MIDDLE TENNESSEE STATE UNIVERSITY

ANCIENT EGYPTIAN PERSONAL RELIGION: LETTERS TO THE DEAD

A RESEARCH PAPER SUBMITTED TO DR. DAWN MCCORMACK

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY

BY KATIE STRINGER

MURFREESBORO, TENNESSEE 5 NOVEMBER 2010

Ancient Egyptian religion is an incredibly complex subject with innumerable paradoxes and logistical problems for modern Westerners. When broken down into selected topics, study of religion becomes somewhat more manageable, though Egyptians believed in varying and contradictory convictions without questioning the feasibility of those inconsistencies. The aspects of magic as related to religion are still rather complex and confusing, but the research undertaken in this paper relates to non-royal personal piety and personal religion as related to death and the deceased who reside in the afterlife. In particular, research undertaken in this article relates to many aspects of letters which were written to the deceased by their living relatives or acquaintances. Egyptians wrote letters, which will be investigated in more depth in the following pages, to their dead ancestors and associates to intervene for the living certain situations on their behalf either in the afterlife or in the world of the living. What religious beliefs affected their ideas that this would happen, and did Egyptians believe that their letters would work? Prior to the New Kingdom, religion mostly related only to funerary aspects of the elite or royal people. John Baines, however, wrote several intriguing and informative articles on the religious practices of non-royal people and their interactions with gods and religion, which has been very beneficial to the writing of this essay.1 Other sources, such as the translations of letters themselves, were advantageous to the study of Egyptian religion and beliefs.

Ancient Egyptian Religion and the Afterlife Religion in Ancient Egypt was extremely complex and diverse; however, one generalization that may be made is that the religion scholars know of today from the Old and Middle Kingdoms comes mainly from the official religion of the kings and their mortuary 2

temples, or the priests who were responsible for the state religion. It seems as if the king was the responsible party for the religion of most ordinary people; he acted as the intermediary between mankind and the gods as the religious figure of the state. 2 However, religion was varied, and many different aspects of religion and religious beliefs coexisted together. As Baines states, Religion need not be a single, homogeneous mode of discourse, there is no reason, apart from some overarching theory, for insisting that a single form of it pervaded all of life from the beginning of history.3 Egyptians did not worry themselves with inconsistencies or contradictions that many Westerners who think in a linear way would find troubling. An explanation of the aspects of a persons souls is essential to understanding how Egyptians viewed the afterlife and their fate after death. Rosalie Davids Religion and Magic in Ancient Egypt offers an explanation of those individual parts of a personality and the purpose as well as characteristics of each. The ka could be most easily explained as a persons double which at death became a separate part of the personality which was neither physical nor mortal. David describes this aspect as the essential self of an individual, acting as his guide and protector.4 The ka received offerings from the deceaseds relatives. The ba, which is sometimes translated by scholars as meaning soul, is considered to be the spiritual body of the person who has died. After death, the ba and deceased persons body could come back together after death. The ba, which is depicted as a human-headed bird, could also travel outside of the tomb to places the person went in life. To reunite with the body, the ba had to be able to recognize the body, which is an explanation of mummification of the deceased.5

The akh was also an important part of a deceased persons personality. David explains that both the living and the dead could use the supernatural powers of the akh. Apparently, the akh is the part of the soul that letter writers primarily focused on; as the glorified spirit of the person, the akh could travel among the world of the living and the afterlife, as well as intercede or help the living or the dead.6 Essentially, when a person died, the akh became like the Western idea of a ghost and was able to interact with both the worlds of the living and the dead.7 The akh could also participate in the afterlife tribunal on the behalf of living people. This is almost in contrast to the living helping the ka as the akh helps the living; both the akh and ka are parts of the same personality. This may leave some room for interpretation by scholars today who have questions about the afterlife. Was the ba like a ghost or spirit that could travel? Did others encounter the ba on its travels, or is it on a different plane? So far there has been little research into these questions. Geraldine Pinchs Magic in Ancient Egypt offers explanations of religious magic and practices among ancient Egyptians in more detail. The ka did not possess personality, but the ba did maintain the deceaseds characteristics; the two were rejoined after death. Once the afterlife was attained, after many tests and tribulations, the ba would, attain the status of an akh, a transfigured spirit.8 The author then explains that the ba of a person is very rarely described as malicious or a threat to the living. However, she does mention that demon messengers or ghosts did pose a threat to humans.9 The extent of these threats is explored below, in relation to the letters to the dead. The afterlife itself is complex as well. One aspect is the tomb itself as an extension of life. According to Wente in an article on funerary beliefs Egyptian funerary texts included the common statement, the corpse to the earth, and the ba [soul] to heaven.10 While the ba 4

remained with the mummy and also returned to the afterlife, in the form of a bird, the mummy, as the human remains, stayed in the tomb. The afterlife itself was an extension of life on earth; shabtis, as a means to prevent an excessive workload in the afterlife, evidence the idea that work was still performed in the afterlife. The system of time-keeping in the afterlife was also probably thought of as an eternity or infinity, as the deceased joined the gods in their duties. The afterlife and the lives of the gods were thought of as existing in cyclical time, such as Ra and his daily birth and rebirth which are continuous and unending cycles.11

Personal or Popular Relationships with Gods Popular religion practices sometimes show the relationship that people had with the gods. Prayers by non-royal people are shown to include requests for human wants or needs such as, pleas for help, spiritual requests, material requests, and personal requests. Specific examples of requests include access to the favor of the gods and desires for attaining the gods love.12 Material requests of the gods include food, clothing and housing; personal requests include health, life and prosperity13 as well as the more specific requests for a good wife, the satisfaction of personal pride, a good social and domestic life14, or even such vain requests as for good looks and a long life. These prayers are generally formulaic and follow standards, similar to the Egyptian letters to the dead. Many of the letters to the gods come after the period of time when letters to the dead were written, perhaps suggesting a shift in the belief system and hierarchy of Egyptian religion.15 Relationships with the gods were also expressed through the naming of children. Many names that are known from Ancient Egypt contain aspects of a gods name. However, 5

the names are not necessarily related to a specific interaction with the god, but instead the names indicate the help or involvement of a god in the particularly difficult birth process.16

Personal Religion John Baines also wrote a chapter titled Society, Morality, and Religious Practice in Religion in Ancient Egypt: Gods, Myths, and Personal Practice which offers information regarding the various religious practices of non-royal people. He begins the chapter by explaining that the Egyptian language does not have a single term in its vocabulary that can be translated to religion, which again demonstrates the complexity of what scholars of Ancient History designate as Egyptian religion.17 Though the king may have been seen as the responsibly party during some time periods for his subjects religious practice18 the Egyptian people surely had their own practices and beliefs that they were capable of exercising themselves. However, since many of the ordinary people probably did not have access to the same religious materials or expensive tombs as the royal or elites, this information is much harder to find today, if it could be found at all. Examples of worship of household gods, such as Bes, remain along with other objects related to personal religion and ancestor cults discussed below. Popular religion among ancient Egyptians included offerings to the gods, requests to both the gods and the deceased such as intercession, pleas for help, and various processes of divination.19 Though much information remains about the official religion, thanks to the kings legacies and the remains of the elite as well as the deserts preservation qualities, scholars still struggle to decipher the mystery of popular religion.20

Another aspect of personal or popular religion is the process of gift-giving for special occasions. During times of celebration such as births or festivals, people would present each other with food or other useful household gifts.21 Janssens article focuses mainly on the process of gift-giving as an economic system, but the relationship between giving gifts to living relatives and acquaintances may transfer over to letters to the dead. This may especially be true since the gulf between the living and the dead was not perceived to be a great hindrance to any type of communication but rather a matter of a physical distance.22

Magic and Religion Robert Kriech Ritner begins his book, The Mechanics of Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice with a definition of magic from Websters dictionary. The definition explains that magic is, the use of means (as ceremonies, charms, spells) that are believed to have supernatural power to cause a supernatural being to produce or prevent a particular result (as rain, death, healing) considered not attainable by natural means.23 However, this definition is problematic in the context of Ancient Egypt, because Egyptians did not consider magic to be unnatural; indeed, Egyptians believed that magic was a part of nature and the natural order of life.24 Religion and magic were an important and integral part of Egyptian culture from the beginning of their culture. The first magical amulets found date to the fourth millennium BCE, and the first magical texts appear around the third millennium BCE.25 Magic, or Egyptian heka, was something that all the gods as well as some of the glorified dead possessed. Another word for magical powers, akhu, was also thought to have been an aspect of underworld deities and the blessed dead. These powers were not considered to have 7

been either good or evil, but the dead did have the ability to use their powers to influence the living or dead.26 An important part of heka, or magic, was writing.27 As discussed in course lectures, the Egyptian word for hieroglyphs, medew netjer, means the words of the gods or divine words, and shows their magical properties.28 Perhaps their belief in the power of words and writing is a reason archaeologists and scholars today have physical letters that were written to the dead. An oral tradition may have existed or accompanied the letters, particularly for the literate population; however, perhaps the letters that were written were considered more powerful or effective. Magic among private individuals usually involved life crises, as mentioned in Baines article, as a type of crisis management.29 Rather than using magic only after a crisis, Egyptians often employed preemptory, or prophylactic, magical defense as a means to prevent trouble.30 The magic used by Egyptians did call on people or things that reside in the afterlife, but the magic was not necessarily seen as evil or demonic.31 In most of Egyptian religion, sweetness and light dominate official sources rather than concentrating on the negative or evil side of the world and underworld.32 The official public documents from Egypt generally do not mention or regard any supernatural beings other than gods and goddesses. However, in documents that are not related to the state, such as magical texts, evil or negative forces are indicated. The natural order of life, or maat, was sometimes disturbed, and some personal religious practices are probably related to those disturbances. Life centered on several main events, such as birth, puberty, parenthood, and death, and afflictions such as natural disasters, medical maladies, and unexpected death were thought to have occurred for specific reasons.33 8

Observances were often used to relate religion to the instabilities of life. People would often try to please the gods or the dead as a preemptive measure towards disaster. Other preventative measures included the wearing of amulets or the practice of superstitious activities. These actions show how religion and magic were integral parts of Egyptian life, both in the world of the living, as well as in the afterlife. Many of the magical practices of ancient Egyptians are concerned with preventing or counteracting the disturbances encountered in life.34 In Egyptian belief, magic was a basic cosmic force which was not considered, as it is in many western cultures today, to be a disruptive concept on the periphery of the mainstream culture. Everyone in Egyptian culture who had access to information regarding magic, which may have included all levels of society, would have practiced magic to some extent. Therefore, magic was not seen as a black art or an aberrant art.35

Ancestor Cults Ancestor cults are another important aspect of personal religion. Stelae and offering tables found at both houses and chapels in Deir el-Medina are dedicated to the excellent spirit, or perhaps the akh of a deceased relative. The names and memories of the individuals, who are now glorified spirits in the afterlife, are preserved on the stelae and offering tables. Offerings were made to the spirit, as well as offerings of stone carvings of flowers.36 Apart from the offerings of food and drink to the dead persons ka on a somewhat consistent basis, on holidays and special occasions relatives would hold banquets or festivals near the tombs of their ancestors. The meals that were shared with dead ancestors at these picnics express the feeling that the dead relatives are still felt, and perhaps not really dead and 9

gone, but instead dead and apart from a distance from the living.37 In many cultures in the southern United States, as well as in Egypt today, many people still have a similar practice of picnicking and tending to graves on weekends or holidays. A further indication of ancestor worship is the presence of human-headed busts found in niches of several houses in Deir el-Medina. These are likely associated with ancestor cults, and prayers and offerings were likely offered to the dead to nourish the deceased in the afterlife.38 Florence Friedmans article on such busts, found at Deir el-Medina also gives some interesting information regarding ancestor worship and how it may have related to letters to the dead.39 The author proposes that the busts represent deceased relatives who could affect the affairs of the living. Friedman believes that the letters to the dead were left in chapels before statues much like the ones in the homes of workmen at Dei el-Medina.40 The statues were perhaps in the homes for similar purposes; family members were responsible for keeping their deceased relatives happy so as to prevent the dead from interfering negatively with their lives. The busts of ancestors were probably used in a similar way to the letters to the dead as well. Friedman claims that perhaps the statues were seen as intermediaries between the living and the dead, and they could also prevent afflictions through their magic.41

Relationships Between the Living with the Dead Many people who suffered misfortune or afflictions did not have a way to interact with deities. Ordinary people had barely any interaction, if any, with the official religious practices of the state. This resulted in an inequality of interaction with the gods and state religion for ordinary, or non-elite and non-royal people.42

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Once a person entered the afterlife, he or she would desire a peaceful existence away from the trouble of earthly life. However, in death many people were still called to assist others from their role on earth. According to Baines, both the living and the dead existed in the same community, and people who were deceased were capable of interacting with the living either positively or negatively. The dead required their living relatives to assist them in death through offerings or support in the afterlife such as food or drink, and this made an impact on the living that were required to maintain their dead ancestors. However, after about a generation, many ancestors were forgotten or no longer maintained.43 Sources from the Old Kingdom to the Late period explain that the dead were supposedly capable of harming the living according to several sources listed by Baines in Practical Religion and Piety which are related in this paper.44 Magic used among the Egyptians does not seem to contain evil witchcraft or sorcery, though as Baines points out, this belief could be based on a lack of sources that would explain such practices.45 Problems in life usually resulted in communication with the dead. If a person felt that he or she had experienced unfairness in life, that person could ask a deceased person for help after traditional means were unsuccessful. Deceased relatives were expected to help their relatives. However, the dead were not always cooperative in the eyes of the living; many times the deceased relative was thought to have been unhappy with their living relatives either for something that they experienced in their life, or from a lack of attention given to them by those who were still alive. If the person was unhappy with their relative, their discontent could cause problems with litigation in the afterlife as well as personal problems for the living relative.46

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Curses by the deceased, often found in tombs, are another example of the relationship between the dead and the living. If a tomb was destroyed or damaged by a living person, the person whom the tomb belonged to could harm the demolisher either in their life or the afterlife. Another malady that could befall the person who carelessly destroyed the tomb of the deceased could be the prosecution of the destroyer by a tribunal in the afterlife. Almost always, the deceased won the case, and the wrongdoer would, suffer hideously, either in this life or when attempting the transition to the next.47 These examples show the influence that the dead could still have upon the living; in the case of curses, the effect was a negative though arguably deserved persecution. Snakes, crocodiles and scorpions are often mentioned in texts as the threats that people who violated tombs would encounter. The person who violated the tomb would also answer to a god in the afterlife, or would sometimes be made to answer to the deceaseds spirit. Whether the confrontation would take place in the persons earthly life or in the afterlife is unclear.48 Along with seemingly deserved problems caused by the dead, the living also thought that the dead were responsible for other problems that befell them. Superstition dictated that events which may have a very natural explanation (Baines gives the example of a hyena attacking a persons animals) were actually the result of a malicious dead persons actions. In order to avert such natural occurrences, the living gave offerings to the dead to keep them happy and prevent offense.49 Texts are unclear on who exactly these spirits are; some seem to list the spirits separately from the dead.50 However, the malicious dead are probably considered those in the underworld who did not pass the test of entry and were instead damned.51 12

Egyptians believed that contact with the dead was normal and expected. There were several ways to communicate, but one of the most important systems of communication was through letters to the dead. Living people who believed that someone had wronged them or that they had suffered an injustice asked for help through a letter that was written to someone who existed in the afterlife.52

Letters to the Dead Letters to the dead are, fundamentally, a form of communication between a person and his or her deceased relatives or acquaintances. The letters are written in much the same way any other letter was formed to a living person, with a greeting and request. Edward Wente published several letters to the dead in his 1990 book Letters from Ancient Egypt. He introduces the letters with general information regarding the letters. Because the afterlife is considered a continuation of earthly life, Wente does not regard communication with the dead as unexpected.53 The letters are written on various types of material. There has been at least one letter found which was written on papyrus. Other than that example, at least one, The Cairo Letter, has been found to have been written on linen. The other examples of letters to the dead appear on pottery vessels or bowls. The letter N3500 is also on papyrus, and may be the earliest example of a letter to the dead.54 The time period from which the letters come varies. Letters are found from almost all periods of Egyptian history, from the Old Kingdom to the New Kingdom.55 This paper explores letters from the Old Kingdom, First Intermediate Period, and New kingdom.

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Reasons for the seeming termination of the letters to dead are also explored below, as part of a shift in religion to letters to gods instead of to dead relatives. Few letters exist today, and many of the letters are probably from the portion of the population that was literate.56 However, the question remains of whether or not individuals could hire scribes to write the letters for them. Additionally, there may have been an oral tradition that accompanied or sometimes superseded the writing aspects of the letters. The letters scholars have today are found in tombs near offering tables where the deceased person would certainly see and read them.57 Another possibility for the reason scholars have so few letters is that they were written on a perishable item that was unable to last throughout the millennia and elements. The letters presented within are illustrations only of the elite. As Baines states, only by extension can such practices be posited for the rest of the population.58 However, it is also interesting to note that both men and women have been found to be authors of letters to the dead. The role of men versus women in the afterlife as well as the role they play in haunting relatives is somewhat complex and will be explored in more detail after an explanation of the letters themselves. Many of the correspondences from the living to the dead were written because in some instances, the living believed that the dead were intentionally impairing or hindering their lives. The example of a letter written by a man to his deceased wife is a great example of such an occurrence, and that letter is explored in greater detail below.59 Many of the letters to deceased relatives remind the dead that they are not at fault while also prompting the reader to believe that the living had done everything he or she could for the deceased person while they

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were alive, as well as now after the deceaseds earthly life. Additionally, the letter is often accompanied with an offering to appease the deceaseds spirit.60 Baines explains in Shafers Religion in Ancient Egypt that the letters may have had a spoken component as well as written, but obviously there is no archaeological evidence for oral tradition.61 Perhaps if such an oral tradition existed, it may have been easier for the normal or ordinary and uneducated people to practice. Letters imply a judgment system in the afterlife which may impact either the living or the dead- which it affects is not clear from the letters. Aside from judgment and litigation regarding inheritance and other legal matters, letters also ask the deceased to stop essentially haunting the living.62 Examples of each with further commentary are seen below. Baines also reveals that letters to the dead are rather rare when one considers that less than twenty have been discovered from a period of time which covers more than 1000 years.63 The letters are generally written after the writer has suffered a misfortune or injustice to a recipient who is either responsible for the misfortune or who can act on their behalf. Letters often mention litigation or an afterlife tribunal where spirits of the deceased could deal with cases involving the dead and living. The deceased person is expected to either stop harming the living or prevent the other deceased, akh, from harming their living relative. Most letters contain an explanation of the actions of the living relative, both during the deceaseds life and death, to assist and praise the deceased.64 Letters seem to have been addressed to the akh aspects of a person, rather than the ka. In effect, the ka was the aspect of an individuals personality that the living were responsible for maintaining, and in return, the akh was responsible for helping the family members or friends who were still alive who were assisting the ka.65 15

Letters to the Dead with Commentary The following section will chronologically detail several of the letters to the dead with commentary and interpretation of the translations.

Letter 1: Letter from a Wife and Son to her Deceased Husband, Dynasty 6 This is the first example of a letter from Dynasty 6. The letter is found on the Cairo Linen CG 25975. The letter is one of the only known letters written on linen rather than pottery. The letter is, in part, as follows: It is a sister (i.e. wife) who addresses her brother (i.e. husband), and it is a son who addresses his father. Your condition is like that of one who lived innumerable times. May Ha, lord of the West, and may Anubis, lord of burial, help you, as we both desire. This is a reminder of the fact that Beheztis agent came for leather while I was sitting by your head, when Irtis (i.e. my) son Iy was caused to be summoned to vouch for Behztis agent and when you said, Keep him hidden for fear of Iy the elder! May the wood of this my bed which bears me rot should the son of a man be debarred from his household furniture. Now, in fact, the woman Wabut came together with Izezi, and they both have devastated your house. It was in order to enrich Izezi that she removed everything that was in it, they both wishing to impoverish your son while enriching Izezis son. she is taking away all your personal menials after removing all that was in your house. Will you remain calm about this? I would rather die and be by your side than to see your son dependent upon Izezis son. Awaken your father Iy against Behzti! Rouse yourself and make haste against him! You know that I have come to you here about litigating with Behzti and Aais son anankhi. Rouse yourself against them, you and also your fathers, your brothers, and your relations and overthrow [them]. Recall what you said to Irtis (i.e. my) son Iy, They are the houses of ancestors that need to be sustained, may your son maintain your house just as you maintained your fathers house.66 The letter is a great example of many of the letters as it follows what seems to be a formulaic system of the letters, which will be obvious as more letters are explored. The writer 16

begins with an introduction of who is writing and to whom. The writer asks the deceased to intercede and to help his wife and son. The letter is a reminder of a situation involving others who devastated your house and removed everything that was in it, they both wishing to impoverish your son while enriching Izezis son. The letter next asks the deceased to remember the situation and urges her dead husband to rise up and defend herself and their son. From this letter, the reader can learn about typical disputes regarding property and debts. The living wife and son have probably exhausted all resources they know to consult, and when none of those methods worked, the wife and son wrote to their former head of the house, who is now deceased, to help them through his connections in the afterlife.

Letters 2 and 3: A Son to His Deceased Father and Son to His Mother, late Old Kingdom This letter was found written on the inside of a late Old Kingdom Kaw Bowl. The son, Shepsi, addresses his father Inekhenmut. This letter follows much of the same formula as the previous with an introduction, reminder, synopsis, and request for help. In this situation, Shepsi complains of his brother, who had at the time of writing passed into the underworld where their parents reside. Shepsi claims innocence for any wrong-doings, and he instead accuses that his brother, had done what ought not to have been done.67 Shepsi seems to believe that because his fathers inheritance was left to himself instead of to the now deceased brother, the brother is upset in the afterlife and is causing trouble for Shepsi who is still living. Shepsi asks his father to intervene with the brother and explain the situation as well as prevent the brother from causing any more trouble for Shepsi.68 Interestingly, the same Shepsi wrote to his mother, also in the afterlife, regarding the same situation. He reminds his mother, Iy, of all the things he did for her in life, and he then 17

explains his plight. He even describes what may be considered an ultimatum: Shepsi writes to his mother that if he dies because of these problems no one will be left on earth to make offerings on her behalf. Shepsi asks his mother to choose between himself and the brother, Sobekhotep, whom he respected and helped both in life and in his afterlife. He claims that he is being injured wrongfully, and requests that his brother be prevented from creating such afflictions. He also adds that such wrongdoings are disgusting to the gods.69 These two letters follow the patterns and formulas of other letters to the dead. The author is again requesting help from the dead, this time with another relative who is in the afterlife.

Letter 4: A Son to His Deceased Father, Dynasty 9 This letter is another example of a son, Heni, writing to his deceased father, Meru. The letter is from the time of Dynasty 9, and it is written on papyrus.70 This letter is the one of the only letters that has been found or published that is written on papyrus instead of pottery or linen.71 Again, a formula is in place for this letter to the deceased relative. In this example, the deceased is asked to assist his son in preventing the person Seni from appearing to him in dreams.72 Again, the writer explains that he was not responsible for the death of Seni, though it seems from the letter than the dead Seni believes it was Henis fault that he was wounded. The author admits that what happened to Seni did happen in his presence, but he should not be held accountable. Heni requests that Meru prevent Seni from creating the disturbances through dreams by guarding him until the dream visits cease once and for all.73

Letter 5: A Son to His Deceased Father, First Intermediate Period 18

This letter addressed to a father from his son dates to the First Intermediate Period and was found on a red pottery vessel. The vessel was different than most others found with letters inscribed though, as it is a jar stand without a bottom, and it contains a lip at the top.74 The formula of the other letters is again revealed: a summary of the problem, the naming of the person who is causing the problems, and a request for help. The letter also contains a different aspect from the other letters explored here: the writer asks for a healthy son to be born to his wife, as well as to his sister. The letter is somewhat more confusing than the others as well. The author says, Now I have brought this jar stand over which your mother should institute litigation. May it be agreeable for you to support her.75 The mother can be assumed to be the paternal grandmother of the writer, though the request made to her is unclear. This will be explored in more detail below. The letter then explains that there is an affliction being caused by two serving maids, Nefertjentet and Itjai, though it is unclear whether the two women are dead or alive; additionally, the author does not explicate the problem in detail. Because it is unclear whether the serving maids are dead or alive, it is difficult to ascertain how the dead will help the living. These details raise many questions that cannot be answered readily answered. The letter closes with a request of a second healthy son for your daughter, assumed to be the sister of the writer. This raises the question of the role the deceased played in the afterlife: is the deceased capable of causing the woman to become pregnant, or does the dead relative go to the gods with the authors request? In the first part of the letter the author claims, let a healthy son be born to me, for you are an able spirit.76 This may suggest that the deceased is in fact responsible and capable of creating the pregnancy, though it is unclear 19

if the spirit has a direct role in this or an indirect role through appeal to the gods in the afterlife. Interestingly, Gardiners article about this letter to the dead mentions a figurine that was found near the letter. The figure is of a woman who seems to be holding a male child. Inscribed upon the figure is the statement, may a birth be given unto thy daughter.77 This seems to be directly related to the letter, and it may have been given as an offering at the same time as the letter. This reemphasizes the hope that the deceased father will use his influence in the afterlife to bring a son to his daughter, the authors sister. Letter 6 A Grandson to his Grandmother, First Intermediate Period This letter has not yet been discovered, but scholar Ji Jank writes of the letter which may have been written at the same time as the one above, by the same author to his grandmother.78 Jank claims that the letter above references another letter, which archaeologists have not yet uncovered. In the letter to his father, the author says, Now I have brought this jar stand over which your mother should institute litigation.79 This reference to another letter was reconstructed by Jank in his article, Revealed but Undiscovered: A New Letter to the Dead. Jank believes that the letter was probably inscribed on a bowl, during the First Intermediate Period as the letter above was. The letter to the authors father is likely a reinforcement of the letter to his grandmother which was probably a request for litigation with a person in the afterlife who was causing him trouble, possibly the serving maids, Nefertjentet and Itjai.80 Though this letter has not been found, it is an interesting theory which Jank has put forth. Should the letter be found, it would be fascinating to see whether or not the theory 20

would hold. Additionally, the letter would possibly provide more information on the problem between the author and the people who were causing the problems. The letter would also possibly provide more information about the figurine which was found with the first letter, regarding the request of a son for both the author and his sister.

Letter 7: From a Man to His Deceased Wife, Dynasty 19 This letter from the Nineteenth Dynasty is from a man to his dead wife. He believes that she is haunting him for some wrongdoing that occurred while she was living, and he explains to her in the letter what a great husband he was. He believes that because he completed all the duties a good husband is supposed to, she has no reason to haunt him. From the Leiden Papyrus of the 19th Dynasty, translated in Pestmans Marriage and Matrimonial Property: What have I ever done against you? I have taken you as my wife, when I was a young man; you were still with me, when I filled all offices; you were with me, I have not repudiated (you), I have not injured your heart. I did it when I was a young man and I filled all (kinds of) important offices for the Pharaoh Life, Prosperity, Health! without repudiating (you), saying: she must always be with (me), so did I speak. Everything I made come to me, was at your feet did not I receive it on your behalf saying: I live up to your heart? but behold, you do not leave my heart in peace, I will litigate with you and they will distinguish wrong from right I did not hide anything from you during your day of life; I did not make you suffer pain in all I did with you as (your) master; you did not find me while I deceived you like a peasant, entering I did not make a man steal all I acquired with you. When they placed me in the post where I am now, and I was in the situation in which I could not go out according to my habit, I did what somebody like me does, while he is at home concerning your oil and bread and your clothes: it was brought to you, I did not let it be brought to another place. . . I have not deceived you. Behold, you do not know the good I did to you, I write you in order to make you see what you are doing. When you were ill with the illness which you had I fetched the chief physician and he treated you and he did everything of which you said do it. 21

When I followed the pharaoh on the journey to the south and you fell into this condition (when you died) I spent the period of eight months without eating and drinking as people do. And when I returned to Memphis I begged leave of pharaoh and went to the place where you were and cried very much with my people before my residence. I have dresses and clothes to wrap you in. I had many dresses made and I left nothing good undone in order not to let it be done for you. Behold, I have lived alone since for three years without entering a house, although it is not suitable that such a one is compelled to do that. Behold I have done it for your sake. Behold you do not know right from wrong, one will judge between you and me. Behold , the women in the house, I had no intercourse with any of them.81 This very long letter lists out the very aspects a good husband was expected to exhibit during life. For example, from this letter we learn that men were expected to stay with their wife, provide for her, be honest with her, take care of her when she is sick, and be faithful. The man writing the letter lists the great things he did for his wife in an effort to stop her from haunting him. This letter explains a lot about how men were expected to behave, but also shows a sort of vengeance that women were capable of in haunting and torturing their dead husbands. The man also mentions litigation with his dead wife, which will extinguish the misfortune she has forced upon him.

Observations Early letters seem to ask for intercession on the writers behalf, but the latest letter we have asks the dead person to act as an intermediary to the gods for the living person.82 Letters to the dead are rare, but they seem to have been replaced with letters to the gods by the Graeco-Roman periods.83 A letter to a god dates from the same dynasty as the letter above from a husband to his dead wife, Dynasty 19. The letter is addressed to Amun-Re, and the author requests the gods favor. Similar to the letters to the dead, the writer promises a gift to 22

the god in exchange for his help. The author does not explicably state his request, only requesting success. In exchange, the god will receive an amphora of date-brew as well as beer and bread.84 The conversion from letters to relatives could be a result of more integration of personal religion and ancestor worship to more people recognizing the official religion of the state. Additionally, scholars or archaeologists may not have found letters to the dead from this period that may have originally existed. Another interesting question regarding these letters to the dead relates to the people who were writing the letters. The letters that exist today represent a group of people who were considered elite and literate. As mentioned previously, an oral tradition may have accompanied the letter, but there is no archaeological or other record of such a practice. It may be reasonable to hypothesize that peasants or any people lower than these represented elite on the hierarchical chain of Egyptian society may have practiced a similar ritual through oral communication. As Baines astutely states, is this interaction [elite letters to the dead] between the living and the dead the literate tip of a non-literate iceberg?85 Archaeologists and scholars may never know, but this is not a subject that can be ignored. Additionally, because so many of the letters seem to subscribe to a type of formula, it may be possible that scribes were hired to write the letters as they were transcribed by the author according to the formula. There is currently no research to certainly determine this, but it may be a theory that should be further explored. However, this raises the question of why there are not more letters to be found if others could write them for the author, though the cost of hiring a scribe may have been prohibitive as well. Further questions that may never have definitive answers remain prevalent in the study of Ancient Egypt. There is no evidence that can be found to demonstrate whether or not the 23

writers or other Egyptians believed that the letters achieved the desired actions. One may infer that, because letters continued to be written over the years from the Old Kingdom until the New Kingdom, Egyptians did believe the letters to be effective. However, the change from letters to the dead to letters to the gods may be an interesting clue to this as well. Perhaps by the time of the alteration of addressees Egyptians did not believe that ancestors had the same powers in the afterlife as the gods. Moreover, while the akh was the part of the spirit that could interact with other dead on behalf of the living, the questions remain of the purpose of the ba. If the ba, like a ghost or spirit that could travel, did go to the places that the living person went while alive, could others meet the ba on its travels? This remains unanswered, but the ba may have been responsible for causing the problems for the living person. Also intriguing is the role that men and women play in the writing of letters, as well as their respective roles in the afterlife. Letters are written to both men and women in the afterlife to request assistance, as seen in Letters 2 and 3 above from a son to both his mother and his father. Additionally, both men and women in the afterlife seem to have been regarded as potential threats to the living, as seen in Letter 1 regarding the man Behzti and in Letter 5 about the two serving maids Nefertjentet and Itjai. However, Letter 7 from a man to his deceased wife shows another aspect of the role that women could play in the afterlife. According to the author of that letter, the wife seems to be maliciously haunting him as revenge for his treatment of her in life. This could be related to the idea that women are isfet and cause chaos and problems. This is questionable, however, since men in the afterlife seem to also cause problems among the living. Another

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possibility is that men were generally more literate, and their examples are therefore more readily found by archaeologists.

Letters to the Dead and Public History The question of why these letters matter to Egyptologists and people today still remains. Aside from the intrigue of reading the words of Ancient people, why do these letters have any importance to people living in the modern world? As seen in the husbands letter to his dead wife, these letters give a personality and life to those people who lived so long ago and seem incredibly disconnected from people today. The letter to a dead wife presented above is an interesting look into the every-day life of Ancient Egyptians and their relationships. The words and pleas are personal, even if a formula has been followed, and one can understand the problems the man seems to be having, which he attributes to his dead wife. This letter could serve as an example in any exhibit or public history presentation regarding the daily life of Ancient Egyptians that many modern people could relate to. The translated words could be easily spoken by any grieving husband or wife today, even if the words are not meant to be relayed in a magical sense. As a person reads the pleas and requests from an individual, who walked, breathed, ate, and simply lived thousands of years ago, the person reading those appeals today may feel a connection with the person who was having every-day problems similar to those faced today. The letters can provide a bridge from the past to today. In addition to learning about Egyptian beliefs in the afterlife and death, scholars and those who are interested in the past can learn of the peoples everyday lives.

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Sources Cited Baines, John. Practical Religion and Piety. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 73 (1987): 7998. Baines, John. Society, Morality, and Religious Practice. In Religion in Ancient Egypt: Gods, Myths, and Personal Practice, edited by Byron E. Shafer, 123-200. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991. Baines, John. Display of magic in Old Kingdom Egypt In Through a Glass Darkly: Magic, Dreams, and Prophecy In Ancient Egypt, edited by Kasia Szpakowska, 1-32. Swansea, Wales: The Classical Press of Wales, 2006. David, Rosalie. Religion and Magic in Ancient Egypt. London: Penguin, 2002. Friedman, Florence. On the Meaning of Some Anthropoid Busts from Deir el-Medina. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology (1985): 82-97. Gardiner, Alan H. A New Letter to the Dead. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 16 (1930): 275-277. Jank, Ji. Revealed but Undiscovered: A New Letter to the Dead. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 62 (2003): 275-77. Janssen, J. J. Gift-giving in Ancient Egypt as an Economic Feature. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 68 (1982): 253-65. Pestman, P. W. Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt: A Contribution to Establishing the Legal Position of the Woman. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1961. Pinch, Geraldine. Magic in Ancient Egypt. London: British Museum Press, 2006. Ritner, Robert Kriech. The Mechanics of Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice. Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 1993. Sadek, Ashraf Iskander. Popular Religion in Egypt During the New Kingdom. (Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 1987), 218. Simpson, William Kelly. A Letter to the Dead from the Tomb of Meru (N 3737) at Nag edDeir. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 52 (1966): 39-52. Wente, Edward F. Funerary Beliefs of the Ancient Egyptians. Expedition 24 (1982): 19. Wente, Edward F. Letters from Ancient Egypt. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990.

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1 2

John Baines, Practical Religion and Piety, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 73 (1987): 74. Baines, Practical Religion, 80. 3 Baines, Practical Religion, 80. 4 Rosalie David, Religion and Magic in Ancient Egypt (London: Penguin, 2002), 117. 5 David, Religion and Magic, 118. 6 David, Religion and Magic, 118. 7 Edward F. Wente, Funerary Beliefs of the Ancient Egyptians, Expedition 24 (1982): 19. 8 Geraldine Pinch, Magic in Ancient Egypt (London: British Museum Press, 2006), 147. 9 Pinch, Magic, 148. 10 Wente, Funerary Beliefs, 19. 11 Wente, Funerary Beliefs, 22. 12 Ashraf Iskander Sadek, Popular Religion in Egypt During the New Kingdom (Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 1987), 218. 13 Sadek, Popular Religion, 221. 14 Sadek, Popular Religion, 222. 15 Sadek, Popular Religion, 223. 16 Baines, Practical Religion, 95. 17 John Baines, Society, Morality, and Religious Practice, in Religion in Ancient Egypt: Gods, Myths, and Personal Practice, ed. Byron E. Shafer (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991), 123. 18 Baines, Society, 128. 19 David, Religion and Magic, 282. 20 David, Religion and Magic, 282. 21 David, Religion and Magic, 283. 22 J. J. Janssen Gift-giving in Ancient Egypt as an Economic Feature, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 68 (1982): 276. 23 Robert Kriech Ritner, The Mechanics of Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice (Chicago: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 1993), 8. 24 Ritner, Mechanics, 8. 25 Pinch, Magic, 9. 26 Pinch, Magic, 12. 27 Ritner, Mechanics, 71. 28 Ancient Egypt Lecture notes, September 13, 2010. 29 Pinch, Magic, 14. 30 Pinch, Magic, 14. 31 Pinch, Magic, 16. 32 Baines, Practical Religion, 82. 33 Baines, Practical Religion, 83. 34 Baines, Practical Religion, 84. 35 Baines, John, Display of magic in Old Kingdom Egypt, in Through a Glass Darkly: Magic, Dreams, and Prophecy In Ancient Egypt, ed. Kasia Szpakowska (Swansea, Wales: The Classical Press of Wales, 2006), 1. 36 Sadek, Popular Religion, 77. 37 Wente, Funerary Beliefs, 19. 38 Sadek, Popular Religion, 78. 39 Florence Friedman, On the Meaning of Some Anthropoid Busts from Deir el-Medina, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology (1985): 94. 40 Friedman, Anthropoid Busts, 94. 41 Friedman, Anthropoid Busts, 97. 42 Baines, Society, 127. 43 Baines, Society, 147. 44 Baines, Society, 85. 45 Baines, Practical Religion, 86. 46 Baines, Practical Religion, 86. 47 Baines, Society, 151. 48 Baines, Society, 166. 49 Baines, Society, 152.

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50 51

Baines, Society, 152. Baines, Society, 152. 52 David, Religion and Magic, 282. 53 Edward F. Wente, Letters from Ancient Egypt (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990), 210. 54 William Kelly Simpson, A Letter to the Dead from the Tomb of Meru (N 3737) at Nag ed-Deir, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 52 (1966): 40. 55 Wente, Letters, 210. 56 David, Religion and Magic, 282. 57 David, Religion and Magic, 282. 58 Baines, Practical Religion, 93. 59 Baines, Practical Religion, 86. 60 Baines, Practical Religion, 86. 61 Baines, Society, 153. 62 Baines, Society, 153. 63 Baines, Society, 155. 64 Wente, Letters, 210. 65 Wente, Funerary Beliefs, 19. 66 Wente, Letters, 211. 67 Wente, Letters, 212. 68 Wente, Letters, 210. 69 Wente, Letters, 210. 70 Simpson, A Letter, 39. 71 Simpson, A Letter, 40. 72 Wente, Letters, 212. 73 Wente, Letters, 213. 74 Alan H. Gardiner, A New Letter to the Dead, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 16 (1930) 19. 75 Wente, Letters, 212. 76 Wente, Letters, 212. 77 Gardiner, New Letter, 19. 78 Ji Jank, Revealed but Undiscovered: A New Letter to the Dead. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 62 (2003): 276. 79 Wente, Letters, 212. 80 Jank, Revealed, 276. 81 P. W. Pestman, Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt: A Contribution to Establishing the Legal Position of the Woman (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1961), 53. 82 Baines, Practical Religion, 87. 83 Baines, Practical Religion, 97. 84 Wente, Letters, 219. 85 Baines, Practical Religion, 87.

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