Develooment ldmlnistration : Paradlgm of Human Development

F"uitrr1"i by : cottege of Arts and sciencer universiti utara

Ltatiaysia

Proceeding of lnternational Seminar

CONFLICT, PEACE AND REFUGEE PROBLEM IN MADURA

Fathorrahman Asia School of Economics ABSTRACT This study was done to the refugees currentlv in the area.

ir""I;n""1ffi;::T
in which theY live.

";i"t :il?tg:"i##ffi.;,;':fi;l;fi:;i.:1,:'l:;:.'t ::'^*:"J,illj"ff: ?j}.illlllv;l'3 in Madura also affect the formation .of a

+Ft"d"I" ;;il;y; it';ii: r:"11s the lTt:1?i::i:{.;111g5gil:if; flT'i'#' ;::o"'lnffifi d;rh ilr"irg""" ,nd "i'oi"i-t':l: ?i1:::^ ?.::11ttn:,:H"":"1ff: M111r:.,1r^* y_i*::.xJix:
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connict.i",

'L ^ ffi:i:l"i:il';:tt-u;';; .""r.i '"i"ii".'nip' "nJ 'o"r"i 't'u.iri"' ,yp,::! ,:,11" -t*,ll:'"iTj^'ftr sociar environment reerins or atienation in the ::ffiffJ:J:,f,$"&;''#;Ai;iilil:fi"i"u

::lt"r"io::'fi,iiiir""r'"j-ii'.i"-"J""ti"'LnJitiont
"no

&--l lima l;\rind

no relati:::,:l'ty,T.::? +ilr,L?'i'J?articurarry experienced and fett by the refugees who have ; te,.* I lP T 1^"^1i :*^; :,1 :": tn * oJ Jl I fi 9 1J ry Fi
" H.i,Li,T

int"i"tnnt''ioe ""i'"*rv ui"i"n* in x"ii'"ntan isrhe desrrucrion_or th:.y,3ii:,:::::t LffiLll;,J'l,i#ti;;^r,lJlnJ "ril";;;;;innic Nnsnip J.,p" i" r"rimantan Itr;?iiil,:';:i"i# i"-1:::r1t-::,y"i'_T*1i: roi' or economic assets Amons the ll,i.iiiI'3oJ,lliil: :';il;;;";;.d"d;di ,'J;; J lrr, {ha rafr l.lees refusees ^k^^-^ bv ""0 frliff:"T:1,;;;;'.,'il;;;-bil;;i; the artemative most widerv chosenstay theMadura' in refugees from Kalbar choose to Some others, especially
^ r-

rd;il;;;il" ".# ril!Vill,",i['in"t";[Ti,iiJi'

i"; ffi

:lf +;: b"t.l,."i:?lj1].nl3Y'",135;,"I1i

a---r^ 1l^Attrt

l:

from Central Kalimantan.

Keytord:

Conflicl, Peace, Madura

INTRODUCTION up to 128,919 people A flood of ethnic Madurese from Madura island of Borneo to living quality (OCHA, 2OO3) raises some serious issues' First, the conditions of refugees grew on the island' Third, the deteriorated. Second, socio-economic burden for society future of ethnic conflict resolution are not clear' into three alternatives So far the refugee problem-solving framework is organized and of returning to a location in Kalimantan, integration into Madurese community' not this framework is relocation to the outside areas of conflict or Madura. However, peacg building long-term' concerned with issues The most basic of efforts to achieve can be done Therefore this study intended to study the extent framework where business socio-political economy of refugees' the

by observing characteristics of the conflict,

and Kalimantan' relationship between the refugees with the local community in Madura the efforts and peace constraints that has been done' in Madura This study was done to the refugees cunently in the area evacuation social and especially in Bangkalan and sampang. This study done by looking at the first studies cultural characteristics, as well as geographically from Madura itself. Further and have picture about the experiences that have experienced conflict both by refugees as the conflict in Madura itself. Further studies also identify the responses and initiatives The well as constraints of peace-building. These goals provide two important benefits

first is to identify socio-economic carrying capacity of the region is the existence of refugees and solving opportunities problem. The second is to identify socio-cultural provide bact<grounO political and ethnic development of Madura. This introduction helps insight into several factors that contributed conflict and allow the peace process in the
front.
Volume 01, August 2009
rsBN. 978-983-441 50-3-7

Proceeding of lnternational Seminar

Devetopnrent Adminl:tration : Paradigm of Human Devetopnrent

Published by : Cottege of Arts and Sciences Universiti Utara ltatalsia

Views Provincial (Regional) Madura has quite specific characteristics compared with Other areas in East Java province. ln demographic, Madura areas classified as having levels of population density is relatively high. Even the level of population density in districts Pamekasan (889 km2) is higher than the average density level Java province Easl (726 km2). While the ethnic composition and religious people in tend to be homogeneous region. madura-Muslim
Quarters is the most dominant group. Madura ecosystems are ecosystems that developed in the field of dry soil and barren. Therefore occupational sector dominated by agricultural fields. However, this sector is less productive. Other production sectors are also growing rapidly less. Growth (proliferation) of economic sectors tend to be slow due to many economic sectors using a simple production system that does not stimulus growth in other sectors concerned. (70-80%) but Labor force participation is high. Concentration is on the agricultural sector

relatively low productivity levels. The high level of c,oncentration of work but are not accompanied by an increase in productivity was also seen from the concentration of the workforce in the informal sector in urban or sub-urban areas' Welfare conditions Madurese low population nationally. This is evident from the four districts of HDI is lower than the Java Though East. Similarly, GDI and HPIkabupaten four districts it. GRDP Madura in 20O2 considered the lowest in Java EastSuch conditions are combined with the history of structural violence is often described by some writers as one of the factors that helped shape the culture of the ethnic Madurese tough, tenacious, and aggressive (Wiyata, 2003, De Jonge, 20A2; Rozaki' 2004). Structurally, natural conditions and socio-economic conditions in Madura also affect the formation of a characteristic pattern of social relationships and social structures typical. Socio-cultural conditions and the Economy Since the first time live their lives as refugees in general claim to experience and particularly feeling of alienation in the social environment in which they live. This fact is experienced and felt by the refugees who have no relatives anymore in Madura, or those who have many years never came back to Madura. Even many of them visited Madura stone at the time. Because of kin had not existed, they were accommodated in families of local residents who have no kinship relations, namely the "interpolation house"' The reason for the local population's willingness to accommodate them simply because a fellow humanity Madura. Precisely because it is considered as the Madurese that made them increasingly feel the burden of alienation. One of these factors is their inability to adapt to the piocedure act and behave as the Madurese. lt's easy to understand, that period so long to leave back home - so there are some who claim to be refugees or descendants of the fifth generation of the family since they migrated to Borneo central lots of attitude and their behavior is not in accordance with the attitudes and social behaviors of local population. Moreover, among those already started does not have the vocabulary Madura "standard". As a result, there is the impression they are less able to deal with the common language of Madura, or in local terms they seem "rough" in using the language of Madura. They've been affected by the grammarian Banjar or lndonesia, while most local residents in rural areas where they fled in general, only controlled and
Madurese language in everyday life.

21

Volume 01, August 2009

lsBN. 97&983-4415G3-7

Proceeding of lnternational Seminar

Development Administration : Paradigm of Human Development
Pubtished by : Cottege of Arts and Science5 Universiti Utara l,lataysia

ln such mnditions the daily life of refugees admitted to not be able to interaci with local residents more familiar. Actually, the intimacy in the interaction (association) is a "medicine" for their own in an attempt to eliminate the burden of traumatic thoughts on the events in Borneo. ln other words, one important element that forms the primordial bond between them (Madurese language) is not functioning. Madurese language disability cause they always less recognized and appreciated as the Madurese by local residents. ln fact, their refuge from Kalimantan to Madura earth precisely because they are recognized as (descendants) of Madurese by Dayak people. ln this context, it seems important to a recognition of the elements that helped form the primordial bonds which in turn led to ethnic identity. The case shows that ethnic identity can be engineered or manipulated in accordance with the mntext of that person's interests during social
interaction.

Alienation experienced by refugees can be seen also from the aspect of culture. ln

social intercourse, the refugees often feel the attitude and behavior that is less appreciated by local residents. Openly admit some refugees that socially conscious that they do without the attitude and behavior according to the views and assessments of Madurese unusual and even considered impolite. For example, they often change the position of the feet are not usually the Madurese was sitting cross-legged, regardless of the local residents in front of him. And they did it without any intent to act rude, but simply because such habits while in the foreign country never caused outlook and negative assessment. ln other words, as Madura nomads who have become "the Borneo", they seem to have no longer recognize the cultural values of Madura. Even
some of them openly admitted he just realized that the Madurese have hard temperament and irritability, after they started hanging out with lolal residents. Thus, can be understood if the sociat life is often the case during unsynchronized in impelentation

cultural attitudes and behavior among the refugees with the local population. ln this context, the refugees feel alienated in the environment of local residents. As a resident "settlers", the refugees claimed to be aware of the above problems and gradually began to adjust to the local cultural environment. The process of building selfawareness of the socio-cultural environment Madurese (local residents) continue to do. They openly admit to not knowing when to stay in refugee camps, even though they know has repeatedly held that the meeting was essentially to solve their problems, especially the return of refugees to Borneo to be done in stages. However, in reality until during interviews, they claimed to have never had the certainty of when to return to Sampit. the Draft Regulations have been made Kotawaringin East Regional governing handling of Population lmpact of Ethnic Conflict, it is certainly not going to have any if it is not realized in a conerete and consequently by the its maker and the local policymakers The condition of the refugees who had monitored in the field showed it was still concerned about the impression both socio-cultural and economic. Socially, after three years as a refugee status they always complain not like living in refugee because of the social relations with relatives and local residents who had been 'Velcome" on their arrival, recognized by the refugees had no change in treatment 'of the refugees who feel neglected by the local population, although local residents ti6s of kinship with them. Moreover, local residents did not have that bond. lt is -to understand, because for associating with the local population is not closed the
ItY

of conflict. Both conflicts between the people who adults, as well, and
Volume
01 ,

August 2009

rs8N. 978-983-4415G?7

Development Administratlon

Pubtished by : Cottege ofArts and Sciences Universiti Utara Matay6ia

Proceeding of lnternational Seminar : Paradigm of Human Development

especially adults between them. Noise source is usually only a trivial, such as the seizure of food or game devices. such events are indeed difficult to avoid because of their residence attached to each other. They live in an atmosphere of domestic life is very oppressive. Many of the local population was forced to accommodate more than 10 to 20 family members of refugees in their homes. Such social conditions contributed to their desire to be able to get back to Borneo. Back to Borneo desire grew stronger because triggered again by the economic interests of those who in fabt there are no guarantees in the future. They can only go from Borneo without bringing any property, n not do anything to support himself and his family but expect help fom others. ln fact, according to the narative of refugees aid no longer exists, except from the government (Social Welfare) of rice which is not always the same amount between 10 kg to 12 kg per head per year. This assistance was not always accepted every month. For the year 2003, almost all the refugees interviewed had confessed four times to accept such assistance is in April, July, August, and September. They do not know why aid is not distributed every month. At the time of the interview, they generally are looking foruvard to this assistance can be quickly distributed in addition to the need day life as well as materials to welcome ldul Fitri holidays that will soon anive. Though among their family members there who worked in agriculture, but because at the time of the interview was the dry season, work in this field practically does not exist. They just hope someone can help hook moor land, mowing grass, or go to work as a rockbreaking (for rural road construction). The wages they receive very litile and it ranged between Rp 5,000, - to Rp '10,000, - per day. These jobs, of course, can not be expected to have every day. To cope with the economic necessities of life, many of the refugees (especially the head of the Family) that "desperate" return to Central Kalimantan, only to simply look plantations (coconut or other plant) that they left behind. The crop was brought back to their refugee camps to support his children and wife. ln addition, many of them working construction laborers, and pull rickshaws Sampang city or selling food. Usually that works not far from where the refugee home once a week or a maximum of once a month to his family. They are desperate to go to Central Kalimantan is usually more lasting until two or three months. Besides looking crops, they also sell their work as before. Both the refugees who work in the Madura region or who went to Borneo will certainly return to those camps if they had heard of a share of aid distribution. The reason, they do not want to admit as refugees crossed out his name so as to further continue to receive
assistance again.

as it ts in the villages sunounding the refugee by selling services such as

digging,

As a result of socio-cultural conditions and economic such, the refugees are always complaining and is very hopeful to be able to return to Central Kalimantan safely so it can work or earn a living as before the social unrest. Some of them openly admitted that they had felt no hope for the certainty of life if forever remain in refugee camps. From their faces that still survive in refugee camps clearly reflected the anguish and despair even facing future life, both for himself as head of the family and for the life of the wife
and children are still small.

The burden of their lives increasingly heavy due during the period of the refugee population is very difficult due to the birth avoided. Some residents claimed for nearly three years in refugee camps has given birth to children up to two people. According to one of the "coordinator" of the population displaced due to this birth is around 10o
23
Volume 01, August 2009 tsRN q7tuGa/A11i a 1

Devetopment Administration : Paradigm of Human Development Pubtished by : Cottege of Arts and Sciences Univeriti Utara
^'tataysia

Proceeding of lnternational Seminar

of the refugee population (for one suclr village in Mount Rancak). \Mrile this information can be mnfirmed yet but the truth is very important to be observed and deeply researched more, beuse with the increasing birth rate but will increase the burden of living for the relevant course will invite the social impacts of a more complex culture later in life if they return to the place of origin continue to delay without any certainty. Children who were born in refugee camps will be kids "no future,,because since birth they,are not getting their rights are worth as a human child. children per year or approximalely
1Ao/o

PercePtions of Social Unrest ln general, both refugees of social unrest due to the Sambas and Sampit we interviewed had similar perceptions about the social unrest in Bomeo. They thought that social unrest is not merely inter etnhic riots but nuanced religious riots. ln this regard, it is in important to cite Marzali questions (2001:2BB) about the social unrest which the term is conflict inter etnhic Kalimantan. According Marzali, the question is whether the conflict is happening because of the view that civilization Dayak people is lower than that of civilization Madurese at Madurese people can act arbitrarily which eventually provoked a
commotion? Based on the recognition of the refugees who successfully interviewed, they do not feel have a higher civilization than the culture of the Dayaks. They even denied the existence of some associations of Madurese who they will only classify the Madurese with local residents who in turn will only disturlc the process of integration and adaptation that have been going well in Sampit and in Sambas. This is proven by ihe inter etnhic marriage and the use of social language of Madurese in Kalimantan is not dominated by the of Madurese language but the language of Malays (west Kalimanian) and the language
Banjar (Central Kalimantan).

ln contrast to the socio-cultural reality of the Madurese who lived in the

area

,,horseshoe,,. Although they always interact with the ethnic Javanese, but in everyday life they do not dissolve with the use of Java language as their lingua franca. That is, they

remain the Madurese people while maintaining the use Madurese language as an element essential to demonstrate ethnic identity. However, it never happened the social unrest that is very hard between the Madurese in the Java as happened in Sampit' Thus, there is no strong reason that the conflict has inter etnhic relationships with vice different levels of civilization among them, that one was taller than the others, and versa. The use of language widely Melayu in Sambas and Banjar language in Sampit reflects that the Madurese culture not as the dominant culture. Madurese culture it the optimally lntegrited into the local culture (Sambas and Banjar), so this shows that Madurese are (especially the Sambas and Sampit birth) has succeeded in creating a
culture of social integration. The perception that the conflict in Borneo religious nuance, Sel one of the original

refugees at sampit are in intervieu, gave evidence himself his experience directly people witnessed the massacre of cnnducted by Dayaks. According to Sel, which many places of were massacred by the Dayak is the kiai and pesantren-santri when they are in worship (mosques and lslamic boarding schools) and are running their religious worship. However, the massacre was not done in a place of worship, but in a way beyond telling
the kiai and santri out first.

24

Volume 01, August 2009 rsBN. 978-983-441 503.7

Proceeding of lnternational Seminar

Deve lopme
Pubtished

by:

nt Administration

-: Cottege ofArts and Sciences

paradigm of Human Developme nt

dniveniti Utara Mata)6ia

Mus.

Parents migrated to Sampit Mus in 1945 and worked as a religion teacher at a madrassa. At that, Mus along with about seven dozen other Madurese ethnic people (including his brother, sister-in-raw, uncle, and other relatives) gather in a boarding school. Dozens of local Dayak people (Sampit) that Muslims come in the pesantren complex. As fellow Muslims, the local Dayak people are begging to his parents to leave Sampit in three days. To'iemove doubts Mus parents of petition, the local Dayak people handed saber blade as a miror of commitment and sincerity for peace. The application was merely to save the souls of the Madurese. Apparenily, the local Dayak people that already know the information if people inland Dayak will be down to Sampit to eliminate the Madurese. This shows that the construction of information networks among Dayaks good enough, making it easier for them to access it. Have not had time Madurese people are displaced, suddenly in the night around 21:00 o'clock came a group of Dayak people inland to the pesantren complex. They brought saber, spear, arrows, and various other sharp weapons. Dayak peopre are asking for the residents pesantren came out with a reason to ,'review,,. Dayak people did not want to kill the pesantren complex, because they've been thinking about the consequences that if it was done, could provoke a reaction solidarity religious (lslamic) wider' Madurese people are lined up row by three-three were escorted to a place that does not know. This incident took place in the middle of the city Sampit. lncidentally Mus in the front row. Apparently, during the trip people were massacred inland Dayak one Madurese people who marched from the back row, without a known and recognized by

An interesting illustration of this is the recognition of one another refugee, named Mus, who survived the mass pembataian by Dayak people inland. Mus born in Sampit.

asked to count the numbers one to ten in sequence by using the Java language. lncidentally he was able to do so even though he admitted not perfect. Knowledge of Java figures are derived from brother-in-law, the purbalingga, central Java, who died in the massacre. According to ,'Budiono,,, he saw with his own eyes and head, as one who is dealing with "ethnicity selection" of the number four (4) in the Java language with the word "popot" (not papat) and immediately slashed with skull saber in the presence of the refugees. Disclosure reflects popot said if the speaker is the Madurese. On the basis of these cases, Mus manipulation of ethnic identity for her safety. During the period of the refugee csmps overseen by the Dayaks and the police, "Budiono" extremely alarmed and horrified feelings. lf only among the refugees, there are reports that he was descended from the Madurese will undoubtedly be killed in the refugee shelters. After going through a hard struggle, finally able to escape Mus and now
CR

The situation at night was very tense, so anyone trying to save themselves. When the massacre had reached the line behind Mus, was suddenty stopped by the police. opportunity is exploited by Mus to slip and fled to refugee camps. Nor refuge as a safe zone and neutral There are also many people found inland Dayak and security forces are ready to interrogate and Madurese refugees massacred. The people who will be displaced are selected one by one according to ethnic identity. Each person was asked ethnic origin. lf he had the Madurese, have evacuation plans would be canceled and the Madurese were killed. Mus turn up on their credentials questioned by the Dayak and the poiice, he quickly said that as the Javanese. When asked the name and place of birth, he replied named Budiono, a Javanese name who was born in Malang. Whereas real name is Mus, a typical name of Madura. To prove that "Budiono" is the Javanese, he was

Volume 01, August 2009 tsBN 978-9834415G.3.7

Proceeding of lnternational Seminar

Development Adminlstration : Paradigm of Human Development
Pubtished by : Cottege ofArts and Sciences Universiti Utara Mataysia

the poor refugees in Jember, because it could not take property who owned except the clothes on his body. According Mus, the police did not act decisively to overcome the brutality of the Dayaks inland. ln facl, between them seem to work together expel the Madurese from Sampit. The presence of the Dayaks in the interior of City Sampit place in a systematic and well planned. Storage bags inland Dayak people in the town of Sampit arranged in such a way that makes it easy they do surgery massacre of Madurese people. Victims of the massacre was not only the'Madurese, but the local Dayak people deemed to protect or hide the Madurese also massacred by the Dayak people inland. Mus argues that he was the victim of social unrest in Sampit, which originated from the conflict between Madurese thugs (who came later and not birth Sampit) and Dayak thugs. As a descendant of the Madurese, Mus is not like the Madurese people who behave in evil and become thugs, because his behavior had made distress many innocent people. Difficulties living in socio-economic field have overridden the refugees since social unrest took place. Social unrest that occurred almost three years ago have made their lives turn around the economy in 1800. lf before they can meet the needs his life of work in agriculture, trade, and so now they actually become unemployed and unproductive. To meet the needs of daily life they just rely on government assistance and private sector foreign, as well as the generosity of people or families who occupy and surrounding communities. Some of the refugees who successfully interviewed admitted till now he still can not believe that now the facl life happens. "Really sir, I never imagined that one day my life suffer like thisl ", he said sadly. He admitted that making a living on the seacoast (Kalimantan) is not as hard on Madura as long as they are willing to work hard manual labor on plantations or in the forest areas as a cut in the company's labor-company logging, even in the centers of economic activity in the city and the harbor area. Therefore, in the refugee life is full of perceived uncertainty and economically productive no they want immediately return home to their native places in Borneo to continue his life as an lndonesian citizen who has dignity and human dignity as citizens from other ethnic. ln addition, the refugees claimed that they are solely as victims, not perpetrators of social unrest. Because, as long as they do not feel in conflict with local residents. Therefore, they are very shocked and surprised when, in fact has happened massacre by Dayaks against Madurese people indiscriminately. ln this, the trigger for this disturbance they are the thugs who social life much deviate from the norms that exist. The thugs are coming to Sampit since the late B0's, not bom in Sampit. lt is precisely these thugs there is almost no victims murder because they had previously fled to Madura or other places in Java. Madurese thugs can quickly save themselves because they have a "relationship of close cooperation" with the local authorities so that no trouble accessing information. The refugees who claims to be only as victims of the riots that claimed more surprised again, because the perpetrators of the massacre was not a Dayak people of their neighbors or acquaintances, but Dayak orangorang imported from outside the area Sampit. According to information from the local Dayak people, the perpetrators of the massacre came as individuals and gradually Sampit city. Dayak people are accommodated in certain places. The refugees have never suspicious, because, as noted above, they do not feel conflicted with the local Dayak people. ln fact, according to the recognition of refugees, not least the local Dayak people who have become their relatives by marriage inter etnhic Although eventually became victims of the riot, they do not feel resentment to the Dayak people. As one refugee Sel, 'Want to whom vengeance, sir, if I never knew the
26
Volume 01, August 2009 tsBN. 97&983-4415G37

Proceeding of lnternational Seminar

Derelopment Adminlstratlon : Paradigm of Human Development
Pubtished by : Cottege of Arts and Sciences Universiti Utara l"lal.aysia

Dayak people who did the massacre? At most I felt angry at the thugs who Madura trigger unrest. "These cells Statement is approved by many other refugees, which clearly indicates that the refugees have their own perceptions of the social unrest that occurred in Sampit. The event saw no is a quite spontaneous riot but very impressed as a systematic engineering and well organized to achieve certain interests of third parties. Unfortunately, none of the refugees who were interviewed can name a third party who is, much less grasp the intention and purpose of what they (third parties) to do all that. The answers about it in generalvary. One easy answer is they put a nuanced answer to the religious, cultural orientation in accordance with the Madurese. "Maybe this is from Allah SWT adzab because the Madurese in Kalimantan began not received grateful for this", said \ly'hoa, that when in Sampit worked as laborers at the port of freight goods. With this perception, more

refugees Sampit sense of social unrest as an act of violent religious nuance. Such perceptions are widely accepted by most refugees. Communication networks inter refugees in various regions is going well, so any information relating to their problems could be identified. One of the refugees, Bas, once said that if the later ethnic conflicts will arise the second half, this will meaning as religious conflict. lf the substance of this conflict, the scale of social conflict that might happen will be more broad because it invoives a variety of ethnic groups bound by shared religious identity of lslam against the non-Muslim Dayaks. lt is important to understand because factually the Madurese had almost nothing else lives in Central Kalimantan, making it difficult to mobilize the masses just based on ethnic identity. This issue was pervasive in the perception of Banjar, including Banjar in South Kalimantan. ln a meeting in Batu, Malang, as well as sticking issues that must be anticipated conectly for various acts of social violence based on ethnicity that damage joints national integration can be stopped.

Conflict: Causesn Dynamics & lmpacts Event of conflict with the mass violence in West Kalimantan and Central Kalimantan and involves the ethnic Madurese, Dayaks and Malays is an event conflict
that has occurred repeatedly since the mid 1990s to early 2000. The conflicl experienced bythe refugees in principle chain has a relatively long history. Pelluso & Harurrell (2001) and Davidson & Kammen (2002) provides some important notes about the background of the conflict. They saw that the conflict that occurred befween the ethnic Madurese

ethnic Dayak (Central Kalimantan)

and

ethnic Malays (Kalbar)

is

essentially a

consequence of: 1. The long history of violent conflicts in Borneo and local politics culture that gave birth to the identity of violence; 2. The role of the state directly in the social distribution changes and spatial from

production activities resources.

This change the locus of the territorial authority

in

3. 4 5. 6. 7.
27

determining access to resources.

Dayak ethnic sense of exclusion from the economic benefits generated through the
political development of these resources locally. The state has a role in supporting violence and terror since the 1960s. The failure of states to crack down on violent conflict between ethnic

Tendency Madurese in Kalimantan citizens to separate themselves exclusively from other ethnic Dayaks and Malays in particular.

Competition
stereotypes.

for

economic resources and reinforced segregation

by

ethnic

Volume 01, August 2009

lsBN. 978-983-44150.}?7

Proceeding of lnternational Seminar

Development Admlnistration : Paradigm of Human Development
Pubtished by : Cottege of Arts and Sciences Universiti Utara lv'lataysia

\Mth the flood of refugees from the conflict in a number of region in Madura, in particular, and Bangkalan Sampang district, then it it raises some new problems in the
dynamics of the local Madurese. The immediate impact of conflict and violence in Borneo

ethnic Madurese in Kalimantan as a result of mass murder. Another impact is the emergence of psychological trauma and loss of assets economy. Until the first three.,. years during the evacuation, refugees generally experience dependence on the assistance provided by governments and international agencies. However, this assistance program often lead to social jealousy and relative deprivation among local people. This is caused by conditions of local communities are also poor while they see that the refugees are basically derived from social class is

is the destruction of the social structure in family and group level kinship

relatively better than them. ln social relations, initially occur gap between local conrmunities Madura and refugees caused by differences in background culture that formed through the location of different places to live. The presence of refugees in the reservoir families caused social burden that often bear conflicts. Post-termination period of assistance programs, most of the refugees moved to the occupational sector as the mainstay source of life. The consequences of competition in the informal sector also increased. The conflict had shifted to this institution. However the likelihood of mass conflict between local communities and refugees is relatively small. This is because the social structure refugee communities are not homogeneous and tend to fragmented by region of origin, refugee areas, organization, social stratification, and migration status. ln addition, there are similarities between the cultural patron refugees and local communities, facilitate the process of conflict resolution in between the two groups.
Response - Response & Peace Building lnitiatives

Among the initiatives of alternative 3, returned to Borneo is an alternative that most widely chosen by the refugees from Central Kalimantan. Some other particularly refugees from Kalbar choose to stay in Madura. Very few refugees who likes relocation options. Although the research conducted so far, local governments and the central government has not made concrete steps for the return of refugees, displaced ethnic Madurese have returned with a lot of their own initiative. A number of initiatives have been carried out reconciliation. Several meetings between ethnic groups which include producing an agreement to return naturally and the formation of BMC. However, repatriation is a rejection by some of the elite Dayak. While the local govelnment's response, the central and slow Parliament. Efforts to local governments in Madura more focused on providing assistance. \tVhile regional governments in West Kalimantan and Central Kalimantan develop rules relating to regional arrangements among the population and ethnic relations.

At the

operational level

of

repatriation, some deviations occurred

in

practice of withholding aid forms. There are two forms of cutting. First cut with the aim of creating a social balance between the local residents with the community, Second, the deduction as a form of exploitation of the refugee community's elite. Thugs have a role in the relationship between the refugees and actors in the aid organization. lnitiatives socio-economic empowerment programs more sustainable by NGOs. While

similar programs undertaken by the government precisely to meet many obstacles in

sustainability. 28
Volume 01, August 2009
tsBN. 978-983-44150-T7

paradigm of Human Denelopment Develooment ldministratlon :

Proceeding of tnternational Seminar

;;ril;

;;l

c"ttege of Arts and Sciences Universiti utara l'latavsia

At the grass-root level, the process of reconciliation among the Dayak-Madura basis of the reconciliation community takes place through informal interaction. The

especially in community process is the existence of economic dependence' This happens role of NGOs is to facilitate groups from rural areas in Central Kalimantan area' Another the local mass media to build in" p""." process , the process of repatriation. Meanwhile, the concePt of Peace journalism'

coNcLusloN:GAPACIWFoRPEACE&VULNERABILITY

peace-buitding process has several limitations. ln the political dimension of economic government and parliament's role, especially in structures, the limitations seen from the

of alternative repatriation, Madura are less concerned with the integrated approach sustainable peace' \Mile repatriation integration with local communities and building to abuse these Conditions management structure refugees itself contains vulnerability of local elites in Borneo' tend to share a reciprocal relationship with the resistance relations between governments' At the local level Madura, Oligarchy is formed in the potential refugee empowerment political elites and elite organizations tend to be a number of civil society programs distort the effectiveness of refugees' The limited the power of community in doing organizations at the community level in Madura weaken absence of socio-economic social control of the oligarchy. on the other hand and limited resources make development policies are clear in overcoming obStacles political social structures tend to be unequal to survive' the Dayak and Madurese Malays Socio-cultural relations in the retationship between the process of reconciliation and filled colored by stereotypes. This condition also affects the cultural patterns of peace building. The process of change requires restructuring through a series of historical process social relationships since these stereotypes built up is very long between the two sides' economic institutions and changes in the structure of ethnic domination in the of reality to be faced by the ethnic as the impact of social conflicl and violence is a form process becomes vulnerable again Madurese when they return to Kalimantan. This to assets and their resources' when the ethnic conflict Madura can not regain access
of the refugee problem that can be There are two possible solutions form the framework to Kalimantan Madura The filed. The first frame of problem solving with residents return communities on the island of setlement with the framework of integration into local
RECOMMENDATIONS

Madura.SomeoftheideasintermsofreturnofrefugeestoBorneo, 1'Thereturnofrefugeeswhocanbeeffectiveiffollowedbypeace.buildingframework

2.

that is more long-term. in the form of social dialogue Develop and optimize the communication institutions

forumsandorganizationsthatinvolvecrosskultarpoliticalinstitutionsoflocal,nonfrom each area governmental organizations, and civil society organizations within the framework of peace representing the cultural identity of the majority group

3.
)a

building, and involving international organizations and mechanisms Reorganized immediately return the refugees organizations

arrangingcross-grouprepresentationintheconflictintheorganization.
Volume 01, August 2009
rsB N. 97&983-4 4 1 50-3-7

Development Administration : Paradigm of Human Development

Pubtished by : Cottege of Arts and Sciences Universiti Utara l'4ataysia

Proceeding of lnternational Seminar

4. Building mediation institutions in resolving the impact of conflict 5. To build institutions that open economies and includes trans culture. 6. Reorganized socialization process for the refugees, citizens of Madura local, and

. 8.
7

g.

local communities in Kalimantan on the differences cultural, peace-building and enmurage the various forms of cultural cooperation. Develop early warning system against the possibility of conflictOptimizing the role of worhen in the peace process.

To study the long-term impact of the presence local regulations relating to residence. 10. Enforcement of the law which is followed by a balanced ethnic distribution among
law enforcement officers.

ldeas within the framework

Madurese:

of the

integration

of

refugees into local communities

1.

The local government in the island of Madura need to en@urage growth market economy with a further optimize economic resources to increase local employment creation, groMh occupational sectors, as well as reduce the dependence of the
natural resources that are not productive. Strengthening the role of democratic organizations at the community level as BPD with emphasis on the function representation, transparency, accountability, and community empowerment. Strengthening and improvement are also directed to local
source
NGOs.

2.

3. 4.
S.

lmplementation of the function of good govemance at the local level. Development of economic capacity of communities including refugees who choose to

live through programs of empowerment equivalent between the groups in the

community and take advantage of the role of cultural institutions. promotion of law enforcement, especially to areas which has a high crime rate.

30

Volume 01, August 2009

l

sB

N 978-983-44 1 50-3-7

ration -. radgm Pubtished by : Cor{ege of Arts and s.i"^.* 6^i""ii,t,,jilll

pa

Deve

Proceeding of lnternational Seminar

lopment Admlnlst

ii'H'il"n

Lor",.

Development

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Goldscheider' c'.- 1971'.Poputation, 'r;i'f"'?{::"#;n?l"t

Bungin' B'' 2oo1' social Research t -, !(ethgdology, Format-euantitative and quaritative fao r m at. Airlllqg y n versity press. S uia-o"Jya .' ",s (Ed). 2A03.".Kuatitafi Rese -----, vaiant contempora,v oi,*ti,i",f:i:,I:!{7ii:{JiT;,:3::,:?:"#:'fr"yl:1, (Ed). 2003- euatitative ;;ix\iyrylis, rJnderstanding
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H"r""J"?l 5:11.j: Herrianto, 1997. tJrbanization, biriiii*"nt, and

S,?ryifi'i3, u'3[1'

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#HJ?,Ti ?1.55i"" 5rfiiil #A]'ases

cityRiofs. pr. Arumdi, Bandung. ,'ii[,- a w"iiii -c7,;;;; vatue niii,i'bio"",,

or

the Mentor Retationship. Academy or Manasement

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the city of Bogor. Dissertation Rural Sociololy, lpB Aogor. smith' A' 2ao1 Tl"og ano Pa-rl'oigm ioisocial Research \.. pT. Tiara Discouri, yogyakarta. - ' (from the apprication Denzin ^ . and Guba). Mv own tneoryi'niuiine a""n::f"j;. 1es2. ioiiotosy society pr. Ghalia rndonesia, 1984. Theory sociorogy of sociat change. pr. Gharia rndonesia, Jakarta. 1984 Theoies of socrb/o gy of com.iuiitv st*"i"r". cv Rajawari, Jakarta. or the Famitv' about voiii ini"diii,"n

t"'"l":LA. 1995. print Manager Andat, Through coaching and Mentoring. Ram, w. 1gB9 circurar Migration and the rnformar secfor in

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Teenagers Rosdakarya. ppM,

iriiir'iliirv'

strauss, A., C,'J. 19g0. gasrcs or Quarita.tiye Research, Grounded rheory procedures and rechnique. shodiq M (TransratoQ ;;;;;;'";'itiaritative research. 2003 petajar, yogyakarta. . Pustaka ^ uugtyono' 2005 understanding Qualitatiue Research (comprete sample proposars and Research reports). cv. niraoet" al^jr"gv'vt' tvurt, t"ii:f[,.?n"]eB1 socra/ cn"is"t-ii ,rogiiia"ia Gadjah Mada University press
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Volume 01, August 2009 lsBN. 97&9894415G3-7