan,TheSocialEmbeddednessofCrimeandUnemployment,31CRIMINOLOGY465(1993). 48 SeeGARYBECKER,HUMANCAPITAL(1975). 49 SeeMitchellDale,BarrierstotheRehabilitationofExOffenders,22CRIME&DELINQUENCY322(1976); infraPartIII.A.
44 43

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jobapplicantreceivingacallbackfromanemployerafteraninitialinterview.Pagerformedtwo pairsofauditorteams,onecomposedoftwowhitestudents,andtheothercomposedoftwoblack students.Theteamswerematchedonthebasisofphysicalappearanceandmodeofself presentation,andweregivenidenticalworkhistoryandeducationcredentials.Theauditpairs wererandomlyassignedto15introductoryjobinterviewseachweek,drawnfrompostingsfor entrylevelpositionsinthelocalnewspaperandonline.Atanygiventime,oneoftheauditorswas askedtorepresentthatheorshehadbeenconvictedoffelonycocainepossessionandhadserved aneighteenmonthprisonsentence.50

Pagerdiscoveredthatregardlessofrace,acriminalrecorddrasticallyreducedthechance

ofreceivingacallbackfromanemployer.Acriminalrecordreducedthelikelihoodofacallback byfiftypercentforwhites.Blacks,however,faredmuchworse;Pagerreportedthattheeffectofa criminalrecordwasfortypercentlargerforblacksthanforwhites.51Pageralsocollected qualitativeevidencetosuggestthatemployersanticipatedblackcriminality.Onatleastthree occasions,blackauditorswereaskedpreemptivelyabouttheircriminalrecords.Nowhiteauditor hadthesameexperience.

Pagersstudywasthefirstresearchprojecttoempiricallyvalidateamechanismlinking

felonstatustoreducedjobprospects.Herfindingsstronglysupportthehypothesisthatadirect causalrelationshipexistsbetweencriminalrecordandunemployment.52Blackauditorswho representedacriminalrecordappliedto200entrylevelpositionsandyetreceivedfewerthanten callbacks(muchlessoutrightjoboffers).AndtheseresultswereinspiteofPagersuseof articulate,welldressedcollegestudentswitheffectivemodesofselfpresentation.

50 51

Pager,supranote44,at949. Id.at959. 52 Id.at960.

16

Inadditiontoilluminatingtheprofoundobstaclestoemploymentfacedbyallexfelons,

PagersstudyshowedthatAfricanAmericansaredoublyvictimizedbyexfelondiscrimination.In additiontotheirdisproportionaterepresentationintheranksoftheincarcerated,Pagersdata indicatesthatacriminalhistoryhasastrongernegativeeffectonblackapplicantsthanithason whiteapplicants.Exfelondiscriminationthusexaggeratesthepreexistingstructural disadvantageofminorityoverrepresentationinprisonsbymakingemployersmorelikelytomake raciallybiasedhiringdecisions.Giventhisdoublediscrimination,massincarcerationhelps explainthepuzzleofthehighrateofinvoluntaryemploymentandlaborforcewithdrawalamong workingandmiddleclassblacks.53

TheextraordinarilyhighincidenceofpleabargainingintheAmericancriminaljustice

systemexacerbatestheraciallydiscriminatoryfunctionofexfelondiscrimination.American criminalsentencingispredicateduponlawsthataredraconianonthebooksbutmitigatedin practice,largelythroughthepracticeofpleabargaining.54Itiswellestablishedthatthereexistsa substantialtrialpenalty,intheformoflongersentences,forthefivepercentofAmerican criminaldefendantswhopursuetheircasestojurytrialinlieuofpleadingguilty.55Andthe

53

SeegenerallyMyers,Jr.,supranote20.HarryJ.Holzerandothershaveshownthatexoffendershave ahumancapitaldeficitcomparedtothenonoffendingpopulation.Combinedwiththewellknown employerpreferenceforapplicantswithoutcriminalhistories,blackmalejobseekersinparticularmay eitherassumejobseekingishopelessorgrowdiscouragedquickly.SeeHarryJ.Holzer,StevenRaphael& MichaelA.Stoll,WillEmployersHireFormerOffenders?:EmployerPreferences,BackgroundChecks,and TheirDeterminants,inIMPRISONINGAMERICA:THESOCIALEFFECTSOFMASSINCARCERATION20506(Mary Pattillo,DavidF.Weiman&BruceWesterneds.,2004). 54 McCoy,supranote55,at92.IntheU.S.federalsentencingguidelinesandmanystatesentencing statutes,discountsareawardedtocriminaldefendantsforpleadingguiltyatanystageintheprocess,with deeperdiscountsavailableforguiltypleasthatobviatethetimeandexpenseoftrialpreparation.Seeid.at 100n.46;NancyJ.King,DavidA.Soul,SaraSteen,&RobertR.Weidner,WhenProcessAffectsPunishment: DifferencesinSentencesAfterGuiltyPlea,BenchTrial,andJuryTrialinFiveGuidelinesStates,105COLUM.L. REV.959,97375(2005)(surveyingdatafromfivestatestodemonstratethatsentencesnegotiatedinplea bargainsaresignificantlylowerthansentencesforthesamecrimeassignedafterbenchorjurytrials). 55 See,e.g.,CandaceMcCoy,PleaBargainingasCoercion:TheTrialPenaltyandPleaBargainingReform, 50CRIM.L.Q.67,89(2005)(finding,viaacontrolledanalysisbasedondatafromtheStateCourtProcessing Statisticsdataset,thatsentencesafterjurytrialwereaboutninetimesmoreseverethanguiltyplea sentences).Foranexcellentjournalisticaccountofhowthetrialpenaltyoperatestogenerateahighrateof

17

coercivepowerofthetrialpenaltymakesmoredefendantspleadguilty:asearlyas1975, researchersobservedthatthepleabargainingsystemservestoincreasethenumberofdefendants whoemergefromthecriminaljusticesystembearingafelonyrecord.56

Pleabargainingisintheshortterminterestofcriminaldefendantsbecauseityields substantiallylowersentencesthansentencesthatfollowjurytrials.Butbyincreasingthe proportionofcriminaldefendantswhoendupwithcriminalrecords,thepleasystemamplifies thelongtermcollateralconsequencesofanencounterwiththecriminaljusticesystemonlife chancesandespeciallyonemployability.Andtheburdenislikelytobeparticularlyheavyfor minoritydefendants,forthreereasons.First,theyrepresentadisproportionatelylargepercentage ofallcriminaldefendants,soanyprocessthatmakesdefendantsmorelikelytoemergefrom encounterswiththecourtsbearingcriminalrecordswilladverselyimpactminoritydefendants whoseekjobsafterservingtheirsentences.57Second,blacksfareworseattrialthanwhitesand aremorelikelytobeincarceratedfollowingatrialafactthatmanyblackdefendantssurely recognize.58Itfollowsthatitisrationalforblackdefendantstonegotiatereducessentencesviaa pleaarrangement,evenwhenitwouldbeirrationalforasimilarlysituatedwhitedefendanttodo so.Finally,minoritydefendantsaremorelikelytobeimpoverishedandunabletopostbail.One

guiltypleas,seegenerallySTEVEBOGIRA,COURTROOM302:AYEARBEHINDTHESCENESINANAMERICAN CRIMINALCOURTHOUSE(2005). 56 MichaelO.Finkelstein,AStatisticalAnalysisofGuiltyPleaPracticesintheFederalCourts,89HARV.L. REV.293,293(1975)(concludingthatmorethantwothirdsofmarginalpleabargaindefendantswouldbe acquittedordismissediftheycontestedtheircasesattrial). 57 SeeLangan,supranote4. 58 SeeShawnD.Bushway&AnneMorrisonPiehl,JudgingJudicialDisrection:LegalFactorsandRacial DiscriminationinSentencing,35LAW&SOCYREV.733,761(2001)(findingthatinMaryland,astatewith determinatesentencingguidelines,AfricanAmericansreceived20%longersentencesthanwhiteson average);DarrellSteffensmeier&StephenDemuth,EthnicityandSentencingOutcomesinU.S.Federal Courts:WhoisPunishedMoreHarshly?,65AM.SOC.REV.705,72425(2000)(findingthatinfederal criminalcases,blackandHispanicdefendantsfareworseintermsofbothimprisonmentandtermlength decisionsthanwhites).

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majorincentivetopleabargainfordefendantswhocannotpostbailisthatitcanresultinafaster releasefromincarceration.59

ThelargescalepleabargainingthatisthenormintheAmericancriminaljusticesystem resultsinalargerproportionofthedefendantswhopassthroughthecountryscourtrooms leavingwithcriminalrecords.Thisisespeciallythecaseforminoritydefendants,aracialdisparity thataggravatestheraciallydisparateimpactofthepernicious,longtermcollateralconsequences ofacriminalrecord.

Manyquestionsremainabouthowdiscriminationagainstexfelonsoperatesinpractice. Inparticular,itisnotknownwhetheremployerscategoricallydisfavorapplicantswithcriminal records,orwhethercertaincrimesareassociatedwithbetterorworsehiringoutcomes.However, itisclearthatexfelondiscriminationisaformofracialdiscriminationwithprofound implicationsforblackunemployment.InthenextPart,Iconsidertheadequacyofcontemporary antidiscriminationlawforaddressingthisraciallydisparateimpact.

III.REMEDIALAPPROACHES:ANTIDISCRIMINATIONLAWANDSOCIALPOLICY

A.StatutoryLimitationsonExFelonUnemployment

Inmanystates,discriminationagainstexfelonsismandatedbylaw.Inthe1980s,the

popularityoftoughoncrimepoliciesresultedinawaveofnewlawsrestrictingtheabilityof felonstoseekpublicemployment.60Today,allfiftystatesrestrictfelonsfrompublicemployment tosomedegree.Somestatesnarrowlyapplytherestrictionstoexfelonswhocommitcertain typesofcrimes(suchasDelawareslimitationofthepublicemploymentbantofelonsconvicted

DAVIDW.NEUBAUER,AMERICA'SCOURTS&THECRIMINALJUSTICESYSTEM282(1988). AnthonyC.Thompson,NavigatingtheHiddenObstaclestoExOffenderReentry,45B.C.L.REV.255, 280(2004).

60

59

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foraninfamouscrime),ormakepublicemploymentrightsrestorableafteraperiodoftime,but sevenstateshaveablanketlifetimebanonexfelonsworkinginthepublicsector.61Onlysixstates requirethereexistarelationshipbetweenthecharacterofthecriminalconductandthejob sought;themajorityofstatestreatfelonsasanundifferentiatedgroupforthepurposesof restrictingaccesstounemployment.62Mostexfelonsarealsobarredfrommilitaryemployment withoutaspecialwaiver.63

Intheprivatesector,occupationallicensingrestrictionsthatapplytoexfelonsnationwide

constitutedefactobarstoentryinmanyinstances.Professionallicensingisaprimarymethodfor ensuringuniformityofserviceandregulatorycontroloverqualificationsandoccupationalentry inthemodernworkforce.Licensingrequirementsexistinoccupationsatallwagelevels:among manyothers,attorneys,accountants,generalcontractors,barbers,andgasstationoperatorsare subjecttolicensingrequirements.64Exfelonsarebarredfrommorethan800discreteoccupations bylawsregulatingpublicemploymenthiringorlicensing.65Paroleesandexfelonsareroutinely excludedfromthesejobsbecauseoffederal,state,andmunicipallawsthatexcludeexfelonsfrom regulatedoccupations,eitherdirectlyorviagoodmoralcharacterrequirementsortheir

ThesevenstatesareAlabama,Arkansas,Indiana,Iowa,Nevada,Ohio,andSouthCarolina.See BUREAUOFJUST.STAT.,U.S.DEPTOFJUST.,STATECOURTORGANIZATION2004,attbl.47(2004),availableat http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/pub/pdf/sco04.pdf. 62 Id.Statesthathaveattemptedtofashionmorespecificrequirementshaveoccasionallyproduced peculiarresults.California,forinstance,prohibitsallparoleesfromworkinginrealestate.Inoteinpassing theironyofkeepingdrugusersoutoftheranksofrealestateagentsatamomentwhenthestateofthe housingmarketsurelymakeschemicalescapeparticularlyappealingforrealtors. 63 SeeDEPTOFTHEARMY,ARMYREG.601210,atch.47(2007)(Awaiverisrequiredforanyapplicant whohasreceivedaconvictionorotheradversedispositionforaseriouscriminalmisconductoffense.).The militarysrecruitingdifficultiessincethestartoftheIraqWarhasledtothesewaiversbeingmore frequentlygranted.SeeBryanBender,MoreEnteringArmywithCriminalRecords,BOSTONGLOBE,July13, 2007,atA1. 64 SeeBruceE.May,TheCharacterComponentofOccupationalLicensingLaws:AContinuingBarrierto theExFelonsEmploymentOpportunities,71N.D.L.REV.187,193(1995). 65 PAULF.CROMWELL,LEANNEFIFTALALARID&ROLANDOV.DELCARMEN,COMMUNITYBASED CORRECTIONS(2004).

61

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equivalents.66Goodmoralcharacterrequirementsposeaspecialproblemforexfelonsseekingto obtainanoccupationallicense.Unlikespecificstatutoryrestrictionsonexfelonentryinto regulatedoccupations,whichtypicallyarelimitedtoasubsetofoffensesrelevanttotheposition andaresometimeslimitedtorecentconvictions,statutesrarelydefinegoodmoralcharacter, givinglicensingboardsbroadlatitudeindefiningtheterm.67Insomecases,then,anyfelony convictioncanconstituteabartoemployment,regardlessofthenatureoftheconductorthedate oftheoffense.

Plaintiffshavehadsomesuccesschallengingstatutorybarrierstoemploymentforex

felonsonequalprotectiongrounds.Thislonglineofjurisprudencedatesto1898,whenthe SupremeCourtdecidedHawkerv.NewYork.68Hawkerwasaphysicianandexconvictwhosued toinvalidateaNewYorkstatutethatcriminalizedthepracticeofmedicinebyanyonewitha felonyconviction.HawkerstheorywaspredicatedontheExPostFactoClauseofthe Constitution,whichhearguedpreventedthestateofNewYorkfromimposingtheadditional punishmentofthelossofhismedicallicenseafterhehadservedhissentence.TheCourt disagreed,holdingthatthestatepolicepowerwassufficientauthoritytoimposeacharacter requirementonphysicians,andthatthestatelegislaturehadplenarypowertodefinethecontent ofthisrequirement.TheCourtalsosuggestedthatNewYorkslicensingrulesweregoodpublic policy,because[i]tisnot,asarule,thegoodpeoplewhocommitcrime.69

Overtime,theruleinHawkerhasevolvedintoasimpleFourteenthAmendmentprinciple

thatoccupationalrestrictionsonfelonsmustbeararationalrelationshiptothestateslegitimate

66 67

Id.at19394. SeegenerallyDeborahL.Rhode,MoralCharacterasaProfessionalCredential,94YALEL.J.491(1985). 68 170U.S.189(1898). 69 Id.at197.

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regulatoryinterests.70(Courtshaveuniversallyrefusedtoapplystrictscrutinyorheightened scrutinytoclassificationsbasedoncriminalrecord.71)Inpractice,thishasmeantthatthemajority ofstatutoryemploymentdiscriminationagainstexfelonshassurvivedconstitutionalscrutiny, evenincaseswherethelinkbetweenthecriminalconvictionandtheemploymentwashighly attenuated.InSchanuelv.Anderson,72forinstance,theSeventhCircuitupheldanIllinoislaw denyingexfelonsemploymentasprivateinvestigatorsanddetectives.Thecourtnotedthatthe legislaturehasbroadlatitude,particularlywheremattersofsocialandmoralwelfareare involved,andheldthat[d]etectiveagencyemployeesperformthepotentiallysensitivetasksof guardingpersonsandproperty.73Itisnotunreasonable,thecourtconcluded,tosupposethat thepublictrustmightbeunderminedbyassigningsuchtaskstoexoffenders.74

IftheSeventhCircuitcouldconcludethatthejobofprivatedetectiveisalocusofpublic

trust,itisnotsurprisingthatmostchallengestoemploymentrestrictionsonexfelonshavebeen unsuccessful.Nevertheless,therehavebeenexceptions.Courtshavebeenespeciallyskepticalof sweepingstatutesthatexcludefelonsasaclassfromanentireoccupationalniche.InKindemv. Alameda,75forinstance,thecourtruledthataplaintiffstenyearoldjuvenilefelonyconviction hadlittleifanybearingonhisabilitytoperformasajanitorfortheCity,andconcludedthata

See,e.g.,DeVeauv.Braistead,363U.S.144(1960)(upholdingaNewYorklawprohibitingexfelons fromcollectingduesonbehalfofalongshoremansunionbecauseofthestateslegitimateinterestin addressingcorruptionamongorganizedlabor);Schwarev.BoardofBarExaminers,353U.S.232(1957) (holdingthatCommunistPartymembership,useofaliases,andarrestrecordwithoutconvictionsis insufficientgroundstoexcludetheplaintifffromthestatebar,onthegroundsthatastatecannotexclude apersonfromthepracticeoflaworfromanyotheroccupationinamannerorforreasonsthatcontravene theDueProcessClauseoftheFourteenthAmendment). 71 See,e.g.,Hunterv.Erickson,393U.S.385,392(1969);Levyv.Louisiana,391U.S.68(1968);Korematsu v.UnitedStates,323U.S.214,(1944). 72 708F.2d316(7thCir.1983). 73 Id.at31920. 74 Id.at319. 75 502F.Supp.1108(N.D.Cal.1980).Seealso,e.g.,Peoplev.Lindner,535N.E.2d829(Ill.1989)(striking downanIllinoisstatelawrevokingdriverlicensesfromsexoffendersonthegroundsthatnorational relationshipexistsbetweensexoffensesandgooddriving).

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generalizeddistinctionbetweenfelonsandnonfelonsisnotrationallyrelatedtoanylegitimate stateinterests.76

Viewedasawhole,thestrikingfeatureofthislineofjurisprudenceisitsinconsistency.To

takeoneexample,sixyearsbeforetheSeventhCircuitsopinioninSchanuel,adistrictcourtin ConnecticutfacedpreciselythesamefactsinSmithv.Fussenich,butdecidedthecasethe oppositeway.77There,theplaintiffchallengedConnecticutGeneralStatute29156a(c),which barredfelonyoffendersfromemploymentwithlicensedprivatedetectiveandsecurityguard agencies.ThestatemadethesameargumentasthedefendantsinKindem:thatthelawwasa justifiableefforttosequester"thecriminalelementfromabusinessthataffectspublicwelfare, moralsandsafety."78Thiscourt,however,wasntbuying:itstruckdownthelawonthegrounds thatitfail[ed]torecognizetheobviousdifferencesinthefitnessandcharacterofthosepersons withfelonyrecords.79Thecourtmaintainedfurtherthatpositionsofprivateinvestigatorsand securityguards...requirelittleskillandresponsibility,andtherewasnoevidencethat criminalitywasaseriousproblemamongsecurityguardsandprivateinvestigators.80

Theincoherencyofthislineofcasesgivescourtsthepowertogenerateidiosyncratic

conclusionsaboutlawsrestrictingexfelonemploymentonacasebycasebasis.Plaintifffriendly courtscanmanipulatethreefactorstoproducedesirableoutcomes:theycanemphasizethe tenuousrelationshipbetweenagivenplaintiffspastcriminalconductandthejobheisseeking (astheKindemcourtdid);theycanfocusontheinjusticeofclusteringallfelonsintoasingle genericcategory(astheFussenichcourtdid);ortheycanbroadlydenythelegitimacyofthe

76 77

Kindem,F.Supp.at1112. Smithv.Fussenich,440F.Supp.1077(D.Conn.1977). 78 Id.at1080. 79 Id. 80 Id.at1081.

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statesinterestinregulatingaparticularoccupation(asfewcourtshavebeenwillingtodo). Defendantfriendlycourtshaveoftenarrivedatstarklyoppositeconclusionswhenconsidering thesamefactors.InHillv.Gill,theRhodeIslanddistrictcourtnotedthatthelawinthiscircuit.. .recognizesastatesrighttodisqualifyconvictedfelons,asaclass,fromemploymentinpositions ofpublictrust.81

Despiteitsinchoateapplicationtothislineofcases,rationalbasisreviewis,byitsnature,

deferentialtostateprerogative.Evencourtsthathavebeenaggressivelyskepticaltoward overbroadexclusionarystatuteshavedeferredtomorenarrowlytailoredlegislation.Andthe situationisunlikelytochange:lawmakerstodayaremoresavvyaboutarticulatingconvincing stateinterestsbehindemploymentregulations,andbetteratdesigninglawsthatappearatleast minimallytailoredtothoseinterests.Indeed,thejurisprudenceappearstobeatastandstill.In the1960sand70s,thenumberofstatelawsimposingcollateralemploymentsanctionsonfelons declined,andsuccessfulequalprotectionchallengestosuchlawspeaked,especiallyinmore progressivejurisdictions.82Acomprehensivereviewofallstatestatutesin1986concludedthat statesgenerallyarebecominglessrestrictiveofdeprivingcivilrightsofoffenders.83Butjustas thecriminaljusticesystemgenerallybecamemorepunitiveinthe1980sand90s,thepopularity ofcollateralemploymentsanctionsincreasedrapidlyinthisperiod,andcourtsmadenomoveto stemthetide.Today,thereisnosignthatlawsuitswillbeaneffectivevehicleforreform.

Collateralconsequencesforexfelonsarepreconditionsforasystemofpunitive

segregationwithnoremedyinequalprotectionorantidiscriminationjurisprudence.Thelarge andgrowingpopulationofexfelonstodaymorethan12millionpeople,representing8%ofthe
Hillv.Gill,703F.Supp.1034,1038(D.R.I.1989)(emphasisadded). JeremyTravis,InvisiblePunishment:AnInstrumentofSocialExclusion,inINVISIBLEPUNISHMENT:THE COLLATERALCONSEQUENCESOFMASSIMPRISONMENT,supranote7,at15. 83 Id.at21.
82 81

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workingagepopulation84constitutesamarkedcaste,subjecttodiminishedlifechancesand discriminationmandatedbystatute.Theselawsareapowerfuldriverofclassandracial stratification.Lawspreventingfelonsfromseekingpublicemploymentareespeciallyhardon blacksbecausetheratioofemploymentinthepublicsectortoemploymentintheprivatesector ismuchhigherforblacksthanforothergroups.85Ininnercities,inparticular,publicemployment isoftenthebestavailableemployment.Statutorylimitationsonexfelonemploymenttherefore exertadisparateimpactonblackAmericansevennetoftheirrepresentationinthepopulationof exfelons.

B.CriminalRecordDiscrimination

Statutorydiscriminationagainstexfelonsaffectsonlypublicemploymentandthosejobs

thataresubjecttolicensingrequirements.Discriminationagainstexfelonsoftheformthat DevahPagerobservedinherauditpairstudyemployerssystematicallydisfavoringapplicants withcriminalrecordsexistsacrossoccupations.Effortstoremedythedisparateracialimpactof exfelondiscriminationviaconventionalantidiscriminationlawhasproducedmixed,butmostly poor,results.

TitleVIIdoesnotcategoricallyprohibitemployersfromusingcriminalrecordsasabasis

forhiringdecisions.86Towinanantidiscriminationsuitagainstanemployerforusingcriminal recordsinhiring,aplaintiffmusteitherdemonstratethattheemployerwasintentionallyusing criminalrecordsasaproxyforraceorthattheemployerspracticehadadisparateimpactona

SeeChristopherUggen,MelissaThompson&JeffManza,Citizenship,Democracy,andtheCivic ReintegrationofCriminalOffenders,605ANNALSAM.ACAD.POL.&SOC.SCI.281(2006). 85 SeegenerallyDarity,supranote25. 86 42U.S.C.2000e2(2004).

84

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classofpersonsprotectedunderthestatute.Employersmaydefeatthelatterargumentwitha showingofbusinessnecessity.

Disparateimpactlitigationwithexfelonplaintiffsfacedenormousobstaclesfromthe

start.TitleVIIsbusinessnecessitydefensemeansthatevendisparateimpactanalysisoperates inserviceofthelawsbroadergoaloferadicatingonlyirrationaldiscrimination.TheSupreme Courthasindulgedemployerdefensesofraciallydisparatehiringpracticesonsafetyand efficiencygrounds,andacriminalrecord,tothemindsofmostjudges,implicatesboth.87 Nonetheless,plaintiffsallegingcriminalrecorddiscriminationfoundsomeearlysuccess.Inthe 1970s,twofederalcourtsinvalidatedhiringpracticesthatautomaticallydisqualifiedcandidates withcriminalrecords.Inthemorenotableofthetwocases,Greenv.MissouriPacificRailroadCo., theEighthCircuitsustainedadisparateimpactsuitagainstMissouriPacificRailroad,whose felondisqualificationprogramrejected2.5blackapplicantsforeverywhiteapplicantitrejected.88 ThecourtinGreenexpressedconsiderabledoubtthatacriminalrecordwasausefulpredictorofa prospectiveemployeesquality.Unfortunately,thecourtfailedtorigorouslyinterrogatethe circumstancesinwhichacriminalrecordwouldorwouldnotconveymeaningfuldatatoa potentialemployer.Instead,thecourtsettledforthegnomicdeclarationthatasweeping disqualificationforemploymentrestingsolelyonpastbehavior...restsuponatenuousand insubstantialbasis.89

TheSupremeCourts1979decisioninNewYorkCityTransitAuthorityv.Beazarputa

hastystoptotheprogressofexfelondiscriminationcaseslitigatedunderTitleVII.90InBeazar,
87

SeeN.Y.C.Trans.Auth.v.Beazer,440U.S.568,584(1979)(acknowledgingthelegitimate employmentgoalsofsafetyandefficiencyinassessingjobrelatedness). 88 Greenv.Mo.Pac.R.R.Co.,523F.2d1290(8thCir.1975);seealsoGregoryv.LittonSys.,Inc.,472F.2d 631(9thCir.1972). 89 Green,523F.2dat1296. 90 440U.S.568(1979).

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theCourtupheldtheTransitAuthorityspolicyofrefusingtoemploymethadoneusers,despite thepolicysdisparateimpactonAfricanAmericansandLatinos.TheCourtsinvocationofthe TransitAuthorityslegitimateemploymentgoalsofsafetyandefficiencybecameatouchstoneof subsequentdisparateimpactlitigation,andlatercourtsweresubstantiallymorereceptiveto employerswhocouldprofferapublicsafetyrationalefortheirdiscriminatorypractice.91Justice WhitesplaintivedissentinBeazarnotedthatthesuddenemphasisonsafetywasrootedmorein intuitionthanempiricalfact:thepetitioners,hewrote,[p]resentednothingtonegativethe employabilityofsuccessfullymaintainedmethadoneusersasdistinguishedfromthosewhowere unsuccessful.92

Thepaucityofempiricalevidencelinkingdruguseorcriminalrecordstopoorjob performancedidnotstopthelogicofBeazarfrombeingrapidlyinstitutionalized.Infact,after Beazar,courtsbecamemoreandmoreconclusoryinassertingthecommonsensepresumption thatemployershadlegitimaterationalityandsafetyreasonstodiscriminateagainstexfelons.In Williamsv.Scott,forinstance,anIllinoisdistrictcourtresolvedtheissueinasinglesentence: [T]hequestionofplacementoftheburdenofpersuasiondoesnotatallaffectthesituationhere, wherethereisnobasiswhateverfordrawingarationalinferencethattheabsenceofafelony recordisnotjobrelatedforthepositioninquestionandconsistentwithbusinessnecessity.93

Eveniftheywererequiredtomountamorepersuasiveempiricalcasethatthereexistsa

legitimatebusinessreasonfordiscriminatingagainstapplicantswithcriminalrecords, contemporaryemployerscouldeasilymakethecasethatthepracticeofexfelondiscriminationis justifiedbybusinessnecessitythankstotheemergenceofthelawofnegligenthiring.

91

Id.at587. Id.at605(White,J.,dissenting). 93 No.92C5747,1992U.S.Dist.LEXIS13643,at*9(N.D.Ill.Sept.3,1992)(emphasisinoriginal).

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Discriminationagainstexfelonshasbecomeinherentlyrational,becauseexfelonlaborcreates highercostsforemployers.Becauseemployeesthatexposeanemployertoriskareinherently moreexpensivethanidenticalemployeeswhodonotinvitethatrisk,employersbearthiscost regardlessofwhethertheexfelonstheyhireprovokelawsuits.Therelationshipbetween negligenthiringanddisparateimpactlawreflectswhatLaurenEdelmanhascalledthe endogeneityoflaw.94LikeBeazar,negligenthiringpresumesthatpastbehaviorisanaccurate indicatoroffutureaction.Thispresumptionreinforcesitsownmarketrationality.Asthisviewof humannatureisinstitutionalizedinthedoctrineofnegligenthiring,employersadoptcompliance strategiesthatnotonlysymbolizeacommitmenttofindingsafeemployees,butactuallyare marketrational,becausetheyreducethethreatoflitigation.Comingfullcircle,thisrationality thenbecomeslegitimategroundsfordefeatingdisparateimpactcases.

Asvirtuallyanylawreviewarticleonthesubjectpublishedinthelastdecadewilltellyou,

disparateimpactlitigationhaslimiteddoctrinalvitality.Avigorousantidiscriminationregime aimedatpromotingthehiringofexfelonsispossible,butwouldrequireextensivenew legislation.Onemodelmightbestateefforts.EightstatesConnecticut,Hawaii,Illinois, Massachusetts,Minnesota,NewYork,Pennsylvania,andWisconsinhaveattemptedtolimitby statutetheextenttowhichemployerscanrelyoncriminalrecordstomakehiringandfiring decisions.NewYorkseffortisthemostprogressive,aswellastheonemostsquarelypositioned withintheframeworkofantidiscriminationlaw.Article23Apermitsemployerstodeny employmentastheresultofacriminalconvictiononlywhenthereisadirectrelationship betweenthepastconvictionandthedutiesofemploymentorwheretheemployeescriminal

SeeLaurenEdelman,ChristopherUggen&HowardErlanger,TheEndogeneityofLegalRegulation: GrievanceProceduresasRationalMyth,105AM.J.SOC.406(1999).

94

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historyindicatesthatemployingherwouldposeanunreasonablerisktopublicsafety.95Despite itsuseofthelanguageandlogicoffederalantidiscriminationjurisprudence,Article23A representsanimprovementbecauseitsignifiestheNewYorklegislaturesefforttomore rigorouslyquestionassumptionsaboutbehavior,rationality,andbusinessnecessity.Article23A explicitlydiscouragestheautomaticassumptionthatexfelonslackgoodmoralcharacter,and requiresemployerstoconsidereightfactorswhenhiring:

(a) The public policy of this state, as expressed in this act, to encourage the licensureandemploymentofpersonspreviouslyconvictedofoneormorecriminal offenses. (b) The specific duties and responsibilities necessarily related to the license or employmentsought. (c)Thebearing,ifany,thecriminaloffenseoroffensesforwhichthepersonwas previouslyconvictedwillhaveonhisfitnessorabilitytoperformoneormoreof suchdutiesorresponsibilities. (d) The time which has elapsed since the occurrence of the criminal offense or offenses. (e) The age of the person at the time of occurrence of the criminal offense or offenses. (f)Theseriousnessoftheoffenseoroffenses. (g)Anyinformationproducedbytheperson,orproducedonhisbehalf,inregard tohisrehabilitationandgoodconduct. (h)Thelegitimateinterestofthepublicagencyorprivateemployerinprotecting property,andthesafetyandwelfareofspecificindividualsorthegeneralpublic.96 Thesefactorsareamongtheonesthatfederalcourtscouldhaveconsidered,butoptednotto, indevelopinganexfelondiscriminationjurisprudence.Theracialbiasthatineluctablyattends

95

N.Y.CORRECT.LAW750755(McKinney2005). N.Y.CORRECT.LAW753(1)(McKinney2005).

96

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discriminationagainstjobcandidateswithcriminalrecordsdemands,attheveryleast,thatcourts considerthesequestionsthoroughly,withproperattentiontoempiricalresearch.

ThishasnotbeenthecaseinNewYork,despiteArticle23Asbestintentions.NewYork Statecourtshaveinconsistentlyenforcedtherequirementthatemployersconsiderthestatutory factorswhenhiring.Theyhavealsoallowedcityagenciesandotheremployerstostretchthe limitsofthestatutorylanguagebyaffirmingtangentialrelationshipsbetweencertaincrimesand certainjobs.97InAlTuriLandfillInc.v.NewYorkStateDepartmentofEnvironmental Conservation,forinstance,theNewYorkCourtofAppealsupheldthedenialofalicenseto expandalandfillbasedontheapplicantspriorconvictionforfederaltaxfraud.98Thecourtfound thatthedishonestyinherentintaxcrimeswasanathematothedutiesofthelicense,which includedaccuraterecordkeepingandeffectiveselfpolicing.99Decisionsliketheseshowthat Article23Asuffersfromthesamemaladyasfederalexfelonantidiscriminationjurisprudence.It givesemployersvirtuallyunconstrainedleewaytorejectapplicants,providedtheycanarticulatea creativeaccountofhowtheplaintiffsoffenserevealedacharacterflaw.Becausemostfeloniesdo involvegenericmalfeasanceofsomekinddishonesty,selfdealing,untrustworthiness, peevishness,andsoforth(feloniesarecalledmaluminseforareason)acriminalrecordwill alwaysbelegitimategroundsfordisqualifyinganapplicantifgoodcharacteristreatedasade factorequirementofalljobs.Whentherequisitenexusbetweenthecriminalactandthe characteroftheemploymentissufficientlyloose,lawslikeArticle23Abecomeimpossibleto distinguishfromthegenericandinfinitelypliablegoodmoralcharacterrequirementsemployed

97

SeegenerallyJocelynSimonson,RethinkingRationalDiscriminationAgainstExOffenders,13GEO.J. 751N.Y.S.2d827(N.Y.2002). Id.at829.

ONPOVERTYL.&POLY283,pt.III(2006).
98 99

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bymanyprofessionallicensingboards.itisnotsurprising,then,thatoneLegalAidattorneyhas concludedoftheNewYorklaw,[T]heserightsareoftenveryhollowandrarelyenforced.100

LawslikeArticle23Atendovertimetobevitiatedbythesameprocessthatmadefederal antidiscriminationlawaninadequatevehicleforaddressingthedisparateimpactofcriminal recorddiscrimination:thelegalratificationofabstractrelationshipsbetweenbadcharacter(of whichacriminalrecordispurportedlyindicative)andinadequacyasacandidateforemployment. What,then,isthealternative?

Oneoptionwouldbetotreatcriminalrecorddiscriminationasaproblemthatrequiresa jurisprudenceofaccommodation.InheranalysisofArticle23A,JocelynSimonsonadvocatesa rethinkingoftheconceptofrationalityasitrelatestoexfelondiscrimination.101Sheproposes thatjudgesshiftthefocusofthediscussionawayfromtheimpactofexfelondiscriminationon marginalproductivityorindividualemployersexposuretolitigationrisk.Instead,sheproposes thatjudgesbeinstructedtothinkoftheeffectthattherepeateddenialofjobstopeoplewith criminalrecordshasonsocietyasawhole.102Statedinotherterms,Simonsonsproposalcanbe understoodasademandthatemployersberequiredtoaccommodatejobapplicantswith criminalrecordsbytreatingthemonequalfootingasapplicantswithoutcriminalrecords, regardlessofwhetherhiringtheemployeewiththecriminalrecordwouldresultinincreased costs.

Advocatesofimposingaccommodationrequirementsonemployersemphasizethat antidiscriminationlawisproperlyaimednotatextirpatingactsofprivateanimusbutat addressingapatternofsocialandeconomicsubordinationthathasintolerableeffectsonour

100 101

Simonson,supranote97,at297n.83. Id.at307. 102 Id.(emphasisinoriginal).

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society.103Thecollateralconsequencesofacriminalconvictionentailmassiveandlargely unacknowledgedracialinequality.Exfelondiscriminationimpairstheintegrationoflarge numbersofAmericans,especiallyblackmen,backintociviclife.Anditisuniquelydifficultto addressthroughconventionalantidiscriminationapproaches,becausediscriminationagainstex felonsistypicallymarketrational.Thesefactorsmayjustifyreorientingeffortstocurbcriminal recorddiscriminationtowardanaccommodationstandard.

Oneobviousobjectionisthatexcriminalsaremorallyculpableinawaythatothergroups thatemployersareobligatedtoaccommodate,likethedisabled,arenot.Butmoraldesertisofno particularmomenttotheaccommodationstandardinfederaldisabilitylaw,whichrequires employerstoaccommodatedisabilitiesevenwhentheystemfrominiquitousbehavior.104 Whetheronefindstheargumentforcivicintegrationofexoffendersaspersuasiveastheparallel argumentforthecivicintegrationofthedisableddependsononesbeliefinthepossibilityof rehabilitation.Thematerial,social,andpoliticalconsequencesofmassincarcerationwithouta concomitantcommitmenttoreintegrationarewelldocumented.105Buteventhosestrongly opposedtorequiringemployerstobearcoststhatstemfromtheapplicantspastmisdeedsmust acknowledgethatthespecialtollofexfelondiscriminationonblacksmakesreducinglabor marketdiscriminationagainsterstwhilecriminalsagreatermoralimperative.

Thisuncertaintyabouttheproperroleofantidiscriminationlawisexacerbatedbythe absenceofanyprinciplednationalconsensusontheproperbalancebetweencompetingsocietal commitmentstorehabilitation,deterrence,andcrimeprevention.Thefailureofconsensusabout

SamuelR.Bagenstos,RationalDiscrimination,Accommodation,andthePoliticsof(Disability)Civil Rights,89VA.L.REV.825,837(2003). 104 SeegenerallyMarkKelman,MarketDiscriminationandGroups,53STAN.L.REV.833,84054(2001). 105 See,e.g.,R.RichardBanks,BeyondProfiling:Race,Policing,andtheDrugWar,56STAN.L.REV.571, 59499(2003)(detailingthesocialharmsofincarceration).

103

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thegoalsofincarcerationsurelycontributestothecountrysinconsistentandmyopicprison policy.Butitisadebatethatanaccommodationistexfelonantidsiscriminationmodelwould havetoconfrontheadontobesuccessful.TheAmericanswithDisabilitiesActrequiresjudgesto strikeaseeminglysimplebalancebetweentwocompetingconsiderations,inclusionandcost.An exfelonaccommodationregimewouldbemuchmorecomplicated.Thecosttoindividual employersincludingtheriskofemployeescommittingcrimesintheworkplacewouldhaveto bedirectlybalancedagainstthesocialcostsofexfelonexclusion,ratherthanconsideredina vacuumastheyareatpresent.Thelegitimacyofotherreasonsemployersofferforrefusingtohire felonswouldhavetobeevaluatedandsimilarlybalancedagainstthebenefitsofreintegration. Collateralconsequencesforexoffenderswouldhavetobestandardizedandreducedtonarrowly addresstherealshorttermriskofrecidivism.Andmostimportantly,federallawmakerswould havetodevelopspecificnationalstandardstodistinguishbetweenillegitimateexfelon discriminationanddiscriminationthatisclearlyjustifiedbycriminologicaldata(forinstance, discriminationagainstsexoffendersforpositionsinvolvingexposuretochildren).Suchan antidiscriminationregimewouldbeordersofmagnitudemoredifficulttoproperlyadminister thantheADA.

Totheextentthatantidiscriminationlawistheappropriatevehicleforremedying employmentbarriersfacedbyexfelons,theemphasisshouldbeontheconsequencesofthose barrierstoracialminorities.Thediffusesocialimpactofalargepostprisonpopulationisa seriousconcernwhateveritsracialcomposition.Butifthecollateralconsequencesofmass incarcerationdidweighsoheavilyonblackmen,theirconsequenceswouldbebetteraddressed withpoliticalandstructuralreformofthecriminaljusticesystem.Theracialinequityofcriminal recorddiscrimination,however,aggravatestheblackwhiteunemploymentgap,excludeswilling blackworkersfromthelaborforce,andvitiatesoursocietyscommitmenttoliberal 33

antidiscriminationnorms.Putanotherway,theproblemofmassincarcerationistheproblemof thecolorline.Forthisreason,antidiscriminationlawmaybethebestvehicleforaddressingthe needsofexfelons.

C.PolicyReform:Race,Privacy,andStatisticalDiscrimination

Partofthereformeffortofthe1970sand80storeducecollateralconsequencesof

convictionscenteredontheprivacyrightsofexoffenders.106In1976,however,theSupremeCourt ruledinPaulv.Davisthatarrestrecordswerepublicinformation.Butindividualstateswere allowedtosettheirownstandardsaboutaccesstocentralrepositoriesofcriminalrecords,and searchandretrievalofrecordswascumbersomeinthepredigitalera.107Noncriminalaccessby employersorotherswasrelativelyrare.Today,therapiddeclineinthecostsofcriminalrecord checksthankstothetransitiontodigitalrepositoriesmakesdiscriminationonthebasisof criminalrecordeasierthaneverbefore,andraisesanobviousquestion:canwepreventemployers fromdiscriminatingagainstexfelonsbylimitingemployersaccesstothoserecords?

Compellingrecentresearchsuggeststhateffortstolimitemployeraccesstocriminal

recordsmaymakethingsworseforblackmalejobseekersbyleadingemployerstostatistically discriminateagainstblackmen.Holzer,Raphael,andStolltestedthestatisticaldiscrimination hypothesisbysurveyingasampleofemployerstodetermineeachfirmswillingnesstohire employeeswithcriminalrecords.108Theyalsoaskedabouttheirmostrecenthireforaposition withnohighereducationrequirement.

SeeShawnD.Bushway,LaborMarketEffectsofPermittingEmployerAccesstoCriminalHistory Records,20J.CONTEMP.CRIM.JUST.276,285(2004). 107 Id.at286. 108 HarryHolzer,StevenRaphael&MichaelStoll,PerceivedCriminality,CriminalBackgroundChecks, andtheRacialHiringPracticesofEmployers,49J.L.&ECON.451,45152(2006).

106

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Thefindingsofthestudyshowedthatstatisticaldiscriminationagainstblackmalesis

commonplace.Employerswhoconductedcriminalbackgroundcheckswereastartlingfifty percentmorelikelytohireblackemployeesthanemployerswhodidnt.109Andtheeffectwas muchstrongerforemployerswhoclaimedtobeunwillingtohireexoffenders.Consistentwith thestatisticaldiscriminationhypothesis,theeffectsforblackmalesweremuchlargerthanthe effectsforblackfemales.GiventhatanearliersurveybyHolzerhadshownthatmorethansixty fivepercentofemployerswouldnotknowinglyhireanexoffender,110theresearchersconcluded thatintheabsenceofcriminalrecords,theuseofrace(andgender)asaproxyforcriminalityis pervasive.Theyadditionallyarguedthateasyaccesstobackgroundcheckswasanetpositivefor AfricanAmericanjobapplicants: Thispositiveneteffectindicatesthattheadverseconsequencesofemployer initiatedbackgroundchecksonthelikelihoodofhiringAfricanAmericansismore thanoffsetbythepositiveeffectofeliminatingstatisticaldiscrimination.111 Holzer,Raphael,andStollsresultssuggestthatapolicyofconcealingaccuratecriminalrecords wouldbothofferlittlebenefittoAfricanAmericanswithcriminalrecordsandneedlesslypunish lawabidingAfricanAmericans.112 TheresultsoftheHolzer,Raphael,andStollstudyaregrimnewsforthegreat

desideratumoftheAmericanrehabilitativeideal:thecleanslate.Forwhattheytrulyreflectisthe extenttowhichraceandcriminalityareintertwinedintheeraofmassincarceration.Whena blackmalehasa29%chanceofspendingtimeinprisonoverthecourseofhislife,raceandcrime becomemutuallyconstitutive.AsR.RichardBankshasargued,incarcerationrateshavemade

Id.at464. HARRYHOLZER,WHATEMPLOYERSWANT:JOBPROSPECTSFORLESSEDUCATEDWORKERS(1996). 111 Holzeretal.,supranote108,at473. 112 Interestingly,theresultsofPagersauditpairstudymaysupportHolzersstatisticaldiscrimination hypothesis.Pagereliminatedascandidatesforherstudyanyemployerthatsaidthatacriminalbackground checkwasconductedaspartofthejobapplication.Hersampleofemployersisthuscomposedofprecisely thesortofemployerHolzerpredictswillbemostpronetostatisticallydiscriminate:thosewhocareabout criminalrecords,butdonotconductbackgroundchecks.
110

109

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theimageofblackcriminalitylessanungroundedstereotypeandmoreasocialreality.113Given this,blamingemployersfortendingtostatisticallydiscriminatemissesthepoint.Racializedmass incarcerationcompelsstatisticaldiscrimination.Thestigmaofprisonaffixesitselftoallblack men. What,then,isapolicyalternativetoheightenedprivacyregulations?Onealternativetoa

moreaggressiveaccommodationistantidiscriminationregimemightbedirectsubsidiesto employerswhohireexfelons.114Thesesubsidiescouldcomeintheformoftaxcreditsortransfers toinstitutionsthathireexfelons,orintheformofgovernmentprogramsthatinsureemployers againstavarietyoflossesassociatedwithexfelonemployeesexposuretotortrisk,onthejob crime,andsoforth.Andbecausethegovernmentcouldconditionreceiptofsubsidiesonracially equitablehiring,asubsidyprogramwouldreducetheraciallydiscriminatoryimpactofexfelon discrimination.Suchaprogramwouldhavetheaddedbenefitoftransferringthecostsof reintegrationtotaxpayersasawhole.Thesavingsfromdecreasedrecidivismandhigher workforceutilizationwouldlikelydefrayasubstantialportionofthesecosts.

CONCLUSION

Criminalrecorddiscriminationisjustonecontributingfactortoblacklabormarket

disadvantage,butthereisreasontobelieveitisaseriousone.Andwiththeprisonpopulation remaininganditscurrenthighlevelsandtheranksofexfelonsgrowingbymorethanahalf millionAmericanseachyearitseffectswilllikelybemagnifiedinyearstocome.Evidenceonex felondiscriminationcomplicateslongstandingdebatesaboutwhetheritisracismorsocial

113

Banks,supranote105,at598. See,e.g.,LiorJacobStrahilevitz,PrivacyversusAntidiscrimination,75U.CHI.L.REV.363,379(2008).

114

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structurethatmostcontributestoenduringracialstratification.AsstudiesbyPagerandother show,itisboth.Discriminationagainstexfelonshurtsblacksbothbecauseoftheirstatusasthe mostheavilyincarceratedsocialgroup,andbecausethestigmaticharmsofaprisonsentenceare magnifiedbyskincolor.Toproperlyaddressthissubtleformofdiscrimination, antidiscriminationlawwouldhavetobedramaticallyreconceivedadevelopmentthatseems unlikelyatbest.

Ultimately,though,racebiasedexfelondiscriminationisepiphenomenaltothemodern

carceralapparatus,andonlyunravelingthatapparatusoffersapermanentsolution.The continuedgrowthoftheprisonpopulationisalmostcertainlysociallyandfiscallyuntenable.115 ProposalsforcriminaljusticereformarebeyondthescopeofthisArticle,butthewarondrugsis oneobviousplacetobegin.Between1990and2000,drugoffendersaccountedforagreater proportionofprisonpopulationgrowthamongblackinmatesthanamonganyotherracial group.116Anationalcommitmenttotheeradicationofurbanpovertyandthedestratificationof Americaninnercitieswouldhaveasimilarlylargeeffect.Aslongastheblackunderclassis vituperatedasindolentandcriminal,harassedbyfruitlesspolicedruginterdictions,andcastinto prisonincripplingnumbers,employmentdiscriminationagainstexfelonswillremainamajor driverofblackunemploymentandracialstratification.

Considerthatforthefirsttimeinitshistory,thestateofCaliforniawillspendmoreonprisonsinthe 20122013fiscalyearthanonhighereducation,atatimewhenitsbudgetdeficitstandsat$16billion (incidentally,$16billionisapproximatelywhatthestatewillspendonprisonsin2012).SeeEvanHalper, CaliforniasBudgetGapat$16Billion,L.A.TIMES,Feb.21,2008,atA1;MayaHarris,Prisonvs.Education SpendingRevealsCalifornia'sPriorities,S.F.CHRON.,May29,2007,atB5. 116 Banks,supranote105,at595.

115

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