February 2011

IDEAS REPORT

The Tunkus Great Ideas

By Lenard Lim Yangli with foreword by Tunku Abidin Muhriz

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The Tunkus great ideas

By Lenard Lim Yangli Foreword by Tunku Abidin Muhriz

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Contents
About the author Acknowledgements Foreword Introduction Rule of law Limited government Free market Individual liberty Conclusion Bibliography About the Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs 12 16 20 21 22 3 3 4 5 6 9

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About the author

Lenard Lim Yangli conducted this study during a short stint at IDEAS between December 2010 and January 2011. He is now completing his studies at Middlebury College, USA, majoring in History.

Acknowledgements
The author is indebted to Arkib Negara, especially the Memorial Tunku Abdul Rahman Library, and Perpustakaan Negara for their cooperation and assistance towards this study.

February 2011 IDEAS Malaysia Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs (IDEAS) D6 Taman Tunku, Bukit Tunku 50480 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Email: admin@ideas.org.my Tel: +60 3 6201 8896 / 8897 Fax: 03 6211 0222 ISBN 978-967-0143-04-0

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Foreword
These days it sometimes feels that our nation is being infiltrated by extremists and those goading for an argument or even violence, but thankfully such shows are immediately condemned by a vocal civil society. As a result, we are also seeing Tunkus name being rehabilitated and his original vision being clamoured for by those fed up with the inane bickering that dominates our headlines. As such, we believe this prcis of the Tunkus views is timely. The arguments are supported by some of the Tunkus best quotes, and our intern Yangli has scoured the stock at the Memorial Tunku Abdul Rahman, national archives and the national library for rarer material. Still, many of his speeches are apparently unavailable, seemingly lost to history. It is a sad indictment that the official custodians of our nations historical documents do not even have the complete set of our first Prime Ministers speeches. Of course, some might accuse us of being selective in our quotes to show only those that support our case. The wonderful thing about our Ayahanda Kemerdekaan is that he was an avid writer, and if you read his compilations of articles, you will find a consistency surpassing that of some ethnonationalists whose views seem to change with the monsoon winds. What is even more inspirational is that he stuck by his beliefs even if it cost him politically. He could very easily have pandered to populist ideas and perhaps lengthened his political career, but instead he accepted defeat like the gentleman that he was. It is hoped that through this pamphlet, we can spark a renewed interest in the words and deeds of this prince, if not amongst the present crop of politicians, then at least in some of the citizens who will determine the next crop.
Tunku Abidin Muhriz Founder President, IDEAS

When we launched the Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs (IDEAS) on 8 February 2010, claiming that we were inspired by vision of Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra, some observers expressed doubt that our first Prime Minister actually would have supported our work. Of course, we would never claim that he would have supported everything we do. But we are convinced that he would have supported our four core principles of individual liberty, rule of law, limited government and free markets. I knew this because, growing up, I had regularly come across the Tunkus writings, or heard some vignette about him from older generations, and every such occasion impressed upon me his beliefs that I myself only understood and adopted at a later stage, after I experienced politics in the United Kingdom. It was only after some discussion that we decided that we should strongly associate ourselves with the Tunku. There was initially some hesitation because of the party political implications it might have on us. However, we realised that both that the party and alliance he once headed no longer actually exist (despite others best efforts to rewrite history), and as an individual he is just about the only politician to receive accolades on both sides of the political divide today. The support we have received from the Tunkus descendants has been phenomenal, and hearing their first-hand accounts of events has been utterly enlightening.

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The Tunkus great ideas

Introduction
concepts of rule of law, limited government, free market and individual liberty. Through examining

... with Gods blessing shall be forever a sovereign, democratic and independent State founded upon the principles of liberty and justice and ever seeking the welfare and happiness of its people and the maintenance of a just peace among all nations.1

Tunku Abdul Rahmans writing, speeches and interviews, I will seek to validate my hypothesis. This study is grouped into chapters according to the four main principles of classical liberalism the rule of law, limited government, free market and individual liberty. Each chapter will explore Tunku Abdul Rahmans stand on the respective concept and demonstrate his beliefs through excerpts of his writings, speeches, interviews and also anecdotes from other sources. The study will then come up with an overall conclusion at the end. One shortcoming of this study is the incompleteness of original literature. Most of the literature that I have examined is in English - either the Tunkus own writings or translations, particularly of his speeches during his premiership. Furthermore, I have not been able to examine all of Tunku Abdul Rahmans speeches, especially those from 1960 to 1970 as they are not all available at the Memorial Tunku Abdul Rahmans library, Arkib Negara, or the National Library.

The Proclamation of Independence and the Rukunegara are undoubtedly among Malaysias most important documents. The former was read out by Tunku Abdul Rahman on that fateful day in August, 1957, marking the reign of his premiership. The latter was read out 12 years later during Tunku Abdul Rahmans last official Merdeka day celebration as Prime Minister. Unfortunately, just like Tunku Abdul Rahman himself, both documents have not been given the necessary scholarship they deserve. This study seeks to correct that. I believe that Tunku Abdul Rahman was a classical liberal, and that he subscribed to the
1 Proclamation of Independence, 31 August 1957 2 Preamble of the Rukunegara

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... Ensuring a liberal approach to her rich and diverse cultural tradition.2

The Tunkus great ideas

Rule of law
In his last nationally broadcasted speech as Prime Minister delivered on the eve of Merdeka day in 1970, Tunku Abdul Rahman solemnly urged Malaysians to observe five principles of the Rukunegara before announcing that Tun Razak will be replacing him soon as Prime Minister.1 Tunkus moving speech provided a preview to the Rukunegara, which was later proclaimed the following day by the Yang diPertuan Agong in conjunction with the Merdeka Day celebration of 1970. The Rukunegara, formulated in the wake of the tragedy of 13 May 1969, espouses the vision of Malaysia and five guiding principles, namely: Belief in God; Loyalty to King and Country; Upholding the Constitution; Sovereignty of the Law; and Good Behaviour and Morality. Likewise, these principles of the Rukunegara also fittingly describe Tunku Abdul Rahman. Once dubbed as the nations conscience, the God-fearing Tunku was a firm believer in constitutionalism and the rule of law.2 Growing up as a prince, Tunku Abdul Rahman benefitted from a relatively privileged upbringing. He received his early education in Bangkok and subsequently the Penang Free School prior to gaining admittance at St Catharines College at Cambridge University to read history and law.

Upon finishing his studies, Tunku Abdul Rahman worked as a District Officer in Kedah. He would later return to England twice to complete his studies at Inner Temple, eventually qualifying for the Bar in 1947 at the age of 46. Tunku Abdul Rahman returned to Malaysia in 1949 and worked at the Legal Office in Alor Star before becoming a Deputy Public Prosecutor in Kuala Lumpur. As such, Tunku Abdul Rahmans upbringing and career greatly contributed towards his appreciation of the rule of law. The concept of the rule of law, which argues that everyone could be judged, has a long accompanying history to it. While commonly attributed to the Ancient Greek philosophers Plato and Aristotle, the concept of the rule of law has also sprouted or been affirmed independently in other civilizations such as the Chinese, the Persians, the Arabs and the English. In fact, ancient Malay kingdoms acknowledged the importance of the rule of law. Clauses on the Terengganu Inscription Stone (Batu Bersurat Terengganu) of 1303 state that even the Ruler is subjected to a higher law. Indeed everyone should be subjected to the same set of rules and laws. A system of government in which all persons, including those in positions of power, are accountable under the law is the best safeguard against dictatorship and totalitarianism. David Boaz

1 For the full speech, see Face The Future With Faith and Without Fear in Victor Morais, Selected Speeches. (Petaling Jaya: Perchetakan Tenggara at Malayan Printers, 1967), 58-60 2 Tunku & The Star exhibition at Memorial Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra The Star. December 15, 2010. Available at http://thestar.com.my/ metro/story.asp?sec=central&file=/2010/ 12/15/central/7613585 (Accessed 29 December, 2010)

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The Tunkus great ideas

of the Cato Institute further elaborates the concept of rule of law when he argues that the laws should be generally applicable and developed legal rules, not by arbitrary commands, and that those rules should protect the freedom of individuals to pursue happiness in their own ways, not aim at any particular result or outcome.1 In an interview with former Far Eastern Economic Review Kuala Lumpur Bureau Chief Veerasingam Kukathas, better known by his pen name K. Das, Tunku Abdul Rahman (TAR) had this to say when asked to define the rule of law:
TAR: You must observe the law, respect and uphold the law, that is how it is supposed to be. To respect the rule of law, you dont have to be a lawyer. We know the rule of the law is supposed to provide justice and so on. We know all that, but there are certain questions that have to do with justice with fair play Das: The way I understand it, the rule of law is the rule by law which observe the principles of natural justice. TAR: That is the main thing natural justice. Das: If you go beyond that, it is only a legality. TAR: Thats right.2 The Constitution provides the framework for a happy and contented Federation. Let us make it work and build ourselves and our descendents a Shangri-la whereby we can all live in peace, happiness and prosperity.3

Legislative Council to accept the new constitution for an independent Malaya with his speech:

Tunku Abdul Rahman strongly believed that the constitution would provide the newly independent Malaya with a strong foundation to build a great and prosperous nation. Furthermore, in a speech delivered to the Conference of Asian Jurist in Tokyo in 1961, Tunku argued that the rule of law was fundamental towards maintaining peace and security:
It is, therefore, the duty of both men and the nation of men in relation to their own State and of nations in the relation to another to spare no effort to sustain the rule of law to ensure the reign of peace. We in Malaya have a firm and enduring respect for the rule of law, and clearly defined our Constitution as the supreme law of the Federation It is our firm belief, enshrined in principle and proved by experience, that the independence of the authority and integrity of law is an essential basis for democracy, binding and protecting both the state and the citizens.4

For Tunku Abdul Rahman, the rule of law was of utmost importance. While fighting for independence, Tunku Abdul Rahman won over the Federal

1 David Boaz, Key Concepts of Libertarianism. Available at http://

www.cato.org/pub_ display.php?pub_id=5758 (Accessed on January 2, 2011)

2 Kua Kia Soong, K. Das & The Tunku Tapes. (Malaysia: SIRD,

3 Speech to Federal Legislative Council on July 10, 1957. Published in The Straits Times, July 11, 1957. Compiled in Tunku: In His Words. (Malaysia: NSTP Resource Centre, 2009), 76
4 The Malay Mail, September 18, 1961. Compiled in Tunku: In His Words.

2002), 134-135

(Malaysia: NSTP Resource Centre, 2009), 76

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No one was above the law for Tunku Abdul Rahman. responsible for creating the laws. When recalling the incident of Selangor Menteri Besar, Dato Seri Harun Idris who refused to attend the court to receive his judgment on being found guilty of corruption due to abuse of state funds, Tunku Abdul Rahman did not mince his words:
The laws of the country are made by the Government and most of the people in the Government belong to UMNO. As such the people who made the law should abide by them.1 If UMNO members disregarded the constitution and the law, including court orders, then they could not expect anything better from others.2 In this democratic, egalitarian age it is undesirable that anyone should be completely above the law. If the Ruler is to be made liable, as in the case of a private person, under the provision of the criminal law of Malaysia (which is a Federal law), then appropriate constitutional amendment is necessary.4

various incidents and abuses which had allegedly voiced a modicum of support towards changes in the Constitution to rectify some of the abuses:

In fact, this is particularly true for the people who are been perpetrated, Tunku Abdul Rahman actually

It is unfortunate, however, that the changes introduced at that time resulted only in a further strengthening of the executive. The real need - improving the effectiveness of our check and balance institutions - was not properly addressed. Nonetheless, Tunku Abdul Rahman remained consistent till the end on the supremacy of the Constitution and the importance of the rule of law. Perhaps the best example of Tunku Abdul Rahmans commitment is demonstrated in his Merdeka day speech of 1969 shortly after one of the darkest periods of his premiership:
The constitution is supreme and it must be upheld by all irrespective of class, creed or colour, it is also a permanent guarantee of stability and continuity in the life of this nation.5

Because of his royal upbringing witnessing the Sultan having absolute power, Tunku Abdul Rahman was well aware of the dangers of the monarchs being above the law. For Tunku Abdul Rahman, the Constitution is the supreme law of the land, and the monarchs are not above it:
Just as the constitution ensures that his office is respected, so too must a Ruler respect the Constitution.3

As such, when then Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir began his crusade against the monarchs by using the already-curtailed mainstream media to highlight

1 The Harun Affair, The Star, 6 March 1978 2 Looking back at 1978, The Star, 1 January 1979 3 The Ruler and Their Responsibility, The Star, 13 July 1975

4 Review the Constitution, The Star, 31 August 1984 5 Merdeka day speech delivered on 31 August, 1969

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Limited government
In my time we had a Cabinet of 13 Ministers. Even then they didnt have enough work. What they do now with 45, I dont know.1

the Legislature and our constitutional monarchy, particularly the institution of the Conference of Rulers. As a trained lawyer through the British system, Tunku Abdul Rahman studied the separation of powers between the Executive, the Judiciary and the Legislature. Tunku Abdul Rahman perfectly understood the importance of check and balances. While commenting on the executive, Tunku Abdul Rahman elaborates the role of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and the Cabinet:
The authority of the crown is vested in the King, but the executive power of the monarch is exercised by the Prime Minister and his Cabinet.3

In his interview with the New Straits Times in 1983, Tunku Abdul Rahman was exasperated at the size of Cabinet of then Prime Minister Dato Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad. Imagine his disgust were he around to find out that under Prime Minister Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, the size of the ministerial ranks more than doubled to an all time high of 93!2 For the author, the government is an institution to which citizens delegate the authority to govern. Nonetheless, government is a powerful institution and it can easily become a dangerous one, especially when it can coerce citizens into obedience, subverting the very people who bestowed upon them the authority to govern. To prevent such coercion, the government must be limited. The concept of limited government argues that the powers of the government must be constrained, usually through a written constitution that both enumerates and limits executive power with checks and balances. In Malaysia, these checks and balances are normally present in the form of the Judiciary,

Despite his royal heritage, Tunku Abdul Rahman was clear about the role of the Rulers. He always upheld that the Constitution is the supreme law of the land, and that the rulers are not above it. His deep fascination with the story of Raja Bersiong, loosely based on the Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa, provides us insights into his stand about power, the Rulers and the people. In the story, the Ruler, Raja Ong Maha Perita develops a taste for human blood. Over time, he grew fangs and began attacking the people of his kingdom to feast on them. In the end, the town people became furious and killed the Ruler. Indeed, Tunku Abdul Rahman strongly believed that the people of Malaysia truly held power:

1 From an interview with Halinah Todd. Published in New Straits Times, February 8, 1983. Compiled in Tunku: In His Words. (Malaysia: NSTP Resource Centre, 2009), 84. Note that Tunku Abdul Rahman also counted his Deputy Ministers, and as such also counted Dr Mahathirs Deputy Ministers 2 After his landslide victory in the General Elections of March 2004, Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi appointed 33 Ministers, 38 Deputy Ministers and even created 22 new positions of Parliamentary Secretaries.

3 Malaysias Monarch: Democratic Symbol and Basis for Stable Government, The Star, 6 July 1975

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The constitution implies without room for contradiction that though the Sultans are sovereign heads of state they have no power to rule. The power lies in the hands of the people who through their representatives run the government of the nation and the states.1 The people have an unquestionable right to expect that the government and MPs they elect, and the officers of the civil service, whose salaries they pay, shall, in return for the confidence and trust they have received, honour the obligations they have to the people, and that means to all citizens of Malaysia.2 I repeat that the real Rulers of Malaysia are the people who under the Constitution assume powers complete and absolute, and such powers as they wield can end the rule of any Ruler at a moment's notice.3 The function of a good civil service is to ensure that the progress and well-being of the country will be always maintained, and that it will carry out policies of the government in power, subject always to the constitution.4 I have informed the House before that the duties and responsibilities of Government officers are to manage the day-to-day affairs of the Government machinery and never to interfere with policy. We (the Cabinet) have never been influenced by their policy. On certain occasions, however, we ask them for their advice and it is up to the Government to accept such advice or not. But the policy must remain the Governments it is the Governments responsibility. If it is proved wrong, then the Ministers stand to be blamed, but never the Government servants.5

Tunku Abdul Rahman also supported separation of power within the various branches of state power. For example, within the Executive branch Tunku Abdul Rahman saw the civil services role as the the day. Their role is separate from the Cabinet, and as such, they should never interfere with any decision making processes. Therefore, the civil servants are never to be blamed for merely carrying out orders, should there be any mistake in the policies of the government:

When he was still Prime Minister, and as such part of the Executive branch of government, Tunku Abdul Rahman respected and upheld the concept of the separation of powers in the government. In a speech James Foong gave two anecdotes of this separation.6 The first incident was when Tunku Abdul Rahman unsuccessfully tried to sue a prominent party leader of the now defunct Parti Negara for defamation. The High Court Judge, who just three months earlier had been appointed after being recommended by Tunku

vehicle to carry out the policies of the government of commemorating Tunku Abdul Rahman, Justice Dato

1 Princes and Politics, The Star, 23 January 1978 2 Plight of New Muslims Beyond the Fringe After Conversion, The Star, 18 August 1975 3 That British Newspaper Report On Our Next King: All Spite and Venom, The Star, 5 March 1984

4 Power-seekers in the government, Viewpoints, 58 5 Speech in Dewan Rakyat. Published in The Straits Times, December 15, 1962 6 Late Bloomer With Great Timing, Justice Dato James Foong, 11 June 2008. Available at http://aliran.com/764.html (Accessed on January 3, 2011)

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Abdul Rahman, dismissed the case due to the lack of evidence. Although disappointed, Tunku Abdul Rahman accepted the decision gracefully and did not submit an appeal nor comment negatively to the media. The second incident was when Tunku Abdul Rahman attempted to recommend an old friend to become a High Court Judge. The Chief Justice however, voiced strong reservations over the suitability of the candidate. Tunku Abdul Rahman accepted this opinion and withdrew his suggestion, rather than insist on the narrow interpretation of Article 122B of the Federal Constitution which says that a Prime Minister is to consult the Chief Justice before tendering his advice to the Yang di-Pertuan Agong on the appointment of a Judge. Tunku Abdul Rahman perfectly understood the role and the powers of the Judiciary, as elaborated in his speech to the Conference of Asian Jurist in Tokyo:
The Constitution also asserts the independence of our Courts and Judges, and empowers the Supreme Court with the jurisdiction of interpretation of the Constitution itself, which must be declared in open court.1 In actual fact, members are entitled to vote any way they like to support or to oppose any Bill presented in the House. This is how Parliament works. There is no reasonable cause for expelling members who vote against a Bill.2 We must respect the wishes of the people. This is the very essence of democracy. Men in their official capacity with power vested in them should always be mindful of the feelings of others, particularly the small man.3

Neither did Tunku Abdul Rahman interfere with the Legislative branch of the government. Tunku Abdul Rahman opined that the Legislative branch of government, composed by the Members of Parliament, is independent and ultimately answerable to the people of Malaysia:
1 The Malay Mail, September 18, 1961. Compiled in Tunku: In His Words. (Malaysia: NSTP Resource Centre, 2009), 76 2 Kelantan, Pas And Asri, The Star, 19 December 1977 3 The Essence of Democracy, The Star, 24 December 1984

I repeat that the real Rulers of Malaysia are the people who under the Constitution assume powers complete and absolute, and such powers as they wield can end the rule of any Ruler at a moments notice.

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The Tunkus great ideas

Free market
All society needs to engage in economic activity to survive and flourish, and this is especially true for modern societies. One of the most important everyday economic activities is transaction. A transaction is an economic activity between two or more voluntary parties. For that transaction to occur, each party must first and foremost have the rights to property before they have the rights to exchange property by mutual agreement. All parties undertake the exchange because each expects to gain from it. Trade, or voluntary exchange, is engaged in precisely because both parties benefit; if they did not expect to gain, they would not agree to the exchange. A free market is a market where there is no economic intervention and regulation by the state, except to enforce private contracts and the ownership of property. In such a system, the government has very limited role in the administration and the legislation of economic activities. While currently there is no country in the world practising a pure free market economy, there is arguably a strong case to be made between one countrys prosperity and how free its economy is. Tunku Abdul Rahman understood this well. Under
The Alliance Government will not change its policy of encouraging free enterprise because we know what is good and what is not good for the country.2

his administration, Malaysia pursued a policy which economist KS Jomo described as a laissezfaire development strategy with minimum state interference except ensuring suitable conditions for rapid capital accumulation... The laissez faire development strategy of the 1960s precluded direct government participation in profitable activities, such as commerce and industry, which were left exclusively to private business interests.1 Tunku Abdul Rahman believed that government should never dabble in business, or worse, nationalise industries. To Tunku, the government does not have the necessary skills to engage in business. Any attempt to do so would be detrimental:
There is a section of the people who advocate nationalising certain businesses and industries. But as long as the Alliance remains in power such concepts will not be put into practice because we do not believe such measures will benefit our economy. If the government thinks it could run all the trades and industries in Malaya it would have done so right from the beginning. It does not have the business experience or know-how to want to undertake business directly itself...

1 See Economic Planning in KS Jomo, Growth and structural changes in the Malaysian Economy. (Hampshire: Macmillan, 1990), 109-110. KS Jomo is a Malaysian economist who is the UN Assistant Secretary-General for Economic Development at the time of writing. 2 Speech at the dinner at the Singapore Chamber of Commerce, August 19, 1961.

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Hence, when commenting on the news of Bumiputera Malaysia Finance (BMF), a unit of Bank Bumiputra Malaysia Bhd losing US$1 billion, Tunku Abdul Rahman could only express his disappointment:
I have always maintained that the Government must not indulge in business. This must be left to the business community. There are many losses incurred by the Government of late and this should be a good lesson to our leaders not to mix politics with business.1

Although he knew that Malays were lagging economically post-independence, Tunku Abdul Rahman affirmed his commitment to a laissezfaire economy despite demands for government intervention. When the then Minister of Agriculture, Abdul Aziz Ishak transferred Chinese-owned rice mills to Malay-dominated rural cooperatives, Tunku dismissed Aziz for unconstitutional practices.3 Instead, Tunku Abdul Rahman believed in fairness and competition:
In Malaya we welcome fair competition, even if it competes with our own industry.4

In the context of the Cold War, the direct opposite of a free market economy would be a centralised economy, where government would have absolute control over every economic aspect. The countries which practice such economic ideology were the countries of the Communist Bloc. As a staunch anticommunist, Tunku Abdul Rahman could never allow

While embracing free economy and competition, Tunku still managed to pursue policies that acknowledged the perceived relative economic weakness of Malays. This is where his approach

is unique. Tunku strongly believed in helping the Malaysia to fall to such a tragedy. Instead, Tunku Abdul Malays, but he did not want to do it at the expense of Rahman pursued freedom. This can also be seen in economic stability. He maintained this view in his last his speech at the dinner honouring the visiting VicePresident of the United States, Spiro Agnew:
Mr Vice President, I am also glad to recall that there exist many similarities between our two countries. Both countries subscribe to the same democratic ideals, both believe in the system of free enterprise and both uphold the high ideals of human rights and freedom.2

speech as UMNO president:

Of course, we have a great deal more to do to help the Malays improve their lot because of their backwardness. The rate of progress is admittedly slow because we have set our target pretty high but the help which is forthcoming is assured. We cannot take very immediate or drastic action for this would obstruct the progress of the country, and would cause a serious setback. If the national development

1 UMNO Must Remain United to be Strong, The Star, 22 September 1986 2 Speech at dinner honouring the Vice President of the United States, Spiro Agnew, January 8, 1970. 3 See Tunku Abdul Rahman (1957-1970): Transition to Modernization in Anthony S.K. Shome, Malay Political Leadership. (London: Routledge, 2009), 75

4 Speech at the opening of the Japan Trade Fair in KL, February 13, 1960

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is obstructed, or in any way interfered with, then our economy would be jeopardized as can be seen elsewhere in the countries of Southeast Asia. Any drastic action to help our people would have an adverse effect with the state of our economy in a topsy-turvy, and therefore it would not be possible to give any respect of the religion of Islam or our people.1 increase in duties on cigarettes and other essentials has to stop some time. The trade recession caused by the high cost of production may cause economic problems and this will be more harmful and destructive to human society than all the harmful effects of cigarettes and drinks put together.2

In his later writings reflecting the New Economic Policy, Tunku Abdul Rahman maintained his critical views. Tunku Abdul Rahman even pointed fingers at the corruption created by the New Economic Policy:
Razak started all this only those who support UMNO get anything.3

It was therefore no surprise that Tunku Abdul Rahman was critical of the New Economic Policy. Tunku Abdul Rahman did not believe in distorting the market to achieve arbitrarily conceived goals. Instead, his government promoted incentives such as tax exemptions and infrastructure to organically grow the economy. Tunku Abdul Rahmans opposition to government intervention in the economy, such as those extolled by the New Economic Policy, largely stems from the entailing detrimental outcomes, especially the unintended consequences. In making national decisions, there are never any easy options. Nonetheless, Tunku Abdul Rahman always weighted the consequences of any action. This line of thought is demonstrated when he argued in the case of the government raising taxes on cigarettes and alcohol during a recession:
So, as a result of the imposition of duties, everybody has to bear the consequences. I may say the

Tunku Abdul Rahman also lamented about the inequalities and immediate backlash of the New Economic Policy:
An attempt was made to fill the (30%) target without thought for the ability and the capability of attaining it. When I advised against it they condemned me as a traitor and they were helped unfortunately by some senior members of the party. They gained the day and I left the Government soon after. Some became rich overnight while others became despicable Ali Babas and the country suffered economic set-backs and a relapse we live to regret to this day. Our administration was going smoothly, our economy was viable, our ringgit was good.

1 Speech at UMNO general assembly, January 23 1971. 2 Saints and Cigarettes, The Star, 8 November 1982. 3 Kua Kia Soong, K. Das & The Tunku Tapes. (Malaysia: SIRD, 2002), 137. Razak here refers to the Prime Minister who succeeded Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Abdul Razak.

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Then there was a sudden attempt by the Government after 1970 to force economic reforms to which I referred earlier. This jolted every cautious men, every businessman and it gave rise to feelings of uncertainty, then panic. Capital began to leave the country; inflation reared its ugly head and became the order of the day. A house which cost $15,000 was suddenly inflated skyhigh. Since then we have been living in fear of whats to come.1

It is clear that the Tunku was committed to free markets. Instead of taking the easy route of supporting populist welfare measures for Malays, he prioritised economic growth and stability that he believed would be guaranteed by an open and free economy. He continued to argue this even though it may have cost him significant political support. His ideological underpinnings are further exhibited by his passionate loathing of the command economy that a communist system a system he spent his entire premiership fighting would have brought.

The trade recession caused by the high cost of production may cause economic problems and this will be more harmful and destructive to human society than all the harmful effects of cigarettes and drinks put together.

1 Time to Put Our house in Order, The Star, 26 May 1986

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Individual liberty
beings. David Boaz of the Cato Institute further Society is a collection of individuals pursuing different argues that it is intuitively right that individuals enjoy the security of such rights; the burden of explanation purposes of life. As the most basic unit of society, individuals associate themselves with each other and form groups or any manifestation of such organised collectives. Conversely, they are also free to dissociate themselves from these groups. Individuals should not be forced to remain within a group, or worse, forced to abide by the will of the group. Individuals can make choices and be held responsible for their actions. While making choices, each individual must respect the dignity of another individual regardless of ethnicity, religion or gender. This means respecting the differences between people and not trying to impose uniformity. To quote Friedrich Hayek, the 1974 Economics Nobel Prize winner: A society that does not recognise that each individual has values of his own which he is entitled to follow can have no respect for the dignity of the individual and cannot really know freedom. Most importantly, the concept of individual liberty demands that the government must not encroach into what is private to the individuals. As long as the actions of an individual do not harm others, government must not interfere. Individuals have their rights to be secure in their life, liberty and property. These rights are not granted by government or by society; they are inherent in the nature of human should lie with those who would take rights away.1 Imposing uniformity would be tantamount to suppressing individual rights and freedom. During the Cold War such impositions were associated with communism. Being the staunch anti-communist, Tunku Abdul Rahman instead subscribed to the concept of individual liberty that people have the power to decide everything, including the form of government they like. Consequently, the people of Malaysia under Tunkus leadership affirmed their commitment to freedom by not choosing a communist government:
For instance, in Malaysia it is unthinkable that the people here would prefer a regimented life; naturally they would never accept any policy that would restrict their right to choose the form of Government they like or follow a way of life to which they are not accustomed.2

One of the most illustrative anecdotes of Tunku Abdul Rahmans philosophy of freedom is brilliantly demonstrated when he visited West Germany in 1960. Tunku Abdul Rahman was presented with a replica of the Freedom Bell by Willy Brandt, the mayor of West Berlin. The bell was a replica of the bell which rang daily in Berlin to remind them the value of their freedom. In his appreciation speech on
1 David Boaz, Key Concepts of Libertarianism. Available online at http://www.cato.org/pub_display.php?pub_id=5758 (Accessed on January 2, 2011) 2 The Kishi Scare: I Prayed Hard for The Safety of Our Important Guest, The Star, 5 May 1975

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receiving the bell, Tunku Abdul Rahman thanked the mayor for the Peace Bell. When dignitaries tried to correct him, Tunku Abdul Rahman calmly said:
You cant have peace without freedom, and you cant have freedom without peace.1 Our constitution also provided for religious and social freedom for all, and this freedom we have all enjoyed for all these years.4 To free the people of the world, we look towards natural justice to provide us with protection and to give us freedom to do certain things within the law, not outside of the law because there are so many penal codes, laws that tell you where you go wrong, what is right and what is wrong. If you go and pinch somebodys money, you know you are doing wrong. If you go and crack somebodys head, you know that you are doing wrong but all that is within common knowledge of all men and so it is within that rule of law that you can do anything you like. But of course in countries which we call democratic countries like ours, people are supposed to be free to follow their way of life, to follow their religion, customs, habits and traditions.5

As our Bapa Merdeka, Tunku Abdul Rahman believed that our independence could not have been possible without the Rulers playing their roles. As such, postindependence, Tunku Abdul Rahman looked at the Rulers as an important institution to safeguard our individual liberty:
We have worked together, and with the Rulers, have fought for and won independence for Malaya. Now we are able to walk with our heads up, and acclaim ourselves a free and independent people.2 For us, Malaysians, the throne has been looked upon as a guarantee of our freedom. Freedom to worship, freedom to socialize, and freedom to practice our political rights.3

Years after his premiership, Tunku Abdul Rahman lamented what he perceived as the deterioration of individual liberty. In particular, Tunku Abdul Rahman felt that politics and the narrow view of religion were the main culprits behind this:
In the old days people never bothered about what others did, so long as they were free to do what they liked themselves. Today one cannot sneeze without being corrected, let alone enjoy oneself. Thats what politics have done to our society.6

After independence, Tunku Abdul Rahman expanded our individual liberty through guaranteeing them in our Constitution. Nonetheless, just as each individual has the freedom to choose how they live their lives, individuals also have personal responsibility to act only within the law:

1 Merdeka Memoirs: No Peace Without Freedom, No Freedom Without Peace, New Straits Times, 11 August 2007 2 The Role of the King, The Star, 13 February 1984 3 Silver Jubilee of the Kedah Sultan, The Star, 18 July 1983

4 Peace for All Time, The Star, 9 April 1984 5 Kua Kia Soong, K. Das & The Tunku Tapes. (Malaysia: SIRD, 2002), 135 6 Kedahs Wise Regent: Bringing Up State Under Colonial Rule, The Star, 1 December 1975

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The world has changed very much since adultery was punishable with death by stoning. In this promiscuous and permissive society people are free to go and do as they like.1

image of infallibility. Indeed, Tunku Abdul Rahman was never one to claim the high horse of religion. While debating then opposition leader Tan Chee Khoon in a Parliament session, Tunku Abdul Rahman paraphrased the famous quote:
Let any one amongst us who is without sin, stand up and cast the first stone.3

The last sentence of the quote above is a good example of Tunku Abdul Rahman being a fun-loving gentleman. In fact, he even once said:
What is the point of living when you dont drink, you dont smoke, and you dont even enjoy the company of the fair sex?2

When the opposition leader was the only one who

stood and remained standing, Tunku Abdul Rahman, Yet despite his jovial nature, Tunku Abdul Rahman was being the fun person that he was, calmly retorted: also a humble Muslim with strong commitment to Islam. During his premiership, he founded the Muslim Welfare Organisation Malaysia (Pertubuhan Kebajikan Islam Malaysia, PERKIM), an organisation dedicated towards helping new Muslims adjust to their new life. After stepping down, Tunku Abdul Rahman was tasked to lead the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC) as their first Secretary-General. He was clearly a respected figure among Muslims internationally. When asked to helm the OIC, Tunku Abdul Rahman was initially surprised by the offer as he did not consider himself a pious Muslim. Tunku Abdul Rahmans humility allowed him to acknowledge to his shortcomings, and this was the quality which made him special. Unlike many today, Tunku Abdul Rahman never abused his Islamic credentials to portray an
1 Khalwat, Viewpoints, 183 2 Kedahs Wise Regent: Bringing Up State Under Colonial Rule, The Star, 1 December 1975 3 Memorable MPs, The Sunday Star, 8 April 2007 4 ibid.

David Tan Chee Khoon, I really pity you.4

The increasingly narrow view of religion was a matter of particular concern to Tunku Abdul Rahman. Worse was the attitude of sanctimonious people, particularly politicians, when it came to religion. To this, Tunku Abdul Rahman had this to say:
Offences are taking place every day, with people in high places and low society being equally selfindulgent. Will those in high society be charged with these offences, or will caning be confined only to those in low society? It is no use pretending that we dont know what is taking place in high society. Many visit night clubs, messes and other places of amusement. We see

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them driving in cars with those of the opposite sex to lonely spots for quiet moments away from the prying eyes of the public.1 We have killjoys among our budding politicians who are still inexperienced and those from political parties who are trying to make a comeback. They talk glibly of creating a heavenly kingdom, a nation inhabited by saints only. When that happens, if ever, I can tell them that there wont be a place for them either.2

under the overarching umbrella of the Constitution. Tunku Abdul Rahman sums this up nicely when he said:
Whatever faults there may be in our system of government, there are faults in all systems such is the nature of men. Here, however, we are free to pursue our way of life and religion without hindrance, and as long as we can keep within the boundaries of propriety and the law, we are able to eat and sleep and in security. And all this under the concept of Constitutional Monarchy, of which we should be rightly proud, as it is unique in the world.4

Hence, when hearing that the students and staff of the National University of Malaysia (Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, UKM) were protesting against the entertainer Sudirman and his troupe performing in the universitys fundraising show on the grounds that the show is un-Islamic and would give the university a bad image, Tunku Abdul Rahman was furious:
To put the record straight, we did not get independence for this type of people who cannot find anything right in anything we or others do for they prefer primitive existence to civilized life. They are wasting their time at the university. This is all I can say about them.3

Tunku Abdul Rahman was steadfast to his commitment to freedom till the end. Freedom is a balance between individual liberty and personal responsibility in accordance with the rule of law, all

The increasingly narrow view of religion was a matter of particular concern to Tunku Abdul Rahman. Worse was the attitude of sanctimonious people, particularly politicians, when it came to religion.

1 Of Law and Faith, The Star, 8 May 1978 2 Saints and cigarettes, The Star, 8 November 1982 3 There Is Not Room For Fanaticism, The Star, 14 January 1985 4 Malaysias Monarch: Democratic Symbol and Basis For Stable Government, The Star, 6 July 1975

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Conclusion
After examining the available literature, I find it undeniable that Tunku Abdul Rahman did indeed subscribe to the principles of classical liberalism. Tunku Abdul Rahman affirmed his beliefs to the principles of the rule of law, limited government, free market and individual liberty countless times throughout his writings, his speeches, his interviews and perhaps most importantly, his actions. In Tunku Abdul Rahman we had a man, a leader, a statesman who remained steadfast in his commitment to these principles, even when they were used against him.

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Bibliography
Abdul Rahman, Tunku. Viewpoints. Kuala Lumpur: Heinemann, 1978. All references to speeches made by Tunku Abdul Rahman can be found in the Tunku Abdul Rahman Memorials collection. The Malay Mail (Malaysia) 1955-2010. New Straits Times (Malaysia) 1955-2010. The Star (Malaysia) 1955-2010. Abdul Rahman, Tunku. As A Matter of Interest. Kuala Lumpur: Heinemann, 1981. Abdul Rahman, Tunku. Challenging Times. Kuala Lumpur: Pelanduk Publications, 1986. Abdul Rahman, Tunku. Contemporary Issues in Malaysian Politics. Kuala Lumpur: Pelanduk Publications, 1984. Abdul Rahman, Tunku. Lest We Forget. Malaysia : Eastern Universities Press, 1983. Abdul Rahman, Tunku. Looking Back. Kuala Lumpur: Pustaka Antara, 1977. Abdul Rahman, Tunku. May 13: Before and After. Kuala Lumpur: Utusan Melayu Press, 1969. Abdul Rahman, Tunku. Political Awakening. Kuala Lumpur: Pelanduk Publications, 1986. Abdul Rahman, Tunku. Something to Remember. Singapore: Eastern Universities Press, 1983. Abdul Rahman, Tunku. Malaysia: Road to Independence. Kuala Lumpur: Pelanduk Publications, 1984. Boaz, David. Key Concepts of Libertarianism. Available online from http://www.cato.org/pub_display. php?pub_id=5758 (Accessed on January 2, 2011) Foong, James. Late Bloomer With Great Timing, 11 June 2008. Available online from http://aliran. com/764.html (Accessed on January 3, 2011) Jomo, K.S.. Economic Planning In Growth and structural changes in the Malaysian Economy. Hampshire: Macmillan, 1990. Kua, Kia Soong. K. Das & The Tunku Tapes. Malaysia: SIRD, 2002. Morais, Victor. Selected Speeches. Petaling Jaya: Perchetakan Tenggara at Malayan Printers, 1967. Shome, Anthony S.K.. Tunku Abdul Rahman (19571970): Transition to Modernization In Malay political Leadership. London: Routledge, 2009. Tunku: In His Words. Malaysia: NSTP Resource Centre, 2009.

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The Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs (IDEAS) is inspired by the vision of Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra al-Haj, the first Prime Minister of Malaysia. We share his vision as stated in the 1957 Proclamation of Independence that this nation should:
be for ever a sovereign democratic and independent State founded upon the principles of liberty and justice and ever seeking the welfare and happiness of its people and the maintenance of a just peace among all nations

IDEAS is an independent not-for-profit organisation. As a cross-partisan think tank, we work across the political spectrum. Our purpose is to advance market-based principles, and we are not bound by party politics, race or religion. Our mission is to improve the level of understanding and acceptance of public policies based on the principles of rule of law, limited government, free markets and free individuals. We achieve this mission through: Research Publication of reports and books Seminars, discussions and short courses Briefings for federal and state politicians and policy-makers from across the political divide Media engagements IDEAS commitment to quality has received international recognition. On 18 January 2011, IDEAS was ranked as the 18th best new think tank globally and second best new think tank in Asia in a survey of 6,480 think tanks in 169 countries by University of Pennsylvania and United Nations University. More information can be found on www.IDEAS.org.my

IDEAS is Malaysias first think-tank dedicated to promoting market-based solutions to public policy challenges. We were officially launched on 8 February 2010, in conjunction with Almarhum Tunku Abdul Rahmans 107th birthday, by YBM Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah at Memorial Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra, Kuala Lumpur, in an event graced by three generations of Almarhum Tunkus family members.

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