Anda di halaman 1dari 143

RAILWAYS

AS AN INNOVATIVE REGIONAL FACTOR


edited by

Heli Mki & Jenni Korjus

Edited by Heli Mki and Jenni Korjus Cover design and layout: Juan I. Cubilla Cover photograph: Eric de Mare / RIBA Library Photographs Collection Royal Institute of British Architects, London, UK Publisher: University of Helsinki, Palmenia Centre for Continuing Education and The City of Kouvola Copyright 2009 University of Helsinki, Palmenia Centre for Continuing Education Dedicated website www.reilia.fi Printed by Gummerus, Jyvskyl 2009 ISBN 978-952-10-4812-8

CONTENTS
EDITORS NOTE by Heli Mki & Jenni Korjus FOREWORD: Railways as Techno-Cultural Factors by Colin Divall BACKGROUND by Martti Turtola To Encourage Such as Would Travel a Little, to Travel More: Trains, Planes, Cars, History and the Future of Mobility by Colin Divall The Presentation of an Ambivalent History: a Chinese Railway Museums Perspective by Xiaoli Wu Development of Railway Transport in the Historical and Social Prospects in Russia by Igor Kiselev By Railway Ferry from England to the Continent: Intermodal Travel in the Interwar Period by Barbara Schmucki Business Strategy and Corporate Image: Britains Railways, 1872-1977 by Hiroki Shin Different Intermodal Solutions of Railway Transportations by Evgeni Korovyakovskiy 5 7 14

16

30

43

54

63 85

A Steam Locomotive or Steam Automobile? by Oiva Turpeinen Competition between Modes of Transportation in Finland by Ilkka T. Seppinen If Only We Had a Railway! The Role of the Finnish Railway Network in the Nations Technological Progress by Tiina Pivrinne The Effect of Transport Tunnels Across the Baltic Sea on Finnish Transport Policy Guidelines by Usko Anttikoski AUTHORS

102 113

126

135 141

EDITORS NOTE
by Heli Mki & Jenni Korjus
This collection of articles was born out of necessity. The publication you are now holding is our way of pointing out the state of Finnish academic research on railway history and culture. There is no basic research. Only one academic dissertation[1] has been written on the Finnish railways, along with a few Masters theses and some popular nonfiction books. A number of amateur studies have been conducted on the subject, but they are not up to the standards of scientific research. The City of Kouvola has chosen railway expertise as its spearhead of development. The cooperation between the Palmenia Centre for Continuing Education of the University of Helsinki and the City of Kouvola resulted in the founding of a Centre of Railway Culture REILIA in Kouvola. One of the most important purposes of the Centre is to create better conditions in Finland for researching railway history and culture and in researching the transportation history and the cultural history of mobility in general. The research of railway culture is fundamentally interdisciplinary. The historical standpoint, however, is one of the central areas of technological research. The study of history enables the production of information on the interaction between society and science and technology. Predicting the future and development is difficult or even impossible without relevant research. The few Finnish researches of railway history or culture have been forced to tackle their subjects alone. REILIA is aiming to secure the preconditions for national and international cooperation via networking for researchers. This is achieved by functioning as a cooperation channel for railway researchers and by organising seminars and meetings for researchers. REILIAs first international railway history research seminar Railways as an innovative regional factor was held on June 4th and 5th, 2009 in Kouvola. In addition to Finnish researchers, visiting foreign lecturers from the UK, China and Russia participated in the event. The seminar featured not only historians, but also geographers, museologists, sociologists and regional planners. In their presentations, the railway was approached as an innovative factor, which combines
[1] Lagerblom Kimmo: Far, far away, nearby a main passage. An ethnological study of the life spans of Kontiomki railtown 1950-1972. University of Jyvskyl, 2004.

EDITORS NOTE

the study of history with the perspectives of regional development. The seminar featured discussion on how the construction of railways has affected and still affects regional development. The presentations from the seminar are now published as extended articles, which aim to create more interest in the study of railway culture. In the future, we must alter our culture of mobility. The history of transportation is a key element in telling future generations about the acceptance of various forms of transportation, the directional changes in transportation policies, environmental questions and new technical solutions. Railway culture enables the meeting of various cultures of expertise.

FOREWORD: Railways as Techno-Cultural Factors

[1]

by Colin Divall
The role of mobility in history is still often viewed through the prism of the railway. For one thing, the long, if uneven, tradition of nationally focused railway historiography provides a strong basis for further research. In some countries notably the USA, the UK and some continental European nations such as France, Belgium and Germany academics also benefit from the work done by (in the best sense of the word) amateur historians. And the organization of railways as largescale businesses or public utilities has helped if not guaranteed the survival of sources. Finally, financial support from other than the usual academic funders can be important to some extent, scholarship follows the money.1 These factors only go so far in explaining the vitality of railway scholarship. Indeed, in some ways they can be a brake on progress towards refocusing the field within the mobility paradigm that has emerged more generally in transport history.2 The survival of company, state and trades union records, for example, goes a long way to explaining why much railway history continues to be shaped by fields such as economic, business/management and labour history. On the other hand, these studies provide insights into the many and varied factors which underpin the production of rail-based transport and which for that very reason must be understood if railways are to be fully understood as agents of mobility.3 The last ten or so years have seen a big shift in this direction to an understanding of how railways were used and, just as importantly (if scarcely studied), not used, and how all this rail-based im/mobility permeated and shaped the wider society of which it was inextricably a part. Concepts and methodologies from other fields and disciplines have been crucial here: the cultural and spatial turns that have revolutionized scholarship in the humanities and social sciences; the emphasis on users widely found in history of technology; and an increasing recognition of the historiographies of consumption
[1] This foreword is largely adapted from my contribution to G. Mom, C. Divall and P. Lyth, Towards a Paradigm Shift? A Decade of Transport and Mobility History, in G. Mom, G. Pirie and L. Tissot, eds, Mobility in History: The State of the Art in the History of Transport, Traffic and Mobility (Neuchtel, 2009), pp.13-40.

FOREWORD: Railways as Techno-Cultural Factors

and governance.4 It is now widely recognized, for example, that moving by train is as imbued with socially inscribed meanings a transport or mobility culture as that by modes such as motoring, cycling or walking. Rail-based mobility is a cultural act or performance grounded in the material realities of infrastructure and vehicles. The neologism railing coined by analogy with the terminology of other modes expresses this new perspective, losing the sometimes unhelpful connotations of older terms like travel. Railing consists of a bundle of three sociotechnical dimensions constituting one another rail-subjects, rail-objects and rail-scapes.5 This schemata helps us to synthesize the existing literature on railway history in ways that further the fields reformation as mobility history. Railsubjects are the individual and collective actors that used, were moved, or were otherwise affected by railing such as passengers, traders, workers, pieces of luggage, parcels, crates, viruses, trespassers on the tracks, chambers of commerce, railway companies, labour unions. Rail-objects are the physical and non-material processes and entities that produce these mobilities: the hardware both mobile (vehicles: trains, locomotives, wagons) and fixed (infrastructure: tracks, signalling systems, tunnels, stations) as well as social-institutional factors like operating rules, management structures, statutory regulatory regimes, conditions of carriage, and the by-laws and social conventions that govern passengers behaviour. Railscapes are the spaces and temporalities in and through which movement by rail occurs a train might be down the main relief [track], the locomotive footplate is an arcane space forbidden to all except the crew and officials, parcels are moved according to a timetable. The term also captures the idea that the movement of rail-subjects shapes the ways in which these and other individuals, social groups and even whole societies perceive, represent and create the wider geographies and timeframes of the society in which the railway is embedded. The standardization of railway time is an obvious example; we might also, for instance, talk about somewhere being about an hour away by train. Theory holds that each of railings three dimensions stands in some combination of physical-functional and symbolic-expressive relations with the others. This implies that railway historiography should not and indeed does not divide neatly between them. Nevertheless, most scholars tend to incline more in one direction than another. Take, for example, the rail-object of infrastructure. The old favourite of route development has recently been radically transformed thanks to Mark Cassons new counterfactual approach to the British network. He contrasts the connectivity and financial costs of the network at its peak around 1914 with a smaller, but better, cheaper and technically feasible alternative which was not built because the state was unwilling to engage in strategic planning.6 His study offers a

by Colin Divall

model for other national cases, which might in turn form the basis for comparative histories of European network developments or those in other parts of the world. Douglas Pufferts study of the standardization of track gauge, for instance, is a welcome start to such a materially grounded global history.7 Elsewhere, attempts are being made to compare and contrast the growth, regulation, operation and at least at an aggregated level usage of national systems in Europe and the USA.8 Shifting the focus away from the nation-state promises much. Understanding European networks from the point of view of regional, sub-national elites as well as visionaries who conceived of railways on a continental scale casts new light on what still tend to be thought of as national railways.9 However, it remains a moot point how far the connections made across European borders in the 19th and early20th centuries were steps in the creation of truly trans-national system, rather than attempts to secure national advantage in carrying emerging inter-national flows.10 There are lessons to be had here from the work of historians of imperialism and postcolonialism, who have long thought about railways from outside the analytical confines of the nation-state.11 Their studies of how the often-conflicting interests of western powers and indigenous elites shaped visionary plans for, and the development and usage of, railways across (and even between) continents as well as within particular sub-continental regions should encourage historians to extend the geographical scale of research further beyond Europe and the USA.12 We might then see real progress in developing Daniel Headricks pioneering insights into how from the mid-19th century railways and steamships together enabled truly global flows of people and freight.13 All this renewed focus on infrastructure and, at an aggregate level, on the uses to which it was put also encourages the study of railing as one element in multi-modal transport regimes. This partly reflects the shift in emphasis away from the so-called Golden Age of railways before 1914 towards the inter-war period when they lost their near-monopoly of inland transport.14 Intermodal competition is an obvious focus, but work recently completed or still under way examine the railways co-operation with other passenger modes such as buses, ferries and planes.15 There is also growing interest in freight, although this is not yet commensurate with the huge social, environmental and economic significance of moving things perhaps because such flows do not so readily yield to fashionable semiotic analysis.16 Containerization at the domestic (from the 1920s) and international (from the 1950s) levels is emerging as a key topic here, along with the railways struggle to maintain market share in the face of road competition after 1918. What about rail-scapes? The works of Wolfgang Schivelbusch and, before him (but far less widely acknowledged), Leo Marx, continue to define a range of approaches.17 Marxs classic 1964 study The Machine in the Garden analysed how

10

FOREWORD: Railways as Techno-Cultural Factors

the 19th-century railroad transformed both material and cultural life in America. Marxs definition of culture was for the time a broad one, including popular media along with those of high culture. His chief goal was to show how through these varied representations the pastoral ideal has been incorporated in a powerful metaphor [my emphasis] of contradiction a way of ordering meaning and value. Marx thus acknowledged yet another, and nowadays highly influential definition of culture, the idea that shared meanings and values are a way of organizing and enabling everyday social life (including the role played by material things and processes).18 However, Marx did not try to analyse in much detail how mobility actually shaped that experience.19 By contrast, Schivelbuschs achievement lay in at least sketching how moving by train forced a re-working not only of the Victorian experience of everyday mobility but also of social life more generally. His railway machine ensemble was a materialized culture, a melding of physical hardware and everyday meanings that transformed individuals perceptions and the wider social geographies, structures and processes of which they were an integral part the original, German subtitle to his book, zur Industrialisierung von Raum und Zeit im 19. Jahrhundert (and its near-literal translation in the English version), gives a much better sense of this wider import than that of the anodyne American edition, Trains and Travel in the Nineteenth Century. Recent work on the railways semiotics draws on a mix of these approaches. For example, Michael Freemans important and wide-ranging study Railways and the Victorian Imagination lies broadly in the tradition of conceptualizing culture as metaphor, as does Ian Carters stimulating analysis of the (mostly) literary and (sometimes) visual rendering of (British) railways. Carters book is particularly welcome for pushing analysis well into the 20th century.20 Yet for all their significant achievements and this is not damning with faint praise neither of these authors consistently moved beyond the notion that railway culture is a metaphor for the wider society: they were not chiefly concerned with understanding how historical mobility practices were shaped by the symbolic orderings of everyday life, and vice versa. But this is the way the field needs to head, towards a more grounded notion of railing (and thus railway culture) as a material, meaning-laden performance of the kind arguably pioneered by Schivelbusch. As Freeman and his co-editor Matthew Beaumont acknowledge in a recent volume of essays, we need to attempt to understand the dialectical relationship that shapes ... [the] real and imaginary dimensions in the social relations of industrial modernitys most representative machine ensemble.21 Other notable studies in this mould include Ginette Verstraetes article on how in the 1860s the first transcontinental railroad partly constituted the processes through which mobility and location were intricately intertwined in the technological production of Americas mobile nation.22 Indeed in a striking re-statement of

by Colin Divall

11

the simultaneously material and semiotic nature of railing, Verstraete emphasizes that the railroad was as much [my emphasis] a technology of transportation as it was a technology of representation; that it was as much about literally moving all people in different ways as it was about figuratively emplacing a specific citizenry23 Similarly, J. Fosters study of another process of nation-building, South Africa post-Union in 1910, examines the intersecting roles of photography and railways as materially, socially and historically located technologies that by (re)constructing its imaginary geography made South Africa a land fit for white settlers and tourists alike. Taking an Australian focus, Peter Bishop has extended John Stilgoes notion of the railway as a techno-cultural landscape to embrace a still wider range of conflicting and complementary national and ethnic identities.24 Others develop Schivelbuschs insights by articulating the historical production and consumption of symbolically rich and politically charged railway geographies at a more intimate scale than the nation or even the railway corridor. Amy Richter, Barbara Ann Welke and Matthew Beaumont, for example, emphasize that railway carriages were spaces in which gendered and, sometimes, racialized notions of acceptable behaviour were contested, both shaping and being shaped by the im/mobility people derived from their use of (or exclusion from) these rail-objects.25 At the risk of being thought to ask for the impossible, even excellent studies such as these might be criticised for sometimes leaving unproven the claims they make with regard to the mobilities of the historical rail-subjects and, more broadly, the socialities, citizenries or sociabilities they invoke. Do we know? can we know? for instance, that the north american transcontinental railroad in all its material and cultural manifestations really generated gendered immigrants and citizens on the move: the former as the outlawed laborer; the latter as the prototypical American distanced from the very home(land) for which he yearns and which he must learn to reimagine as the destination of a collective railroad journey.26 To be sure, we can, and increasingly do, know about such archetypes: but to move beyond these to grasp the emotions, feelings, perceptions and behaviours of the real people who used and, just as importantly, were excluded from trains requires scholarship of a different kind. It can be done, as scholars such as Richter show, but it requires ingenuity, tenacity and often no small measure of luck in conceiving of and locating sources that allow one to grasp something like the full complexity of human mobility by train across the generations.

12

FOREWORD: Railways as Techno-Cultural Factors

Endnotes
1. E.g. the UKs National Railway Museum supports the Institute of Railway Studies & Transport History and the French railways, the Association pour lhistoire des chemins de fer en France (AHICF); while the Fundacin de los Ferrocarriles Espanoles provides a solid basis for Spanish-language scholars. 2. G. Mom, G. Pirie and L. Tissot, eds, Mobility in History: The State of the Art in the History of Transport, Traffic and Mobility (Neuchtel, 2009). 3. Just a few mostly English-language highlights from a still burgeoning literature over the past 10 years. France: F. Caron, Histoire des chemins de fer en France 2 vols (Paris, 1997, 2005); J. Meunier, On the Fast Track: French Railway Modernization and the Origins of the TGV, 1944-1983 (Westport CT, 2002); Germany: A.C. Mierzejewski, The Most Valuable Asset of the Reich: A History of the German National Railway 2 vols (Chapel Hill NC, 1999, 2000). The Netherlands: A.J. Veenendaal, Jr, Railways in The Netherlands: A Brief History, 1834-1994 (Stanford, 2001). USA: M. Aldrich, Death Rode the Rails: American Railroad Accidents and Safety, 1828-1965 (Baltimore, 2006); R.G. Angervine, The Railroad and the State: War, Politics, and Technology in Nineteenth Century America (Stanford CA, 2004); E. Arnesen, Brotherhoods of Color: Black Railroad Workers and the Struggle for Equality (Cambridge MA, 2001); J.W. Ely, Railroads and American Law (Kansas, 2001); R.J. Orsi, Sunset Limited: The Southern Pacific Railroad and the Development of the American West (Berkeley, 2005); R. Saunders, Jr, Main Lines: Rebirth of the North American Railroads, 1970-2002 (DeKalb IL, 2003); S. Usselman, Regulating Railroad Innovation: Business Technology, and Politics in America, 18401920 (Cambridge, 2002); UK: N. Crafts, T. Leunig and A. Mulatu, Were British railway companies well managed in the early twentieth century?, Economic History Review 61/4 (2008): 842-66; T.R. Gourvish, British Rail 1974-97: From Integration to Privatisation (London, 2002) and Britains Railways 1997-2005: Labours Strategic Experiment (Oxford, 2008); D. Howell, Respectable Radicals: Studies in the Politics of Railway Trade Unionism (Aldershot, 1999); T. Leunig, Time is money: a re-assessment of the passenger social savings from Victorian British railways, Journal of Economic History 66/3 (2006): 635-73; T. Strangleman, Work Identity at the End of the Line? Privatisation and Cultural Change in the UK Rail Industry (London, 2004). For rare examples of comparative studies, see G. Channon, Railways in Britain and the United States, 18301940 (Aldershot, 2001); A. Mitchell, Railways and the Franco-German Rivalry (New York, 2000). 4. C. Divall and G. Revill, Les cultures du transport : reprsentation, pratique et technologie, in M. Flonneau and V. Guigueno, eds, De lhistorie des transports lhistorie de la mobilit (Rennes, 2009), pp.57-74. (An earlier version is available in English as Cultures of transport: representation, practice and technology, Journal of Transport History, 3rd ser. 26/1 (Mar. 2005): 99-111.) 5. Adapted from J. Beckmann, Automobility a social problem and theoretical concept, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 19 (2001): 593-607, at pp.593-4. See also the definition of motoring as a concept in which drivers, machines and roads become integrally linked with a set of distinct places: J.A. Jackle and K.A. Sculle, Motoring: The Highway Experience in America (Athens GA, 2008), p.1. 6. M. Casson, The Worlds First Railway System: Enterprise, Competition, and Regulation on the Railway Network in Victorian Britain (Oxford, 2009). 7. D.J. Puffert, Tracks Across Continents, Paths Through History: The Economic Dynamics of Standardization in Railway Gauge (Chicago, 2009). 8. The key to these studies in the series of symposia organized by Gijs Mom under the auspices of the Dutch Ministry of Transport, Public Works and Water Management. Elsewhere, the International Association of Railway History provides a largely European focus for national and comparative studies: R. Roth and G. Dinhobl, eds, Across the Borders: Financing the Worlds Railways in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Aldershot, 2008); R. Roth and M.-N. Polino, eds, The City and the Railway in Europe (Aldershot, 2003); M. Pinheiro, ed., Railway Modernization: An Historical Perspective (19th and 20th Centuries) (Lisbon, 2009). 9. M. Burri, K.T. Elsasser and D. Gugerli, eds, Die Internationalitt der Eisenbahn 1850-1970 (Zrich, 2003); E. van der Vleuten, I. Anastasiadou, V. Lagendijk and F. Schipper, Europes system builders: the contested shaping of transnational road, electricity and rail networks, Contemporary European History 16/3 (2007): 321-47. 10. I. Anastasiadou and C. Divall, Transnational railways, in A. Iriye and P.Y. Saunier, eds, The Palgrave Dictionary of Transnational History (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009). 11. C. Divall, Railway imperialisms, railway nationalisms in Burri et al, Die Internationalitt der Eisenbahn, pp.195-209. 12. E.g., I.J. Kerr, ed, 27 Down: New Departures in Indian Railway Studies (Hyderabad, 2007); J.S. McMurray, Distant Ties: Germany, the Ottoman Empire, and the Construction of the Baghdad Railway (Westport Ct, 2001).

by Colin Divall

13

13. D.R. Headrick, The Tools of Empire: Technology and European Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century (Oxford, 1981). 14. E.g. C. Divall, The Modern Passenger: Constructing the Consumer on Britains Railways, 19191939, in Pinheiro, Railway Modernization, pp.111-25; Transport, 1900-1939, in C. Wrigley, ed., A Companion to Early Twentieth-Century Britain (Oxford, 2003), pp.286-301. 15. http://cordis.europa.eu/cost-transport/src/cost-340.htm (accessed 11 Nov. 2009); H-L Dienel, ed., Unconnected Transport Networks, European Intermodal Traffic Junctions, 1800-2000 (Frankfurt AM, 2004). 16. P. Barrett, M.H. Rose, B.E. Seeley, The Best Transportation System in the World: Railroads, Trucks, Airlines, and American Public Policy in the Twentieth Century (Ohio, 2006). 17. L. Marx, The Machine in the Garden: Technology and the Pastoral Ideal in America (New York & Oxford, 1964); W. Schivelbusch, The Railroad Journey: The Industrialization of Time and Space in the 19th Century. (Leamington Spa etc., 1986; originally published in English 1979, in German 1977). 18. E.g. D. Chaney, Cultural Change and Everyday Life (Basingstoke and New York, 2002), pp.1-9, 37-54. For an excellent general introduction, see A. Tudor, Decoding Culture: Theory and Method in Cultural Studies (London, 1999) and, more provocatively, D. Mitchell, Theres no such thing as culture: towards a reconceptualization of the idea of culture in geography, Transactions of the Institute of British Geography, new ser. 20 (1995): 102-16. On the importance of material culture, see M. Gottdiener, Postmodern Semiotics: Material Culture and the Forms of Postmodern Life (Cambridge MA and Oxford, 1995). 19. Marx, Machine in the Garden, p.4. 20. M. Freeman, Railways and the Victorian Imagination (New Haven & London, 1999); I. Carter, Railways and Culture in Britain: The Epitome of Modernity (Manchester & New York, 2001). 21. M. Beaumont and M. Freeman, eds, The Railway and Modernity: Time, Space and the Machine Ensemble (Oxford, 2007), pp.42-3. 22. G. Verstraete, Railroading America: towards a material study of the nation, Theory, Culture & Society 19/5-6 (2002): 145-59, at 147, 149. 23. Verstraete, Railroading America, p.150. 24. J. Foster, Land of Contrasts or Home We Have Always Known?: the SAR&H and the imaginary geography of white South African nationhood, 1910-1930, Journal of Southern African Studies 29/3 (2003): 657-80; P. Bishop, Gathering the land: the Alice Spring to Darwin rail corridor, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 20 (2002): 295-31. 25. A.G. Richter, Home on the Rails: Women and the Railroad and the Rise of Public Domesticity (Chapel Hill, 2005); B.A. Welke, Recasting American Liberty: Gender, Race, Law and the Railroad Revolution 1865-1920 (Cambridge etc., 2001); M. Beaumont, Railway mania: the train compartment as the scene of a crime?, in Freeman and Beaumont, eds, Railway ad Modernity, pp.125-53. See also L. Kirby, Parallel Tracks: The Railroad and Silent Cinema (Exeter, 1997), pp.83-5; M. Nitka, Railway Defamiliarisation: The Rise of Passengerhood in the Nineteenth Century (Katowice, 2006). 26. Verstraete, Railroading America, p.157.

14

BACKGROUND
by Martti Turtola
It is not a coincidence that the first International Railway History Seminar was held in the city of Kouvola. One hundred and fifty years ago, the area where the railway now lies was a barren and uninhabited sandy moorland. The village settlements and agriculture of that time were concentrated on the clay soil along the Kymi River, where one could cultivate the earth. The RiihimkiViipuri St Petersburg railway was built at the end of the 1860s and it revolutionised the traditional farming community. Modern times invaded the village of Kouvola. The decisive factor in the development of the region was that Kouvola became a junction. By the end of the 19th century, Kouvola was a gateway to Helsinki in the West, and Viipuri and the capital of the Russian Empire, St Petersburg, in the East. Kotka and Hamina, two developing export ports, were in the South and Kuopio in the North was, shortly the furthestreaching point of the railway. Kouvola soon became a logistics centre for the growing wood processing industry. The Russian Imperial army also noticed the significance of the junction and a large double garrison was built in Kouvola and Koria. The main line, the railway, went via Kouvola to the metropolis of St Petersburg. In a sparsely inhabited country like Finland, the importance of railways has been particularly emphasised. Even though Finland is a country with thousands of lakes, there never was that sort of commercial canal network that was characteristic of Great Britain and Central Europe. Therefore, the economic significance of the railway was crucial for interior Finland. The Finnish inland towns were, apart from a few exceptions, not as economically vibrant as the port towns. The railway significantly improved the competitive position of inland towns. The railway had a major impact on Finnish society. Traditionally the rural police chief and the vicar had represented the government and the authorities in general in rural municipalities. Now as the railways were built into a region, it came with a station master and his assistant, both high in the social hierarchy. Those who worked for the railways were representatives of the government, or the crown. They were holders of office and position and to show it they had a uniform and a cap.

by Martti Turtola

15

The railway did not come alone: the railways brought along with them cultural influences and ideas. Important artists were travelling from Helsinki to St Petersburg or vice versa and were often performing in the larger towns during their travels. Artists, actors and theatre groups, musicians and singers were now able to travel the country and reach towns and villages which they had completely bypassed before. The railway workers brought their own culture, interest and pursuits with them to new areas. They were hard working and active and roused the sleeping rural towns. The railway workers had their own libraries, amateur theatres, brass bands and so forth. They brought new blood to the areas where they settled. We must, however, note that in Finland the railways were Finnish State Railways and no Russians were serving there. The Finnish and Russian railway networks were connected in St Petersburg after 50 years of existence just before World War I. The HelsinkiSt Petersburg rail belonged to the Finnish government, even the section that went through Russian soil. Dozens of Finnish towns were built with Russian garrisons because of the railways. Almost all of the redbrick barracks, also found here in Kouvola, were built by the Russians just before World War I. The garrisons brought with them their religion, Eastern Orthodoxy, and usually garrisons built churches with onion style cupolas, which were unusual for the majority of Finns. The relations between the Russian garrisons and Finnish civilian populations were usually very good. The workers movement and its extremity, revolutionaries, came to Finland almost entirely via the railway. St Petersburg was the cradle of the Russian Revolution. St. Petersburg had many Finns working in various professions, including the railways. St. Petersburg was often called the second largest Finnish city after Helsinki. The Finnish Civil War in 1918 was a war on railways. It was a battle for railway junctions and railway lines. They were of vital importance for both sides, for the Red revolutionaries and the White Senatelead troops. The White troops finally severed the Reds railway connection to Russia and the Finnish revolution was put to an end.

16

To Encourage Such as Would Travel a Little, to Travel More: Trains, Planes, Cars, History and the Future of Mobility
by Colin Divall
In this article I want to explore how we might use and develop the history of transport (or mobility, to use a currently fashionable term) in ways that stimulate debate about how to move ourselves and our things in future. The urgency of this debate is increasingly obvious, particularly given the pressing threat from climate change and the sizeable contribution made to greenhouse- gas emissions by transport. Although present global economic woes might reduce demand for the time being, we cannot assume that this will prove permanent, unless other measures are taken. Of course, it might be argued that even the threat of climate change does not mean that collectively we must travel less. The UK government, for example, seems determined to allow for more flights by arguing that additional emissions are offset by reductions elsewhere in the economy, perhaps by buying offsets from abroad. Im sceptical about whether this can, or should, be done, but in any case emissions are not the only factor to be considered. Congestion is another, particularly in urban areas, which has of course already seen the successful introduction of road-pricing in London and its rejection by voters elsewhere in the UK. And we should not forget that while access to mechanized transport has generally got cheaper in terms of our wallets, the social benefits are unequally shared, as are the wider socio-environmental costs. If you cannot afford a car or are in some other way barred from automobility perhaps by age or health then you will have to rely on public transport, which in recent decades has tended to become more expensive in the UK. And it is often the poorer members of society that bear the burden of transports externalities the costs imposed on others by transportusers. It is not, for example, the middle-classes who usually live cheek by jowl with the carcinogenic fumes emitted by the diesel engines used by lorries and many buses on urban thoroughfares.

by Colin Divall

17

Of course, the future of mobility is a topic that can be raised purely in the context of present challenges and opportunities, but there are advantages in considering it in relation to history. This is true whether we are talking about debate among the policy elite by which I mean politicians, policy-makers and analysts, pressure groups and so on or among the general public. At the most basic level, people often want a sense of how we find ourselves in our present predicaments witness, for example, this article from the Guardian, a left-ofcentre British newspaper, on how it is going to cost around 45 a millimetre (1000 an inch) to widen one of Britains busiest motorways.[1] This article also signals some of the challenges faced by the media when they look to history. They generally consider only the recent past, and often are not very well-informed even about that. The Guardian cited a handful of questionable statistics and illustrated a picture-postcard dating back to the dawn of Britains motorway age in the late 1950s. But otherwise the analysis only looked back about a decade. I suggest that if we are truly to understand why, for example (as the Guardian puts it), that in the UK, cars are still king, despite efforts to wean people off them. Britain is now one of the most car dependent countries in the world, then we need to take a much longer-term perspective than the past ten years. This is partly a matter of making sure that as scholars we make our work accessible, both in the obvious sense that journalists, policy-makers and so on know about it, and also in the sense that our findings are clearly presented and can be readily understood. Developing appropriate relationships is not easy. Museums, for example, should be able to draw upon academic expertise to help develop exhibitions that stimulate public debate about mobilitys future partly by looking at the past, but it is early days yet and I am not convinced that the sector has yet got it right. I shall return to this theme. It is also clear that in one or two European countries notably The Netherlands government officials are interested in historys potential for policy-making. But these things take time, not least because those with power and academics often speak different languages, and it takes more than a couple of meetings to learn to translate. But time is not on our side. It also important not to overstate what history can offer. On the one hand, academics should be clear about the wish to develop a usable past offering insights into present predicaments. On the other hand, history cannot be a cast-iron guide to the future of our increasing complex world of interacting transport and communication systems. That world is open and inherently unpredictable so historical analysis, no matter how acute and empirically well-grounded, can provide no more than the most general of guides to how transport might develop. Moreover, the kind of comprehensive overview broad-brush history that is often needed to
[1] Guardian (31 July 2007).

18

To Encourage Such as Would Travel a Little, to Travel More: Trains, Planes, Cars, History and the Future of Mobility

stimulate and inform public and policy debates means we shall sometimes have to work with evidence that is good enough for the immediate purpose, even if it does not necessarily meet the standards of proof usually demanded of scholarship. Other things being equal, it is better to have the best comprehension we can of what was going on in the past rather than none, as long as we are clear about the limitations of that knowledge and its sources. Nevertheless history can help us to see how over the long-term, various combinations of social and political power and circumstance shaped choices about transport at the collective and personal levels; how decisions made long ago tend to lock todays societies into particular ways of moving (that is, path dependency); and how even apparently impregnable transport systems can eventually unravel and become obsolete. Who would have predicted, say, as late as 1920 that within 40 years the railways would have been reduced to a comparatively minor role in most European inland-transport systems? At a basic level, history makes us aware that flux and change are the ultimate reality; so we should be foolish to assume, for instance, that we shall always be able to satisfy our apparently insatiable desire for ever-higher levels of mobility delivered at reducing cost to our wallets. Perhaps history can even suggest how by intervening in appropriate ways, we can individually and collectively start to take control of our future mobility.

Towards a cultural history of mobility


Let me put a bit more flesh on the bones of this argument. Some policy analysts and scholars in the cross-disciplinary field of transport studies argue that the difficulties of persuading people to move out of cars and onto public transport, or even to cut back on travelling, is partly the product of deep-set, socially determined attitudes and expectations, not all of which are obvious or amenable to traditional levers of behavioural change such as pricing.[2] The fact that people only cut back their driving a little when the price of petrol soars is suggestive here. And the fact that these attitudes and expectations are deep-set suggests that they have a long history, that in their fundamentals they are reproduced from generation to generation.
[2] E.g. E. Holden, Achieving Sustainable Mobility: Everyday and Leisure-time Travel in the EU (Aldershot & Burlington VT, 2007); L.D. Nielsen, H. Gudmundsson and T.H. Thomsen, Mobility Research A Growing Field of Social Enquiry, in T.U. Thomsen, L.D. Nielsen and H. Gudmundsson, eds, Social Perspectives on Mobility (Aldershot & Burlington VT, 2005), pp.1-7; E. Stern and H.W. Richardson, A New Research Agenda for Modelling Travel Choice and Behaviour, in K.P. Donaghy, S. Poppelreutter and G. Rudinger, eds, Social Dimensions of Sustainable Transport: Transatlantic Perspectives (Aldershot & Burlington VT), 2005, pp.144-63; K. Williams, Spatial Planning, Urban Form and Sustainable Transport: An Introduction, in K. Williams, ed., Spatial Planning, Urban Form and Sustainable Transport (Aldershot & Burlington VT, 2005), pp.1-13; I. Doherty and J. Shaw, eds, A New Deal for Transport? The UKs Struggle with the Sustainable Transport Agenda (Oxford, 2003); J. Hine and J. Preston, eds, Integrated Futures and Transport Choices: UK Transport Policy Beyond the 1998 White Paper and Transport Acts (Aldershot and Burlington VT, 2003); A. Root, ed., Delivering Sustainable Transport: A Social Science Perspective (Amsterdam etc, 2003); G. Vigar, The Politics of Mobility: Transport, Environment and Public Policy (London & New York, 2002), esp. pp.189-220; D. Banister et al, European Transport Policy and Sustainable Mobility (London & New York, 2000), esp. pp.209-31.

by Colin Divall

19

Such values, attitudes and norms are part of our everyday culture, understanding that term in the sense of the total of the inherited ideas, beliefs, values, and knowledge which constitute the shared bases of social action.[3] Obviously peoples attitudes towards mobility make up only a subset of the culture that makes everyday life possible, but it is an important subset and therefore one which is worth knowing more about in historical terms. So a large part of our efforts to construct a usable past should involve writing cultural histories of mobility, a study of the ways in which attitudes towards mobility have changed and also stayed the same. While our attachment to cars might only date back a little over a century, it is not hard to believe that in our more general attitudes towards mobility we are heirs to the kind of culture that led the Victorian historian T.B. Macaulay famously to claim every improvement of the means of locomotion benefits mankind morally and intellectually as well as materially.[4] Such mobility cultures not only inform, consciously or otherwise, our everyday decisions about how we move; they also shape high-level, strategic thinking, as witness this example from the UK Department for Transports publication, Towards a Sustainable Transport System: Supporting Economic Growth in a Low Carbon World: At the international level, the big challenge in terms of CO2 emissions is growth in business travel by air (vital to our competitiveness) and leisure travel (important to peoples quality of life).[5] The comparison here with Macaulay is clear: mobility is a good, for all that its side-effects constitute a problem. One of our jobs as historians is to bring out such cultural continuities between past and present, and to query whether their survival is anything more than the product of a kind of collective amnesia the un- or semi-conscious acceptance of shibboleths. My hunch is that belief in the inherent value of mobility has long been an important part of our sense of self, both individually and collectively, at least here in the West. Indeed, the sociologist John Urry argues that the capacity to move as freely as possible from any form of constraint is both a key resource and a measure of status in an increasingly globalized society. This strikes me as correct, as long as one recognizes (as Urry does) that mobility is only to be valued if one also possesses the freedom notto move.[6] Forced mobility, such as migration, or even, in a less extreme form, commuting for work, can hardly be
[3] Collins English Dictionary, London, 2005. [4] T.B. Macaulay, History of England from the Accession of James II, Vol.1 (n.d. [1849]), chp.3. http://www.gutenberg. org/files/1468/1468-h/1468-h.htm#2HCH0003 (accessed 30 April 2009). [5] DfT, Towards a Sustainable Transport System: Supporting Economic Growth in a Low Carbon World, cm 7226 (2007), p.14. http://www.dft.gov.uk/about/strategy/transportstrategy/pdfsustaintranssystem.pdf (accessed 30 April 2009). [6] J. Urry, Sociology Beyond Societies: Mobilities for the Twenty-First Century(London & New York, 2000).

20

To Encourage Such as Would Travel a Little, to Travel More: Trains, Planes, Cars, History and the Future of Mobility

regarded as desirable in itself. But apart from that qualification, Urrys notion that mobility has become akin to a kind of capital, a capacity which is both desirable in its own right and which affords those with it a kind of social power, is at one with Macaulays characterization of locomotion. Questioning any aspect of a sense of self, whether at the level of an individual or a society, can more often than not provoke strong emotions precisely because identity is not formed through rational considerations alone. This probably goes some way to explaining, for example, the extreme reactions of that minority of motorists who characterize speed cameras as an infringement on (their) freedom of movement. As museologists and public historians have long known, identity is often informed by a sense of a shared past, for all that that past might be one not easily be squared with the best accounts historical scholarship can offer. Indeed the label myth, as long as it is used with caution, is a useful reminder that peoples sense of the past is, as often as not, a very particular reading of history. Thus policy-makers would doubtless find it useful to have a much better understanding of the degree to which the publics attachment to the idea of mobility as a Good Thing is shaped by the long history of the concept in western civilization, and to what extent this attachment turns on a grasp of the past which is more akin to myth than history itself. The key research question here is therefore not to do with history per se, but with the contemporary publics understanding of the cultural history of mobility. A study on these lines would, however, demand not the historians skills but those of the social researcher. But any such project would also need a good understanding of the cultural history of mobility, and this too we lack, at least in English. How far back into the past can we trace the positive evaluation of mobility? Certainly to Enlightenment notions of the self, and back too to the real advantage that freedom of movement gave to those throwing off the yokes of feudal society (Macaulays point, if one takes him in context). The mediaeval right of passage along certain highways, for example, was an important aspect of the development of the civic sphere of freedom of movement and of speech. Acknowledging these deep roots and the intimate connections between ideas of movement and freedom are important if we are to gain widespread acceptance for future forms of mobility that are ecologically sustainable and socially equitable. Such as history would offer a genealogy of our present attitudes towards mobility (and immobility). It would culminate in an explanation as to how and why in capitalist societies, many people treat personal mobility or at least a considerable proportion of it, that which we choose to undertake, or discretionary mobility as an act of consumption. In other words, why we so commonly understand mobility

by Colin Divall

21

as a service, or as a process involving expensive goods, all bought in the marketplace, ideally at a reducing monetary cost? I shall return to this idea of transport as consumption.

Towards a techno-cultural history of mobility


We need to become more specific if we are to engage politicians and the public in serious debate. One possible criticism of cultural history is that it can all too easily veer off into generalities which are not tied to analysis of what is going on in the real world, as it were. We need to make sure that a cultural history of mobility does relate peoples attitudes about movement to their practice. And we should also remember that mobility was, and is, shaped by the material constraints and opportunities presented by transport technologies. I think there are some interesting ways in which we can tie in histories of transport technology to very pertinent research on how individuals today chose how (and whether) to travel. The Danish social scientist Malene Freudendal-Pedersen argues that many people absolve themselves of responsibility for the environmental and other costs they impose on others by referring, consciously or otherwise, to what she calls structural stories.[7] These legitimize choices by making them appear to be inescapable, or at any rate excusable, given the constraints and opportunities of wider society. How, for example, do we justify binge flying over comparatively short distances, or driving a 4x4 in the city? Some people, of course, simply do not care about the costs of such profligate forms of mobility, or to put the case in a more neutral way, they might see their mobility as desirable, a form of conspicuous consumption that affords them a high measure of social prestige. But what of those individuals who feel sufficient guilt to want to offer an excuse? Let me focus here on just one particularly powerful and pervasive kind of structural story. Personal experience and anecdotal evidence alike suggest that stories of progressive technical change can offer convenient excuses. The idea that technology always gets better is a very familiar and well-established story a techno-tale if you like and it comes as no surprise to find it enjoying wide currency in the transport field. On this account, technical change will lead to reductions in the energy consumed by transport, the levels of pollution emitted, enhance the safety of travellers, and so on. So an individual who troubled by the external costs of her or his mobility can assuage themselves with the belief that our technologically driven society will sooner or later make these things better. This sort of rhetoric still enjoys considerable currency among some politicians, and airlines and aircraft- and car-manufacturers are encouraging it at the
[7] M. Freudendal-Pedersen, Structural Stories, Mobility and (Un)freedom, in T.U. Thomsen, L.D. Nielsen and H. Gudmundsson, eds, Social Perspectives on Mobility (Aldershot & Burlington VT, 2005), pp.29-45.

22

To Encourage Such as Would Travel a Little, to Travel More: Trains, Planes, Cars, History and the Future of Mobility

moment by emphasizing in their advertisements the enhanced efficiency of their latest vehicles. Such claims often have clever and solid engineering behind them, and technology does have a part to play in reducing pollutants. But they miss the fundamental point that we live in a society where the all-important total volume of pollutants is increasing thanks to systems of transport and land-use which are generally still geared to encouraging and sometimes requiring longer and more frequent journeys. History plays in important part in techno-tales of progressive change, for these turn on the belief that technology has always (or at least mostly has) delivered: the past is then projected into the future. This is unwise in any case, but one of the historians tasks is to explore just how true it is that technical changes has delivered in the past that is, to reveal the complexities of cause-and-effect that not infrequently have ended up with the technological solution to one problem leading to another, often unanticipated problem elsewhere. Take the example of anti-knock additives lead compounds to petrol, an apparently neat solution to the problem of premature ignition in car engines which decades later came to be recognized as a major threat to public health. Making people aware that technology is rarely, if ever, a simple fix should not stop us looking to technology for part of the answer to the challenges of mobility in the 21st century, but it should give us pause for thought in relying on technology alone. The story of bio-fuels looks as though it will prove a contemporary instance. What modern scholarship brings to the study of technological change is a realization that the criteria against which the success or failure of new technologies are judged are themselves the product of often complex social processes. In short, what it means for a new vehicle or form of transport to be thought of as a Good Thing is to some degree a matter of historical contingency, of the interplay of circumstances with social and political power. Consider, for example, the electric car, now much lauded as a possible technological solution to the challenges of de-carbonizing automobility. The technical obstacles to making the electric car a serious competitor to the internal combustion engine in the present day are well-known the comparatively short-range, the lack of an infrastructure for recharging, and so on. Whether or not they can be surmounted by technical means better batteries and so on is not the issue here. I am interested in what history can tell us about how and why such factors are defined as problems, that is, as something that represents a challenge to the continued (or in this case, renewed) use of the technology. Most of you will know that a hundred years ago the electric car was a serious competitor to the i.c. auto, despite facing similar challenges to those of today. Different forms of propulsion electric, petrol, steam each had particular niches

by Colin Divall

23

where they thrived. The electric car, for example, was well-regarded as an urban runabout (shades of today), thought of as particularly suitable for women because of the ease with which it could be driven, but was by no means restricted to the female market alone. In some cities abroad, for example, electric taxis were a success for many years, not only in technical terms but also as businesses. Why then did the electric car eventually lose out? Partly, as Gijs Mom has shown in his magisterial history, because of rapid technical improvements to the internal combustion engine in the 1900s, 1910s, and beyond.[8] But these improvements were not in themselves knock-out blows, because even with them there were formidable objections to the use of the internal combustion engine in certain circumstances for instance, the city, where exhaust fumes were widely thought objectionable. Just, if not more important, was the cultural work put in by the proponents of the petrol-engined car, work which changed the way that drivers (and others) thought of the technology. The early petrol car was an adventure machine, a toy for the boys in a nutshell, not least because it was unreliable and took a lot of skill to drive and maintain. But before the first world war it became redefined as an all-purpose machine, perhaps not quite as satisfactory as an urban runabout as the electric vehicle, but good enough. This enabled the petrol car to begin to colonize the electric vehicles niche not because the electric car was any the less fit-for-purpose but because it did not have the petrol-engined cars versatility. Versatility came to be valued (for reasons we dont have time to explore) more highly than other characteristics such as low emissions at the point-of-use. What we are perhaps seeing today is a process in which that evaluation is being reversed. And while the technology of today is not that of yesterday, there is a certain irony in the enthusiasm with which ideas such as exchangeable batteries and on-street recharging stations are offered as innovative solutions to the challenges of making the electric car a usable form of urban transport. They all have their close analogues in the early-20th century. This kind of interaction between the technical and the cultural can be found time and time again. Sometimes, as with the electric car, the fundamentals of the technology dont change, but our attitudes to it do. The tram is another good example, condemned as obsolescent, if not yet quite obsolete, in the UK by the Royal Commission on Transport in 1931 partly because trams took road space from other vehicles (private autos), and yet now lauded at least by the trams proponents for precisely the same reason. With other transport modes, it sometimes takes significant changes to key technical characteristics to produce a radically different understanding of the vehicles potential use. Take the civilian aeroplane, which as Peter Lyth argues in
[8] G.P.A. Mom, trans. J. Wormer, The Electric Vehicle: Technology and Expectations in the Electric Age (Baltimore MD, 2004).

24

To Encourage Such as Would Travel a Little, to Travel More: Trains, Planes, Cars, History and the Future of Mobility

the 1920s and early 1930s struggled to define its role in a Europe in which the train provided a service that was just as quick, city-centre to city-centre, on many routes, or where the advantages of a quicker journey was more than offset for many users by the planes lack of safety and comfort. These aircraft tried to ape the comfortable interiors of upmarket trains and ships because planes had not yet developed such an advantage in terms of speed to make it commercially possible to try anything new. However, with the success of the streamlined DC-2 in the 1934 London-Melbourne air race, a new era was born, one in which the planes advantage in terms of speed, coupled with increased reliability, meant that passengers were more willing to sacrifice the traditional comforts.[9] In sum, these examples suggest that transports technological and cultural realms are far from separate indeed, that we can only properly understand the one if we attend to the other. What we need is more techno-cultural history of mobility.

Suggestions for future research


How might we develop this kind of history in line with the needs of wider publics orientated towards the mobility choices of the 21st century? Histories that emphasize users perspectives have the advantage of addressing the kinds of questions that concern the public How could I have travelled in the past?, How did other people move?, What effect did it have on the way people lived?, Why does that way of moving things still affect us today?, What can we learn about how to do things differently?. Although I have suggested the value of looking back at least as far as the mediaeval period, on a less ambitious scale the 20th century is of great importance in understanding current attitudes to, and patterns of, mobility. One purpose in doing so is to point to historical alternatives to the way that things actually turned out, to help reveal cracks in the techno-tales and other structural stories that people tell themselves It didnt have to be like that: and it doesnt now. I have just suggested a couple of topics where existing histories have already taken this approach, and if we are to be serious about developing a usable past then we should do well to consider just how much can be done by reconfiguring the fruits of old labour. But there are under-researched areas of great potential, particularly those where the market ethos was not so clearly established. A good example is the environment, although the few historical examples of which I am aware show that this is not because people were indifferent to pollution, landscape degradation and so on. The nuisance caused by early steam locomotives, particularly in the urban environment, is well-known, as are the objections of some landowners to railway
[9] P. Lyth, Fast Forward: Speed, Streamlining and National Pride, 1912-1952, in R. Roth and K. Schlgel, eds, Neue Wege in ein Neues Europa: Geschichte und Verkehr im 20. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt & New York, 2009), pp.321-37.

by Colin Divall

25

construction on the grounds of loss of amenity, but there is room for a lot more work on how certain other environmental aspects of transport came to be defined as a problem whilst others were not. Contrast, for example, the objections to railway building to the comparative ease with which Britains first motorway (the one now so expensively to be reconstructed) was threaded through the crowded landscape in the late 1950s with surprisingly little protest about the environmental and other consequences. The historical geographer Pete Merriman has recently written on the latter subject.[10] Perhaps too we could look more often outside Europe and consider how the histories of techno-cultures of southern countries for instance, the hand-, cycle- and motor-rickshaws of the Indian sub-continent might help bring radical alternatives to car-based mobility to public attention. And where are the histories of freight? My own work is built on the hunch that in the UK the four decades before the second world war were when the popular cultural if not the political battle for auto-mobilization was won. If I am right, the inter-war years in particular were highly significant as the precursor of the mass-motorization that followed from the 1950s. The fact that in 1939 the train and the bus, along with walking and non-motorized forms of transport such as the bicycle, were almost certainly the dominant forms of everyday mobility was not a reliable guide to the publics expectations their mobility cultures. Though I am reluctant to study a single mode of transport in isolation from others, my colleagues and I focus on the railways. We are trying to understand how the British railway companies tried to maintain the image of railway travel as a desirable kind of mobility in the face of road and air competition. You will be hearing more tomorrow about how we are tying the history of the promotion of rail-based mobility with mainstream histories of consumerism in Britain, most of which do not engage with transport as anything more than a means of moving people and things to sites of consumption such as shops, cinemas and sporting events. By contrast, British historians such as Sean OConnell and, more recently, Craig Horner and David Jeremiah, argue that we can only understand the growing popularity of automobility in Britain from 1900 if we take note of the ways in which manufacturers, the emerging motoring press, and motorists themselves understood motoring as a set of technologies and practices to be consumed. The market for automobility was one in which men (and increasingly women) could establish their social identity and status through their choices of vehicles and the ways in which they used them.[11] We should think more about railways on these lines which is partly why I call rail-based mobility railing, by analogy with motoring.

[10] P. Merriman, Driving Spaces: A Cultural-Historical Geography of Englands M1 Motorway (Oxford, 2007). [11] S. OConnell, The Car and British Society: Class, Gender and Motoring, 1896-1939 (Manchester & New York, 1998); David Jeremiah, Representations of British Motoring (Manchester & New York, 2007).

26

To Encourage Such as Would Travel a Little, to Travel More: Trains, Planes, Cars, History and the Future of Mobility

The railway companies of the early-20th century were well aware of the aspirational value of mobility in a consumer market. Indeed they had been contributing to the growth of that market since at least the 1870s, when the Midland Railway adopted the kind of business model we are familiar with today from the so-called low-cost airlines high volumes of passengers each yielding a low profit. The railways Ryanair moment, to borrow Tim Leunigs phrase, meant that they had to make sure that the volume was there if they were to make money, and this in turn meant that they had to encourage people to make journeys that they otherwise would not have done. By the first world war, as Douglas Knoop, then lecturer in economics at the University of Sheffield, put matters, all the major railway companies had adopted measures designed to induce people, who would otherwise not do so, to travel by rail, and to encourage such as would travel a little, to travel more.[12] Low fares were an important part of this culture of persuasion, but were not enough to get people to travel. As a consequence the companies were arguably leaders in the art of place marketing, and they also became increasingly concerned to sell the idea of travelling by train as itself a mark of social distinction. I sometime hear grumbles that on the modern privatized railway in the UK we are no longer passengers but customers, but this is nothing new. Certainly by the 1920s the language of selling transport to our customers was commonplace within the railways commercial departments, and some contemporary estimates reckoned that by the 1930s more than half of railway travel was discretionary. Indeed, I suggest that todays train operating companies are still very much driven by the same kinds of imperatives they are profit-seeking bodies and the kinds of techniques they use to persuade us to travel unnecessarily are merely more sophisticated versions of those used by their Victorian, Edwardian and inter-war predecessors.

Using the usable past in museums


Can any of these ideas be developed into museum exhibitions which encourage visitors to weave stories about how transports past with the intention of sparking debate about the future of mobility? Transport museums are just beginning to do this, notably the refurbished London Transport Museum.[13] It takes visitors on a journey through 200 years of transports contribution to Londons standing as a world-class city. The final, quite sizeable section of the museum through which all visitors must pass looks at the roles that Londons public transport might play in future, both in terms reducing carbon emissions and congestion, and encouraging urban regeneration. At its core is the imperative of addressing climate change, requiring hard thinking about how much and what kind of urban mobility we can afford. Public transport is presented as a key to both
[12] D. Knoop, Outlines of Railway Economics (London, 1913), p.235. [13] C. Divall, The London Transport Museum, Technology & Culture 49/4 (October 2008): 1010-17.

by Colin Divall

27

sustainable mobility and urban regeneration. The overall tone is perhaps a little too didactic to be truly engaging, but interactives provide opportunities to reflect on different scenarios for the future, depending on how strictly, and by what means, carbon emissions are controlled technological fixes are not the only option. I very much welcome this initiative, but Im not convinced that the museum has quite got things right. There is a disconnection between this final part of the museum and the wholly historical displays that precede it. Fundamentally, this is an intellectual disconnection the futures section makes little or no reference back to the historical displays through which visitors have already passed (although Images from the London Transport Museum of course it is entirely possible Photos: Matthew Black (up) and Paul Barker Hemings Creative Commons via Flickr.com that some visitors make these connections for themselves). Nevertheless the LT Museums approach gives us something to build on as we try to weave the kind of history that I have been sketching today in to a new generation of exhibitions. These displays will encourage visitors to understand the structural stories and techno-tales that help to shape our choices about mobility by taking them through a series of selected encounters with the past. These encounters will, in part, suggest to our visitors that the past could have been otherwise, that it involved our predecessors in constrained choices about how to move, so that we start to disrupt visitors sense of the inevitable march of history and suggest to them that the future, while always shaped by the past, is also open to new directions. Let me then finish with a sketch of how a new phase of the research I have just been describing will result in an exhibition highlighting the disjuncture between historical mobility cultures and the kind of values and attitudes that we

28

To Encourage Such as Would Travel a Little, to Travel More: Trains, Planes, Cars, History and the Future of Mobility

arguably need today if we are to minimize carbon emissions. My argument is that, despite the many frustrations and disappointments of the actual experience, our present-day thinking about the train is still shaped by a structural story with a long history about the desirability of travelling by train and that this is a narrative about which we should be thinking much more carefully when we individually and collectively make choices about travelling. In a nutshell, the exhibition will present visitors with a sharp contrast between 120 years or more of a marketing culture that says more travel is good with one that says perhaps less is good. Please note that I am not suggesting that the exhibition will say that an anti-mobility culture is an appropriate response to the challenge of climate change merely that it is something that we should consider. My hope is that by contrasting the long history of railway marketing with a possible scenario in which excessive mobility is frowned upon, visitors might be encouraged to think a little about why it is that we are so keen to travel more and more. I hope this doesnt all sound too worthy and didactic, for that is likely to be a turn-off for most visitors. I envisage the exhibition suggesting to visitors the growing power of the railways branding and marketing by taking them on a journey through five time zones, four historical and one in the future. The first will be set ca 1840, when advertising was minimal, while the next three relate to critical periods in the history of railway marketing the 1880s, when marketing started to take off, the inter-war years when it intensified in response to the first wave of road competition, and the 1960s and 1970s when the railways responded to the growth of the motorway network and domestic aviation. While conventional graphic panels will provide introductory, top-level interpretation in each section, the main experience will be immersive. In each zone visitors will enter a space designed to sell travel, such as a booking hall or travel agency. They will seek out marketing materials and learn more about them and their historical context through object-specific labelling which also directs the truly curious to resources elsewhere in the NRM (chiefly in the open-access study area). In each zone visitors will be able to buy tickets for particular journeys, underlining the reducing monetary costs of certain kinds of travel. The futuristic space will reverse these expectations by surrounding visitors with marketing discouraging travel links could be made here to advertising in the second world war and only offering them the chance to buy a ticket paid for in expensive carbon credits. Please visit the NRM sometime in 2012 when the exhibition should be open!

by Colin Divall

29

Concluding remarks
Let me conclude with what I hope are some obvious points, and a few words on where all this might lead us in the future. In the first place, we are, as a society and in many cases as individuals too, very attached to the idea and practice of moving ourselves (and our goods) around, and our propensity to do in particular ways using particular technologies cannot adequately be explained just in terms of the functional utility of one transport mode over another, or indeed in terms of comparative economics. It is partly to do with culture and identity, with our sense, whether in Britain, the other rich countries of the north, and increasingly in the rapidly developing countries of the south such as Brazil, China and India, that more-or-less unconstrained mobility is a greatly valued part of what we are. The patterns to the way we move today, and the technologies we use to this end, are all partly shaped by the collective and individual choices made in the past, choices that themselves were informed by historic cultures of mobility. Granted that we cannot continue indefinitely with our increasingly energyintensive mobile lifestyles, we have hard decisions ahead that will force us to rethink our relationship to mobility and the means we use to achieve it. All of this suggests that as academics part of what we should be doing is researching how and why these cultures of mobility emerged, evolved and reproduced. Such a history also needs to connect past ideas and ideals about mobility to the ways in which transport was actually used. All of this needs to be done with the goal of making the continuing influence of historic mobility cultures more obvious. In turn this might help to spark discussion and debate which is more informed about the ways in which the past shapes present thinking, perhaps even leading to policies for change that enjoy widespread public support. Am I optimistic that this will happen? Not very. Time is short, and apparently getting shorter, and there is a lot to do even in intellectual terms. Add the organizational and political complexities of what needs to be done, and the situation looks even tougher. On the other hand, other aspects of social policy, such as the ban on smoking in public places, shows that radical changes in public opinion and behaviour can be effected fairly quickly. But such tipping points, for all that they happen suddenly and might appear to come out of the blue, are usually the culmination of lengthy periods of not only expert but also public or semi-public debate. In the field of transport, there are plenty of influential voices bemoaning the inadequacies of Britains transport, but few, particularly in government circles, are yet willing to say that more mobility is not always a Good Thing. My position is that mobility is neither inherently Good nor Bad but nor it is neutral. We historians can inform debate about how we move in the future, but in the final analysis change is, of course, a matter of both politics and personal choice.

30

The Presentation of an Ambivalent History: a Chinese Railway Museums Perspective


by Xiaoli Wu

Railway History in China


The railway, as a pioneering symbol of industrial civilization and a facilitator of modernization, came to China when China was forced to open up to foreign powers by military threats and unequal treaties. The building of railways was an important means for the foreign powers to expand their economic and political interests. So the early modern history of railways in China combines the theme of modernization and the theme of preserving sovereignty, and Chinese tend to feel ambivalent to it. 1876 is the starting point in the history of rail transport in China. In this year the first railway, Wusong railway, built by British merchants, began its service. But it was demolished a year later. Then 1881 saw the completion of the Tang Xu railway, the first railway built by Chinese. Before 1889 when Qing emperor Guangxu recognized building railways as a national policy, their development had been facing a great difficulty because of the opposition from most of the officials in the Qing government. However, by the end of the Qing dynasty, about 9,600 km of railways had been built, of which 9,200 km had been built after the defeat of the first Sino-Japanese war. Of the total 9,600 km, 41% had been built and run directly by foreign powers, and 39% were controlled by foreign powers through railway loans. [1] In 1949, the year of the founding of the Peoples Republic of China, China
[1] Yuan, Weishi, Jiannan de Jiegui[The difficult integration], Jingji Guancha Bao[Observations of Economics], 20067-3.

by Xiaoli Wu

31

claimed 24,000 km of railways.[2] Today the number has increased to 80,000 km. But divided by a huge population, the per capita rail is only 6 cm, no longer than a cigarette. Though Chinese boast the most efficient rail transport in the world, its low per capita rate puts much constraint on economic growth. The Chinese government therefore recently adjusted its mid-long term railway development plan and is determined to extend the railways to 120,000 km by 2020.

Railway Museums in Mainland China


The building of railway museums in China did not start until recent years. There are altogether 4 main museums now: the China Railway Museum based in Beijing; Shanghai Railway Museum, Yunnan Railway Museum and the Museum of the Chinese Eastern Railway, which were started in 2002, 2004, 2004 and 2009 respectively. Therere also plans to build railway museums in Nanjing and Wuhan. In the China Railway Museum, only the exhibition hall of locomotive and rolling stock is open to the public, where 78 locomotives and rolling stock of different historical periods are exhibited. The opening of the comprehensive exhibition hall, where were supposed to see the centurial history of railway development in China, has been delayed due to the lack of funds. Shanghai Railway Museum and Yunnan Railway Museum mainly demonstrate their regional histories of railway development during the past 100 and more years. The focus of Yunnan Railway Museum is the Yunnan-Vietnam railway built by the French in 1903-1910. The museum of the Chinese Eastern Railway in Inner Mongolia, as the name tells, is dedicated to a particular railwaythe Chinese Eastern railway, built by the Russians in 1897-1901, as the extension of the trans-Siberia railway. The history of the railway before 1949 is an uneasy one, fraught with difficulties and bitterness. That is why the railway museums always officially announce two social functions: first to promote general science education but also as part of patriotism education for teenagers, which resonates the two themes--modernization and preserving sovereignty in the early modern history of railway in China. The building of Yunnan-Vietnam railway is a big story and the history of the Chinese Eastern railway is even more complicated. In this essay Ill focus on a relatively small case, and try to show how the history of the Wusong railway is presented, and how the way it is presented reflects or not reflects the academic approaches or public mentality in this field.

[2] Wang, Xiaohua and Li Zhancai, Jiannan Yansheng de Minzuo Tielu [The railways difficultly extended in the Republic period), Zhengzhou: Henan Peoples Press,1993, p320

32

The Presentation of an Ambivalent History: a Chinese Railway Museums Perspective

The Case of the Wusong Railway and The Study of Relating Issues
Connecting Shanghai and Wusong town (now Baoshan district of Shanghai) by the Yangtze River, the 14.5 km of the Wusong railway was the first railway ever built and run in China. The initiative was taken by US vice consul in Shanghai in 1872. The land was bought in the name of building a normal road. Later the undertaking was transferred to the British and the building of a narrow gauge railway was arranged by Jardine, Matheson and Company (Yihe Yanghang). When the local and central officials of the Qing government found out this deceit, they approached the British consul trying to stop it through diplomatic means, but they failed in their goal. Part of the railway was completed and started its service in July, 1876. A month later a passerby was knocked down and killed by the train. Local officials used this accident to break the stalemate and in the resumed bargaining, the Qing government bought the railway at a high price (nearly double of the original investment). In October, 1877 the railway was paid off, and was dismantled. The rails, locomotives and rolling stocks were transported to Taiwan for a later aborted plan to build a railway there. [3] It may be necessary to add that 22 years later a railway called the Song Hu railway was built by the government, approximately along the old road site of Wusong railway, using 1/3 of the original road bed. The research of the early modern history of the railways in China is the most active part of railway research in Chinese mainland. The railway policy of the Late Qing government, the railway foreign debts, the Chinese-merchant-sponsored railways, getting-railway-back movements and protecting railway movements as well as the social, economic and cultural effects that railways had brought about, are the main subjects of the past 20 years in this field. Given the ambivalent nature of this history, a lot of issues are controversial. The construction and dismantlement of the Wusong railway has become a famous event in the history of the railways both home and abroad. It involves three parties: foreign merchants and diplomats, officials of the Qing government and local people. In the 1840s, since the British made their way into China by war and treaties, building railways in China to open up markets and resources had been a dream of British merchants (such as lines from Calcutta to Guangzhou, from Burma to Yunnan, or from Kelung mine to the port in Taiwan). After another war (1856-60) between the British-French joint army and the Qing dynasty, more trading ports were opened and foreign merchants and diplomats began to suggest or request the Qing government to build railways.
[3] For more details see Wusong Kaibu Bainian [One hundred years since the opening of Wusong ], edited by the Difangzhi office of Baoshan district, Shanghai, Shanghai: News and Press Bureau of Shanghai, 1998

by Xiaoli Wu

33

In the case of the Wusong railway, the motive behind the initiative was the enormous economic interests. Shanghai became the biggest trading port in China from the 1860s. Wusong town was located in an area where the Yangtze River joined the sea. It served as a distributing centre of goods and was also not far away from the British and American common concessions. A railway here was supposed to make double profits: from railway operation as well as foreign trade expansion. Before 1876, the Qing government turned down several suggestions and requests by foreigners for railway building for three major reasons. First, railways would only be of benefit to the foreigners who could use them for trading or army transportation (while the Qing government had long not been interested in foreign trade since a self-sufficient economy was basically doing well); Second, the construction of railways would do harm to local people by occupying farm land, pulling down tombs, removing houses and destroying Feng Shui.[4] Third, railways would make people who were traditionally involved in the service of transportation and hostels along the lines lose their jobs.[5] To the foreigners the officials often talked about the latte two reasons and they might sound like excuses, but it was out of the Confucian ethics and social order that such reasons could be raised, namely, the respect even worship of the ancestors, the idealized harmonious relationship between human and nature, and a concern for the poor of the society.[6] In Chinese current mainstream historical discourse, the western merchants and officials fall into the category of imperialist powers, and the Qing government is criticized for her short sightedness and inability to see the railways great potential for social progress. Pro-modernization officials, especially Li Hongzhangs vision, are recorded and praised. Li welcomed western industrial technology and stated in 1867 that railways or telegraphs would be good as long as the sovereignty was in the hands of Chinese. In 1874, the Japanese invaded Taiwan and the Qing government had to consider building a navy. Li Hongzhang suggested to the government that besides a navy, railways were also a must for the defense. Moreover, if the country wanted to strengthen herself, it was a must for China to accumulate wealth through modern industry as the western countries had done. Li was the first official in the Qing government to make suggestions for the building of railways by Chinese themselves.[7]
[4] Feng Shui literally means Wind-Water. Its an ancient Chinese knowledge system which is believed to use the laws of both Heaven (astronomy) and Earth (geography) to help one improve life by receiving positive life energy. According to Feng Shui, the locations, surroundings and directions of ones house and ancestors tombs are connected with the fortune of him and his offspring. [5] Li, Zhancai (ed.), Zhongguo Tielu Shi [The Railway History of China](1876-1949), Shantou: Shantou University Press,1994, p61-63 [6] For this point see David Pong, Confucian Patriotism and the Destruction of Wusong Railway, 1877, Modern Asian Studies, vol.7, No.4 (1973) [7] Li, Zhancai (ed.), Zhongguo Tielu Shi [The Railway History of China](1876-1949), Shantou: Shantou University Press,1994, p62-64

34

The Presentation of an Ambivalent History: a Chinese Railway Museums Perspective

There are also scholars who tend to see more positive effects of foreign merchants request made before the first Sino-Japanese war, as railways would benefit the trading of both sides. In their opinion, some foreign officials in the Qing government and foreign diplomats also gave good advice to the Qing government, which should not be regarded as imperialist plots.[8] With regard to the Wusong railway event, scholars have generally been in favor of the officials efforts including repurchasing the railway for the sake of sovereignty. But the dismantlement has been controversial. In fact, Shen Baozhen, the Viceroy of Liangjiang who gave this order, was criticized by Li Hongzhang privately, right at the time of dismantling. Li had suggested that Chinese merchants be put in charge of the railway and continue its service. It was considered that the reason behind Shens order was mainly political, that the operation of the Wusong railway would be a bad example for other foreign powers to follow, to impose such fait accompli on China. However, the scholars usually express their regret at the dismantlement, as it was a great waste.[9]Some criticize Shens order as narrowminded nationalism and therefore he should be responsible for the delay in railway building and consequently the progress of Chinese modernization.[10] There are also scholars who have tried to understand Shens dilemma. Regarding the dismantlement, apart from political considerations there are other reasons. As Viceroy of Liang-Jiang and Commissioner of Trade for the Southern Ports, Shen was among the advocates of modernization and had just completed an eight year term as the director-general of the Fuzhou Navy Yard. In a letter to a colleague, he wrote that he could not agree more to build railways but Wusong wasnt the right place. Though the train was not permitted to carry commercial goods it was equipped with freight trunks. A railway between Shanghai and Wusong would finally make Wusong a port of shipment and discharge for foreign goods, which was very likely to facilitate smuggling and the evasion of custom duties, while duties were a main source of the government revenue. If the line was used only for passenger transportation it might lose money (This was proved to be a wrong estimate later). Actually the Wusong railway was mainly used for a pleasure trip and regarded by the chief official of Shanghai authorityDaotai Feng Junguang as useless. Feng, also a pro-modernization official, was another key role in the event. He had suggested removing the Wusong railway to a coal mine or somewhere to turn useless into useful. At this juncture another official of the modernizer group Ding Richang requested the government to remove the
[8] Yuan, Weishi, Jiannan de Jiegui[The difficult integration], Jingji Guancha Bao[Observations of Economics], 20067-3 [9] Li, Zhancai (ed.), Zhongguo Tielu Shi [The Railway History of China](1876-1949), Shantou: Shantou University Press,1994, p64-65 [10] Yuan, Weishi, Jiannan de Jiegui[The difficult ], Jingji Guancha Bao[Observations of Economics], 2006-7-3; Ma, Changlin and Zhou Limin, Wusong Tielu de Chaichu Jiqi Yingxiang[The dismantlement of the Wusong Railway and the effects], Dangan yu Shiliao[Documents and Historical Materials], No.3, 2002

by Xiaoli Wu

35

Wusong railway to Taiwan and it suggested a solution to Shens dilemma. Before the Wusong railway event Shen already considered the building of Taiwan railway for the sake of defense. A railway in Taiwan island also would do all the good without the adverse impact of foreign penetration. So Shen gave his support immediately. But the plan to build the Taiwan railway was aborted due to Dings death. Now most people just know that the Wusong railway was dismantled only to be abandoned.[11] Ordinary peoples attitudes towards railway have also aroused academic interest among the researchers studying early modern railway history. The Wusong railway provided a prominent case in this regard. That the construction of railway is to peoples inconvenience had been an important justification for the Qing government to oppose any railway building. In the negotiation of the Wusong railway this was also a strong point made by the Shanghai local government. The westerners, however, said that people were very willing to be hired for the construction and the spectators were also very excited to see the train running. What were local peoples real attitudes has been controversial ever since. A recent paper tries to see the local people as farmers along the line and non-agricultural city dwellers. Shanghai was basically a composite society made up of farmers and merchants from outside. When the railway was under planning, it was the farmers along the line who were stakeholders. Their attitudes were not uniformly happy or unhappy. Since the foreign merchants offered a suitable price for the land and offered to hire them for the work with a promise that the line would go round the houses and tombs, generally these people didnt oppose the railway construction. It was true that there was some opposition, and some people did oppose it due to Feng Shui considerations, but most of the others, however, opposed out of economic reasons, such as the land price not being as high as their expectations. But at the railway operation stage, the railway was not of much practical use to the farmers. Instead, it caused much inconvenience to their everyday life and labor (for example, the farms were separated by the railway and fences, the waterway blocked by low bridges, etc). So the opposition and conflicts increased greatly. In sum, their attitudes were more based on practical reasons than a traditional Feng Shui perspective or national consciousness as some scholars assumed before.

[11] Shen, Luning, Shen Baozhen yu Wusong Tielu[Shen Baozhen and the Wusong Railway], Shen Baozhen Shengping yu Sixiang Yanjiu: Shen Baozhen Xun Tai 130 Zhounian Xueshu Yantaohui Lunwenji[The life and thoughts of Shen Baozhen: the proceedings of the conference on 130 anniversary of Shen Baozhens inspection of Taiwan], 2004

36

The Presentation of an Ambivalent History: a Chinese Railway Museums Perspective

The city dwellers, especially the commercial community of Shanghai and Wusong, generally were happy with the construction and operation of the Wusong railway and this became the mainstream attitude of Shanghai. Before the operation, there were literati expressing their unease about the possible adverse impacts of the railway to the livelihood of people like boatmen and carters. But with the operation of the railway and its advantages emerging, these people gave up their worries and switched to a more positive attitude. People were enthusiastic to take the train for an excursion. When the government purchased the railway, 145 Chinese merchants signed a petition to ask for the continuation of the service mainly because of the rising price of the land along the line. Most Shanghai city dwellers were regretful to see that the railway had been dismantled.[12] The difference between what the railway means to rural people and urban people has not dissolved completely even today. Around 1999 my colleagues studied 8 villages along the Nan-Kun line (a railway connecting Guangxi, Guizhou and Yunnan provinces in south-west China). In different periods when the railway was under construction and in operation, we looked at the middle section which goes through an ethnic groups inhabited area and is very poor. The villagers benefited from the jobs provided by railway construction, and the railway also extended their conceptions of time and space and added new dimensions to their life, but in a place where subsistence economy dominated, the operation of the railway seldom saw the villagers using it as a means of transportation. Though this railway line was taken by the planners as a great up-lifting project for the poor areas along it, the nature of the villagers economic and cultural life did not change much. My point here is that when we celebrate the achievement of modernization, we should have in mind that the distribution of the benefit is not even. Back to the history, if we could say that common people welcomed or objected to the railway mainly out of practical reasons, it was the pro-modernization officials, (and later the gentry and merchants at the turn of the 20th century), who first felt the tension and tried to keep balance between modernization and patriotism. Some English-speaking scholars who have studied Li Hongzhang, Shen Baozhen and the like posited a term of Confucian patriotism, which implies, among others, a solicitude for the security and independence of the land and people, a strong reaction against foreign encroachment on Chinese territorial and administrative integrity.[13] . However, as the case of Wusong railway shows, balance between modernization and Confucian patriotism could not be easily kept.

[12] Sun, Changfu and Chen Yunxi, Cong Minzhong Taidu Kan Wusong Tielu de Xingfei[Public attitudes and the rise and fall of the Wusong Railway], Open Times, No.1, 2005 [13] Pong, David, Confucian Patriotism and the Destruction of Wusong Railway, 1877.Modern Asian Studies, vol.7, No.4, 1973.

by Xiaoli Wu

37

The Museums Presentation of the History of the Wusong Railway


In Shanghai Railway Museum, the exhibition about Wusong Railway mainly consists of historical materials (photos, newspaper reports, prints, utensils, etc.), locomotive model and other illustrations. The general prelude says: The information and knowledge of the railway came to China around 1840. At the beginning the railway building faced strong opposition due to the fatuity and blindness and the closing up policy of the Qing government, while the western powers tried all kinds of means to snatch and carve up the railway sovereignty in order to extend their power from the coastal areas to the interior. The railways of China started with great difficulty. The outline of the story of the Wusong railway was written, while no names are mentioned nor the reason for the dismantlement or the fate of the dismantled rail. Photos and charters show the rapid development of the trading of Shanghai port. The only Chinese historical character presented here is Li Hongzhang, the leading character of the modernizer group in the Qing government. His portrait is showed and his thought about building railway as long as China is holding sovereignty cited. Li participated in the Wusong railway negotiation and suggested that government buy the railway back and have Chinese merchants manage it. But as Viceroy and commissioner of the north he was not directly in charge of this event, while Shen Baozhen who was responsible for this isnt presented here. Other historical materials exhibited here include two photos: one shows the newly assembled locomotive and Chinese workers and 2 western engineers, another was taken on the spot of people coming to see the spectacle on the railway opening day. Reports and railway timetable on the newspaper are also exhibited. Then the photos of some historical writings: a later book (published in 1935) about transport history mentions the petition of the 145 merchants requesting the maintenance of the railway service and the Viceroys rejection of it; another book by an official talks about the difficulties during Chinese merchant-financed railway development. Besides these historical materials, there is an oil painting and a synthetic work made for this exhibition. The painting portrays the ceremony of laying the rail track. Mrs. Morrison, wife of the general engineer, is hammering the first spike. This is the only western name presented in the exhibition. We see the western ladies in the centre whose red and pink dresses warmly colour the painting, the western gentlemen (an engineer, a merchant and a diplomat you might guess) and a priest with a crossthe important elements of western civilization present in China at that timethen Chinese merchants who have the same expression as the foreigners,

38

The Presentation of an Ambivalent History: a Chinese Railway Museums Perspective

and laborers ready to help. Everyone looks happy. The synthetic work is made up of posed photos and a model of the first locomotive introduced in China. It shows the newly assembled locomotive by the name of Pioneer, with 6 Chinese workers and two western engineers. It is based on a historical photo that is also exhibited. Compared to the photo (Picture 7) it is visually clearer that the locomotive is the hero. To summarize, we see the busy port and the prosperity of the trade, peoples welcome of the railway and their failed hope to preserve it. Were abstractly informed that the Qing government is fatuous and blind (one may relate that to the demolition), that the western powers try to snatch and carve up rail sovereignty for their good. However, the central message is given by the two art works: They describe the historical moments relating to rail and locomotive. So in the heart what is exhibited is more a history of the introduction of modern technology and the ideological burden fades into the background. That is a way to present an ambivalent history to the public today, and is the result of the negotiation between different academic understandings and official narrative, as such official exhibition is always the case. If modernization and preserving sovereignty are the double themes The prelude, the map of the Wusong Railway and the scene of the Shanghai beach in 1860s. of the historical narrative, and if general science education and patriotic education are the double official functions of the museums, the former gets more emphasis in practice. It echoes the more and more openness of the academic attitude, the public mentality and the official orientation, and it is welcome. However, with the theme of modernization highlighted, sometimes, as this case shows, historical complexity is neglected and dichotomous historical narrative of the conservative vs. the progressive is reinforced, more or less. This historical complexity would have been better displayed if Shen Baozhens dilemma or the farmers attitudes could be presented.

by Xiaoli Wu

39

Shanghai port, beach in the middle of 1890s, Cargo from the western ships and the photo of Li Hongzhang.

Historical photos, the reports of the opening ceremony of the railway and the timetable on the Shen Bao (Newspaper of Shanghai)

40

The Presentation of an Ambivalent History: a Chinese Railway Museums Perspective

Historical documents and writings

An oil painting

by Xiaoli Wu

41

A synthetic work

Original photo as reference of the synthetic work

42

The Presentation of an Ambivalent History: a Chinese Railway Museums Perspective

Bibliography
Difangzhi office of Baoshan district, Shanghai (ed.), Wusong Kaibu Bainian [One hundred years since the opening of Wusong ], Shanghai: News and Press Bureau of Shanghai, 1998 Li, Zhancai (ed.), Zhongguo Tielu Shi [The Railway History of China](1876-1949), Shantou: Shantou University Press,1994 Ma, Changlin and Zhou Limin, Wusong Tielu de Chaichu Jiqi Yingxiang[The dismantlement of the Wusong Railway and the effects], Dangan yu Shiliao[Documents and Historical Materials], No.3, 2002 Pong, David, Confucian Patriotism and the Destruction of Wusong Railway, 1877, Modern Asian Studies, vol.7, No.4 (1973) Shen, Luning, Shen Baozhen yu Wusong Tielu[Shen Baozhen and the Wusong Railway], Shen Baozhen Shengping yu Sixiang Yanjiu: Shen Baozhen Xun Tai 130 Zhounian Xueshu Yantaohui Lunwenji[The life and thoughts of Shen Baozhen: the proceedings of the conference on 130 anniversary of Shen Baozhens inspection of Taiwan], 2004 Sun, Changfu and Chen Yunxi, Cong Minzhong Taidu Kan Wusong Tielu de Xingfu[Public attitudes and the rise and fall of the Wusong Railway], Open Times, No.1, 2005 Wang, Xiaohua and Li Zhancai, Jiannan Yanshen de Minzuo Tielu [The railways difficultly extended in the Republic period), Zhengzhou: Henan Peoples Press, 1993 Yuan, Weishi, Jiannan de Jiegui[The difficult integration], Jingji Guancha Bao[Observations of Economics], 2006-7-3

43

Development of Railway Transport in the Historical and Social Prospects in Russia


by Igor Kiselev

St. Petersburg State Transport University The Oldest Transport University of Russia
Formation and development of railway transport in Russia is inseparable from the history of Saint-Petersburg state Transport University one of the oldest higher polytechnic educational institutions of the transport industry. The University has 10 faculties, the Institute of advanced training and further occupational training; several research centres. The University has its divisions and offices in several cities. In Saint Petersburg the University campus is situated in the very centre of the city. There are 19 buildings for classes and laboratories in one block here. More than 13,000 students are trained at the University, more than 7,000 students study day time. The training of evening and extra mural students is conducted at the dedicated faculties. The list of faculties characterizes the wide range of training: the Mechanical faculty mechanical complexes and systems, railway rolling stock: railway cars, diesel locomotives, automobiles, tractors, road machines, excavation machines. The faculty of Bridges and Tunnels - design and building of bridges, transport tunnels and metro systems, civil and industrial engineering. The Railway Building Faculty- design and construction of railways and motor roads, industrial transport, water supply and sewage, environmental protection. Railway Operation Faculty - railway operation, including transport logistics, passenger and railway consigner service. The faculty of Economics and Social management - financial management, marketing, economics of transport and building, personnel work in transport and building companies. Electric mechanical faculty - electric mechanical complexes, electric traction drive, rolling stock of electrified railways, i.e. electric

44

Development of Railway Transport in the Historical and Social Prospects in Russia

locomotives and motor car trains. Electric Engineering faculty computer information systems, automatic operation and safety systems, railway signalling, electric communication, including fibre-optic systems and radio communication. The academic staff of 53 departments is more than 900 persons, including 120 professors. More than 600 academics have scientific degrees. During two centuries of its existence more than 100,000 engineers graduated from the University. The largest part of them worked and works in the transport section. The University has various scientific links with transport and building companies in Petersburg and Russia. The largest employer for the University graduates is the Russian Railways PLC. The University was founded in 1809. At that time important reforms in the field of education were carried out by the Emperor Alexander I. In 1802-1804 as an addition to the Moscow University existing at that time the following new universities were opened in Russia: the University of Derpt (now the city of Tartu in Estonia), the Kazan University, the Kharkov University, the main Pedagogical Institute in Saint Petersburg (since 1819 the Petersburg University). But all these universities did not train experts in the field most important for Russia the building of bridges, navigation canals, and roads. The Emperor Alexander I asked Napoleon Bonaparte to send French experts in the field of building and transport to Russia. Among them was Augustine Betancourt (Augustine de Betancourt y Molina, 17581824) one of the largest engineers and scientists-mechanics of its time, an outstanding expert in the building of bridges, canals and roads. Augustine de Betancourt y Molina, A. Betancourt, of Spanish origin, was working in (17581824) France at that time. He knew very well the organization of engineers education in the Western Europe. Augustine Betancourt lived in Russia from 1808 up to his death in 1824, and his activities had a great success. He implemented tens of large projects, carried out the upgrading of Saint-Petersburg Moscow road, built several big bridges in Saint Petersburg and a covered Manege in Moscow the largest building of its time with a ceiling not supported by columns. He modernized the Armoury in Tula, built a factory producing paper money in Saint Petersburg, built a giant fair trade complex in Nizhniy Novgorod, etc. On November 20th (December 2nd) the Emperor Alexander I signed a

by Igor Kiselev

45

manifesto to establish the first Russian higher engineering transport and building educational institution the Transport University which began the transport and building engineering education in Russia. Augustine Betancourt was appointed its first Director. This day is celebrated as our Universitys birthday. At first the teaching at the University was done in French. The first professors were both Russian - the professors of mathematics and physics V.I.Viskovatov, S.E.Gurjev, professor of the Pedagogical Institute D.S. Chizhov, later corresponding member of Petersburg Academy of Sciences (1826) and member of the Russian Academy of Sciences (1828); later - Academician M.V.Ostrogradsky; and French, who taught engineering subjects : A.Fabr, K. Potie, P.Basen, M.Desterm, G.Lame, B.Klaiperon.

In the beginning of the XIX century Russia with its giant territory and very weak road network was a difficult country for trade and travelling. Dirt roads, without hard pavement as a rule, existed only between Moscow and Saint Petersburg, as well as from Saint Petersburg leading to Warsaw and Western Europe, In spring and autumn for the period of one-two months mud roads were practically impassable. Travelling from Saint Petersburg to Moscow (750 km) took 5-6 days in winter or in summer, and up to 2-3 weeks in spring and in autumn. Goods were delivered by inner waterways in the period of several months, very often in the period of one or two navigation periods, which lasted from May till October. The boats were pulled mostly by barge-haulers. We are not speaking here about the trips to the Urals, and travelling from Moscow to the Far East often took more than one year. And in this historical background the first technical Transport University was founded in Saint Petersburg. The beginning of its work is the period of railway transport birth. The first experiments of railway building in Russia are connected with development of industrial railways. In 1788 at the Aleksandrovsky armoury in Petrozavodsk there was built a railway with cast-iron rails in order to carry heavy articles between the shops. In 1809 at the Altai at the Zmeinogorsky mine there was built a 1867 m railway with horse traction. These railways were originally designed by Russian engineers. In 1834 at the Vyisky works (Nizhniy Tagil, the Urals) Efim Alekseevitch and Miron Efimovich Cherepanov (father and son), the serves of the Demidov Works built the first Russian steam locomotive, which was used on the Works railway 1 The Cherepanovs visited England before and saw the first steam locomotives there. They did not have any drawings of English steam locomotives and

46

Development of Railway Transport in the Historical and Social Prospects in Russia

their project was implemented on the watching of this machines, that is why their project was original in many ways. In 1820-30s the issues of railway construction, with steam traction including, were widely discussed in many countries. In Russia these problems were solved at the Department of ways of communication. By the beginning of 1830s about 10 projects connected with railway construction in Russia were presented. Mostly they were devoted to the route of Saint-Petersburg Moscow, as well as building smaller railways in the capitals suburbs. Professors and graduates of the University were very interested in the information on the first British railways and experiments with steam traction. G.Lame, professor of the University, was present at the opening of Liverpool - Manchester railway. Later G.Lame presented a detailed report of his trip He delivered lectures on the advantages of a new kind of transport. At first the railway projects were not supported by high-ranking state officials in Russia. The idea of railway transport was met with great suspicion. The historical analysis of not only economic but social-psychological and political aspects of building of the first railways is most interesting and even useful for us because even today we can witness the similar reaction in relation to big transport projects. In particular in the last decades in different countries there was seen resistance to the plans of building high-speed railways. When we analyse the reasons of societys resistance to some projects it is most important to answer the questions posed in some planes: technical, economical, social-psychological, and sometimes in political one is the society ready to adopt new ideas, discoveries, inventions, goods and services? So it was with the situation with the railways. In the history of transport development one can note 4 stages of spasmodic increase of movement speed available to a man: the first jump is connected with the beginning of using animal traction and invention of sail equipment of a ship; the second jump the appearance of mechanical transport: automobiles[1], railways, mechanically driven ships; the third construction of mechanically driven flying vehicles; the fourth development of rocket engineering and beginning of space development. Our University is connected in the largest degree with the second jump of increasing speed the appearance of mechanical land transport vehicles and mostly development of railways. By the beginning of construction of the first public railways the speed of the best horse-drawn mail coach in France, Great Britain and Germany was 12-14 km/hr, but such speed drains animals energy in such a way, that being so expensive it is used in exceptional circumstances notes A.Chuprov, Russian economist Usually the movement is slower 2.
[1] Historically an automobile - a self-propelled vehicle with a steam engine appeared earlier than railways.

by Igor Kiselev

47

Yet, by the end of the XIX century in most European countries there was conventional and high-speed transportation. At the transport services market there were water and land carriers. Regular stage coaches keeping the time-table with the speed of about 10 km/hr linked most European capitals by most speedy way of communication according to the standards of that time. Initially at the way of building railways there appeared a lot of barriers. So it was in Great Britain, Germany, France, Belgium . Even more barriers appeared in feudal Russia, where the speed jump which the railways could have brought with them was more noticeable and simply frightened most people off. Part of problems appeared when many people sincerely could not understand the essence of a new invention, goods or service. The key question was as follows: what for was the fantastic railway speed of 30-40 km/hr needed? Railway construction with such speeds required very big expenses and led to accidents by all means. Similar comments we can hear today. Why do we need to operate a highspeed train from Saint-Petersburg to Moscow with a speed of 300 km/hr? There are night trains and planes. Other barriers were put by people who did understand the advantages of a new kind of transport. They took it as a menace to their economic and political interests. These people were the owners of horse carrier trade, of horses, coaches, canals and boats. A typical example is a speech of one of the members of Belgian Parliament in 1834 when discussing the issue of feasibility of building of the first railway in the country: Railway transportation of travellers in the largest part will be a luxury, its benefit wont compensate the damage done to horse mail coaches3. It is necessary to note that transport projects are most vulnerable from the point of view of public criticism. Big transport projects main line railways, big bridges, tunnels, metro systems have a long period of implementation, very often it takes tens of years, they have very big estimated cost comparable to countrys budgets, long reimbursement period and, finally, mostly they should be implemented as a whole complex immediately, but often in the beginning of their operation they are not used in their full capacity. All these facts make such projects vulnerable for criticism, and independent of the projects goals they are often used by politicians in their populist aims. Extremists of green movement often protest against such projects. One should not think that all this appeared only today. IN 1830s in Bavaria railway opponents spread terrible rumours that railways with steam traction would poison the grass, cows would stop to give milk, and hens to lay eggs, and passengers would develop brain fever when riding with a speed of 40 km/hr. In tsarist feudal Russia railways which gave possibility to transport large masses of people were considered by the representatives of the ruling class a menace

48

Development of Railway Transport in the Historical and Social Prospects in Russia

to the existing political order. High speed of the new kind of transport gave new possibilities for establishing communication. One should keep in mind that in the beginning of the XIX century letters, newspapers and books were spread round the world with the speed of a stage coach or trade ship. Michelle Chevalie, French publicist of the XIX century wrote: With the help of long-distance trains the human thought could cover distances by the most convenient way for this, namely in the flesh and blood. This phrase gave the excuse to count Tolle, the Chief Manager of Ways of Communication of Russia, to consider railways to be harmful democratic tool and he put forward this argument against approval of the project of Saint-Petersburg Moscow railway 4. In the 1830s railways were built not only in England but in the continental Europe as well. The first builder of the public horse drawn railway of 121 km length on the territory of Austria-Hungary was Franz Anton Gerstner, the engineer and businessman, a Check by nationality, and Austrian citizen.5 In 1834 F.A.Gerstner came to Russia. He studied several possible railway routes and presented to the Emperor Nicolas I a convincing project of the first steam locomotive railway between Saint-Petersburg Tsarskoye Selo Pavlovsk. A public limited company was established in order to built and operate this railway. The construction of the 25 versta (26.6 km) line was completed by November 1837. Rolling stock and rails were bought in England and Belgium.

Saint Petersburg Transport Universitys Lecture Room at the end of 19th century.

by Igor Kiselev

49

The experience of Tsarskoselskaya railway was rather convincing, but it did not break down the opposition of the new transport opponents, their chief argument was the impossibility to build long-distance railways due to high costs and engineering difficulties. The educated society of Russia was divided for the opponents and supporters of railways. Mostly the public was ill disposed to them. Even after tens of years after its appearance the peasants took a locomotive for a devils personification.

Saint Petersburg Transport Universitys Mechanical Laboratory at the end of 19th century.

At that period of time the professors of the Transport University were divided for the opponents and supporters of this new kind of transport too. The economic arguments of the opponents were based on the thought that high speed is not needed to Russian passengers, and the main articles of Russian export grain, hemp, bristle do not require urgent transit. The cost of railway construction would be unbearable for the budget, and joint stock capital would not bear such expenses. On the other hand the Transport University had powerful forces of engineers and professors who propagated the new kind of transport, delivered lectures on railways to students and general public, and began its scientific and engineering analysis. It is necessary to note the following works done in this direction of the engineers, the graduates of the Transport University P.P. Melnikov, N.O Kraft, N.I. Lipin, D.I. Zhuravsky. S.V. Kerbedz. Their visits to Great Britain, Belgium, France, and USA made it possible to collect the most valuable material on railways

50

Development of Railway Transport in the Historical and Social Prospects in Russia

and their engineering equipment. These scientists published the first scientific books in Russian language devoted to the new kind of transport. In 1841 the committee directed by P.P. Melnikov and N.O. Kraft, the professors of the Transport University, developed a preliminary project of the Saint-Petersburg Moscow railway by a direct route. In its materials the committee studied the rated traffic volume, taking into consideration the information on inner navigation, freight turnover, there were discussed the issues of maximum gradients, of a railwaysprofitability, and of operational costs. The project materials were considered at the special conference in the presence of the Emperor Nicolas I. All ministers spoke against the project implementation. The Emperor assumed the political responsibility for the projects implementation. On February 1st the Decree on the railway building was issued. 650 km Saint-Petersburg Moscow railway was constructed very thoroughly and built in the period from August 1st 1842 till November 1st 1851. The engineers staff for of railway constructed consisted from the graduates of the Transport University. The inauguration of the completed railway was on November 1st 1851. The first train left Saint Petersburg at 11.15 a.m. and arrived to Moscow at 9 a.m. the following day, having passed the whole route in 21 hrs 45 min. The railway builders have created the fundamental complex of engineering structures, having greatly influenced the further development of railway transport in Russia. Russian school of railway and bridge builders was laid here headed by Professor P.P. Melnikov of the Transport University. Even the first years of successful operation did not convince the public that high-speed transport in Russia was not a luxury. Speed is needed only by passengers, and not all of them, - writes in the middle of the 1850s Y.Gersevanov, the economist, member of the Russian Geographical Society, - the largest part of passengers appreciates low prices and punctuality; the speed is a relative notion. Not everyone needs locomotive speed to be 40 verstas per hour. Passengers in a hurry, who want to travel quickly more or less, wont be in large numbers on our railways; tradesmen and businessmen, swindlers, merchants, and similar class of people so common in the USA practically does not exist here6. When analyzing these remarks it is very important to pay attention to the thought on the connection of speed of passenger and freight transportation with the business activity of the society. Pre-reform Russia of the middle of the 1850s has closely approached capitalist transformation and in a few years the requirement in high-speed ways of communication will become a marker, the litmuspaper to give a signal of the degree of capitalist transformation in this country. More and more Russians started to understand the merit of high-speed trains, but very few realized the cost of this speed and what economic effect it

by Igor Kiselev

51

brought. F.M.Kanshin, an outstanding Russian economist, wrote in 1870 Speed is a very expensive commodity, while the time saved by it is very cheap. Really few people realize how much the railway speed costs7. In this way more than 125 years ago there was raised a question on the economic estimate of increasing speed of train operation. A certain turning point relating the opinion about this problem in Russia occurred due to the construction of the Great Siberian Railway the greatest railway of all times and peoples built mostly under the guidance of engineers- graduates of Transport University in Saint Petersburg. Thus in 1890 the papers said: There does not exist and could not exist such statistics which could express in roubles that happiness and comfort which is brought by a railway, accelerated exchange and high-speed transportation By the way what is a high-speed transportation? Actually it is a prolongation of human life in space!.. This very life which in a very sound being is the only goal of all actions, efforts of labour and thought8. The societys need in transport services (products) with higher speed indices is connected with the character of the political system, social-political position (stability), state of economics, working hours cost. In this particular society (on this or other stage of its development) one should distinguish engineering and technological possibilities of achieving this or other speeds of vehicle movement, financial-economic possibility to implement transport projects aimed at increasing operation speed. As well as political need in transport services (products) of high-speed transportation. One can certainly note a connection between the level of development of its productive forces, working time cost, and today even greater importance of free time cost. One of the first projects of railway construction in Finland was suggested in 1844 by K.I. Shenvalle, Colonel, the Head of Transport Department of the Great Principality of Finland 9. It was suggested to build a railway with horse traction between Helsinki and Turku. The project was met with objections well familiar in other countries: unfounded project expensiveness compared with transportation on conventional roads, impossibility of railway operation in winter, railway uselessness due to the existence of good lake and river water ways In 1853 there was done the project of the first Finnish 108 km steam traction railway between Helsinki and Hmeenlinna. On 7th March 1857 there was issued the government statement on the construction of the first Finnish railway line between Helsinki and Hameenlinna. The railway was designed by K.A.Edelfelt, Finnish province architect. Construction works were executed in 18571862. The line was put into operation on 31st January 1862. In 1861 The Committee for railway building took a decision to build the 394 km railway line starting from Rihimki station which was on the first Finnish

52

Development of Railway Transport in the Historical and Social Prospects in Russia

railway between Helsinki and Hameenlinna and further to Saint-Petersburg (via Lahti and Vyborg). This project was more appreciated by the public. Several ideas met here: first of all economic improving conditions for trade, exchange of commodities between parent state and the Great Principality of Finland, as well as development of cultural and social links. P.I. Rokasovsky, general-governor of Finland and graduate of the Transport University paid great attention to this project. On 8th December 1867 the Emperor approved the main construction terms of this line. The railway gauge was 5ft (1524 mm) which was accepted on the Russian railways. The engineers of ways of communication, the graduates of the Transport University acted as experts making engineering evaluation of all projects and all new railway lines. On 10th August 1868 the Committee of ministers of Russia approved the project, later followed the royal approval for construcHelsinki-St. Petersburg railway tion. Russian government gave Finland a loan of 10 mln. roubles in gold. Line construction linking Rihimki station with Petersburg began on 3rd January 1868, the Finnish government being responsible for its construction. On 1st November 1869 the first Riihimki Lahti section was put into operation. On 1st February 1870 Petersburg Vyborg section was put into operation. On 11th September 1870 on the name-day of the Emperor Alexander II the regular operation started between Petersburg and Helsinki. The beginning of operation of this line was a powerful stimulus in the development of trade, but social-cultural impact was as important namely the intensified development of the territory lying along the Gulf of Finland. The conclusions of the historical analysis of implementation of the first railway projects reflect our current conceptions of implementation of big transport projects. Their PR provision is no lesser feature than technical or economic components. Nowadays implementation of high-speed mainline railways faces a lot of problems, which are very similar to the ones in the times of construction of the first railways. Project

by Igor Kiselev

53

organisers are opposed with the same set of objections: both from the people who sincerely do not understand the advantages of a new kind of transport and from those who consciously mislead the public. For example in the USA automobile and aviation lobby blocks the implementation of high-speed railway projects for many years. In Russia some unscrupulous politicians used as an argument against the construction of Saint-Petersburg Moscow high-speed railway the environmental protection arguments. At the same time complex research conducted by the experts of the UIC proved indisputable advantages of new kind of transport: less exhaust of pollutants, less territory occupied, exceptional transportation safety, less negative impact on flora and fauna. It is most important to note that similar projects, as it was with the first railways and with all projects of high-speed railways that were put into life in the world were implemented under immediate political support of the state leaders. In the XIX century it was the Emperor, today the support of the Presidents is needed. Nowadays professors and engineers of Petersburg state Transport University are the leading experts in the field of high-speed railway operation in Russia working in close contact with the Ministry of transport of Russia and Russian Railways PLC. In their work they rely upon rich historical heritage.

Endnotes
1 , 1833 // , 1835, II, V, . 445448. 2 . . . .1 : . ., 1875. . 2. 3 .. // , 1886 ., 15, .120. 4 .. // .. . .. , , . .: , 2003. . 231. 5 .., .. . .: , 1994. 6 . . : ., 1856, . 22. 7 .. . ., 1870. . 65. 8 . ., 1890, .24. . : .. // . . 409 .: . . .., 1976. . 8. 9 When describing Finnish railways there was used the material of L.V.Levandovsky, the senior research fellow of the Central Museum of Railway Transport of Russia.

54

By Railway Ferry from England to the Continent: Intermodal Travel in the Interwar Period
by Barbara Schmucki
In the first half of the 20th century Britons were the leading group of tourists travelling in Europe. They swarmed the Continent and were the most noticeable tourist at the time. The left leaning German commentator and renowned author Heinrich Heine already remarked during the 1830s: Britons are now too numerous in Italy to be overlooked, they swarm across this country, [] run around everywhere to see everything, and one can no longer imagine a lemon tree without an English woman sniffing at it.[1] Commencing in the 18th century with the Grand Tour, Britons began to form an increasingly noticeable part of foreign travellers on the continent. By the start of the twentieth century they had become the leading group of tourists travelling in Europe. Their journeys across the Continent to Italy and Greece paved the way for other travellers and led to the discovery of attractive places to visit, such as the French and Italian Riviera. Initially consumptives and other groups of frail people stayed there for the winter in hope of a cure, but this encouraged pleasure seekers and holidaymakers to travel to these destinations as well. [2] Crossing borders has always meant to leave the familiar and get confronted with the foreign. But Britain is perhaps not the easiest country to leave; the journey to the Continent was not a straight forward one as everybody travelling there had
[1] Quoted from: Hartmut Berghoff et al., eds., Making of Modern Tourism. The Cultural History of the British Experience, 1600-2000 (Houndmills/New York: Palgrave, 2002), 2. [2] John K. Walton, British Tourism between Industrialization and Globalization, in The Making of Modern Tourism. The Cultural History of the British Experience, 1600-2000, ed. Hartmut Berghoff, et al. (Houndmills: Palgrave, 2002), 121.

by Barbara Schmucki

55

to take a boat at some point. Passenger numbers across the English Channel climbed steadily from 300,000 in 1860, to 600,000 in 1890, and more rapidly from 900,000 around 1900, 1.3 millions in 1910, 2 millions in 1926 to a peak of 2.6 millions in 1937.[3] At the end of the 1930s the English Channel was the most crossed street of water in the world and offered services for the masses. Getting to the Channel and subsequent rail travel on the Continent became increasingly easy largely depending on the expanding rail networks in Britain and France and countries further afield. However crossing the Channel was by far the most uncomfortable section of the journey. Especially at its narrowest point between Dover and Calais - an obvious choice because of the quickness of the crossing - the wave currents often made the journey an ordeal. Crossing the Channel was highly adventurous in the 19th century when it was quite normal for a traveller to comment: Had a meal on arrival at Folkstone, but lost it again during passage across channel.[4] But from the 1890s onward changes in the travel infrastructure allowed people a much easier passage between the British Isles and the Continent than fifty years ago. The first half of the 20th century brought crucial changes in travel infrastructures as well as in travel experience as such that a commentator of railway travel in Britain could confidently remark in 1939: Nowadays, crossing the Channel has become just an easy and pleasant habit with us.[5] This paper will map these changes, find out what is specific about the journey to the Continent, explain the importance of intermodality for travel experiences and analyse how transport technology was shaping the culture of modern travel and tourism. The following analysis is based on methodological approaches on tourism, travel and the construction of identities, and the relation between technology and consumption.[6] The paper will emphasise attitudes and views about the continent as the foreign realm and the relation between the journey into the unknown and transport infrastructure in order to grapple with transport history as a cultural analysis of technology.

[3] Tissot excellently analysed this for the 19th century, Laurent Tissot, How Did the British Conquer Switzerland? Guidebooks, Railways, Travel Agencies, 1850-1914, Journal of Transport History 116 (1995)., 21-54, here 30; A Matter of Minutes, Over the Points. A Quarterly Review of Matters Concerning the Southern Railway March (1929), 8; Over the Points. A Quarterly Review of Matters concerning The Southern Railway April (1939), 15. [4] Edward H. Legge, Journal to Europe, 1862, cited from: Marjorie Morgan, National Identities and Travel in Victorian Britain, Studies in Modern History (New York/Houndsmills: Palgrave, 2001), 28. [5] A Quarterly Review of Matters Concerning The Southern Railway April (1939), 9. [6] Hartmut Kaelble, Martin Kirsch, and Alexander Schmidt-Gernig, eds., Transnationale ffentlichkeit Und Identitten Im 20. Jahrhundert (Berlin: Campus, 2002); Alan Kirby, Englishmen Like Posing as Gods: Aspects of Identity Shift in British Continental Travel Fiction 1901-1997 (Ph.D., University of Exeter, 2004); Morgan, Identities; Helga Quadflieg, Approved Civilities and the Fruits of Peregrination Elizabethan and Jacobean Travellers and the Making of Englishness, in The Making of Modern Tourism. The Cultural History of the British Experience, 1600-2000, ed. Hartmut Berghoff, et al. (Houndmills: Palgrave, 2002); Walton, British Tourism between Industrialization and Globalization, 126; Colin Divall, What Happens if we Think about Railways a Kind of Consumption? Towards a New Historiography of Transport and Citizenship in Early-twentieth-century Britain, York, Mobilizing Railway History, October 2005.

56

By Railway Ferry from England to the Continent: Intermodal Travel in the Interwar Period

To do this I will focus on four main points: Transport technology in the Interwar period was highly involved in 1. improving intermodality 2. stimulating mass tourism 3. creating luxury and conspicuous consumption 4. nationalisation and internationalisation of tourists In the Interwar period British railway companies extended their travel service by purchasing their own ferries and offering better and luxurious channel crossings. They improved the intermodality of their travel systems. From around the turn of the 20th century passengers benefited from concentration processes in the industry. In 1899 the South Eastern Railway and the London Chatham & Dover Railway amalgamated into the South Eastern & Chatham Railway. And in 1923 more than a hundred privately owned railway companies were combined into just four regionally based groupings, the Big Four. Continental travel from then on was offered by the Southern and the LNER.[7] Further co-operation of the railway companies on both sides of the Channel helped to improve services to the Continent. Their improvement strategies aimed at synchronized and fixed timetables which replaced the old system of timetabling based on the tidal schedule. [8] With more regularity the companies guaranteed more punctuality and reliability. Further during the Interwar period the companies introduced better signalling to increase the number of trains that could be run in any one day between London and the Channel ports. Longer trains, bigger and faster ships helped to provide better integrated travel infrastructure for more and more people. And new stations and new docks improved the link between railways and ships. As this postcard [9] shows , in 1900 Admiralty Pier in Dover was still unsheltered and boarding highly dependent on the Postcard from Dover, 1900 tides.
[7] The Southern Railway controlled Dover-Calais, Folkstone-Boulogne, Newhaven-Dieppe, Dover-Ostend, GravesendRotterdam, Southampton-Havre (former London and South Western Railway service), Southampton-St.Malo, DoverDunkerque. LNER was responsible for the services from Harwich to Hook of Holland (GER), Antwerp, Zeebrugge, and Flushing. Shipping World, 13 July 1938, 13 July 1938, 9, NRM G5A/37P [8] Some Foreign Steamer Routes to the Continent, The Railway and Travel Monthly, vol. III, July to December 1911, 307. [9] http://www.simplonpc.co.uk/Dover.html#anchor831750, last 12 November 2009.

by Barbara Schmucki

57

During the Interwar period platform sheltering was highly improved as posters in 1950 show.[10] And in 1921 Dover Marine Station opened offering easier transfers for passenger. The change from train to boat could be done now under a roof and sheltered. A new feature of the station was a concrete viaduct which enable passenger to cross the railway, providing a smoother access to the station quay.[11] The culmination of the improvement strategies were the Golden Arrow, Night Ferry and the Autocarrier offering the most luxury of travel accommodation and speed: The Golden Arrow a first class luxury Pullman train - was introduced between London and Paris in 1929. It provided travel facilities to the ports, the Channel crossing was then made on board of the new first class luxury steamer called the Canterbury.[12] The peak of all luxury trains was the Night Ferry, introduced in 1936, which offered direct sleeping cars from London to Paris promising a most comfortable, quiet and undisturbed sleep whilst travelling to the Continent. [13] Travel times London-Paris[14] Dover-Calais hrs. min 1840 32 1900 8 50 1911 7 45 1938 6 30 2006 2 30 On the eve of the Second World War passengers from London could reach Paris in 6 hours, 2 hours less than at the beginning of the century. But the intermodality of the journey was not limited to the railway-ship interface. From 1931 specially built ships for motor cars started sailing the Dover Calais route, offering up to 35 covered spaces for cars (which did not have to empty their tanks anymore) and saloons, a bar, and a bathroom with a shower for passengers.[15] The new viaduct in marine station in Dover further helped to improved intermodality
[10] Bon Voyage BR(SR) poster, c 1950s, National Railway Museum. [11] E. W. P. Veale, Gateway to the Continent. A History of Cross-Channel Travel (London: In Allan Ltd., 1955), 84. [12] The Golden Arrow was introduced 15 May 1929 by the Southern Railway. The train was usually compounded of ten Pullman cars which seated 238 passengers and two trucks for baggage boxes pulled by the Southern Railways new Lord Nelson class express locomotives. The trains left both capitals at 11:00 and reached Paris and London at 17.30 respectively. The Arrow-head, Over the Points 7, September (1930), 12. [13] Shipping World, 13 July 1938, 9. [14] 1848: Morgan, Identities, 28; 1911: SE&CR Official Guide 1911, 202, 203; S. Jordan, Ferry Services of the London, Brighton and South Coast Railway (Usk: Oakwood Press, 1998), 57; 1913: Jordan, Ferry Services of the London, Brighton and South Coast Railway, 57; 1938: Shipping World, 13 July 1938, 7, NRM G5A/37P; Train trip to Paris 27.9.06. [15] Shipping World, 13 July 1938, 11; Cuthbert Grasemann, Round the Southern Fleet (London: Ian Allan, 1946), 48., NRM G5A/9P.

58

By Railway Ferry from England to the Continent: Intermodal Travel in the Interwar Period

between cars and ships as it was also used by the increasing number of motorists making the Channel passage.[16] But still cars throughout the Interwar period cars had to be craned on board.[17] The growing internationality of the travel system greatly stimulated mass tourism in the Interwar period.[18] But only at the end of the period cross-channel tourism developed into a mass phenomenon. Statistical data of cross Channel travel clearly show peak travel times in July and August and at the week-ends in 1936 and 1937.[19] Companies developed different crossing routes specialised for different type of travellers such as the wealthy individual, big groups and businessmen during the Interwar period. The Dover-Calais services offered comfort and excellent service for the wealthier traveller and the Folkstone-Boulonge route well-prices packages for larger parties. The Dieppe service was even cheaper, but took longer to reach Paris. Passenger numbers to the Continent increased greatly during the Interwar period, despite the economic crisis between 1929 and 1934, and culminated in 1937. This was a record year for the Southern Railways which transported over 2.5 million passengers.[20] In addition, 171.000 passengers crossed the Channel from Harwich and 99.000 to Zeeland.[21] These all are sure signs that travel and holidays were not restricted to the upper classes anymore and had become a mass phenomenon at the end of the 1930s. During the first half of the 20th century travelling to the continent not only became faster and more frequent, but also offered more comfort even a certain luxury. No period before or after saw so many luxurious facilities on such a large scale. The Golden Arrow one of the exotic sounding names of the many railway expresses at the time offered not only the fastest journey from London to Paris ever, but also a world famous de-luxe Pullman service[22] as a railway posters advertised in 1929. The journey itself turned into a prestigious luxury good of international fame which passengers could consume. Trains and ships were no longer modes to get somewhere, they became worth enjoying.
[16] Veale, Gateway to the Continent. A History of Cross-Channel Travel, 84. [17] After the war, new drive on ferry terminals were built in Dover and Calais and the first opened in 1953. They had moveable loading bridges, so cars could drive on whatever the state of the tide. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roll-on/ roll-off, last 11 November 2009. [18] English travellers started to tour the Continent already at the beginning of the century. Daytrips were already known at the turn of the century, the north coast of France was a well established excursion and holiday region for English visitors. What is true for Dieppe and tourism to the north coast of France is true for Havre as well. Havre serves a part of Normandy, popular for holidays. Trouville and Deauville have long been well-known, but there is a whole stretch of pleasant coast either side of Havre. Shipping World, 13 July 1938, 9. [19] Shipping World, 13 July 1938, 10. [20] S.R. steamers: 1,739,446, other steamers by S.R. routes: 796,660, total: 2,536,106. Shipping World, 13 July 1938, 11. [21] H.C. Kuiler, De Stoomvaart Maatschappij Zeelandin de golven der maatschappelijke ontwikkelingen, in P. W. Klein and J. R. Bruijn, Honderd Jaar Engelandvaart 1875 1975 (Bussum: De Boer , 1975), 164-165. I thank Simon Willgoss very much for this information. [22] The Golden Arrow Limited, SR poster, 1929, National Railway Museum.

by Barbara Schmucki

59

Brochures advertising the new through train from London to Paris which was crossing the Channel on a newly constructed train ferry showed glamorous people in sleeping cars on the same pages as state-of-theart technology. Such a presentation makes clear that technology not only provided comfort, but at the same time technology was equal to luxury. As the traveller bought the service he or she expected something from it, not just the transport. Sleep in comfort, Southern Railway Company, Night Ferry Publicity Booklet 1936, NRM G5A/16P, National Pictures show, that technology Railway Museum. is as important as a luxurious interior. The railway companies created a harmony between trains, ships and travellers which led to the reconciliation between human beings and technology. They

The Continent, GWR/LMS/LNER/SR poster, 1936, National Railway Museum/SSPL.

60

By Railway Ferry from England to the Continent: Intermodal Travel in the Interwar Period

stressed: On the Canterbury you will discover the harmony that exists between the train and the ship.[23] This harmonious relationship could empower the passengers experience while leafing through the glossy brochures promoting the new Night Ferry. The railway companies created or met such new expectations by means of luxury interiors, stylish floors designs and fine accessories which were symbolic of the modern spirit of commerce, which strives by every means in its power to and get away from the drab and uninspiring atmosphere so often associated with long journeys.[24] Posters further confirm that railway companies tried to attract travellers by construction a unity of passenger, comfort, luxury and technology. The role of technology was particularly noteworthy as it was responsible for all the pleasures a traveller could possibly experience on his or her journeys. Further brochures with glossy voluptuous pictures, posters at railway stations idealised glamour and out-door living. Posters and guide books offered international destinations as art and in an almost poetic style. All this inspired the tourist to consume her or his journey long before it started. The journey itself should inspire, fame was a selling point and travel to the Continent became conspicuous consumption. Travelling abroad has always been about the foreign and the self. Advertisement campaigns show what images of foreign countries railway companies conveyed. The view to the continent made national differences obvious and at the same time constructed a national identity. Excellent English breakfast and morning papers distinguish a journey to the Continent for English passengers.[25] But also the changing environment during a journey created differences: The writer can well remember the childhood thrill of a day trip from Folkestone to Boulogne in the Lord Warden, the old town of Boulogne rising behind the quay and crowned by the Cathedral; in the foreground the unfamiliar French rolling-stock, French locomotives with working parts freely exposed and stove-pipe funnels; carriages in the smart green livery of the Nord; and the brown match-board panelling of the Wagon-Restaurant and Wagon-Lits.[26] This source allow to study an interesting historical difference: While French technology seemed to be obviously strange and inferior to English efforts, French people and their culture did attract Britons as in particular after the first World War, France was a country where fashionability combined well with low prices for the British tourist.[27] A look at railway posters
[23] Shipping World, 13 July 1938, 7. [24] Brochure: Souvenir of first sailing from Newhaven-Dieppe, 1928, 6, G5A/10P, National Railway Museum. [25] Shipping World, 13 July 1938, 11. Excellent British breakfasts for which the London-bound Night Ferry was famous, served by the stewards and morning papers. George Behrend and Gary Buchanan, Night Ferry: A Tribute to Britains Only International through Train, 1936-1980 (St. Martin: Jersey Artists, 1985), 38. [26] Veale, Gateway to the Continent. A History of Cross-Channel Travel, 83. [27] John Beckerson, Marketing British Tourism. Government Approaches to the Stimulation of a Service Sector, 18801950, in Making of Modern Tourism. The Cultural History of the British Experience, 1600-2000, ed. Hartmut Berghoff, et al. (Houndmills: Palgrave, 2002), 141.

by Barbara Schmucki

61

as shown before conform that French was the dominant topic to sell trips to the Continent in the Interwar period. The French albeit strange and foreign, was something fashionable to enjoy during the holidays and has become highly attractive. Even more, on the upper level of luxury travel the Interwar period saw the formation of a new experience: travelling as a member of an international luxury travel community regardless of nationality. Transport technology made this new experience possible. A regular on the Night Ferry in the late 1930s describes this experience: Well-known to regular users, the thrill of stepping into the warm, secure and above all private but International atmosphere of a Wagons-lits sleeper, is something many have never experienced. Young people in their night attire covered by elegant silk dressing gowns might sometimes be seen alighting at the special platform on the ship and making their way for a nightcap in the First Class Bar.[28] And the railway companies even offered trained and reliable linguists at the main stations on the Continent to make English passengers feel right at home. In this way transport technology in the tourist sector influenced the internationalisation of the travel just as well as it contributed to the nationalisation of tourists.

Conclusion
The beginning of the 20th century, from 1899 to the outbreak of the Second World War was a period of transition from the old to the new for the journey to the Continent. This can be shown by four different elements: improved the intermodality of the travel systems emergence of mass tourism equivalence of travel technology and luxury a more intense internationalisation of the railways contributed to the nationalisation of the tourists just as well. Images and material goods of everyday experience are important contributors to peoples sense of (national) belonging, or identity. This can be sometimes more effective than official ceremonies, state-sponsored culture such as museums or propaganda. Modes of transport should be seen as material goods as well, as part of material culture shaping personal identities, especially if an individual crosses the border of the home country. If railways and ships are goods (providing the facilities for travelling), passengers become consumers by making use of these technological goods. Whilst using, consuming and experiencing transport technology, they construct a sense of belonging as well as a sense of their self in dissociation from the new and other. Transport technology is not so much about the technology itself, but
[28] Behrend and Buchanan, Night Ferry: A Tribute to Britains Only International through Train, 1936-1980, 27, 38.

62

By Railway Ferry from England to the Continent: Intermodal Travel in the Interwar Period

about the cultural appropriation of the known and the unknown. Technology, in this view, becomes both a source and an object of cultural processes, where identity and nationalism are the currency rather than the nuts and bolts of the technology itself.

63

Business Strategy and Corporate Image: Britains Railways, 1872-1977


by Hiroki Shin
This paper is intended as a brief introduction to our ongoing project The Commercial Cultures of Britains Railways 1872-1977.[1] This project has several aims. The most practical of these is to provide a basic framework and the materials for a special exhibition at the National Railway Museum from 2012. A more academic aim is to put forward a new perspective in railway and transport history by undertaking some case studies in that direction. This academic target can by no means be separated from the first aim, for we expect our introduction of a new direction to be taken as a basis, not only for further academic research, but also as part of the museums future collecting policy. Our chief concern is to increase public awareness of the importance of the railways in society at various historical stages. Certainly the significant role the railways played by vastly widening personal mobility and increasing the circulation of goods and information has long been discussed, but we would like to further widen the scope by taking our cue from recent developments of historical studies, especially those of the history of consumption.

Consumption, Mobility and Railways


Until recently, railway history has occupied an uneasy place in the history of consumption. On the one hand, railways were treated as the pioneer of modern business and placed alongside large national and international corporations.[2]
[1] This is a major project of the Institute of Railway Studies and Transport History -- a joint initiative of the University of York and the National Railway Museum -- chiey funded by AHRC. [2] Most notably, Alfred Dupont Chandler, Scale and Scope: The Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism (London, 1990). Cf. Geoffrey Channon, Railways in Britain and the United States, 1830-1940: Studies in Economic and Business History (Aldershot, 2001).

64

Business Strategy and Corporate Image: Britains Railways, 1872-1977

On the other hand, the works by railway historians have provided a significant amount of technological details about a particular railway company or line. The former view tends to see the railways as a kind of mechanism dedicated to generate a huge amount of income. And for the latter, the railways are something set aside from the wider context of consumer and business culture. As historians view of consumption has considerably widened, especially since the 1980s, from a simple definition of consumption as appropriation of purchased goods, to one that embraces not only tangible goodsin the sphere of modern consumerism but also services, ideas, living conditions, politics, and environment, we have now come to the point that a serious revision of the place of mobility in widened field of consumption is required. A growing number of research has appeared in the past decade or so in an effort to grasp the significant influence of the railways on society, not just through railways technological implications, but through their social, political, and cultural influences.[3] Our project is part of this effort to enrich our understanding of modern society in which mobility became one of the key concepts for the majority of people when they defined themselves in their everyday life, work, and in less frequent events such as holiday travel. Considering the vastness of the field, in this paper we will focus on some of the key issues concerning the activities of the railways that have relevance to consumption and commerce: advertising, branding, and public relations, and the ideas that informed the practice of such marketing techniques. Although, in general, research on the consumption of mobility has been a relatively neglected field, there is a notable exception: consumption related to the car. The growing spending on automobiles in the early twentieth century has been considered as the pinnacle of a mass consumer society.[4] The new possibilities provided by the personalised mobility must have been immense, but if we are to build our picture of the consumption of mobility on the assumption that it was based upon the relationship between individual consumer and producer or provider of mobility, we will be left with a somewhat skewed picture of the process of how mobility was provided and consumed.[5] At least for most of the modern period, the majority of mobility was experienced collectively, and the importance of such collective mobility was not diminished by the emergence of personalised means of travel.[6] Like it or not, public transport has occupied, and still occupies, a significant part of
[3] Timothy L. Alborn, Conceiving Companies: Joint-Stock Politics in Victorian England (London, 1998); Ian Carter, Railways and Culture in Britain: The Epitome of Modernity (Manchester, 2001). [4] Sean OConnell, The Car and British Society: Class, Gender and Motoring 1896-1939 (Manchester, 1998); Piers Brendon, The Motoring Century: The Story of the Royal Automobile Club (London 1997); Peter Thorold, The Motoring Age: The Automobile and Britain 1896-1939 (London, 2003); David Jeremiah, Representations of British Motoring (Manchester, 2007). [5] Even among the historians of automobiles are becoming increasingly critical of looking automobile as an instrument of autarky, as car-ownership sometimes has a collective aspect. Oconnell, The Car and British Society, 5, 33-4. [6] Colin Divall, Transport, 1900-39, in A Companion to Early Twentieth-Century Britain, ed. Chris Wrigley (Oxford, 2003), 291-4.

by Hiroki Shin

65

our experience of modern mobility which consists of a series of different types of contacts with providers of services and also with co-consumers, such as buying the tickets, waiting on platforms and sharing the same space with complete strangers. The appreciation of collective mobility is in line with the new framework for looking at consumption. Frank Trentmanns introduction of the concept of governance led to the revelation of the collective consumer participation in the seemingly exclusive sphere of state-market dichotomy.[7] But our focus is more on the relationship between the market and consumers, like Peter Jackson who advocated a new direction of research to bridge the gap between commerce and culture.[8] By examining the commodification of various cultural differences, we can see how a seemingly utilitarian market and the creative culture constitute a space in which profit-making, innovation, and agency of individual participants are continuously negotiated to create historically specific social settings. Plural and perhaps multiple agencies, interacting in such a dynamic space, are more apparent in public transport than personalised mobility, and thus we can see how so-called modern corporations struggled to establish a certain type of relationship with their passengers and potential customers. Britains railways provide us with a great example of such a process, both inside the organisations and their interaction with their customers and the general public. As we will argue, from the late nineteenth to early twentieth century, the way the railway companies tried to establish a relationship with their customers was by encouraging people to travel more.[9] During the early period of their existence, the railways in general, with the advantage as pioneering providers of collective mobility, did not feel much need for such an encouragement. However, from the late nineteenth century, the completion of the main railway network resulted in serious competition between railway companies. The first significant move was made by the Midland Railway through accommodating thirdclass passengers on all of its trains in 1872.[10] Certainly, cheap excursion trains and the so-called parliamentary trains existed since the 1830s and 1840s, respectively, but the Midland Railways move was the one which drastically changed the whole picture, as it set the precedent of a conscious effort by a railway company to reconfigure its existence as public transportation catering to mass consumers of mobility. At the same time, the quality of service started to become a significant element in attracting or keeping customers. Such a realisation was reflected in the Midlands upgrading of the service of third-class to second-class standard when abolishing the latter.[11]
[7] Mark Bevir and Frank Trentmann, Markets in Historical Contexts: Ideas, Practices and Governance, in Markets in Historical Contexts: Ideas and Politics in the Modern World (Cambridge, 2004), 1-24. [8] Peter A. Jackson, Commercial Cultures: Economies, Practices, Spaces (Oxford, 2000). [9] Douglas Knoop, Outlines of Railway Economics, repr. ed. (London, 1925), 235. [10] R. E. Lacy and George Dow, Midland Railway Carriages (Upper Bucklebury, 1984), 53-4; Cuthbert Hamilton Ellis, The Midland Railway (London, 1953), 73-4. [11] Roy Williams, The Midland Railway: A New History (Newton Abbot, 1988), 125.

66

Business Strategy and Corporate Image: Britains Railways, 1872-1977

The new business model of low-margin, high-volume service, represented by the Midlands third-class train service, was also developed hand-in-hand with the marketing techniques. The most visible of such was advertising. In the history of advertising, railway publicity, especially posters, have received certain attention.[12] Mostly from the 1890s, the advent of pictorial posters gave a great stimulus to the poster advertisement.[13] In fact, along with manufacturers like Bovril, Lever, and Pears Soap, the railway companies were among the early corporations which took advantage of this new media.[14] There is accordingly a fair amount of research on railway posters, especially those of the Great Four railway companies in the interwar period the London, Midland and Scottish Railway (LMS); the London and North Eastern Railway (LNER); the Great Western Railway (GWR); and the Southern Railway (SR) which were created in consequence of the amalgamation of over 120 railway companies in 1923. The works of John Hewitt on the LNER and LMS, Rachel Holland and David Watts on the LNER reflect the continuing and, at the same time, evolving academic interest in this field.[15] This active field is currently characterised by the adoption of semiotic and social theories in the close reading of advertisements, which is directly influenced by the cultural interpretation of commercial society in which decoding of advertisements is obviously essential to problematise the process of creating consumer desire through the use of modernist artistic vocabularies and marketing techniques. As such, railway posters are no longer collectors items or something that simply reflects the spirit of the age. However, this new wave of cultural interpretations of the railway publicity is not without problems. The close reading of publicity materials is often carried out without a sense of general trends or long-term development. Most of the research deals with a particular company or type of publicity even though, for example, during the interwar period there were at least four great railway companies producing a huge amount of various publicity materials such as postcards, handbills, guidebooks, photography, and films. The shortcomings of the current cultural approach to railway publicity are, in a sense, a continuation of the tradition from pioneering works on the railway publicity which were divided along company lines.[16] The recent works by Ralph Harrington on gender representation in railway posters, and Alan Bennett on the appropriation of Englishness by the GWR
[12] Beverley Cole and Richard Durack, Railway Posters, 1923-1947: From the Collection of the National Railway Museum, York, England (New York, 1992); J.T. Shackleton, The Golden Age of the Railway Poster (London, 1976); David Bownes and Oliver Green, eds., London Transport Posters: A Century of Art and Design (Aldershot, 2008). [13] Roger Burdett Wilson, Go Great Western: A History of GWR Publicity (Newton Abbot, 1970), 16. [14] Robert Fitzgerald, Rowntree and the Marketing Revolution, 1862-1969 (Cambridge, 1995), 26-7. [15] John Hewitt, Posters of Distinction: Art, Advertising and the London, Midland, and Scottish Railways, Design Issues 16.1 (2000), 16-35; John Hewitt, East Coast Joys: Tom Purvis and the LNER, Journal of Design History 8.4 (1995), 291-311; Rachel Holland, LNER Posters 1923-47: Aspects of Iconography, Railway and Social History (unpublished MA dissertation, University of York, 1999); D.C.H. Watts, Evaluating British railway poster advertising: the London & North Eastern Railway between the wars, Journal of Transport History 25.2 (2004), 23-56. [16] Wilson, Go Great Western; Allan Middleton, Its Quicker by Rail!: The History of LNER Advertising (Stroud, 2002).

by Hiroki Shin

67

through various publicity materials, representing the effort to address the issue of diversity among and inside the railway companies.[17] Those historians also opened up the possibility of reading the railway publicity as a means to construct certain civic identities through its subtle definition of citizenship, gender and class. There is a wide range of materials we can use. Take, for example, photography. The National Railway Museum holds over 25,000 original negatives taken for the Great Western Railway in the early 20th century. A certain number of these photographic images are featured in the GWRs travel literature; chiefly its guidebooks. Published almost yearly since 1906, the GWRs Holiday Haunts had a surprisingly wide circulation. In its heyday in the late 1920s, 200,000 copies were sold annually.[18] As can easily be seen, guidebooks contain a fairly large number of photographs -- 100 to 300 in each issue. These images were carefully selected in order to give maximum effect when appealing to prospective travellers. The importance of guidebooks in the railway companies tourist promotion was undoubtedly recognised in the early 20th century, as the Southern Railways Public Relations and Advertising Assistant, John Elliot stated in 1928: the public simply eats guidebooks, free or otherwise, and no railway publicity campaign is complete without them; in fact, I would say that it is practically doomed without them.[19] As a possible case study, we can certainly analyse the use of visual images by a railway company through this rich resource. In fact, two current projects at the Institute of Railway Studies are on the use of photography by the GWR, where we are discovering the companys conscious manipulation of the assumedly real life medium of photography to make certain places worth visiting, or more subtly making people travel more by appealing to certain consumer aspirations through the use of contemporary fashions and consumer goods.

Branding & Public Relations


The above-mentioned compartmentalisation of railway history causes difficulties when we try to see beyond the advertising. As the business historian, Mira Wilkins, rightly points out: a companys advertising is pointless with no name to promote,[20] but there has not yet been work done on the topic of how the railways established their brand images. Britains railways were, again, among the earliest
[17] Ralph Harrington, Beyond the bathing belle: images of women in inter-war railway publicity, Journal of Transport History 25.1 (2004), 22-45; Alan David Bennett, The Great Western Railway and the Celebration of Englishness (unpublished PhD thesis, University of York, 2000). [18] Holiday Haunts (Jan. 1930), 33. The author is grateful to Matt Thompson for providing this data. [19] John Elliot, Railway Salesmanship and Public Relations Work, Journal of the Institute of Transport (January 1928): 166. [20] Mira Wilkins, The Neglected Intangible Asset: The Influence of the Trade Mark on the Rise of the Modern Corporation, Business History 34.1 (1992), 67.

68

Business Strategy and Corporate Image: Britains Railways, 1872-1977

modern corporations to make use of unified corporate image strategies. The GWR used the coats of arms of the cities of London and Bristol, and the Great Central became the first railway company to officially acquire a coat of arms in 1898 which adorned its locomotives, passenger coaches, crockery, ashtrays and employees uniform buttons.[21] A more obvious branding scheme was the use of distinctive company colour on railways liveries railways equivalent of packaging whose standardisation is considered to characterise modern branding.[22] As Nigel Digby wrote: Before 1880, almost all railway companies painted the locomotives green of one shade or another, and were devoid of companies initials, relying on number plates to ensure ownership...then in the 1880s there was a sudden burst of activity. Almost every company changed at least its locomotives in that decade, and started applying the company initials to wagons.[23] This sudden burst of corporate image-making was largely initiated by the inter-company competition from the 1870s, in which the railway companies tried to differentiate their products and services through branding the use of design in conjunction with business strategy. Such image-making was also widely deployed at the Grouping of 1923.[Fig.1][24] The identity crisis caused by amalgamating rival companies was to some

Fig. 1 / Great Central Railway Crockery. National Railway Museum 1978-8123. Courtesy of the National Railway Museum, York, UK

[21] George Dow, Railway Heraldry and Other Insignia (Newton Abbot, 1973), 66. Also, see Keith Lovegrove, Railway: Identity, Design and Culture (London, 2004), 121, passim. [22] Mark Casson, Brands: Economic Ideology and Consumer Society, in Adding Value, ed. Geoffrey Jones and Nicholas Morgan (London, 1994), 41-58; Liz Moor, The Rise of Brands (Oxford, 2007). [23] Nigel J. L. Digby, The Liveries of the Pre-Grouping Railways (Bourne, 2002), 7. [24] Brian Haresnape, British Rail, 1948-83: A Journey by Design (Shepperton, 1979), 21.

by Hiroki Shin

69

extent alleviated by adopting standardised design schemes which worked for both internal coherence of the workforce and for customers.[25] As we have stated earlier, the marketing techniques such as advertising and branding can be seen as constituting part of the railway companies wide-ranging efforts to establish a relationship with their customers and society. Presenting picturesque scenery on posters and luring repeated customers by branding may seem to be that the efforts were based on profit-making motives only. However, the business of public transport consisted of a series of different services and experiences, and presentations of images through such continuous processes were closely knitted in a yet wider field of activities. Creation of a corporate image not only for customers but for the general public, and even for employees, is widely overlapped with what we call public relations (PR). The research on this subject has only recently been started in earnest, mostly by American historians.[26] To risk an oversimplification, scholars in the US look more at private businesses, and those in Britain are chiefly concerned with public relations by public organisations and professional agencies. For example, Jacqui LEtang, in her book on public relations in Britain wrote: There was relatively little public relations in the private sector prior to the Second World War. Activities in the private sector were generally confined to advertising[27] It is important to note that the idea of public relations was consciously adopted and pursued by Britains railway companies even before World War II. There is ample evidence to show public relations were taken seriously by the four great railway companies, and were not isolated efforts by far-sighted individuals. It is not surprising that the railway industry was the one of the earliest to take up the concept, for in fact, in Britain, the first recorded use of the word public relations was in a railway context in the 1890s.[28] The timing is consistent with Britains railway companies active publication of pictorial posters and conscious efforts of branding, which also led to the establishment of the first publicity department in the railway company by the Great Central Railway in 1902. As the name publicity department shows, early public relations was defined rather narrowly. Therefore, a publicity section tended to be created in the advertising department as in the case of the Midland Railway which at least by 1903 had an
[25] For example, Cuthbert Hamilton Ellis, London, Midland & Scottish: A Railway in Retrospect (London, 1970), 45. [26] Scott M. Cutlip, Public Relations History: From the 17th to the 20th Century (Hillsdale, N.J., 1995); Scott M. Cutlip, The Unseen Power: Public Relations, a History (Hillsdale, N.J: 1994); Marvin N. Olasky, Corporate Public Relations: A New Historical Perspective (Hillsdale, N.J: 1987); Richard S. Tedlow, Keeping the Corporate Image: Public Relations and Business, 1900-1950 (Greenwich, Conn: 1979). [27] Jacquie LEtang, Public Relations in Britain: A History of Professional Practice in the Twentieth Century (Mahwah, N.J: 2004), 51. [28] public relations, n.2 OED Online. September 2008. Oxford University Press. 22 May 2009 < http://dictionary.oed. com/cgi/entry/50191827>.

70

Business Strategy and Corporate Image: Britains Railways, 1872-1977

advertising office. If we take the use of the term public relations as significant, the Southern Railway employed a Public Relations Assistant from 1925, and the Railway Clearing House had a public relations subcommittee from 1928. These facts prove that some historians claim is not entirely true that the first official public relations section in Britain was that of the General Post Office in 1933 under the influence of the example of AT&T.[29] By 1925, all four great railway companies the LMS, the GWR, the SR and the LNER had, respectively, an Advertising and Publicity Officer (created in 1923), a Publicity Agent (1924), a Public Relations Assistant (1925), and an Advertising Manager (1923). With the exception of the LNER from 1928, the functions of advertising, publicity and public relations were handled by a single section. Then who were the public relations and publicity officers? Apart from a few exceptions, we know surprisingly little about those people.[30] It seems those officers worked to publicise the railways but they themselves have disappeared into historical obscurity. It does not make them unimportant; in fact, they had a significant influence on the way the railways presented themselves, and thus, the way people thought about the railways, travel and mobility. To pick up some examples: the Southern Railway was, since the Grouping, suffering from criticism for its suburban services until it employed an ex-journalist, John Elliot in 1925. Elliots publicity campaign accorded the Southern Railway one of the most favourable images among the four railway companies.[31] The streamlining of trains in the 1930s was not only the achievement of the chief mechanical engineers but was helped by the support of the publicity sections. The launch of the LNERs Coronation in 1937 was greatly aided by press visits, a poster campaign and a showcase of model trains etc. organised by the advertising department headed by C.G.G. Dandridge [Fig. 2].[32] The publicity officers did not always represent novel schemes. T.C. Jeffery presided over the LMSs Advertising Office from at least 1903 to 1927. During Jefferys time, the LMS kept to a conservative publicity policy, an example of which is the commission of pictorial posters to Royal Academicians when other companies were actively experimenting with a more modern style of visual imagemaking.[33] In the case of the GWR, a conservative policy was employed to ensure
[29] Yasuko Ida, Image politics of the state: visual publicity of the General Post Office in inter-war Britain (unpublished PhD thesis, Royal College of Art, 1989), 118. In fact, Elliot sent a letter to the editor of The Spectator in 1965 saying that his appointment in 1925 was the first occasion outside America of the use of the term. John Elliot to the editor of The Spectator, 22 Jan. 1965, TNA, AN 6/61. [30] John Elliot, On and Off the Rails (London, 1982); Ander Dow, George Dow, Steam World 164 (2001), 14-20 & 165 (2001), 14-20. [31] Cole and Durack, Railway Posters, 1923-1947, 10-11 [32] Middleton, Its Quicker by Rail!, 92-4; A. J. Mullay, Streamlined Steam: Britains 1930s Luxury Expresses (Newton Abbot, 1994), ch. 4. A similar close relationship between streamlining and publicity campaigns can probably be seen in the launching of the LMSs Princess Coronation series from 1937, one of which became available for public inspection from May 2009 at the National Railway Museum in York. [33] John Hewitt, Posters of Distinction.

by Hiroki Shin

71

Fig. 2 / Streamlined Train Mallard(LNER). Courtesy of the National Railway Museum, York, UK

the image of Englishness on this holiday line, but the change of the head of the Publicity Department in 1924 led to an increase in the variety and quantity of publicity materials.[34] Also, in the case of the LMS, the departure of Jeffrey led to a considerable revision of the companys publicity policy which was partly conducted using an outside advertising agent, Charles Higham.[35] The creation of corporate images by the publicity officers was not carried out arbitrarily. The publicity officers regarded their work as supplying correct information for the general public while establishing a favourable image by initiating schemes for design, publication and employee training. For both aims, cooperation from almost all the departments was essential. Consequently, the publicity officers usually had free access to most departments and had frequent meetings with passenger, commercial and engineering departments.[36] Furthermore, public relations and the publicity departments were attached to the general managers office, especially in the 1920s-30s, and the chief officers were directly responsible to the general managers.[37] As John Elliot of the Southern Railway testifies, one of his most important tasks was communication with the general manager on a daily
[34] Wilson, Go Great Western, 29-31 [35] Memorandum to Directors on Advertising and Publicity Arrangements, 1929 May, TNA, RAIL 425/7. [36] Elliot, Railway Salesmanship and Public Relations Work, 161-2, 166. [37] Typescript of George Dows lecture on railway public relations held by the National Railway Museum.

72

Business Strategy and Corporate Image: Britains Railways, 1872-1977

basis.[38] These facts suggest that the publicity officers possessed, or were required to possess, information of a cross departmental nature, as well as about high-level corporate strategy. From the late 1920s, the role of public relations seems to have increased its importance. It is not to say that the function itself had not been important before that time. As some historians of public relations have noted, the range of activities that can be described as public relations had existed long before the term public relations came into use. Marvin Olasky found many of such nascent public relations in US history, and among its practitioners were public relations-minded railroad executives.[39] It is not difficult to find equivalents to them in Britain. The famous railway interest was part of the railway companies efforts to look after their interests through diplomacy, bribery, petitions, and through specialised railway journals.[40] Some of the machinery of the railway interest was carried forward to the Railway Clearing House whose public relations subcommittee was mentioned earlier. Thus, public relations can more properly be described as an effort carried out by the railway industry, which included, until World War II, railway companies and the Railway Clearing House. It is yet unclear how consciously public relations activities were co-ordinated between the railway companies, but there is some evidence. Since as early as 1898, issues concerning publicity were discussed at the Railway Clearing House by representatives from the main railway companies, including T.C. Jeffery of the Midland Railway whose name started to appear in the minutes of the meeting of advertising representatives from 1902.[41] The meetings at the Railway Clearing House continued until the 1940s, providing a forum for publicity and public relations officers where various subjects such as newspaper advertising, distribution of tourist programs, participation in international exhibitions and joint publicity schemes like the Early Holiday campaign were discussed.[42] The description of the railway industrys long-established public relations activities, especially our reference to the railway interest, might have given an impression that public relations was a concept used only at corporate or executive level. It is not necessarily true. The keen awareness of the need for public relations led to the corporate-wide reconfiguration of the commercial culture which involved most employees, especially those whose work required constant contact with
[38] Elliot, Railway Salesmanship and Public Relations Work, 160. [39] Olasky, Corporate Public Relations, 18. [40] Geoffrey Alderman, The Railway Interest (Leicester, 1973), 14. [41] Railway Clearing House: Minutes of meetings, Superintendents, TNA, RAIL 1080/136. [42] See RAIL 1080/581-591 at TNA. On other joint publicity campaigns. Middleton, Its Quicker by Rail!, 15; Cole and Durack, Railway Posters, 1923-1947, 7; Wilson, Go Great Western, 34. Also, on the Square Deal Campaign, see Michael Robert Bonavia, The Four Great Railways (Newton Abbot, 1980), 100; E.A. Gibbins, Square Deal Denied (Alsager, 1998); Geoffrey Hughes, An economic history of the London & North Eastern Railway (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, London School of Economics, 1990), 134-6.

by Hiroki Shin

73

customers. The information agent of the LNER, George Dow, wrote: Every member of the staff who comes into personal contact with the public, be he officer or stationmaster, ticket collector or porter, booking or enquiry office clerk, canvasser or catering attendant, is a public relations officer of the LNER, and can do useful service by seeing, in his own ways, that the public are contented with the services for which they pay or are being encouraged to pay. Nor must be forgotten those who correspond with the public on behalf of the Company. The tone of the letter can so easily be reflected in a well-chosen phrase which, unlike the spoken word, will remain as a permanent visual record of sympathetic consideration.[43] Yet, public relations is not entirely a concept laden with meanings. As some business historians argue, publicity means disclosing certain parts of corporate information to the public, so in this sense, public relations is relatively concrete concept.[44] But, in a wider sense, public relations is an expression which acknowledges the need for relating to the public, and here public relations can be regarded as a loose framework rather than a set of practical directions. Then we can ask, what kind of public relations did the railway companies try to establish? What were the ideas and values which should inform an ideal public relations? At this stage of our project, we would like to suggest the concept of salesmanship as a possible focus in the early twentieth century.

Salesmanship
The heightened awareness of the history of consumption, which was briefly noted at the opening of this paper, led to the revision of the traditional productionoriented approach to the market economy. One of the consequences is a renewed attention to the meaning of selling in the modern industrialised economy. Looking into the culture of selling is a relatively new field, and at this moment there is less concern about creating a grand narrative than to discover hidden stories.[45] In business history, the shaping of the sales force has been picked up by some historians, though usually as an example of modern entrepreneurship.[46] In more culturallyminded histories, underlying ideas of the culture of selling are gradually becoming a focus of academic effort, and the concept of salesmanship is one such informing idea. By far the most references to salesmanship have been in the context of the retail industry, in particular in the development of department stores, in which
[43] LNER Magazine, vol. 31.1 (Jan. 1941), 4. [44] Karla Gower, US corporate public relations in the progressive era, Journal of Communication Management 12.4 (2008): 305-318. [45] John Benson and Laura Ugolini, eds., Cultures of Selling: Perspectives on Consumption and Society Since 1700. (Ashgate, 2006). [46] Alfred Dupont Chandler, The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business (Cambridge, Mass: 1977), 219, 309, 385, 407-8.

74

Business Strategy and Corporate Image: Britains Railways, 1872-1977

salesmanship -- or rather saleswomanship -- tends to be treated as a concept which is symbolically rich but limited in scope.[47] Walter Friedmans recent work on the development of salesmanship in the US, Birth of a Salesman (2004) has provided us with a possibility to take the concept into a wider context, especially in relation to the development of the mass consumer society, for, as Friedman argues, salesmanship and consumption were opposite sides of the same coin.[48] However, Friedman overestimates the idiosyncrasy of American salesmanship when he wrote: The development of modern sales management is a uniquely American story. The intense effort to standardise salesmanship distinguished the growth of capitalism in America from that in other countries.[49] Friedman is only partly right. It may be true that the wide scale standardisation of salesmanship was an American story, but reference to salesmanship was not rare in early twentieth-century Britain. In fact, the Board of Education set up a Committee on Education for Salesmanship in 1928 which published its final report in 1931.[50] This is in part related to the concern that the British products were losing their market share especially from the challenge of American goods.[51] It is easy to relate the British interest in the salesmanship to the establishment of the Empire Marketing Board and other international marketing efforts,[52] but there was another dimension: salesmanship was the concept actively discussed in Britains railway industry from the late 1920s.[53] And it was usually taken up in conjunction with publicity and public relations. John Elliot of the Southern Railway, gave a lecture railway salesmanship and public relations work at the Institute of Transport in December 1927 in which he used salesmanship as a concept which was largely realised in public relations.[54] As Elliot explains, before the First World War, the railway companies were basked in the sunshine of monopoly and concerned almost entirely in manufacturing or providing, but today they were giving more attention to the selling side so salesmanship came in as a crucial concept.[55]
[47] Joy Cushman, John Benson, and Laura Ugolini, The customer is always right: change and continuity in British and American department store salesmanship, in Cultures of selling: perspectives on consumption and society since 1700 (Aldershot, 2006), 185-214; Susan Porter Benson, Counter Cultures: Saleswomen, Managers, and Customers in American Department Stores, 1890-1940 (Urbana, 1986); Cathedrals of Consumption: The European Department Store, 1850-1939, (Aldershot, 1998). [48] Walter A. Friedman, Birth of a Salesman: The Transformation of Selling in America (Cambrdige, Mass: 2004), 13. [49] Ibid., 4. [50] Board of Education, Final Report of the Committee on Education for Salesmanship, 1931. [51] Stefan Schwarzkopf, Who Said Americanization? The Case of Twentieth-Century Advertising and Mass Marketing from a British Perspective, in Decentering America, ed. Jessica Gienow-Hecht (N.Y., 2007). [52] John Beckerson, Marketing British toursim: government approaches to the stimulation of a service sector, 18801950, in The making of modern tourism: the cultural history of the British experience, 1600-2000, ed. Hartmut Berghoff (New York, 2001), 141. [53] The first mention of salesmanship in the Railway Gazette was in 1922. Railway Gazette, 29 Dec. 1922, 854. [54] Elliot, Railway Salesmanship and Public Relations Work. [55] Ibid., 160.

by Hiroki Shin

75

The attention to the selling side was, of course, the result of post-war competition from road traffic. Ashton Davies of the LMS also pointed out that the road traffic was the chief reason for the railway companies difficulty, and, like all trading and commercial concerns in a similar plight, they turned to and found a partial remedy in salesmanship.[56] Salesmanship is, according to Davis, an idea involving the acquisition and application of a technique, aimed at an endwhichis selling.[57] But it was more than physical process of selling, because if you wish to impress, or induce, or to persuade another man in regards to something, it is necessary that you go about it in an appropriate manner, and to do so there are a variety of personal and other attributes called into play.[58] The technique of selling involved the three basic elements of price, timing, and contact. The first two were, according to Davis, becoming less important, for the new competitor works on a different basis entirely.[59]Therefore contact with prospectspersonal or through advertisinggreatly increased its importance. A person who has such contact, he goes on, must be a salesman, born or trained.[60] Certainly, there were specialised canvassers in the railway companies before the First World War,[61] but the inculcation of salesmanship went beyond that. When the LMS established its School of Transport in 1938, a textbook of salesmanship was produced which contained chapters not only on sales techniques, corporate organisations, rates and fares, but also on knowledge of various industries, of competitors in transport, and geographical information for use when suggesting attractive destinations to prospective customers.[62] The levels of knowledge or aptitude might have been varied, but from the late 1920s the railway companies consciously tried to reconfigure their entire workforce, as Herbert Walker, the general manager of the Southern Railway, wrote in 1927: every man a salesman [Fig. 3].[63]

[56] Ashton Davies, Salesmanship and the Railway: Presidential Address, Railway Students Association: Proceedings of Session (1938): 44. The president of the Institute of Transport expressed the same opinion in 1930. Great Western Railway Magazine 42.11 (Nov. 1930), 472. For an earlier comment on salesmanship by the LMS, see LMS Magazine 6.3 (1929), 84-5 and 6.4 (1929), 116-117. [57] Ashton Davies, Salesmanship and the Railway, 44. [58] Ibid., 49. [59] Ibid., 44. [60] Ibid., 45. [61] At the time of Davies lecture, the LMS employed 600 canvassers. Ibid., 54. [62] London Midland and Scottish Railway Company, Salesmanship (London, 1938). See also, Bob Essery, Railway Salesmanship, Backtrack Special Issue 1 (1998): 48-54. [63] Southern Railway Magazine (1927), 130.

76

Business Strategy and Corporate Image: Britains Railways, 1872-1977

Fig. 3 / Salesmanship cartoon in LMS Magazine 5.1 (1928), 23

In the same vein, Davies proclaimed: The Chief Commercial Manager, his Assistants, the District Goods & Passenger Managers and their staffs, Station Masters, Goods Agents, Booking Clerks, Porters, Ticket Collectors, Carmen, Parcels Clerks, Goods Clerks, Telephone Operators, and others too numerous to mention here, are all salesmen, selling railway service through the medium of the spoken word in personal contact, or by the telephone, and backed by the printed word in the form of varied and diverse advertisements.[64] And the role of the salesman was envisioned as an essential link in the chain of distribution, forming as he does the liaison between producer and consumer.[65] These ideas and values were inculcated into the railway employees through corporate magazines and daily training. The Great Western Railway inaugurated a series of lectures under the title of railway salesmanship from 1933. The first classes were held in London and Birmingham. As the conclusion of the classes, an examination was held in January 1934, which was taken by 68 students. The result of the exam was duly reported in the company magazine, with the names of those who were awarded merit certificates.[66] The encouragement provided by the company seemed to have been favourably accepted by the staff, for the next sessions in the winter of 1934 took place in 15 centres, and over 400 examination
[64] Davies, Salesmanship and the Railway: Presidential Address, 54-5. [65] Ibid., 52 [66] GWR Magazine, 46.3 (Mar. 1934), 145.

by Hiroki Shin

77

papers were completed, and 45 merit certificates were gained.[67] 183 students sat for the exam in the 1935-6 sessions. Some examples of questions asked at the examination appeared in the GWR Magazine: When calling at a large works you overhear this remark made by one of the workmen -- I believe our people have decided to go to Weston-super-Mare for the outing this year, and I expect they will have... road motor coach again. What action would you take, as a salesman?[68] The model answer to the question provided by the magazine is: [F]ind out the secretary or organiser of the outing and arrange to meet him. To counter any opposition point out the facilities offered by rail compared with those by road e.g. a special train will be run to Weston and back at times convenient to the party if a minimum of 200 (adult) or equivalent fares are taken... two first class free passes will be allowed to the organisers to go to Weston to make prior arrangements... Saloons will be provided at the small additional cost per head. The rolling stock will enable the party to travel in ease and comfort. Meals can be taken en route, and the speed of travel by rail will allow of more time at the destination. Perfect safety is ensured and the party entrains and detrains as one body. The railway will provide meals, and the promoters can select the menu etc.[69] This formalised education of salesmanship went side-by-side with a casual type of sales activity. In 1927, Herbert Walkers address was directed at every employee of the company: Whenever you hear of a party of people (or single person for matter of that) proposing to travel by road in preference to rail, or making a habit of travelling by road, take the very first opportunity of tackling them about it. Ask them why they go by road, and point out to them that the railway offers, in many instances, a cheaper fare, and are nearly always the faster and safer service. Take home some of the handbills of cheap tickets, etc, issued at your station, and make your point by showing exactly what we have to offer.[70] The need for salesmanship was felt by another party involved in the railway business -- shareholders. Sir Arthur Stanley made an inaugural speech at the Institute of Transport in 1930 in which he said I am a humble shareholder myself, but I confess, to my shame, that I have not travelled on a train for many months past.[71] Apart from just being a shareholder, how could his conscience
[67] GWR Magazine, 48.6 (Jun. 1936), 289. The places where these sessions were held were London, Birmingham, Gloucester, Bristol, Exeter, Taunton, Newport, Worcester, Cardiff, Shrewsbury, Birkenhead, Swansea, Plymouth, Truro, and Swindon. [68] GWR Magazine, 48.6 (Jun. 1936), 289. [69] Ibid. [70] Southern Railway Magazine, 5 (53), May 1927, 130. [71] Railway Salesmanship, GWR Magazine, 42.11 (Nov. 1930), 472.

78

Business Strategy and Corporate Image: Britains Railways, 1872-1977

be aroused? Stanley was a person who was not much stirred by posters urging me to go to some place because it is so bracing, or even by pictures of the Blackpool Big Wheel, or incredibly pink maidens partially immersed in impossibly blue seas but, Stanley admits that I should be moved to the depth of my pocket by the suggestion that every pound I spend on a railway journey, however unnecessary, brought me near to my earthly railway millennium -- a really substantial dividend.[72] In the Southern Railway Magazine similar reasoning was given for the employees participation in railway salesmanship: it stands to reason that the more traffic goes to the roads, the less prosperous will the railway industry become, whereas the more we carry, and the more we win back from the roads, the greater will be the prosperity of the companies, and the more sure and certain will be the employment for railwaymen.[73] This mobilisation of human resources did not stop here. From 1934, Ashton Davis of the LMS initiated a program called the quota game in which all the stations and company employees were encouraged to achieve a certain standard of passenger and merchandise receipts.[74] Score cards were supplied to each station where all the staff were supposed to combine in the effort to obtain traffic in this game modelled after golf -- the line quota worked in a similar way to the bogey in golf. The LMS circulated an internal newspaper called Quota News for this game which was issued monthly to report the progress of the game [Fig. 4]. From nearly the same time, 1936, the Southern Railway started a program Selling Southern which only continued for less than a year.[75] However, from 1938, the SR tried another scheme called the Southern Sales League which closely resembled the LMSs quota game. As the name Southern Sales League suggests the SRs scheme took inspiFig. 4 / SR Southern Sales, January 1938. ration from football, though interestingly it National Railway Museum 1.0740. was depicted as dog racing by the illustrator Courtesy of the National Railway Museum, York, UK of Southern Sales which was the equivalent of the LMSs Quota News. Unfortunately, we cannot see the full development of these two
[72] Ibid. [73] Southern Railway Magazine (1927), 131. [74] LMS Magazine, 11.1 (Jan. 1934), 6-8. [75] Southern Railway Magazine, 13 (145), Jan. 1935, 4.

by Hiroki Shin

79

schemes of salesmanship, because of the Second World War which broke out in September 1939.[76]

Conclusion
So far, we have looked at the process in which the railway industry built up a commercial culture by taking advertising, branding, public relations and the concept of salesmanship. It is clear from the evidence that, in encouraging people to travel more, Britains railways consciously sought to establish a relatively clearly defined relationship with their customers and the society in which their role was defined as salesmen. It was a process of defining their position in society through reconfiguration of self-image, and it also involved reconfiguration of passengers and prospects as customers of mobility, as the image of salesmen needed its counterpart. In the late 1930s, even the traditional promotional method of advertising was referred to as silent salesmen.[77] From a broad viewpoint, the importance of salesmanship is threefold. The first is, as we have already noted, its relation to a wider context. The railways faced mounting competition from road traffic, especially after the First World War, which was also taking place in the context of Britain as a whole losing its position in international competition. The concept of salesmanship was brought in when the nation was asking the question is the salesmanship of this country up to the standard of the workmanship of men? -- to quote from a speech by the Prince of Wales made in 1929.[78] It was, in a sense, a reflection of the situation beyond the railway or even the transport industry. The second is its significance in a historical context. After the Second World War, Britains railways were reorganised and nationalised. When the Railway Executive Committee set up a committee to discuss the future role and structure of public relations and publicity in the British railways, it was Cuthbert Grasemann who was selected as the chairman. Grasemann was the successor of John Elliot as Public Relations and Advertising Assistant of the Southern Railway whose efforts to inculcate salesmanship into its employees we have just seen.[79] The basic structure decided in 1949 was a curious mixture of centralisation and regionalism, as the Chief Public Relations and Publicity Officer, J.H. Brebner, insisted on his sole authority, while each region had its public relations and publicity officers, most of whom were former publicity officers of pre-nationalisation railways, such as Grasemann at Southern region, George Dow from the LNER at London and Midland region, M.J.M. Dewar from
[76] Southern Sales, 21 (Sep. 1939). [77] Southern Sales, 15 (Mar. 1939), 1. [78] The Economist, 23 Feb. 1929, 390. [79] Southern Railway Magazine 8 (89), May 1930, 165 & 176.

80

Business Strategy and Corporate Image: Britains Railways, 1872-1977

the GWR at Western region.[80] It is not difficult to imagine that these former publicity officers of pre-nationalisation railways had certain visions of public relations and publicity which, to some extent, caused conflict with the newly established authority of centralised policy.[81] Jack Simmons in his Oxford Companion to British Railway History almost entirely dismissed the publicity of the British Railways: None of those who directed the railways now achieved any conspicuous improvement in their publicity. Their advertising was intermittent and humdrum.[82] However, there is one exception: BR did... pay careful attention to some aspects of public relations, devoting a good deal of money and thought to one particularly important aspect of it: the training of employees in the personal attitude towards passengers, both actual and potential. Some of the results were striking. The endlessly increasing complexity of the fare systems made them very difficult to understand, and the public could no longer be expected to read a timetable. But the men and women employed in ticket offices, in the new travel centres, and as guards on trains, usually communicated very patiently with the public faceto-face, showing a marked superiority to the equivalent staff in most bus offices.[83] This is clearly an aspect, or vestige, of railway salesmanship. It is not really surprising to find such traces of former practice, for it is likely that people such as Grasemann ensured continuity in railway public relations and publicity even when the situation surrounding the industry has drastically changed. In his speech, possibly dated in the post-war period, Grasemann was still expressing that publicity is in effect salesmanship and this is an essential part of every organisation.[84] As Simmons points out, there were no shareholders any more as the railways were nationalised, and the commercial incentive was to some extent thinned down. However, certain values and attitudes were retained, internalised in the commercial culture of the railways. It is not that we are trying to find some redeeming feature for the railways which were being criticised for losing their commercial viability. Rather, it is to find historical threads in the history of the railways which has been punctuated by drastic changes beyond their direct control. This leads to our last point. From 1965, the British railways entered a new phase in its effort to regain their former commercial competitiveness, or at least some of it. One of the chief projects was the branding of British Railways through
[80] Railway Gazette, 22 Apr. 1949: 432, 441, 449. On Brebners general views on public relations, see Railway Gazette, 11 Feb. 1949: 143-4; J. H. Brebner, Public Relations and Publicity (London, 1949). [81] T.R. Gourvish, British Railways, 1948-73: A Business History (Cambridge, 1986), 51-3. [82] Publicity and public relations, in Jack Simmons and Gordon Biddle, The Oxford Companion to British Railway History from 1603 to the 1990s (Oxford, 1997). [83] Ibid. [84] Excerpts from a paper on Transport Publicity given recently to the Ulster Session of the Institute of Transport by C. Grasemann, M.A., M. Inst. T., National Railway Museum, 1996-7070.

by Hiroki Shin

81

a so-called corporate identity program, which was represented by the adoption of the double arrow logo and other corporate-wide design schemes.[85] This period also saw the successful introduction of InterCity -- a story, which is one of the chief targets of our project. The motivation behind this large-scale reorganisation was similar to earlier periods: competition, this time from another wave of personal car ownership and a serious challenge from domestic aviation. It is still an early date to come up with a definitive argument on this topic, but it is interesting to see that a corporate image was again taken up at this crucial period. Our conclusion is not to state the obvious, that the corporate image has been a vital element in the business strategy, rather, we would like to emphasise that, by using the insights from recent developments in historical studies, in particular those of the social and cultural history of consumption and selling, corporate image and business strategies will provide us with rich materials through which we can see the wider history of our society. At the same time, these materials will certainly give us ample clues to interpret and present a huge variety of objects in a way that appeals to a wide audience that, we hope, will nurture a deep understanding of transport, mobility and the modern world.

[85] Railway Magazine (Feb. 1965), 63-7. Also, see Lovegrove, Railway, 136-8; Haresnape, British Rail, 1948-83, ch. 12.

82

Business Strategy and Corporate Image: Britains Railways, 1872-1977

Bibliography
Web Resource OED Online <http://dictionary.oed.com> Periodicals The Economist Great Western Railway Magazine Holiday Haunts Journal of the Institute of Transport LMS Magazine LNER Magazine Railway Gazette Railway Magazine Railway Students Association: Proceedings of Session Southern Railway Magazine Southern Sales Books and Articles
Alborn, Timothy L. Conceiving Companies: Joint-Stock Politics in Victorian England. London: Routledge, 1998. Alderman, Geoffrey. The Railway Interest. Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1973. Beckerson, John. Marketing British toursim: government approaches to the stimulation of a service sector, 1880-1950. In The Making of Modern Tourism: The Cultural History of the British Experience, 1600-2000, edited by Hartmut Berghoff. New York: Palgrave, 2001, 133-57. Bennett, Alan David. The Great Western Railway and the celebration of Englishness. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of York, 2000. Benson, John, and Laura Ugolini, eds. Cultures of Selling: Perspectives on Consumption and Society Since 1700. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006. Benson, Susan Porter. Counter Cultures: Saleswomen, Managers, and Customers in American Department Stores, 1890-1940. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986. Bevir, Mark, and Frank Trentmann. Markets in historical contexts: ideas, practices and governance. In Markets in Historical Contexts: Ideas and Politics in the Modern World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004, 1-24. Board of Education. Final Report of the Committee on Education for Salesmanship, 1931. Bonavia, Michael Robert. The Four Great Railways. Newton Abbot: David & Charles, 1980. Bownes, David, and Oliver Green, eds. London Transport Posters: A Century of Art and Design. Aldershot: Lund Humphries, 2008. Brebner, J. H. Public Relations and Publicity. London: National Council of Social Service, 1949. Brendon, Piers. The Motoring Century: The Story of the Royal Automobile Club. London: Bloomsbury, 1997. Carter, Ian. Railways and Culture in Britain: The Epitome of Modernity. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001. Casson, Mark. Brands: economic ideology and consumer society. In Adding Value, edited by Geoffrey Jones and Nicholas Morgan. London: Routledge, 1994, 41-58.

by Hiroki Shin

83

Geoffrey Crossick and Serge Jaumain, eds. Cathedrals of Consumption: The European Department Store, 1850-1939. Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998. Chandler, Alfred Dupont. Scale and Scope: The Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism. London: Belknap Press, 1990. . The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business. Cambridge, Mass: Belknap Press, 1977. Channon, Geoffrey. Railways in Britain and the United States, 1830-1940: Studies in Economic and Business History. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001. Cole, Beverley, and Richard Durack. Railway Posters, 1923-1947: From the Collection of the National Railway Museum, York, England. New York: Rizzoli, 1992. Cushman, Joy. The customer is always right: change and continuity in British and American department store salesmanship. In Cultures of Selling: Perspectives on Consumption and Society since 1700, edited by John Benson and Laura Ugolini. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006, 185-214. Cutlip, Scott M. Public Relations History: From the 17th to the 20th Century. Hillsdale, N.J: Erlbaum, 1995. . The Unseen Power: Public Relations, a History. Hillsdale, N.J: L. Erlbaum Associates, 1994. Digby, Nigel J. L. The Liveries of the Pre-Grouping Railways. Bourne: Warners Group Publications, 2002. Divall, Colin. Transport, 1900-39. In A Companion to Early Twentieth-Century Britain, edited by Chris Wrigley. Oxford: Blackwell, 2003, 286-301. Dow, Andrew. George Dow. Steam World 164 (2001), 14-20; 165 (2001), 14-20. Dow, George. Railway Heraldry and Other Insignia. Newton Abbot: David & Charles, 1973. Elliot, John. On and Off the Rails. London: Allen & Unwin, 1982. Ellis, Cuthbert Hamilton. London, Midland & Scottish: A Railway in Retrospect. London: Ian Allan, 1970. . The Midland Railway. London: Ian Allan, 1953. Fitzgerald, Robert. Rowntree and the Marketing Revolution, 1862-1969. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Friedman, Walter A. Birth of a Salesman: The Transformation of Selling in America. Cambrdige, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2004. Gibbins, E. A. Square Deal Denied. Alsager: Leisure Products, 1998. Gourvish, T. R. British Railways, 1948-73: A Business History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986. Gower, Karla. US corporate public relations in the progressive era. Journal of Communication Management 12.4 (2008): 305-318. Haresnape, Brian. British Rail, 1948-83: A Journey by Design. Shepperton: Ian Allan, 1979. Harrington, Ralph. Beyond the bathing belle: images of women in inter-war railway publicity. Journal of Transport History 25.1 (March 2004), 22-45. Hewitt, John. East Coast Joys: Tom Purvis and the LNER. Journal of Design History 8.4 (1995), 291-311. . Posters of distinction: art, advertising and the London, Midland, and Scottish Railways. Design Issues 16.1 (Spring 2000), 16-35. Holland, Rachel. LNER posters 1923-47: aspects of iconography, railway and social history. Unpublished MA dissertation, University of York, 1999. Hughes, Geoffrey. An economic history of the London & North Eastern Railway. Unpublished PhD thesis, London School of Economics, 1990. Ida, Yasuko, Image politics of the state: visual publicity of the General Post Office in inter-war Britain. Unpublished PhD thesis, Royal College of Art, 1989. Jackson, Peter A. Commercial Cultures: Economies, Practices, Spaces. Oxford: Berg, 2000. Jeremiah, David. Representations of British Motoring. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007.

84

Business Strategy and Corporate Image: Britains Railways, 1872-1977

Knoop, Douglas. Outlines of Railway Economics. Repr. edn. London: Macmillan, 1925 (originally published 1913). Lacy, R. E, and George Dow. Midland Railway Carriages. Upper Bucklebury: Wild Swan, 1984. LEtang, Jacquie. Public Relations in Britain: A History of Professional Practice in the Twentieth Century. Mahwah, N.J: L. Erlbaum Associates, 2004. London, Midland and Scottish Railway Company. Salesmanship. London: London Midland and Scottish Railway, 1938. Lovegrove, Keith. Railway: Identity, Design and Culture. London: Laurence King Publishing, 2004. Middleton, Allan. Its Quicker by Rail!: The History of LNER Advertising. Stroud: Tempus Publishing, 2002. Moor, Liz. The Rise of Brands. Oxford: Berg, 2007. Mullay, A. J. Streamlined Steam: Britains 1930s Luxury Expresses. Newton Abbot: David & Charles, 1994. OConnell, Sean. The Car and British Society: Class, Gender and Motoring 1896-1939. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998. Olasky, Marvin N. Corporate Public Relations: A New Historical Perspective. Hillsdale, N.J: L. Erlbaum Associates, 1987. Schwarzkopf, Stefan. Who said Americanization? The case of 20th-century advertising and mass marketing from a British perspective. In Decentering America, edited by Jessica Gienow-Hecht. NY: Berghahn Books, 2007. Simmons, Jack, and Gordon Biddle. The Oxford Companion to British Railway History from 1603 to the 1990s. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997, 23-72. Tedlow, Richard S. Keeping the Corporate Image: Public Relations and Business, 19001950. Greenwich, Conn: Jai Press, 1979. Shackelton, J.T. The Golden Age of the Railway Poster. London: New English Library, 1976. Thorold, Peter. The Motoring Age: The Automobile and Britain 1896-1939. London: Profile, 2003. Watts, D.C.H. Evaluating British railway poster advertising: the London & North Eastern Railway between the wars. Journal of Transport History 25.2 (2004), 23-56. Wilkins, Mira. The neglected intangible asset: the influence of the trade mark on the rise of the modern corporation. Business History 34.1 (1992), 66-95. Williams, Roy. The Midland Railway: A New History. Newton Abbot: David & Charles, 1988. Wilson, Roger Burdett. Go Great Western: A History of GWR Publicity. Newton Abbot: David & Charles, 1970.

85

Different Intermodal Solutions of Railway Transportations


by Evgeni Korovyakovskiy
The paper consist of two parts. In the first part analysis of intermodal transportation in Russia and in other countries is given. In second part the perspectives of contrailer train between Kouvola and Moscow analyzed. As result of the work we can admit that without support of federal government this project of new technology application becomes unprofitable.

Introduction
People make decisions about their transportation, which aren`t usually really reasonable. They choose the way of travelling, which ensures them the highest standard of comfort and don`t limit their freedom. We can say that transportation is a part of quality of life parameter. Nowadays people treat possibility of communication as an element of independence because keeping mobility in all periods of their lives is for them very important. Due to this contrailer transportation as one that makes better situation with congestions of motor roads and supports passenger transportation is very interesting to research. The transportation for last decades has grown extremely so that highways become bottleneck for many transportations. According to the information (Hilmola, Saranen, 2008), average speed of delivery of cargoes by means of motor transport in the European Union makes 18 km per hour that is not enough for the present stage of development of the industry. Besides many forecasts (Ministerial council of transport) speaking about the further intensive increase in cargo and passenger transportations, despite the world financial crisis is still continuing. In these conditions transportation by rail becoming more and more significant. Railways are safe, demand smaller costs and keep environment. The conclusion about increasing necessity of transportation volumes by rail therefore arises. With expansion of the European Union to the East, the Central Europe and especially Germany the intensive increasing in transportations in the East-West direction expects.

86

Different Intermodal Solutions of Railway Transportations

It is expected that by 2015 the cargo transportation will grows up more than 60 %. The network of highways in Europe not in a good condition status to cope with such increase. Without radical actions jams on roads are obvious in the next years. The economy incurs milliard losses because of a petrol consumption, loss of time and an ecological damage. We can find these ideas in EU-funded project FreightVision 2050. In Russia railway transport is still quite strong so ecological questions are not in the main focus of Transport strategy program for 2020. On many positions the railway transportation is the competitor for the automobile, however it is required to develop a number of actions for coordination and consolidating of these types of transport. It is necessary to use capacity of the railway concerning reliable, fast and safe types of transport and availability of trucks to deliver cargoes to/from enterprises. Basis of the problem decision of increase of an overall performance of railways are cardinal upgrade in relations with users of services of a railway transportation and introduction of technologies of the transportation process focused on high quality of transport servicing, and it can be reached active application of intermodal transportations. Thus complexes of servicing of highly effective technologies on a railway transportation are united in system of firm transport servicing (in Russian SFTO), based on high degree of use of IT-technologies. Thanks to the kept uniform information field, good opportunities for close interaction of railways of Russia with railways of the states CIS and Baltics open. Effective functioning of a railway transportation of the Russian Federation plays an exclusive role in creation of conditions for modernisation, transition to an innovative way of development and steady growth of national economy, promotes creation of conditions for Russia integration in world economic system. It is reflected in Strategy of developing of a railway transportation of the Russian Federation till 2030. The Russian railways are the second-large transport system of the world, yielding on total length of operational roads only the USA. On extent of the electrified railways the Russian railways win first place in the world. The Russian Federation performs now more than 20 percent of a cargo turnover and 10 percent of a passenger turnover of all railways of the world. On the geographical position the Russian railways are an integral part of the Euroasian railway system, they are directly connected with railway systems of Europe and East Asia. Besides, through ports interaction with transport systems of the North America can be performed. Railways are organically integrated into uniform transport system of the Russian Federation. In interaction with other types of transport they meet a needs of the population, economy and the states in transportations. Thus the railway

by Evgeni Korovyakovskiy

87

transportation is a leading element of transport system, its share in maintenance passenger and cargo transportation makes more than 40 percent from all transport of the country. Realisation of measures on reforming of the Russian railways has been begun by the Government of the Russian Federation in 1998. However, despite successes of structural reform of a railway transport in Russian Federation, its actions and results have appeared are insufficient that in short terms to create effective sources of the developing, allowing to provide scale attraction of means in developing of branch and its modernisation, to generate conditions for its long-term steady growth and competitiveness increase in the world market. The analysis of the problems which have arisen in sphere of a railway transportation, has allowed to reveal the following key moments which are critical for the further social and economic growth of the country: - Necessity of the accelerated renovation of a fixed capital of a railway transportation; - Overcoming of technical and technological retention of Russia from the advanced countries of the world on level of railway technics. In Russia there is no highspeed trains still; - Necessity of decrease in territorial disproportions for developing of an infrastructure of a railway transportation, improvement of transport security of regions and developing of admission rates of railroad lines; - Necessity of removal of restrictions for growth of volumes of transit cargo transportation; - Necessity of increase of safety of functioning of a railway transportation; - Insufficiency of investment resources. It is necessary during the period till 2030 to realise Strategy of developing of a railways in the Russian Federation till 2030 At the heart of Strategy following principles lie: The railway transportation is one of bases of political, social, economic and cultural unity of Russia; The railway transportation is the important component of maintenance of high level of defensibility and safety of the state;

Effectively functioning railway transportation is an obligatory element of maintenance of competitiveness of the country; On a railway transportation the effective combination of state regulation and self-regulation market mechanisms is provided;

88

Different Intermodal Solutions of Railway Transportations

Advancing developing and railroad system modernisation are an infrastructural basis of social and economic growth of Russia; - Increase of level of safety of functioning of railway transportation is the major state priority of developing and modernisation of transport, scientific researches and current operational work. The Strategy purpose is making up of conditions for steady social and economic developing of Russia, increase of mobility of the population and cargoflows optimisation, strengthenings of the economic sovereignty, national safety and defensibility of the country, decrease in cumulative transportation costs of economy, increase of competitiveness of national economy and maintenance the lead positions of Russia on the basis of advancing and innovative developing of the railway transportation harmoniously co-ordinated to developing of other branches of economy, types of transport and country regions. Strategy is directed on the decision of following commitments: - Realisation of transit potential of Russia on the basis of integration of a railway transportation into the international transport systems; - Decrease in cumulative transportation costs, including at the expense of increase of efficiency of functioning of a railway transportation; - Maintenance of the right of citizens of Russia on favorable environment. On the basis of an estimation of prospects of developing of the Russian economy and taking into account developing of other types of transport the basic volumes of a railway transportation - loading of cargoes and cargo turnover are predicted. By the minimum variant loading of cargoes in 2030 is predicted in volume of 1970 million tons with growth (to level of base 2007) in 1,47 times. The cargo turnover is predicted in volume of 3050 billion in tonno-km with growth (to level of base 2007) in 1,46 times. By the maximum variant loading by 2030 will increase in 1,6 times and will reach 2150 million tons. The cargo turnover in 2030 will increase in comparison with 2007 in 1,58 times and will make 3300 billion in tonno-km. If we will look at geography of transportations we can see that it is highly concentrated in several regions. So in these regions transportation will have multiplifier factor higher that predicted in the Strategy. This means congestions on roads and problems with fluent cargoflows. Developing contrailer (combined) transportations providing a combination of advantages of railway and motor transport can become a long-range direction of increase of competitiveness of railways of Russia.

by Evgeni Korovyakovskiy

89

Literature Review on Contrailer Research


At the moment it has been spent big researches abroad on these subjects. Woxenius (1998) is analysed the international experience of use intermodal transportations. Various concepts of accomplishing of loading technics on intermodal transport terminals are considered. He has qute interesting scheme (figure 1) where shows main gateways between national/regional network modules in future EU intermodal transportation system. In Russia a lot of works (Kotljarenko, Kozlov, Kirpa, Dyomin, Kogan, Salatov, Shobanov) are devoted to the research of various aspects of the contrailer organisation, etc.

Figure 1. Examples of gateways between national/regional network modules in a future European intermodal transportation system.

Kotljarenko researches efficiency questions of contrailer transportations. At the same time key persons of railways abroad and many experts of railways in Russia continue to consider that the combined transportations will not justify the efforts spent for their organisation, as the mid-annual income counting on each maintained rail car at the combined transportations much more low, than at other kinds of transportations. This fact complicates a competition to automobile transport and speaks that at the combined transportations on platforms is transported only one automobile trailer or the container whereas at other kinds of transportations all rail cars, as a rule, are loaded to the maximum capability that as marks Baritko, does not do effective contrailer transportation. However researches of All-Russian Railway Research Institute confirm that contrailer transportations essentially new type

90

Different Intermodal Solutions of Railway Transportations

of service of a railway transportation which confidently type rates of the developing abroad in the CIS countries, especially at a transit transportation and delivery of the foreign trade cargoes. Kozlov researches questions of creation of the automated terminals for the organisation container and contrailer transportations. Questions on a choice of a complex of means of mechanisation and automation of processes of processing contrailers are researched. Kirps, Dyomins researches the answer about possible ways of developing of the combined shippings goods to Ukraine is given, the basic problems transshipment and the combined transportations are formulated. Salatovs and Shobanovs work theoretical aspects of an estimation of economic efficiency contrailer transportations are researched. The economicmathematical model of calculation of economic efficiency is considered. Shobanov researches is devoted bases of a complex estimation of economic efficiency contrailer shippings goods in the international communications, the economic-mathematical model is specified, its components are considered, the algorithm of calculation of economic efficiency contrailer transportations is developed. Dyomins researches efficiency spheres contrailer transportations in Ukraine are specified, placing and brace questions contrailers on an open rolling stock are considered. Snigur (2006) develops algorithms of optimisation of contrailer trains at various variants of their making up and sorting. We can admit that in Russia only few researches are oriented on real projects. They are more like philosophy-oriented without calculations of total costs and enviorement influence.

Experience Analysis on Contrailer Transportation


Both Europe and Russia choke with quantity of supersize vehicles on the highways literally. This situation is negatively reflected in ecology, a condition status of a roads and breakdown susceptibility. From the end of a century before last among engineers of the different countries the idea to put the car on rails that would remove the majority of the named problems soars. However consolidating of indisputable pluses contrailer transportations with commercial benefit from a similar way of transportation of cargoes remains while an unresolved commitment. In Russia the proper attention is not given to contrailer transportations. And, in spite of the fact that for today there are structures which possess technical possibilities and technological developments for realisation contrailer transportations (first of

by Evgeni Korovyakovskiy

91

all, these are the large forwarding organisations), these transportations do not develop. As a result available potential of railways on granting remains to clients of additional services and advantages not claimed. Thus, potential incomes which at this conjuncture leave on competing types of transport are lost. As to the relation of the state to a problem contrailer transportations till now it had purely declarative character. The given kind of transportations is new to republics of the former USSR. In Europe already almost three decades with success use all advantages of contrailers. To them, on a general recognition, the surveillance, protection and safety of route, simplification of customs procedures, decrease in alert conditions on roads, the decision sharp of questions of turns on borders concern a rigid schedule of availability of cargo to the receiver. In the European countries of transportation in contrailer trains the integral component of logistic schemes of deliveries. Conversations on necessity of developing contrailer transportations in Russia are conducted about 50-60 years of the last century. However all practical experience of similar transportations keeps within only in some indicative-demonstration trips. For the first time on a substantial scale to perform contrailer transportations in Russia Abakan wagon factory about hundred specialised platforms has been made in the early nineties. It was planned that they will be maintained on a route of Helsinki Moscow. Involved departments have developed tariffs, considering the size of expenses by transportation motor transport, and have tried, that the railway component in the aggregate the size of the rate did not exceed 32 %. But the rail cars intended for transportation, have been executed poor. As a result the bottom parts of trucks at transportation have been damaged. During demonstration trip from Moscow to Poland there was a similar incident when unloaded from platforms trucks also have suffered. When trial trip from Moscow to Novorossisk was performed, tens trail cars have been damaged that they properly were not fixed on platforms. After these unsuccessful experiments the railways began to work over creation of the new specialised rail car. The Torzhoksky wagons factory was engaged in the given commitment. The rolling stock design was not ideal too it has appeared what to ship trucks on platforms was possible only by means of the elevating crane, preliminary having unhooked tractors. Probably, this model also would be finished, that is the new variant of arrival on a platform from the earth is thought up, only market conditions have changed and idea of contrailer transportations have for a while left alone. The second stage of developing contrailer transportations mostly concerns the post-Soviet territory, rather than to Russia. In 2003 the Ukrainian railways together with railways of Belarus and Lithuania realised the project of a train of the combined transport Viking plying on a route Ilyichevsk (Odessa) Klaipeda.

92

Different Intermodal Solutions of Railway Transportations

Under the arrangement of all participants of the project rail cars have been included in it with universal and refrigerator containers, road trains, demountable bodies. For journey and a food of drivers passenger compartment car and a diningcar have been provided. Viking the joint project of the Lithuanian, Belarus and Ukrainian railways, the stevedore companies of the Klaipeda, Odessa and Ilichevsky ports. The train has been intended for transportation of 20 and 40-foot containers, semitrailer trucks and road trains (contrailers), arrived by the sea in the Klaipeda port from Scandinavia, other countries of Western Europe and further the following to Belarus, Ukraine or through the Odessa and Ilichevsky ports to the East and Caucasus or in the opposite direction. The train VIKING - has connected two ports Ilyichevsk on Black sea and Klaipeda on Baltic sea, and also two capitals: Kiev (Ukraine) and Vilnius (Lithuania). According to the intergovernmental arrangement between Ukraine and Lithuania, since February, 6th, 2003 there is begun regular traffic of a train of the combined transport under the title VIKING. The train follows under 1161 on a route Ilyichevsk Kiev Klaipeda and under 1162 in the opposite direction. The general distance of a route is 1733 km. The train is in a road 56 hours and 30 minutes. Transportation cost joins registration transportation documents, transportation of one trucking facilities on a specialised flat, journey of the driver in the carriage, passage of customs registration to Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania, protection of trucking facilities throughout all transit. A food of drivers is performed in a dining-car at own expense, under reasonable prices. For all time as a part of the given train 539 contrailers have been transported. Since 2007 for some reasons their transportation has stopped. In 2003 in Ukraine Yaroslav developed together with the Polish railway started contrailer train. It plied on a route Kiev Slavkuv under 1163/1164. The general extent of a route of 1028 km. Following of a train taking into account crossing of the Ukrainian and Polish borders occupied 38 hours 41 minutes. After unloading of rail cars in Slavkuv the further transportation of cargoes was performed by motor transport. The train Yaroslav has given the chance to autocarriers to pass deep into Poland on 404 km by rail while the automobile communication of tractors on territory of this state on weekends was terminated. In 2004 the train route has been prolonged to Lugansk. For 2003 2004 and 2 months of 2005 as a part of a train in both directions it has been transported 3,2 thousand contrailers. However since February, 2005 and this train has stopped the existence. In the summer 2007 contrailer transportations in Kazakhstan have started. From the South Kazakhstan to capital region - Astana contrailer platforms with automobile trucks were sent, loaded with Uzbekistan and the South Kazakhstan vegetables and fruits. Contrailer technologies as has underlined Abdimaulen

by Evgeni Korovyakovskiy

93

Tukibaev, the chief of Shikmentsky branch of JSC Kazzheldortrans, will allow to raise quality of servicing of cargo owners at the expense of reducing of a time of delivery of cargoes from a door to a door, decrease in time for transportation of fruit-and-vegetable production as a whole. Contrailer platforms are convenient, as loading-unloading occupies a maximum an hour and a half. The vehicle with cargo at station loads on a platform where it fixed. When the platform arrives on a place, all occurs upside-down. With the help of contrailer transportations in republic experts expect to solve a problem of deterioration of road coverings. Instead of carrying out of mass repair road works administration of the republic try to change minds of motor transportation branch by means of popularisation contrailer transportations with the lowered tariffing. In Russia developing of the combined transportations will allow to free from lorries and keep highways, considerably to improve environment ecology, will raise reliability and safety of delivery of cargoes, will give essential economy of resources. One more of factors of perspectivity of developing contrailer transportations is: possible in this case reducing park of covered rail cars as a considerable flow of cargo of small shipments transported on the long distances, it will be possible to deliver in contrailers. It, of course, will demand increase in park of platforms for transportation contrailers, but their manufacturing is cheaper, and platforms are more universal rolling stock, than covered rail cars. Interest to contrailer to transportations for consignors is explained by obvious benefits: increase in commercial speed of a shipping goods, increase of safety of cargoes, transportation depreciation. For autocarriers contrailer transportations mean also simplification of loading work, reduction of park of tractors, reducing of an idle time of road trains on border points, decrease in deterioration of an automobile rolling stock, reduction of expenses by repair, acceleration of delivery of cargoes from a door to a door, decrease in number of accidents of motor transport, alleviating of an operating mode of drivers. The state also can be interested in developing contrailer transportations. They provide the decrease in loading of a road infrastructure, especially on directions with a high density of traffic of supersize road trains. Other factor of introduction contrailer transportations is reduction of influence by environment of harmful emissions of motor transport. Developing intermodal auto-railway contrailer transportations will have great value for economy of the Russia. It will allow it to be entered in world system of exportimport deliveries of the goods and services more full. Intermodal transportations possess high potential in the field of transportation, and their value will increase at achievement of sufficient level of profitability and quality. Besides, the organisation of the given kind of transportations will allow to load into Russia in regular intervals a transport infrastructure of the country that will provide increase of efficiency of its work and the

94

Different Intermodal Solutions of Railway Transportations

fullest conformity to high requirements of consumers of transport services, will give the chance to react to market condition fluctuation flexibly. Experience of foreign countries proves economic efficiency of contrailer transportations. On railways of the USA fast rates transportations contrailers automobile semitrailer trucks on a specialised rolling stock develop. Volume growth of contrailer transportations on a railway transportation of the USA in the conditions of prices for a diesel fuel rise and increase of competitiveness of railways in relation to the motor transportation companies is caused by a number of the reasons among which the cores are: switching of a considerable part of a goods traffic from covered rail cars to automobile semitrailer trucks, the organisation of transportations of automobile semitrailer trucks by specialised routeing trains which follow on constant routes under the fixed schedule, concentration of reloading operations on rather small number of large terminals with high level of mechanisation, perfection of transport servicing at transportations in mixed railway-automobile communication. In the USA at the initiative of the government still in 50 the concept of developing of the combined transportations in which basis the idea of the organisation of high-speed delivery cargoes in containers and semitrailer trucks by routeing trains between contrailer-container points on all network of roads of the country has been developed. Now all cargoes on distances to 800 km here are transported, as a rule, in a direct automobile communication, and further 800 km in mixed railway-automobile. For the last two decades the large material base for realisation of the combined transportations is created. In a motor pool is more than 2,7 million semitrailer trucks, about 600 thousand trail cars and 1,3 million autotractors. The railway transportation has more than 300 thousand specialised platforms for contrailer transportation. In the country more than 100 complex contrailer terminals of national value, more than 500 basic terminals on all types of transport and some thousand sorting points are crossed. For initiating of system of the combined transportations a number of privileges and the privileges of financial and legal character stimulating developing of these transportations and transfer of volumes from motor transport on the railway has been given the railway companies of the USA. The current state contrailer transportations is abroad characterised by their considerable growth, both in Europe, and in the North America. Importance of developing of this kind of transportations admits the governments of the majority of the European countries, the USA and Canada for economic and ecological reasons. On developing of an intermodal transport large recourses were allocated as follows are designated: 70 % - on standardization of a railway track, 11-16 % - on a carriage rolling stock, 5-6 % - on the reloading equipment and 10-13 % - on terminals. Especially fast rates an intermodal transport internationally, as result of growing integration in Europe develops. The international transportations make

by Evgeni Korovyakovskiy

95

over 50 % in a cargo turnover of an intermodal transport. The combined transportations on the European continent have got the special importance thanks to prohibition of cargo transportation on highways in ecologically protected zones.

Main Types of Contrailer Transportation


Now abroad there are some systems contrailer transportations which on a way and a way of loading on a railway vehicle can be divided line hauls into following kinds conditionally: 1) hukkepak - transportation on platforms with horizontal or vertical contrailer loading, equipped wheels in diameter of 950 mm or the reduced diameter, having the normal either lowered level coupling system or united in a train with a continuous false deck. Such kind of transportations was widely adopted in countries of Western Europe. 2) roadrailer transportations concern them: - Special semitrailer trucks on combined auto-railway to a course - The modernised semitrailer trucks with special railway bogies 3) combined when the strengthened or routine semitrailer truck is established by a back part on one railway with the reduced diameter of a wheel. Roadrailer and the combined ways of transportation are extended in the countries of the North America. From the technical point of view there are no standard documents regulating transportation contrailers on territory of the Russian Federation. At road train installation in the rail car, its transportation should be performed as an special load, accordingly for the organisation of this kind of transportation development of special documentation is required. By transportation in the Russian-finnish through railway service it is required to be guided by regulations and the securings of loads, transported in the Russian-finnish through railway service. Standard specifications on placing and brace of trailers and road trains in rail cars by transportation in the Russian-finnish through railway service consist in the following: - Cargoes in contrailers should be placed and fixed according to requirements to placing and a securing of loads in large-capacity containers. - Before loading contrailers on a platform the consignor is obliged to prepare cargo for transportation so that traffic safety of trains, safety of transported cargo was provided. Canvas sheaths of the contrailer should be in a satisfactory condition status, not have the damages provoking access to cargo. Loops and apertures in a canvas sheath, a cable for denim brace, and also a loop on a body should be roadworthy and not have damages. The fixing cable should be whole, without

96

Different Intermodal Solutions of Railway Transportations

merging traces. Cables fixing a shade-shed should be reliably packed and not have breakages and connecting knots, and the ends of the basic fixing cable should be connected in reliable knot. - Places for wheels clear of snow, ice and dust. - Transportation is performed as an special load. An index of oversizing is H-0030. This means that contrailer is go out from loading gauge at 3rd level. - The Design of a platform for transportation of trailers and an equipment arrangement should provide safety of the processors, and also convenient access at survey, maintenance service and repair. - Autotractors should not have normal functioning oil and fuel systems. - Transportation on specialised platforms of contrailers with defective brake system are not supposed. - Car glasses should be terminated with special boards which should be available for the driver, for the purpose of protection against casual hits of extraneous subjects. Loading and unloading of trailers should be performed on the special platforms equipped with access roads with load-lifting devices of demanded capability, providing safety of a trailer and transported cargo. As a whole all over the world combined contrailer transportations are considered as natural process of overcoming of competitive relations between automobile both by rail and transition to cooperation relations. This process becomes possible only with state support of contrailer transportations as principle of protection of environment and ecological protection of citizens, and also as method of maintenance of the equilibrium competitive environment in sphere of cargo transportation of cargoes, first of all, in international, and also in domestic transportation. Volumes of contrailer transportations increase on the average on 10 % a year. At the expense of system perfection operational expenses decrease and if to consider that except a share of automobile cargoes it is possible to involve in addition a part of cargoes which are transported with an intermediate overload from motor vans in covered rail cars becomes the organisation of system obvious necessity of contrailer transportations in Russia.

by Evgeni Korovyakovskiy

97

Analysis of Organization of Contrailer Traffic in Russian-Finnish Transportation


Under EU-financed Lognet project with participation of JSC RZD specialists question of contrailer transportation between Russia and Finland was risen. The bases for this purpose were: Incessant growth of transportations on the given direction, limited to admission rate of automobile boundary transitions; Constant multikilometer queues on automobile boundary transitions, deteriorating of ecological conditions on Karelia, extreme deterioration of a road covering of a federal line Moscow St.-Petersburg Vyborg state border. Predicted by Federal customs service and the Ministry of economic development and trade falling of volumes of carriages by rail between Russia and Finland by 2011; The necessity of realisation of new business projects for JSC RZD connected with it. Interest of the Finnish party in realisation of the given project. Proceeding from the above-stated, the project purpose determining of possibility of creation of effective business on transportation contrailer cargoes in the Russian-finnish transportation. Project commitments: Calculation of the business plan with determining of participants, risks, efficiency of the project; Preparation of references in public authorities on creation of optimum conditions for project realisation; Creation of joint venture with the Finnish railways VR Ltd, the Russian logistic companies; Increase of competitiveness of transportation by rail; Increase in profit of JSC RZD from realisation of the international cargo transportation. At the first stage of work the group has analysed cargo turnover structure in Russian-Finnish the transportation. In 2007 considerable growth of an automobile through transportation through Finland to Russia has proceeded. According to Customs office of Finland volumes of an automobile cargo transportation have grown on 25 % in comparison with 2006. Thus the total of the trucks which have crossed the Russian-Finnish border in both directions, has exceeded for the first time 1 million units.

98

Different Intermodal Solutions of Railway Transportations

1. Structure of the market of motor movements between Russia and Finland: By rolling stock kinds: 29 % - containers on cars; 24 % - automobile transporters; 47 % - cars with small shipments. On delivery region: 70 % - Moscow and Moscow Region; 25 % - St.-Petersburg and Leningrad region; 5 % - other regions. On an accessory forwarders: 90 % - Russian ; 10 % - other carriers. Proceeding from the received information, it was found out that the basic object for contrailer transportations is the car with small shipment in direction from Finland to Moscow. It has considered three possible variants of the organisation of the contrailers. 1. Route train with the co-ordinated length on a shoulder St.-Petersburg Kouvola. Advantages: A short distance; Arranging traffic possibility under the rigid schedule. Lacks: Necessity of building of the separate terminal in the Russian territory; High probability of empty run of a specialised rolling stock; Discrepancy to the basic direction of a goods traffic. 2. Single rail cars in ordinary trains transportation. Advantages: The minimum time of accumulating. Disadvantages: Following with routine cargo speed (out of the accelerated trains); Low level of safety of cargo (it is impossible to provide qualitative protection on the route). 3. Inclusion of rail cars with contrailers in the accelerated container train Polar Lights plying on a route Kouvola (Finland) Moscow-tov.-Okt. (Russia).

by Evgeni Korovyakovskiy

99

Advantages: - High speed of a cargo delivering; - Transportation on a demanded shoulder; - Presence of the developed terminalno-warehouse infrastructure; - High safety of cargo; - Reducing of time of accumulating kontejnerno-kontrejlernogo trains. Disadvantages: - Insignificant loss of time under accumulating. On the basis of the spent analysis the most actual shoulder contrailer trains or single contrailer platforms with the subsequent inclusion in a container train on a route Kouvola Moscow has been established. Next the analysis of potential clients and possible volumes of their transportation have done: DHL Freight 10-15 contrailers in a week; Schenker 10-15 contrailers in a week; DSV 5-6 contrailers in a week; Transpoint International 10-20 contrailers in a week; Bewesip 20-25 contrailers in a week; Varova 5-10 contrailers in a week; Total 60-91 contrailers per week. Next stage of work has been devoted to studying of questions of pricing. The through rate for contrailer transportations on a route Kouvola (Finland) Moscow (Russia): Trailer loading on railway platform in port of Finland 1,5 thousand roubles; Railway tariff across Finland (taking into account return) 18,5 thousand roubles; Railway tariff across Russia (taking into account return and guarding) 71 thousand roubles; Removal of a loaded trailer from railway platforms in Moscow 1,5 thousand roubles; Cargo transportation in Moscow to a warehouse of the receiver (cargo customs clearance on railway terminal) average 7,5 thousand roubles; Loading of an empty trailer on railway platform in Moscow 1,5 thousand roubles; Services of the customs broker in official registration of papers on contrailer transportation in Finland and Russia 0,7 thousand roubles; Trailer leasing 35 thousand rbl. Total 138,2 thousand rbl.

100

Different Intermodal Solutions of Railway Transportations

The through rate on a motor movement on a route Kotka (Finland) Moscow (Russia) taking into account protection, insurance, cargo declaring on boundary transition and empty return of the car makes 75 thousand rbl. At the next stage SWOT-analysis has been made. Strength
Trade turnover Growth between Russia and Finland; Interest of federal and regional authorities of the Russian Federation and Finland Reducing of an idle time of road trains in turns on boundary automobile transitions (from several days to hours). Reduction of the expense of automobile fuel; Considerable decrease in environmental contamination; Maintenance of safety of highways; Decrease in probability of road and transport incidents

Weaknesses
Not Competitive tariff rate on transportation Absence of customs conditions for the organisation of transportations Features of schemes customs clearance of cargoes; Developing of the Russian ports; Document circulation Complication on transportation

Opportunities
Presence of is standard-legal base with the Finnish railways High level of partner relations with the Finnish railways The Skilled personnel of JSC RZD

Treats
Absence of the certificated rolling stock Absence of a terminal-warehouse infrastructure Low, for today, delivering cargo time (on an example Port Kotka Moscow): A car of 3 days (including queue at the border) Railways 5-6 days. Absence of a monostream of cargoes

Conclusions
Obviously, the capital is not the consumer of all volume of accepted cargo. So powerful stream on the given direction is caused by the developed terminal-warehouse infrastructure of Moscow and Moscow suburbs and the turned out grey customs schemes. Recognising that increase in distance of transportation liquidates a difference in its cost between railway and motor transport, and in view of numerous logistic projects in regions (Nizhniy Novgorod, Samara, Rostov-on-Don, Ekaterinburg,

by Evgeni Korovyakovskiy

101

Novosibirsk) and gradual transition of work of customs in a civilised channel, the we have come to a following conclusion: despite numerous pluses, in modern Russian conditions realisation of the given project without support of bodies of the federal and regional power economically and technically not interesting for business.

References
The Choice of tehniko-technological parametres of system contrailer transportations on railway directions of a network: the dissertation of Cand.Tech.Sci.: 05.22.08 Shapkin, Andrey Sergeevich; Moscow, 2004 Technology Parametrization contrailer transportations of the foreign trade cargoes: the dissertation of Cand.Tech.Sci.: 05.22.08 Snigur, Olga Valerevna; Moscow, 2006 Business magazine the Russian Railway the Partner release May, 9 2008Johan Woxenius, Development of small-scale intermodal freight transportation in a system context, Department of Transportation and Logistics Chalmers of University of Technology, Gteborg, Sweden 1998 Hilmola Olli-Pekka, Saranen Juha. Using discrete event simulation to evaluate different railway container wagon alternatives, Lappeenranta University of Technology, 2008 www.freightvision.eu Retreived on 5th of May 2009. Strategy of developing of a railway transportation of the Russian Federation till 2030 Woxenius, J. (1998): Development of Small-scale Intermodal Transport in a Systems Context, Doctors Dissertation, Department of logistics and transportation, Chalmers University of Technology, Gteborg. Snigur, Olga (2006), Parametrization of contrailer technology of international cargo transportation, Candidates dissertation, Department of Logistics and commerce, Moscow State University of Railway Engeneers Kotljarenko (2004) Conceptual bases for logistics management of international traffic in Bulletin of transport Information journal, Kozlov Juriy (1984) Automation of container operations, Moscow - Transport, Kirp (1999) Management of cargo transportation at railways, Dnepropetrovsk, Dyomin (2008) Contrailer transportations in Ukraine in Transport business, Kogan (1971) Container transportations. Interaction between different modes of transport, Moscow, Salatov, Shobanov (2000) Contrailer transportations: Steps to solve problems in Bulletin of transport information.

102

A Steam Locomotive or Steam Automobile?


by Oiva Turpeinen
The reign of railways lasted from approximately 1830 to 1930. After that, cars and aeroplanes have taken up more and more territory previously reserved for trains. Steam automobiles were, however, worthy adversaries to locomotives from the 1820s to the 1830s. However, the steam automobile lost. History tends to forget those who lost. The American inventor, Robert Fulton, is often considered the father of the steam boat. His famous steam ship, the Clermont, launched the era of the steam boat in 1807 on the Hudson River. The new invention was supposed to quickly spread around the world. Fulton himself wanted to take part in working towards this goal. In December 1813 he applied and was granted permission from the Russian government to exclusively practice steam boat traffic between St. Petersburg and Kronstadt and on the river bodies of Russia for 15 years. The condition was that the operation had to start within three years from receiving the imperial order. Fulton promised that the steam boat traffic would begin between The first Russian steam boat designed by Charles Baird in St. Petersburg. St. Petersburg and Kronstadt in 1815. It did not. Fulton died the very same year. In Fultons place, Scotsman Charles Baird became the pioneer of steam boat traffic in Russia. This adept mechanic had earned his merits by manufacturing steam engines for industrial use. In the summer of 1815 he began to fit an ordinary bark ship with a Watts type of steam engine. The ship, named Elisaveta, first sailed in the Tihvinski canal, but was then transferred to travel between St. Petersburg and Kronstadt. The first voyage was made November 15, 1815, and thus Russia stepped into the era of steam boats and with it, Finland as well. The ship conveyed both passengers and cargo, but it could also tug other bark ships.

by Oiva Turpeinen

103

In normal conditions, this harbinger of a new era travelled the abovementioned distance in less than three hours, at a speed of over 5 mph. By the year 1820, Baird built, in total, four steam boats for this important route in Russia. The ships were in operation up until the 1840s. After his initial success, Bairds appetite grew. In 1817 he was convinced that it would soon be possible to introduce more widely-spread steam boat traffic to Russian bodies of water. With this in mind, he applied to the Russian government for an exclusive right for ten years to build steam boats and ply them on imperial waters. Emperor Alexander agreed to this, although with some reservations. Accordingly, Bairds steam boats were not allowed to hinder other waterborne traffic and the government reserved the right to build its own steam boats and use them despite any granted privileges. The final reservation was mainly due to the governments desire to use steam propulsion for military purposes. Immediately in 1817, Russias first steampowered battleship, Skoryj, came out from the Izhora war factories. The Russian army was resolute in developing steam ships, a clear indication of this was the ship named Vezuvy, manufactured in 1820. It was appointed to the south to reinforce the defence of the Black Sea. From a commercial point of view, the development of steam boat traffic in Russia was rather slow in the 1820s. However, in 1832 Russia already boasted 17 steam boats, of which 11 were operating on the Gulf of Finland and Neva River, 3 on the Caspian Sea and Volga River, and 3 on the Black Sea. Still, their mechanics failed constantly. Maintenance costs caused a lot of trouble. Steam ships gradually also became more common in the Russian navy. Despite that, the main body of the Russian war fleet still consisted of sail boats during the Crimean War in the mid-1850s. After the peace, the production of propeller driven steam boats increased. In the beginning, the ships were made of wood, but Russia soon followed other great powers and started to manufacture armoured ships instead. In the end of the 1860s, Russia had 23 armoured steam ships in its fleet on the Baltic Sea alone. In the spring of 1830 a regular steam boat connection between St. Petersburg and Lbeck was opened. The beginning was a bit rough, but it soon became evident that there was a lot of demand for a regular boat route. The company prospered. The profits from its first two years of operation were excellent. In the board meeting in February 1833 it was confirmed that the two years profits totalled almost 269,000 rubles. Since everything had gone so well, it was decided that the ticket prices should be lowered. A trip from St. Petersburg to Lbeck in the first class now cost 250 rubles and in the second class, 175 rubles. Children under 10 years paid only half the price. A fee for a standard horse carriage was 175 rubles

104

A Steam Locomotive or Steam Automobile?

and the same amount had to be paid for a horse as well. Taking a dog along cost 25 rubles. In the same year, 1833, shortly after midnight on June 10th, Emperor Nicholas arrived in Helsinki from Tallinn. Under a rainy sky he travelled in the steam boat Ishora through Kustaanmiekka Island, while the cannons of the Viapori fortress were fired in honour of the monarch arriving in the capital city of the principality. This cannon fire awakened the people of Helsinki, and many hastened to the shore to welcome the Emperor, whose rather large retinue also included GovernorGeneral Menshikov. The Empress brought her Maids of Honour with her. The Minister of State, Secretary Rehbinder and acting Governor-General Thesleff were present to welcome the important guests. In the summer of 1833, businessmen started to plan steam boat connections from Finland. Perhaps the Emperors impressive voyage on a steam boat to Helsinki partly encouraged them to do so. Probably the biggest push, however, was the profitable balancing of accounts for the years 1831-32 of the steam boat company trafficking between St. Petersburg and Lbeck. According to calculations of profitability carried out in 1833, it would not be possible to attain as big a margin in Finland as with the steam boat line between St. Petersburg and Lbeck. It was quite possible that in the beginning the new line would be unprofitable, but the endeavour was deemed feasible in the long run. The new way of travelling attracted many such travellers who otherwise would not board a ship. The sturdiness of the boats was also emphasised. The boats would be ordered from England, where they were made out of oak trees and were exceptionally strong. A regular weekly schedule was also quickly drawn. By Mondays the ship would leave from Turku at 1 am and arrive in Stockholm later the same night. From there, it would return to Turku on Wednesday. On Wednesday at noon the ship would sail to Helsinki and continue from there to Tallin on Friday morning, arriving at dawn on Saturday. On Saturday evening, the ship would leave for Turku and reach its destination by midday on Sunday. During winter the line would be halted, of course, because of ice. Unlike the line between St. Petersburg and Lbeck, the Trans-Atlantic line was no goldmine for its owners. In the fall of 1842 it was calculated that all the companies involved in steam boat traffic across the Atlantic Ocean had operated at a loss. Besides in ships, steam power was also planned to be implemented in carriages travelling on roads. Already in 1823 it was said that the challenge of creating a technically reliable and economic steam car had finally been answered.

by Oiva Turpeinen

105

Julius Griffiths, an expert mechanic from Brompton achieved this. Actually the term car was obviously not yet used back then, but instead the vehicle was referred to as a carriage that could transport goods and passengers on public roads using steam power. A carriage manufactured in London was to be widely tested in the near future. The engine of the carriage had a six horsepower output. The carriage was 28 feet long and had wheels 3 inches wide. Its speed varied between three to seven miles per hour. The mechanic modestly claimed that a steam carriage company would generate 50% profit on the money invested. The car was supposed to be brought into international use. The vehicle had already been tested in Vienna, where it had enjoyed a huge success. No wonder, then, that the inventor of the car had also filed for a patent in Austria and France. He had guaranteed that the steam engine of the carriage was so well-made that there was no danger at all of an explosion. In the year 1824, the mechanics and engineers in Europe debated whether the future would belong to locomotives or to steam automobiles, and whether more roads should be made or if it would be wiser to concentrate on building railroads. The word cabriolet was also on many lips. The inventor Nathan Gough was not interested in big machines or heavy engines but small cabriolets. Normally, the word is associated with a small convertible car with a roof that can be folded down. Their predecessors were two-seated carriages, drawn by horses, but now the time of automobiles was at hand. Thus came the steam-driven cabriolets with three wheels. The small vehicle could easily be used even in the streets of London, where throngs of people milled about. Driving the car was very easy: it only required the two fingers to turn a gilded copper steering wheel. This steam apparatus could run approximately five miles with one heating. Still, this car never reached mass production. In 1828 people believed that the steam automobile of an English mechanic, Goldsworthy Gurney, surely would. With his many ingenious inventions Gurney had devised a vehicle that at least according to advertisements was absolutely safe for its passengers. The carriage driver could increase the speed easily from two to ten miles per hour and even more. The steam engine put out 10 horsepower, but the output could be increased even over it. Extra power was needed, especially on a hilly terrain. In the summer of 1828, Gurneys steam car was subject to several tests, and on July 28th the speed of the car even reached 14 miles per hour. Railway histories from the beginning of the 20th century praise their own importance almost as if in competition with each other. They take it for granted that railways, in particular, were an inseparable part of the Industrial Revolution

106

A Steam Locomotive or Steam Automobile?

of the Western world. The car was dismissed without any consideration. But if you read the documents from the 1820s and 1830s, this was not the case at all. There were severe doubts about railways. The car was considered to be a rather realistic endeavour as a means of transportation for the future. Why, then, did the steam carriage lose to the train as predecessor for the car in those days? In addition to strategic issues, there were at least two other issues for consideration, namely the advanced funds needed for building railroads and the tyre problem of cars. Actually, already during the first great railway fever and speculation in the mid-1830s, steam cars were fighting a losing battle. This railway fever also lead to reckless stock-jobbing of railway-related stocks, and the immensely rich Rothschilds were not inclined to let this opportunity pass. In 1835 it was calculated that the Rothschilds had granted Europes countries and governments loans totalling 40,000 million dollars, the equivalent of 40 billion Francs. The profits from these loans were enormous. General opinion on this kind of stock trade, which had quickly become popular, was that it was downright unbearable and dirty. Even though such profiteering was generally frowned upon, the public could not help adding What can we do to such speculation that is so common in our times? With their huge profits the Rothschilds financed the construction of railroads. One government after another was left hanging by the loan noose set by the Rothschilds for decades. And what about the car tyres? If one looks at the three-wheeled car built by Nicolas-Joseph Cugnot, one notices that its wheels resembled those of an ordinary horse carriage. It is no surprise that when one drove along a bumpy road with such a vehicle, the ride was not particularly comfortable. Ones feet grew numb and bottom became sore. Could, then, this matter of wheels be one of the reasons for the triumph of trains? After all, the ride on the tracks was relatively smooth. So why were rubber tyres not used in a steam car? One must remember that it was not until 1839-40 that Goodyear in America and Hancock in England invented a process in which the properties of caoutchouc were improved by adding sulphur. Relative to the amount of sulphur added, it was possible to manufacture products varying from soft and elastic rubber bands or belts to hard and inelastic ebonite or other vulcanised products. For car tyres it was important that the vulcanised rubber would remain stable within a wide scale of temperature and at the same time keep a durable shape. Therefore, before the year 1840, it was not a realistically viable option to adopt rubber tyres for general use. And by then the decision to build railway networks was already well under way in several Western European countries. Furthermore, after they stepped on the path to railways, there was no turning

by Oiva Turpeinen

107

back. Since, as mentioned before, the railway companies and governments were often bound for half a century or even longer by paying back huge loans and their interest. Also, the investments in factories manufacturing railroad tracks and trains and other railway equipment were grand by nature and often loan-funded. Originally, a Scotsman, Robert William Thomson, developed an air-filled tyre in 1845, but it was not until much later that it was made practicable by John Boyd Dunlop. The first serviceable combustion engine car was probably built by Austrian Siegfried Marcus in 1875. Even this fourwheeled vehicle did not use rubber tyres. German Karl Benz began the modern car industry at the end of the 1880s. Still, it took decades before the car was able to seriously compete with trains in passenger and cargo transportation. The steam car made a comeback later as well, though not on a prominent, massRobert W. Thomson (1822-1873), produced scale, but as a small side event. It llustrated London News March 29, 1873. is a well-known fact that the most successful steam car was the American Stanley, as over 60,000 such cars were manufactured between the years 1897 and 1927. Some of those were in use up until the year 1945. These steam cars were not put to shame by their speed either, as Stanleys engine reached a speed of no less than 127 mph in 1906. It was the Worlds Land Speed Record in those times. Steam cars had their problems, but they also had their benefits. The torque generated by a steam engine remained the same despite the speed, so there was no need for a transmission. In addition, the fuel burned in the atmospheric pressure outside the cylinder and thus made additional substances unnecessary, significantly reducing air pollution. What about Finland? Did it have steam cars too? Uusi Suometar Magazine published a small article, Steam Carriages Running on Roads on May 1, 1871 (Maantiet kulkevat hyryvaunut). Had the news been printed a month before, it might well have been mistaken for an April Fools prank. But now, on the 1st of May 1871, it had already been 7 months and 20 days since use on the railroad line to St. Petersburg commenced, thus joining Finland, through the Imperial Capital, into a year-round connection with the rest of Europe. There was no mention of this in the newspaper, but instead it described how Vyborgs Commercial House, Rosenius & Seseman, was currently building vehicles which would already be used in the summer of 1871 near the town of Kuopio, at

108

A Steam Locomotive or Steam Automobile?

Karttula Chapel, to tow planks from the Commercial Houses sawmills to Mhkl Bay, to be loaded onto boats. These cargo carriages had a journey of over 11 miles to travel. It was, so the paper reported, just an ordinary, hard, hilly and winding dirt road, and that is exactly where the peculiarity lies. These carriages are also driven by an imported steam engine, but how to make it swerve in the turns and go uphill? The front axle of the carriages turn in exactly the same way as in ordinary four-wheeled carriages; the front axle of the engine can be turned by the driver as he wishes, quite easily with a certain machine, and the cargo carriages follow its lead. In order to make the engine ascend to the top of a hill, its wheels are coated with 11 inch-wide gutta-percha that bites down on the dirt road. The most significant word on this steam car, and specifically in steam truck related news, is gutta-percha, which - in the absence of rubber wheels was their primitive substitute. I was unable to find other references to steam cars in Finland from that period. Why was Finland such a backwater place, technologically-speaking? It is well-known that in science, from the beginning of the 19th century up until the mid 19th century, Finland concentrated on humanism. A partial explanation, at least, for the technological degradation of Finland can be found in that Finland did not have its own military detachments implementing technology. Finland had no artillery, engineering corps, or its own war fleet. These aided the development of technology, such as utilising steam power, in the great powers like in Russia. It is true that some chemistry, physics and technical sciences were practiced in Hamina Cadet School. It was possible to acquire more profound knowledge only in St. Petersburg, which normally meant a military career in the Russian army after the Cadet School for a Finnish officer. Also, in a country bordering a great power, the leeway was rather narrow in technological matters. An Austrian professor, 38-year-old engineer Franz Anton von Gerstner, arrived in Russia in August 1834, and travelled from St. Petersburg to Moscow and all the way through Kazan Ural. He became fascinated by Russias huge natural resources, gathered information on agriculture, industry and commerce. He became convinced that railroads were required in order to utilise the immense natural resources of the nation. When he returned to St. Petersburg he contacted the Ambassador of Austria who arranged a meeting with the Emperor. The professor told Nicholas about a possible railway connection from St. Petersburg to Moscow and its realisation using a railway company. After the meeting, Gerstner sent a memo to the Emperor in January 1835. He described himself as a railway constructor and mentioned how railways had proved useful in England, France, Germany, and especially in America. As an example he highlighted the railroad between Liverpool and Manchester, taken into use in

by Oiva Turpeinen

109

1830, which promoted the British commerce and industry, and was also a fast and easy way to operate passenger traffic. Using a railway it was possible to quickly dispatch troops to quench unrest in Ireland. One great advantage was also that the cost of postal deliveries had reduced to one-third their original cost. The Professor promised that the railroads would function even in the harsh climate of Russia. Russia would gain more by using railroads than any other country in the world. This is because the distances in the empire were extremely vast. Railroads would be enormously important for securing Russias internal and external safety. If he was to build a railroad between any two population centres of the government, it would be possible to transport 5,000 infantry men and 500 cavalry men, plus artillery, kits and horses, over a distance of at least 133 miles within 24 hours. Although the Professor initially aimed to build a railroad between St. Petersburg and Moscow, his scheme was much larger to create a whole railway network. From Moscow the railway would continue to Nizhny Novgorod and from there to Kazan, from where there would be a steam boat connection to the Caspian Sea. He also wanted to build a railroad from Moscow to Odessa or Taganrog. Gerstner stressed that before constructing the Moscow railway, he would bring skilled engineers from Austria, at his personal expense, who would map the proper layout for the railway and determine a cost estimate. Under no circumstances would he establish a railway company for the Moscow railway before being able to prove, within two years of granting the privileges, that the construction of a railway was possible in practice. In exchange for constructing railways under the above-mentioned terms, the Professor requested a charter from the Russian government. The charter included railways in general. The area in effect would be the whole Russian Empire. The privilege to construct railways, both main lines and branch terminal lines, should be given for 20 years, and it would include Russia, Poland and Finland. This request was passed on for consideration to a committee established for the purpose. The final suggestion, which was given over to Nicholas to decide in February 1835, had been changed, among other things, to exclude Finland. The Emperor held the project in such a high regard that in February 1835 he named a prestigious committee to aid himself in the decision, in whose first and also last meeting Nicholas stated the benefits of large-scale railroad construction work to Russia. He especially emphasised the ability to quickly deposit armed forces. It is interesting to note that a similar committee process took place in Finland in 1856-57 when it was decided whether or not to build a railroad between Helsinki and Hmeenlinna. The decision, made in February 1835, made in principle on the usefulness of constructing railroads, was quite remarkable from the point of view of Finnish railroad history. It was not then explicitly stated that the decision referred to steam engine

110

A Steam Locomotive or Steam Automobile?

driven trains, but that could be read between the lines. Horses could have been meant to be held on reserve, to be used in the winter cold. This theory is supported by the fact that on the Tsarskoye Selo track a few years later horses were used in the winter, probably also partially because of cost efficiency, as the traffic was rather slow. In practice, the direction was clearly to implement engine driven trains in Russia, and apparently just because of strategic reasons. The effortlessness of mobilising armed forces was a distinct advantage for the militaristic country. This meant that in effect, the plans introduced in Russia for horse driven trains had to be cancelled. This happened, amongst others, to a project by Physics professor Chtcheglov concerning a horse railway line from Tver to Novgorod, and maybe even reaching all the way to St. Petersburg. The project had first been proposed already in 1830. Later in 1849, an official proposal by the Finnish Finance Minister, Lars Gabriel von Haartman, on establishing a horse railroad between Helsinki and Turkhauta, in other words between the Gulf of Finland and water body of Hme, was similarly buried. The railroad was supposed to improve the connections inland, like the Saimaa Canal that was under construction. Just like Graf Kankrin, Haartman was also pushed aside a few years later. The railroads to Hmeenlinna, and after that to St. Petersburg, were then designed for steam engines. It seems that Gerstner realised after all that he had tried to kill too big a bear with too small a gun as he introduced a plan in March 1835 for a railroad from St. Petersburg through Tsarskoye Selo to Pavlovsk and Kolpino, with which he would demonstrate the great benefits to the government, shareholders and the public. For this purpose he applied for permission from the government to establish a company that had a capital of three million rubles. He estimated that 300,000 rubles would cover the yearly running costs and that the company would generate a hefty profit of 600,000 rubles a year. Every year a shareholder would receive at least a 10 percent profit on the investment capital. A responsibility of this company would also be to prepare a plan for a railroad from St. Petersburg to Moscow. The Tsarskoye Selo track, however, was anything but a pushover. The negotiations carried on for almost a year, and it was not until February 1836 that the Emperor granted Gerstner the privileges concerning the track in question. Before that, in his memo in April 1835, the Professor pulled a string he had seen to be effective: he emphasised how Russia would have had a great advantage in its recent war efforts against Turkey and Persia, had it had railroads. In the winter of 1835 a rumour had spread like wildfire in St. Petersburg that Professor von Gerstner had proposed building a railroad track from St. Petersburg to Moscow. And not only this, but to build a whole railway network in Russia. The

by Oiva Turpeinen

111

people opposing Gerstners project had instead suggested that at the initial stage, the highway (chausse) connecting St. Petersburg and Moscow should be used to accommodate steam car traffic. They thought that instead of building railroads, highways were generally a better option. The Moscow-St. Petersburg highway had just recently been completed and it had consumed a great deal of money. A steam car that could have been used, for instance, was the steam carriage designed by the Englishman Nathaniel Ogle a kind of early bus. Ogle had designed the car to carry 20 passengers and had driven with it several thousands of miles on hilly terrain and returned back to London. No mishaps had happened during the ride. The carriage, which was originally meant to carry passengers, was shown in tests to also be a good cargo carriage. It had been loaded with a 5 ton load, and it had still run on a regular road at approximately 15 mph. The urban traffic of London was also used as an example to validate the project. In London, steam carriages had already been in regular use for a year for driving from one part of the city to another at seven miles per hour. The carriage was much praised. It was said that it was easy to steer and no accidents had been reported despite the large number of pedestrians and other drivers. A sort of a car company had also been established in London. This was done by a skilful engineer, David Redmund. He had improved the car in many respects. The whole engine had been simplified. Besides, even the steam boiler had been designed to be more durable and economical. The steam carriage designed by said engineer had been used to make many trips from central London to Enfield. Although the road there was uneven and extremely hilly, the car had managed to swiftly make the trips without problems. The vehicle was said to be so grand that it left no room for improvements. The car could accommodate 18 passengers comfortably. Emperor Nicholas and his ministers, excluding Kankrin, were in favour of railways, and thus the minority of the car lobbyists had to yield in Russia as well. In the summer of 1836, tracks and train engines were ordered from England for the Tsarskoye Selo railroad line. Optimistically they expected a speedy delivery to St. Petersburg. The tracks did arrive fast, but the delivery of the engines was severely delayed. The delay was partly due to the fact that the rail width in Tsarskoye Selo was different than in the West. Thus, in the first tests of the Russian commercial railroad, on Sunday, October 9 in 1836, horses were used instead of engines to haul the train carriages between Tsarskoye Selo and Pavlovsk. Two ordinary work horses were harnessed to draw two carriages that both carried 30 passengers. The distance to travel was about 2 miles and it was covered in a little less than 15 minutes. A lot of people were present. They had come to witness the display, and the carriages were in constant motion the whole day.

112

A Steam Locomotive or Steam Automobile?

In September and October 1836, in the official newspaper of Finland, Finlands Allmnna Tidning, there was an extensive 9-part article series on the railway under construction in Tsarskoye Selo. Gerstner had given an official printed statement on the progress of the project. And of course, this was the first railroad in imperial Russia, which Finland was a part of. When a railroad would be constructed in Finland at some point in the future, St. Petersburg could not be overlooked, and less still the fact that Gerstners railway schematics included an extended plan: to lay tracks from St. Petersburg to Moscow as well as through Peterhof to Oranienbaum, etc. Would it soon be Helsinkis turn to get a railway line to St. Petersburg? This was already a reasonable question to ask in the fall of 1836, when Europe had been gripped by the first frantic railway fever. In St. Petersburg, the official opening ceremony of a steam engine railway was postponed by little over a year, to October 30, 1837, and even then only as far as Tsarskoye Selo. Construction work in Pavlovski was still unfinished, even though 500 men did their very best. Carriages used in the opening, and thus also the prices, were divided into three different classes. On the actual opening day, the passage was, of course, free of charge. There was a very big crowd gathered to gape at the miracle. People stared, their eyes wide at how a locomotive ordered from the Stevenson factories in London pulled, with its 40 horsepower engine, eight carriages which conveyed over 150 guests. Despite that, at the centre of attention was Gerstner himself, who operated the train engine. The 14.5 mile journey from St. Petersburg to Tsarskoye Selo took 37 minutes, but as everything went smoothly, the return trip was made faster, in just 28 minutes. Naturally, toasts were proposed during the event. The first toast was downed in honour of the Emperor. Speeches praised the swift journey and expressed a hope that more railway connections would be established in Russia, where immense distances all but craved these vehicles of the modern times. It was hoped that train connections would bring with them increased prosperity to the Empire.

113

Competition between Modes of Transportation in Finland


by Ilkka T. Seppinen

Age of Canals
In Finland, traffic policies have been implemented since the first decade of the 19th century. The first instrument in traffic policies was the Board of the Committee of Canals and Clearing of Rapids, founded in 1816. Civic Engineers executed the wishes of the Board, which carried out the policies of the Finnish Senate. The most powerful man in the Senate was Lars Gabriel von Haartman. Haartmans position as the Vice-Chairman of the Senate between 1841 and 1858 very closely resembled the position of Prime Minister. In the 1830s, Europe was in political turmoil. Nevertheless, scientific and technological development made its impact on the development of Western society. Haartman was able to sense the coming atmosphere of change. Haartman was very conservative, which was very common with the elite of his day, but Haartman differentiated from them in one respect. He understood that the change towards industrialism was inevitable. However, Haartman did not want the development to get out of hand like it seemed to do in Western Europe. The year 1830 was a year of revolutions. Haartman had the support of Emperor Nicholas I, who started his reign in 1824 in the midst of the Decembrist Revolt. Emperor Nicholas was well aware of the reasons for his empires distress. Even though he is often called the Police Emperor, and for good reason, he also made several inquiries into the state of his empire. The results were unambiguous and the means to improve the situation were clear: He needed to increase the prosperity and liberties of his people. But how? Emperor Nicholas never came up with the solution.

114

Competition between Modes of Transportation in Finland

In Finland, Haartman knew what to do. According to him, improving infrastructure, i.e. transportation, was the key to improving industries. Haartman also saw that too fast a development could escalate and lead to demands the government would be unable to satisfy. This is what Haartman stated in the twilight of his years. Haartman, however, understood that the most dangerous thing to do would be to do nothing. Haartmans solution was the Department of Canals. The civic engineers built the canals. The positive feature of the canals, according to the conservative view of the times, was that they were slow by nature, and not only because of the obligatory winter standstill. Building canals this north in Finland was neither an oversight nor a mistake, but a carefully contemplated political solution. Within this framework, Haartman would have followed a slow and careful Finnish industrial development policy. Things did not, however, remain under Haartmans control. Railway was rapidly spreading in Europe in the 1830s. This was in conjunction with the founding of polytechnic schools and universities in Europe. Revolution was the underlying factor, as society was to be reorganized to conform to the developed forms of government and to the demand for democracy created by the revolution. Haartman understood this, and so did his emperor. In Finland, at the time, there were no public means of expressing opinions nor were there political parties. However, this did not hinder the burghers and industrialists of Tampere from expressing their desire to have a railway connection to the coast. They saw the railway as a modern form of transportation and also as a very efficient way of transporting goods over land. Their idea was that if this could be used to make transportation more efficient, it would also boost development and create prosperity for Finland. In 1849 the burghers, landowners and industrialists of Tampere, i.e. the wealthy part of the population suggested to the Senate the building of a railway from Helsinki to Hmeenlinna. They proposed to finance The first planned railway route in Finland the project themselves. The press had written from Helsinki to inland. about the railway. Finnish press at the time was meagre, but the impact one story made

by Ilkka T. Seppinen

115

was understandably relatively formidable. Finland, at least Southern Finland, was in the grip of a railway fever in the 1840s. Many people deposited their hopes of various public improvements in the railway. This was exactly what Haartman had been afraid of. That the Pandoras Box of development would be opened despite the government, which would cause everything from democracy to revolution to come out, and the government would be unable to control the situation. Haartman had discussed the situation by letters with the Governor-General of Finland, Alexander Menshikov. The GovernorGeneral had close relations with the Emperor and he knew that if the application to build a railway from Helsinki to Hmeenlinna would be presented to the Emperor, as was supposed, the Emperor would be aligned to give permission to build a railway, especially if the applicants themselves would be the ones paying for it. The Emperor himself started the construction of railways in Russia in 1840. Haartman was not dreading the costs of building a railway, but its impact on society. In Russia, the Emperor saw this differently, but one must remember that a couple hundred kilometres of railway in Russia would not amount to very much. In Finland, a hundred kilometres would have turned the whole system of transportation around. On the other hand, he also saw the railway as a danger to controlling the public. The work site at Saimaa Canal from 1845 to 1855 was probably the place that showed Haartman that common Finnish people, who provided the labour force, were unlike the picture the author J. L. Runeberg painted of complacent people who quietly did what they were told. Around this time, the 1830s and 40s, the four Finnish Estates romanticised the Finnish masses. According to the Estates, they were quiet and sulky, hard-working and loyal to the authorities. These people loved the idyllic countryside. At the Saimaa Canal work site, Haartman had seen the true face of Finnish commoners. They worked, that was true, but they also drank, quarrelled and were quick to fight and had no respect for the authorities. After this experience, Haartman was against opening large-scale railway construction sites, which gathered Finnish-speaking common people in great numbers. These sites could be the spark the revolution needed. The author J. L. Runeberg took an interesting part in creating this romanticised picture of the Finnish populace, as contradicting written portraits of Finnish people did exist. J.J. Nervander was a poet on the rise, en skald as Runeberg put it, but he did not romanticise the Finnish masses. The poet, Nervander, was a physicist who had travelled around Europe. He had also fought against the Finnish academic establishment in founding the Magnetic Observatory. The Magnetic Observatory was the apex of science in the 1840s. It was part of the development of science in Europe, and had Nervander been named the national poet of Finland, it would

116

Competition between Modes of Transportation in Finland

have supported the furthering of science and technology in Finland. The romanticist, Runeberg prevailed, as Nervander died quite young of smallpox. Haartman came up with a delay tactic, in which the slow tempo and the weak social impact of the Department of Canals was ostensibly brought into the modern era. Haartmans solution was to construct a horse tramway between Helsinki and Turkhauta. The civic engineers surveyed the route and estimated it negatively. The businessmen of Hme presented their application for a railway. The Crimean War started soon after and the project was put aside.

Triumph of Railway
Nicholas I passed away and was followed by Alexander II. Alexander was educated to become the future Emperor and knew his fathers position and research on the state and needs of Russia. The Crimean War had caused the reluctant nobility to support reformations. On Easter 1856 in Finland, Tsar Alexander dictated his policy to the Finnish Senate, where he also ordered the construction of a railway between Helsinki and St Petersburg to promote industries. Haartman resigned and wrote afterwards that he believed in the necessity of development, but was afraid that it would lead to revolution. Railways had triumphed. J.V. Snellman, promoted to Senator, published in his paper Saimaa a proposal for a Finland-wide railway network covering the country as a whole, directing transportation to the south and to St Petersburg. The triumph of railway could be seen as a result of a political struggle because little nationallevel consideration or civic engineering sense were used to complete the railway network. The senate paid for the first railway from Helsinki to Hmeenlinna; the other, from Riihimki via Viipuri to St Petersburg, was financed by the Emperor but paid for by the Estates. Afterwards J. V. Snellman (1806-1881) the Estates decided, and financed by taxation, the rather rapid construction of the railway network. The political struggle was fierce throughout the process; the peasantry were being stingy with the finances and had serious doubts about the sensibility of the whole enterprise. But people became accustomed to the constructed railway network and from the end of the 19th century the railway reigned supreme over the Finnish transportation system for half a century.

by Ilkka T. Seppinen

117

The spread of railways articulated seamlessly into Finlands other economical and educational construction. From 1870 onwards, industries were decontrolled quickly; schools were founded all over the country, technical education started in 1849 developing into the Polytechnic Institution before long. Monetary economy spread and displaced the natural economy in almost the entire country. All-in-all, Finland developed quickly during the latter half of the 19th century.

The Automobile Arrives


A new challenger appeared to Finnish roads in the middle of the 1920s. Motor traffic in Finland was very meagre at the beginning. Busses were the only transportation to gain any significant meaning during the 1920s, as there were several factors limiting the success of motor traffic. The most important of these factors was the underdeveloped road network. The existing roads were not constructed for motor traffic, and winter maintenance was almost non-existent. Finlands road network was reasonably old, mainly constructed for horsedrawn vehicles and horse traffic. The most important aspects were the needs of the military and government. You could not transport goods by horse very far during summers, usually a maximum 40 kilometres. This fact had emphasised the usage of waterways in transporting all heavy and large cargo, even inland. When travelling by road, the distance covered in a day was usually the distance between inns. There travellers changed horses, if they owned their vehicles, but also vehicles if they were travelling without. Local tenant farmers and other dependent peasants provided the transportation as their involuntary work. The automobile brought a sea change to this system. The transportation qualities and range of motor-cars were decisively greater than a horses. The limitations were only due to the shortcomings of the roads. Roads were maintained as local, involuntary work, and the government was involved little or not at all. The National Board of Roads and Waterways (NBRW) was founded in 1925 after motor traffic was already quite substantial. Its predecessor had been the Committee of Canals and Clearing of Rapids. The NBRW was not only for building roads, but Director General Arvo Lnnroth, appointed in 1936, started to speak for motor traffic as well. According to the clear example set by the United States, it would be probable that motor traffic would also expand rapidly in Finland. Lnnroth forcefully started creating a road network that would suit motor traffic. Lnnroths plans included the construction of a Finland-wide network of asphaltpaved highways. At that time, the paving process was called macadamizing after John McAdam. Motor-cars would be able to travel the roads at 80 kilometres per hour and

118

Competition between Modes of Transportation in Finland

transfer to other roads with ease and thus, the whole country would be accessible by car. The roads would have the necessary service stations and rest stops at regular intervals. In order to study modern motor traffic road maintenance, the civic engineers of the NBRW went to the United States and to Northern Italy where Benito Mussolini had built the worlds first autostrada network. The civic engineers concluded that autostradas were too grandiose for Finland. The primary purpose of a highway network would be to serve long-distance lorry traffic. Lorries were flexible, and took large cargoes from one place to another. Lnnroths plan challenged the railways. During the latter half of the 1930s, Finnish railways were out-dated, bureaucratic and economically inefficient. Bernhard Wuolle, who had briefly been a Director of Finnish State Railways in 1918, was appointed by the government to reform the railways. Wuolle was one of the most prominent civic engineers in Finland. He had contributed to raising the Helsinki University of Technology from its humble beginnings to a real university of technology. Wuolles first step in reforming the railways was to electrify them. This progressed into a plan and even slightly into implementation. One of the purposes of the Imatra power plant was to provide electricity for the railways. Unfortunately, a civil war broke out and the state economy collapsed for several years, and railway development was discarded. Railway engines were widely run by firewood, even in the late 1930s. This was part of the States employment policy, but it hindered the development of the State Railways greatly. Another war broke out before any further development; cars were driven until they broke down. The railways became the most important method of transportation, despite its decline, and waterways complemented the system.

Obstacles in Reconstruction
As the war ended in 1945, roads and railway structures as well as cars and engines were in utter disrepair. The late 1940s were not suitable for suggesting new transport policies at any level. The easiest thing to do was to acquire new vehicles, which for many years concentrated mainly on lorries. The railways were also content to acquire new mobile equipment, although there were new complications, caused by the Cold War. In the United States, where all the equipment was coming from, some of the suppliers were not ready to sell to Finland, as they were afraid they were going to the Soviet Union or at least for its benefit. At this point, one has to acknowledge, that the United States governments policy was to support Finlands economic recovery to stabilise the Finnish government. The USA granted loans to Finland, and the engines finally came, after the manufactures fears had been abated.

by Ilkka T. Seppinen

119

Harald Roos, the Director General of the National Board of Railways, made a suggestion in 1948 which would have solved the situation and returned the railways to the position of the controlling mode of transportation. He suggested that the State Railways should become corporate. The suggestion was not as outrageous as it first seemed to be. There were already Finnish state-owned corporations. The decision-making process of the National Board of Railways was outdated and extremely bureaucratic, which was already discernible in the late 1930s. The rigidity of the railway administration was an obstacle of development, per se. The National Board of Railways made its decisions collegially and the budget of the State Railways was decided by Parliament. A lot of politics and interest groups were involved in the State Railways. Nothing changed as the 1950s started.

Structural Changes in Effect


Finland in the 1950s was one large construction site. The immediate effects of war were surpassed. The ARAVA law in 1949 opened Finnish population centres for house construction. Finlands internal organization was rapidly changing. Transportation policy-wise, the quickest impact came from the simultaneous construction of roads. The constructions were mainly financed with the abundant resources in the States budget reserved for employing the unemployed. The National Board of Roads and Waterways drew up the plans. During the entire 1950s, the guiding thought in transportation policy was missing. Aku Niskala, who worked as the Director General of the National Board of Roads and Waterways from 1949 onwards, never revealed any of his transportation policy views. He had made his career in the State Railways; he was managing the Rail Department before his appointment as the Director General of the NBRW. Niskala was a constructor of routes, a professional, but one who became the personification of collegial decision-making. The State Railways were almost as in a paralysis and it seems that the 1950s were the worst times ever for the State Railways. Considerable decisions were hanging in the air, but the gargantuan, heavy and slow State Railways were unable to move. It is, therefore, mere speculation to say that the State Railways lost their chances and were facing doom. The age was characterised by working for motor traffic without making any actual decisions. The number of motor-cars in the West increased by millions every year. Finland was no exception. Motor-car importing was decontrolled in 1958 and after that money has been the only limiting factor in the number of cars. The annual registration of new cars increased to one hundred thousand immediately and has remained around that number ever since. From the employment angle,

120

Competition between Modes of Transportation in Finland

roads accomplished a lot, as the fact was that excluding a marginal number of roads, all the roads in Finland were practically still primarily for horse-drawn vehicles as the 1950s started. Any change towards motor traffic roads was an improvement. This was the situation in 1961, when civic engineer Martti Niskala was appointed as the Director General of the National Board of Roads and Waterways.

Technology and Reason Win in the 1960s


Director Niskala was not from a traffic department. In 1945 he became a building master for Pohjolan Voima Oy, and later worked for Neste Oy and Typpi Oy, and was known as an efficient builder. But Niskala was no bureaucrat. Instead, he was driven, like many of his generation, by the idea of constructing Finland into a modern western industrial nation, and believed like the others that this was the way of turning Finland into a real western industrialised democracy. Niskala was loosely affiliated with the political front backing Urho Kekkonen, and was of the opinion that they shared the same goals and same ideas. The old project of making Finland a western country had been hindered by wars, but now, in the early 1960s, the vision of Finland as one of the prosperous western democracies came into realisation. Niskalas part in realising this vision was to construct expressways and an excellent network of highways, and to complement it with excellent connecting roads as was done in West Europe and in the United States. The vision included the victory of motor traffic over the railways. Longdistance passenger traffic could be handled by aircraft. The vision also seamlessly included the simultaneous construction of modern communications. Communications had also been allowed to disintegrate and become out-dated. They were now completely rebuilt. Finland was created anew. Even though the role of the 1950s in modernising the infrastructure should not be underplayed, the 1960s saw the modernisation of infrastructure at various levels. Railways were being sidetracked. They would only get the large-scale bulk-transports. There were even suggestions for abolishing the railways entirely and dismantling the rails. In Finland one example of this was the termination of tramways in Turku. This also happened in many other cities around the world. Rails were seen as constricting and pressuring. Infrastructure construction includes constructing a road network. In Finland, air traffic was also merged into the whole, at the cost of the railways. This was done as a national project to improve Finlands image, but also as an improvement in the prerequisites for doing business. The project was also linked to the western trend of technological optimism and belief in general development. These visions of the future created a brave new world, where Reason and Technology conquered all troubles.

by Ilkka T. Seppinen

121

Finland also started to build an expressway network, of which the World Bank financed the first part. This was the expressway between Turku and Helsinki. However, it took nearly 50 years to complete the entire expressway.

The Oil Crisis Creates a New Transport Policy Doctrine


The West ran in to some surprising difficulties in the early 1970s. The most difficult factor that directly impacted the infrastructure project was the almost subtle change in the Wests financial world. The President of the United States, Richard Nixon, removed the dollar from the gold standard in 1971 letting it float, i.e. to let the markets decide its value. The other factor in the financial difficulties was the enormous growth of the United States budget deficit, which had caused the dependency to become a burden. The Bretton Woods system was created after World War II by the United Nations. It was created to prevent such financial collapses that had lead to the world-wide Great Depression and political instability in the 1930s after World War I. The other convertible currencies were pegged to the U.S. currency. The system had functioned well and had created unprecedented wealth in Western democracies. Finland had benefited greatly from its devaluations as the results were fixed to the Western world economy. This also equated to the Wests hidden financial support for Finland. Therefore, the change was profound when all Western currencies started to float and seek their value on the market. This was followed by inflation and the Oil Crisis. The Oil Crisis was interpreted as a sign of oil running out, and not merely as a price crisis. Either way, the rising oil price deteriorated the position of motor traffic and had an impact on road construction through the rising prices of asphalt and machinery fuel. The State Railways were in a serious crisis in the 1960s. The cessation of railway traffic almost in its entirety in Finland was not completely unthinkable. The railways were, however, too expensive a national property to be lost. This lead to a political decision that the railways were to be modernised. The first solution was electrification. This solution was not implemented very gracefully. The goal of railway electrification was given to heavy-handed civic engineer Erkki Aalto, who was appointed by the President of Finland. This appointment had the same vision as in the case of Martti Niskala. Erkki Aalto was more technocratic than Niskala had been. Aalto had earned his reputation by bringing nuclear power to Finland. Nuclear power was one of President Kekkonens favourites. On the other hand, Aalto realised that this was time for action, not for meticulous planning. He crashed headlong into the collegial

122

Competition between Modes of Transportation in Finland

decision-making process of the National Board of Railways and into the stiff resistance of railway employees and their interest groups. The resistance was altogether ridiculous, with some members of the Parliament even suggesting acquiring new steam engines to solve the hauling problem. In this, the leftist parties only concentrated on the employment question in the Tampere region. The arm wrestling inside the National Board of Railways and in the political arena was turning into a serious confrontation. Aalto had unwisely tried to sidetrack the collegial body of the National Board of Railways and manage it like a CEO. Aalto was fired, but the electrification of railways did not cease. Esko Rekola followed Aalto as the Director General and was again appointed by the President. In his tight control, the reform got on the right track, but that was not all. Rekola was chairing committees in the 1970s with the mission to consider incorporating the state-owned State Railways and the Post and Telegraph Office to give them a chance to face the changes flexibly, unlike before. The 1970s was a decade of new type of crisis. The source of all this was the catastrophic change in the Western monetary system, which had a deep impact on national and private economies, and above all, transformed the price relations of energy permanently. All this had a direct effect on the relations between various transportations, but the effect came via mass psyche. As a background to all this, the United States, which also had a direct influence in traffic policies, had just experienced the catastrophic end of the Vietnam War, the Middle-Eastern conflict just kept on escalating and people were constantly afraid of the Cold War turning into a real one. Motor traffic suffered heavy losses in connection to all this. The losses did not affect the number of cars, especially passenger cars. The number of cars has constantly increased strongly in Finland, as in the rest of the world. The change brought railways back as one of the main forms of transportation and returned the competition between transportations to their domain, strengths and limitations.

Traffic Problem Articulates to Societys Overall Development


The competition goes on in a constantly widening political arena and is again under the strong pressure to change created by the Finnish population structure. The future visions have become increasingly pessimistic and various fears in connection with traffic are gaining more control. The question of climate change and its prevention has become a major issue, and the financial costs are not the only issue when discussing the relations between various modes of transports. The outlining of Metropolitan Helsinki and the substantial growth of its population has brought local traffic into an even more centralised position in

by Ilkka T. Seppinen

123

Finnish transportation problems. The Governments efforts in resisting this by decentralization have not particularly affected the balance. The decentralisation of government offices and departments has so far been minimal and has been met with strong resistance. Despite this, progress has been made. The idea of remote work has also progressed minimally. The greatest impact comes from the population structure. Half of the Finnish population lives south of the Kotka-Vaasa line and in this concentration, Metropolitan Helsinki and its adjacent municipalities are strongly represented. The development has supported the increase of the use of cars both for free-time transportation and commuting. The political will to transfer at least regular traffic to railways has grown ever stronger. The Helsinki Metropolitan areas local traffic has been successful and the Helsinki Metropolitan area has started to increasingly represent its name. The development has, however, been inconsistent. On the one hand, the increase in the number of cars has almost been uncontrollable, and on the other hand, the construction of roads has been at a standstill since the 1970s. At the same time, new railways have not been constructed and the long distance rail traffic has fallen into a crisis due to simple financing questions. Only in the late 1990s was there a revival in transportation policies. This was displayed primarily in the construction of the Kerava-Lahti railway and in its popularity amongst people, and in the completion of the Helsinki-Turku expressway. But despite the lively, environmentally conscious discussion, Finnish transportation policies have been surprisingly weak for the last couple of decades, and havent reacted to the clearly ongoing social development. Only in recent times have new transportation policies reacting to reality appeared. The emphasis is passing on to railway traffic. However, decentralisation supports the domestic air traffic to which railway traffic has reacted slowly. The State Railways has, during the last two decades, gone through some major changes as it was transformed from a government agency into a corporation. The aims of all this, flexibility of operations and becoming more sensitive to decision-making, have not really been fulfilled. Even though railway traffic has seen that it is possible to even compete with air traffic for mediumlength distances, and trains suitable for this have already been acquired, the railway network has not risen to meet the demands. On the contrary, the more traditional long distance railway traffic is now in a financing crisis, which is, for now, under control thanks to government subsidies. But the problem remains unsolved. The current state of things gives the advantage to motor traffic, and for now it is the prevailing party. But this is not an objective of the transportation policy. The capacity of local traffic in the Metropolitan Helsinki area has been better increased. The local traffic could very well become even more responsible for

124

Competition between Modes of Transportation in Finland

the regular commuting around the expanding metropolitan area, and to become connected to the domestic railway passenger traffic system. This is already taking place, even though the development has been slow and only preliminary. Reaction towards it at the decision-making level has been rigid because the limits of railway capacity have been met more than once. Only recently has there been progress in connecting the Martinlaakso railway with the main railway via the Helsinki-Vantaa airport and the Espoo metro rail. It remains to be seen, whether the sc. Pisara rail can be constructed or whether there is another solution to open the bottlenecks in the local traffic Helsinki Metropolitan area.

Problems in Decision Making


The facts mentioned above prove that decision-making has been lowered to a great extent to the local level, even to a municipal level, which by no means is a proper forum for national-level decision-making. Then again, Finland has a strong tradition of this. Without trying to sound overtly ironic, one may remember how the Estates drew the 19th century railway network. In many cases, interests, that were astonishingly local, were used to influence where the railway was constructed or what the infrastructure levels were. The Finnish railway network was formed and people accommodated to it because there was no alternative. Subsequently, the railway tracks were filled with unnecessary turns and bends. One could even say that the tracks lead almost to the houses of some of the bigger local landowners. These were straightened out, like the railway north from Tampere now shows. Every delay in decision-making gives an advantage to passenger car traffic. In this light, it is strange that transportation policies do not actually favour motor traffic, which is shown by the slowness that characterises the construction of the expressway network. Perhaps the most revealing example of this is the rejection of a tunnel under the centre of Helsinki. From these one can draw the conclusion that in passenger transportation the precedence is given to railway traffic. But the actions are not speaking as loudly as the words. There seems to be a consensus in cargo transportation that bulk transportation should be given to the railways and lorries should transport smaller cargoes, but even in this the picture is not entirely consistent. The question is, as already stated, about lowering transportation policy decision-making to the local level to a great extent. Partly, this is a result of the concentration of the Finnish population in Southern Finland. There are no plots available for transportation construction without any personal interests to resolve. This is also how protection of individuals and human rights issues in connection with

by Ilkka T. Seppinen

125

European law are displayed. However, these problems in transportation policies have existed for so long, that the main causes for them are obviously domestic. In a way, it is for the best that the laws protecting the individual in Finland are quite extensive. But the cost comes in unsubstantial and indecisive transportation policy, in which the competition between various modes of transportation is merely an ideal, and where the winner now is the mode, which, with its own qualifications, is able to adapt to the prevailing situation.

Literature
Markku Iskanius: Suomen kuljetusjrjestelmn kehitys toisen maailmansodan aikana: siviili- ja sotilasviranomaiset kuljetusten johtajina. Maanpuolustuskorkeakoulu, 2004. Liikenne 2000: toisen parlamentaarisen liikennekomitean mietint. Km 1991. Touko Perko ym: Suomen teiden historia 2. Suomen itsensitymisest 1970-luvulle. Helsinki 1977. Ilkka Seppinen: Valtavyl Suomeen. Liikenneministeri 100 vuotta. Helsinki1992. Suomen liikenneinfrasruktuuri 2010. Liikenneministeri 1995. Suomen liikennejrjestelm 2020. Suomen liikennejrjestelmtyryhm 2020-tyryhm. Helsinki 1998. Suomen valtionrautatiet 1862-1912 I-II. Helsinki 1912-1916. Valtionrautatiet 1912-1937 I-II. Helsinki 1937. Valtionrautatiet 1937-1962. Helsinki 1962. Valtionrautatiet 1962-1987. Helsinki 1987.

126

If Only We Had a Railway! The Role of the Finnish Railway Network in the Nations Technological Progress
by Tiina Pivrinne
The idea of technological progress and its inevitability was very much reflected in the Finnish popular enlightenment literature in of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Most of this literature was written by educated, Finnish-minded (Fennoman) politically and culturally active persons, members of the national elite, such as professor Ernst Gustaf Palmn. Palmn emphasised the significance of railway technology and of an efficient railway network in bringing technological and cultural progress to different parts of the fatherland. Technology in its very broad meaning is one of the key concepts in the Finnish as well as in the global context. This can be seen daily in newspapers, on television, on the internet and in personal communication. Now we can read optimistic estimations on how technology will eventually offer the final solution for the climate change, then we anticipate for a cell phone with extraordinary accessories, mostly unusable and totally unnecessary for a common user. Relevant is not the question whether we need new technological applications, but rather when they will become available. It is not necessary that the problems, to which soon-to-be realized technological applications will offer the solution, have actually occurred already or even have been observed by anyone. The changes are assumed to be unavoidable. The title of this article, If only we had a railway!, illustrates the hopes and expectations at the end of the nineteenth century for all the good things that technological progress would bring about to the society. As still today, technology was presented to the larger public as the saviour of the world. According to the popular enlightenment literature of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, technology was expected to create economic as well as immaterial well-being. During the past hundred years, this attitude towards technology has not changed very much.

by Tiina Pivrinne

127

At a broader national and international level, an interesting and significant example of the ever growing enthusiasm for technology is the Millennium Prize, a Finnish tribute founded in 2002 and worth one million euro, which is awarded to an innovator who has managed to develop a technological application which improves our everyday life. As it is written on the Millennium Prize Foundations website: The Millennium Technology Prize is Finlands tribute to life-enhancing technological innovations. The Prize has been established to steer the course of technological development to a more humane direction. In particular, the prize seeks to highlight innovations that assist and enrich our everyday lives today as well as in the future. The founding of the foundation was promoted actively by prominent industrial forces.

The Idea of Technological Progress


The idea of technological progress being unavoidable has its origins in the period of technological determinism, at the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. It is reflected in the Finnish popular enlightenment literature of the time and has still some repercussions in a number of technological museums today. In the nineteenth century sources, several examples can be found of how both the present and the past were harnessed for a hypothetical future. Even how audacious the expectations sometimes were, they always proved to be worth waiting for. A straight line of technological progress characterized the discourse, and the very few disappointments that occurred were borne up in the name of the whole nations benefit. Linking technological progress with the nations well-being was in no way uncommon. Technology was often considered the basis of a better future in an economical, cultural and educational respect, and also on the regional as well as on the national level. That technological progress was regarded as unavoidable can be explained by the over-optimistic expectations towards it. As long as technological change was seen as a more or less triumphant cavalcade of success no alternative way of development for the future was left.

Reasonable and Unreasonable Expectations


Expectations towards technology at the late nineteenth century were mostly very concrete. The pseudonym E.E.P. wrote in 1888 in Kansanvalistusseuran Kalenteri (The Calendar of The Popular Enlightenment Movement): Already in the backwoods, many cottagers, who knew nothing as astonishing until recently, have seen with their own eyes the high speed of a steam locomotive, or at least they have heard how engineers in distant areas have been searching for a suitable direction

128

If Only We Had a Railway! The Role of the Finnish Railway Network in the Nations Technological Progress

for the railway. No wonder, that just the name railway evokes already happy feelings almost everywhere. People are looking forward to inexpensive imported goods and favourable conditions for export, to mental awakening combined with material wellImage: Finnish Railway Museum, Hyvink being, and finally to a more active cooperation with the rest of the civilized world, all caused by this modern way of transportation. The benefits which were expected to be brought about by the railway were already in the 1880s very specific and especially beneficial to ones everyday life. As an unknown author wrote in 1896, after having waited for the railway in the Satakunta area for a quarter of a century: he who is waiting for something extraordinary to happen, can never wait too long. However, the very high hopes linked with the modern railway technology could only lead to disappointments. Expectations were not all that reasonable. Firstly, technological expectations in general were in many ways far too optimistic, and secondly, the coming technological change was, already in the late 19th century, quite often seen as too unavoidable. The expectations towards railway technology varied from meeting very practical needs, as mentioned above, to ideological illusions. Hopes that the railway would transport food supplies, raw material and timber just to mention a few of the main goods were reasonable and almost always fulfilled. On the other hand, the idea that the railway would form the long longed-for connection to the western world and thus lead to westernization of the eastern parts of Finland was at least from todays perspective over-optimistic and ideologically untenable. A striking and publicly debated example is the question of Eastern Karelia. In the debates concerning railways and culture it was taken as an example for two reasons. Firstly, Karelia and especially the Finnish areas right near the border wanted to be connected to the mainland in any possible way. The railway was considered a good option for that. Secondly, and this is the ideologically questionable reason, the railway was seen as a way to bring western culture and, what is even more important, Lutheran faith to the traditionally Orthodox area. The Karelian railway was regarded as a new artery in the Finnish railway network, since lifelong experience had shown that the most effective way in our country to diffuse efficient ways of livelihood, transportation, communication among people, culture

by Tiina Pivrinne

129

and enlightenment, is and will be the railway. So, after all, the Karelian railway was given a symbolic role in bringing the Finnish-Lutheran cultural tradition to the most eastern parts of the country. From a national perspective, it could be regarded as a legitimate and commonly accepted way of breaking down the Eastern Orthodox cultural tradition of the Karelian area by the state.

Ernst Gustaf Palmns Vision of the Finnish Railway Policy


In my research, I approach this theme through the writings of individuals who played a prominent part in the popular enlightenment literature. One of them is Ernst Gustaf Palmn. Taking into account his background, his profession and the network in which he was active, Palmn is an example of someone belonging to the fennophile elite. Palmn was born in 1849 (d. 1919) as the son of Professor and Baron Johan Philip Palmn. His mother belonged to the von Bonsdorff family, known as a conservative and Swedish-minded family, with a great interest in natural sciences. Palmns stepbrother Johan Axel Palmn was one of the first Finnish natural scientists fascinated by Darwinism. Ernst Gustaf Palmn is also a good example of a late-nineteenth-century influential member of the elite, involved in many social, cultural and political networks. What makes him an important figure in this special case is his powerful role in the popular enlightenment circles as well as in the debates concerning railway technology and its impending benefits for the whole nation. Palmn was a professor of Finnish, Scandinavian and Russian history, a Finnish-minded politician, and the driving force behind the popular enlightenment movement. His most visible position with regard to the latter was that of editor and productive writer in the Oma Maa (Ones Own Country) book series, the creation of which was Palmns idea as a reaction against the Russification acts executed under Governor-General Bobrikovs rule. According to Palmn, it was necessary to have a book series to strengthen peoples self-esteem in these politically unstable times. Concrete acts took place in 1905 when Palmn was appointed as the chief editor. In his own technological enthusiasm Palmn tried to discover congruence between technology and other important political issues of the time such as the question of the Finnish-language comprehensive school or the question of language policy in general. His idea was to reduce the gap between the common people and the cultural and political elite, and with regard to this he stated that technology can bring along both economic and mental prosperity. Nevertheless, he strongly emphasised that technological progress alone was not enough. Only when combined with the introduction of a proper Finnish school system and a reasonable language policy, it could be prevented that seven men out of eight lived

130

If Only We Had a Railway! The Role of the Finnish Railway Network in the Nations Technological Progress

in unacceptably low economic and mental prosperity. Palmn tried to convince the common people of the benefits of an innovative railway policy, and at the same time he did not hesitate to argue for the benefits of an aggressive railway policy at the higher national level. According to Palmn, the main purpose was to make sure that the control would stay in Finnish hands also in the future, and would not be taken over by the Russians as a result of the feared aggressive Russification policy. Palmn was convinced that a well-planned railway network could secure the existence of this country, and at the same time strengthen it by constructing an urgently needed Image: Finnish Railway Museum, Hyvink network to support the nations uprising industry, which was economically, logistically and geographically very much tied to the management of the railway network. As such, it was of the utmost importance to make the railway network as beneficent as possible for the whole nation, as Palmn himself wrote already in the 1890s. Thus, although Palmn recognized the individuals need for a railway network, he continuously stressed that building such a network was in no way a donation of the state to anybody, but simply an economically calculated, profitable investment for the sake of the fatherland.

Work in the Name of the Fatherland


During the first decade of the twentieth century Palmns point of view radicalised somewhat. Following the general shift in the range of thought of the Fennoman movement, Palmn distanced himself increasingly from the conviction that the state has obligations towards individuals in this regard. In 1909, he wrote: Countless of distant places, which were doomed to suffer from isolation, have thus been connected to vigorous work on behalf of the fatherland and its culture. What Palmn meant, was that the state had provided means of effective transportation, and in

by Tiina Pivrinne

131

consequence people were summoned to participate as energetically as possible in the construction of the fatherland. A nation united, as the result of a working railway network, and people who supported the nations building process were, for Palmn, concrete signs of the victory of the Finnish-minded Fennoman movement. Palmn accentuated this at least in three different ways in his writings about the Finnish railway network. Firstly, the fact that the railway network opened up the inland was symbolically extremely important for him, since in his view the inland represented the real core of Finnishness. The town of Hmeenlinna, and in a later stage particularly the town of Jyvskyl should be considered, as Palmn pointed out, the real centres of Finnish culture, as the costal areas were inhabited by a Swedish-speaking and at least to some extent also a Swedish-minded population. In this case, Palmn argued for the capitals unnamed needs, though in real terms the inland towns were probably economically and culturally more dependent on the wealthier capital and costal areas than vice versa. Secondly, Palmn agreed with Johan Vilhelm Snellmans view on how railways leading inland were a concrete sign of the importance of Middle Finland. According to Palmn, this was also a very clear evidence of the success of the Fennoman policy to which Snellman was one of the main contributors. This raised big hopes for the nations prosperous future. Finally, Palmn wanted to stress the importance of the provinces and of all the potential they were given by the developing railway network. He emphasized the crucial role of the provinces in forming the Finnish culture, and his opinion was shared by other key figures of the Fennoman movement, such as Zacharias Topelius. In Maamme kirja (Book of Our Land) Topelius introduced the idea that the different provinces complemented one another, and together they would form the nation. Already in the second decade of the twentieth century, Palmn could claim that the economic and industrial progress that was under way in Finland was partly due to the fact that the inland provinces were made economically important actors in the constructing process of the nation in a very concrete way.

The National Elite as an Important Contributor


As can be seen in Palmns popular enlightenment writings, the national elite was given an equally important role in the railway question as in any cultural or political issue. Palmn, unquestionably a member of the elite himself, refers often to Snellman and Topelius to back up his standpoint. Also the role of the State of Finland in the railway question was discussed and emphasised regularly. Those very few foreigners who attempted to build their own private stretch of the railway network were, one after the

132

If Only We Had a Railway! The Role of the Finnish Railway Network in the Nations Technological Progress

other, labelled as speculators whose erroneous actions had to be straightened out by the state; the entrepreneurs realised that their business was doomed to fail. The national elite and the state had closely connected roles in the public debate concerning railway technology. The state had to create the favourable conditions which would enable and stimulate technological progress. The elite was supposed to create a suitable environment for modern technology, within the frames of the conditions established by the state, and what was even more important, the members of the elite had to assimilate the modern technology into the traditional culture. The most suitable and effective way to do this was by presenting new technological innovations in the same publications and by using the same concepts as the traditional culture. In the case of the railway question, the traditional Finnish culture consisted of nature, more specifically of forest and water, and of education, schooling and language. In 1912, Palmn summarized, in many ways, all what is mentioned above, by pointing out how the Finnish people had started to build new technological solutions for themselves as well as for the coming generations, with an unprecedented devotion. Obstacles which had existed for centuries were finally being removed. Palmn emphasised the importance of railway technology which he considered sustainable development and to which the simultaneous political changes had been subordinate. In his writings he showed how technological innovations played an important role in a nations cultural and national progress, and how both technology and culture were the key factors in a nations way to an economically and politically better future.
(This article has been previously published in Tekniikan Waiheita 2/08)

by Tiina Pivrinne

133

Bibliography
Karjalan rata. Kylkirjaston Kuvalehti. B-sarja 10, 1894. http://www.millenniumprize.fi/en/prize/overview/. HRD, Mikael: German Regulation: The Integration of Modern Technology into National Culture. In: Mikael Hrd and Andrew Jamison (eds.): The Intellectual Appropriation of Technology. Discourses on Modernity, 19001939. The MIT Press. 1998. KALA, J.H.: Suomen rautatiet. In: Ernst Gustaf Palmn, Edvard Hjelt, Jaakko Gummerus and others (eds.), Oma Maa. Tietokirja Suomen kodeille. 3: Maaliskuuhuhtikuu. WSOY. Porvoo 1921. KUISMA, Markku: Metsteollisuuden maa. Suomi, metst ja kansainvlinen jrjestelm 1620 1920. SHS. Helsinki 1993. MICHELSEN, Karl-Erik: Valtio, teknologia, tutkimus. VTT ja kansallisen tutkimusjrjestelmn kehitys. VTT. Espoo 1993. MICHELSEN, Karl-Erik: Onko teknologialla menneisyytt? Pohdintoja teknologian historiasta ja sen tutkimisesta. In: Tarmo Lemola (ed.): Nkkulmia teknologiaan. Gaudeamus. Helsinki 2000. NYKNEN, Panu. Tekniikan tiennyttjt. Teknillisten tieteiden akatemia 19572007. STH 11. Jyvskyl 2007. E.E.P.: Silmys Suomen rautateitten historiaan. Kansanvalistusseuran Kalenteri 1888 8, 1887. PALMN, Ernst Gustaf: Rautatiekysymykset 1888 vuoden valtiopivill. Valvoja 8, 1888. PALMN, Ernst Gustaf: Tulevasta rautatiepolitiikistamme. Valvoja 18, 1898. PALMN, Ernst Gustaf: Tulevasta rautatiepolitiikistamme. Valvoja 19, 1899. PALMN, Ernst Gustaf: Suomen rautateist. In: Ernst Gustaf Palmn, Edvard Hjelt, Jaakko Gummerus and others (eds.), Oma Maa. Tietokirja Suomen kodeille. 2: Maaliskuuhuhtikuu. WSOY. Porvoo 1908a. PALMN, Ernst Gustaf: Kanavat. Kansanvalistusseuran Kalenteri 1909 29, 1908b. PALMN, Ernst Gustaf: Suomen kirjapainot. In: Ernst Gustaf Palmn, Edvard Hjelt, Jaakko Gummerus and others (eds.), Oma Maa. Tietokirja Suomen kodeille. 5: Syyskuulokakuu. WSOY. Porvoo 1910. PALMN, Ernst Gustaf: Suomen rautateitten viisikymmenvuotinen muisto. Kansanvalistusseuran Kalenteri 1912 32, 1911. PALMN, Ernst Gustaf: In: Ernst Gustaf Palmn, Edvard Hjelt, Jaakko Gummerus and others (eds.), Oma Maa. Tietokirja Suomen kodeille. 3: Toukokuu-keskuu. WSOY. Porvoo 1921. Porin rautatie. Kansanvalistusseuran Kalenteri 1896 16, 1895. RINNE, Matti: Aseman kello li kolme kertaa. Suomen rautateiden kulttuurihistoria. Otava. Helsinki 2001. SALMI, Hannu: Muutoksen mielikuva ja aikalaiskokemus. In: Meri Heinonen, Leila Koivunen, Sakari Ollitervo, Heli Palumki, Hannu Salmi and Janne Tunturi (eds.): Dialogus. Historian taito. Juhlakirja Matti Mnniklle hnen tyttessn 65 vuotta 5. joulukuuta 2002. Kirja-Aurora. Turku 2002. SIRELIUS, U. T.: Etel-Karjala II. In: Ernst Gustaf Palmn, Edvard Hjelt, Jaakko Gummerus and others (eds.), Oma Maa. Tietokirja Suomen kodeille. 5: Syyskuu-lokakuu. WSOY. Porvoo 1910. Tammerkosken rautatiesilta. Kylkirjaston Kuvalehti. B-sarja. 1893. TIITTA, Allan: Harmaakiven maa. Zacharias Topelius ja Suomen maantiede. Suomen Tiedeseura. Helsinki 1994. Uusilta radoiltamme I. Kylkirjaston Kuvalehti. A-sarja 10, 1903.

134

If Only We Had a Railway! The Role of the Finnish Railway Network in the Nations Technological Progress

Endnotes
1 Salmi 2002, 401-402. 2 See for instance Palmn 1910b, 795-796; Palmn 1909b, 142; Sirelius 1910, 589; Kylkirjaston Kuvalehti (Tammerkosken rautatiesilta) 1893. 3 http://www.millenniumprize.fi/en/prize/overview/. 4 Nyknen 2007, 113-116. 5 See for instance Michelsen 1993, 9; Michelsen 2000, 63-65 and 68-73. 6 E.E.P. 1888, 43-44 and 63; Kansanvalistusseuran Kalenteri 1896, 72; Palmn 1912, 145. 7 E.E.P. 1888, 43-44. 8 Kansanvalistusseuran Kalenteri 1896, 72. 9 Kylkirjaston Kuvalehti (Karjalan rata) 1894; see also Kylkirjaston Kuvalehti (Uusilta radoiltamme I) 1903; Kuisma 1993, 205-207 and 212; Rinne 2001, 48-49. 10 Kylkirjaston Kuvalehti (Karjalan rata) 1894. 11 See for instance Rinne 2001, 48-49. 12 Palmn 1888, 163; Palmn 1898, 377. 13 Palmn 1898, 385; Palmn 1899a, 18. 14 Palmn 1909b, 142. 15 Palmn 1908b, 242-244 and 247-249; Palmn 1909b, 131 and 138-141; Palmn 1912, 136, 140-141 and 145; Palmn 1921, 285; Kala 1921, 287. 16 See for instance Hrd 1998, 66. 17 Palmn 1912, 145; see also Tiitta 1994, 221.

135

The Effect of Transport Tunnels Across the Baltic Sea on Finnish Transport Policy Guidelines
by Usko Anttikoski
The Finnish Ministry of Transport and Communication requested statements for the Transport Policy Guidelines that were composed for the Finnish Government in the summer of 2007. The Chair of the Baltirail association, Martti Asunmaa, asked Usko Anttikoski to draw up the following statement on behalf of the association on June 28th 2007: Finland is in the corner of Europe, almost like an island because its fixed transportation connections to the international, European main transportation grid go via Sweden in the North and via St Petersburg and Russia in the SouthWest. For now, the Finnish transportation main grid plan lacks a design for fixed links to Swedish and Estonian main grids. In the attached memo from January 31st 2007 (Fixed transport connections across the Baltic from Finland to Sweden and Estonia. Preliminary feasibility assessment), I have presented my assessments on three fixed transport connections to Sweden and Estonia. The fixed connections are based especially on railway tunnels bored into bedrock. The Baltirail Association has conducted surveys and organised seminars and discussion panels on a fixed rail connection between Helsinki and Tallinn. A significant interest has been raised in the Helsinki-Tallinn tunnel (Gulf of Finlands railway tunnel) over the past 13 years. The Finnish Ministry of Transport and Communication has not, however, taken the issue under evaluation. Swedish rail traffic has been enthusiastically developed: - The railway network has been under construction since the 1990s to accommodate it to fast European trains from Stockholm via Copenhagen to Central Europe. -A new fixed transport connection across the Fehmarn Belt (cost estimate about EUR 5 bn) directly to Hamburg will begin construction shortly.

136

The Effect of Transport Tunnels Across the Baltic Sea on Finnish Transport Policy Guidelines

-There are plans to raise the speed of Swedish passenger trains to the Central European level of 250 to 350 km/h (www.europakorridoren.se). - Swedish transport experts are also interested in a fixed transport connection to Finland via the land Islands or via Kvarken to Russia. The preliminary plans for Rail Baltica(TEN korridori IVarsova-Tallinna/ Helsinki) have already been drawn. Next to Muuga harbor in Vimsinniemi there are also markings for the mouth of the tunnel to Finland found in the plan. The Finnish Transport Policy Guidelines should include the fixed connections to Swedish and Estonian main grids. Objective discussion about Finlands fixed connections, however, can only begin after the preliminary research on bedrock resources and underwater tunnel technology has been conducted. This could take almost five years. The profitability of these designs is a different thing altogether and should be studied separately. According to the Baltirail Association, the following procedures should be decided in connection with the Transport Policy Guidelines: 1. The Finnish Ministry of Transport and Communications should include the main grids fixed links (railway tunnels) to its research programmes. A sufficient amount of time should be given to the development of the fairly unfamiliar underwater tunnel technology. 2. The Geological Survey of Finland should complete the basic geological studies in Finlands, Swedens and Estonias sea areas. The study of the bedrock resource should be conducted in cooperation with the corresponding agencies in neighbouring countries. 3. The VTT Technical Research Centre of Finland should assemble a tunnel group composed of experts from construction laboratories and universities to study the particular details in connection with underwater railway tunnels. It is especially important to develop the heating, plumbing, ventilation and electricity technology and the safety of railway tunnels. The most challenging issues are found in tunnel ventilation and smoke extraction and also in the removal of water leaks.

The Various Phases of Tunnel Studies


- The development of fixed transport connections started in the Nordic Geotechnical Meeting in Aalborg, Denmark in 1992. The presentation by the representative of the Finnish Geotechnical Society, Usko Anttikoski, Geoteknikers roll is samhllet contained three new tunnels across the Baltic Sea: in the Gulf of Finland, in the land Islands (the Archipelago Sea and the Sea of land) and Kvarken (illustration 1).

by Usko Anttikoski

137

Illustration 2. Finlands fixed transport connections acros the Baltic Sea to Sweden and Estonia. Memo from September 14th 2007. Preliminary feasibility assesment. (Usko Anttikoski www.mtry.fi)

Illustration 1. Three new tunnel suggestions on the geological map. (Usko Anttikoski. Aalborg NGM 1992)

- The Helsinki-Tallinn Society adopted the Helsinki-Tallinn tunnel as its development target in 1994. The issue was dealt with in various writings, seminars and in the media, but the Finnish Ministry of Transport did not undertake to study the possibility. - The Helsinki-Tallinn Tunnel Association nowadays, Baltirail Association was founded to promote the tunnel issue, and it conducted a preliminary project study on the feasibility of the Gulf of Finland railway tunnel project on April 9th 1997, named, Helsinki-Tallinn Railway Tunnel. A Shortcut to Europe. The study also included the transportation economics and profitability of the project. - Finlands railway tunnel proposals across the Baltic Sea have also been presented at the industrys meetings and conferences, including U. Anttikoski and A. Vilo presentation, entitled Baltic Sea Circular Link via Rock Tunnels, at the World Tunnel Congress. Oslo, Challenges for the 21st Century, from the 29th May 3rd June 1999. In addition to the railway tunnel across the Gulf of Finland, the essay presents an evaluation of the Kvarken railway tunnel (illustration 3). - Commissioned by The Kvarken Council, surveys on the road connection across Kvarken, between Vaasa and Ume, were published in 2000. In connection with these, the possibility of constructing a railway tunnel was also evaluated.

138

The Effect of Transport Tunnels Across the Baltic Sea on Finnish Transport Policy Guidelines

- Upon request from the Baltirail Association, Usko Anttikoski published an evaluation of the possibility of constructing a railway tunnel under the Gulf of Finland on the 6th November 2001, based on the experiences shared at the World Tunnel Congress in Milan. In particular, the four railway tunnel projects being constructed under road tunnels in the Alps were discussed at the Milan event. Of these, the Ltschberg tunnel (34 km) between Italy and Switzerland was completed in the summer of 2007, and the worlds longest railway tunnel, the Gotthard tunnel (57 km), is expected to Illustration 3. Circular Link proposal for a high-speed railway connection around the Baltic Sea (Anttikobe completed in 2015. The projects can ski and Vilo 1999). Usko Anttikoskis proposal for a Helsinki-Turku-Pori-Vaasa coastal railway (2006) has be viewed on the tunnels websites, for also been included. example at www.alptransit.ch. Over 70% of the Gotthard tunnel has already been bored. - The Finnish Rail Administration included the Gulf of Finland railway tunnel project in its vision for the year 2050 (Visions of Railway Transport in Southern Finland in 2050,project descriptions on March 26th 2004/14). - Upon request from the Board of the Baltirail Association, Usko Anttikoski revised his evaluation of the feasibility of the Gulf of Finland railway tunnel in his memo dated on January 22nd 2005 to bring it up to date with the situation in early 2005. - There has been interest in Sweden in a transport connection to Finland via the land Islands, and on to Russia. Due to this, Usko Anttikoski studied the possibility of building a connection via the land Islands in a memo dated on November 23rd 2006. The memo was written by using the construction method unit costs of the Gulf of Finland railway tunnel. - On November 23rd 2006, the Finnish Geotechnical Society posted two memos on fixed transport connections to Sweden and Estonia on its website www.sgy.fi under the news section on the homepage. One of these dealt with the fixed transport connection via the land Islands, while the other discussed the Gulf of Finland railway tunnel. A combined memo on these was published on September 14th 2007 (Illustration 2). The memo can be found in Finnish and in English on the Finnish Tunnelling Associations (FTA) website.

by Usko Anttikoski

139

Summary of the Memo on September 14th 2007 on www.mtry.fi


The possibility of constructing a fixed rail connection between Finland, Sweden and Estonia in the form of underwater tunnels is discussed in the memo. The connection via the land Island includes railway tunnels under the Sea of land and the Archipelago Sea between Turku and Uppsala. The Gulf of Finland railway tunnel between Helsinki and Tallinn and the Kvarken railway tunnel between Vaasa and Ume are also dealt with. Railway routes on nautical maps, longitudinal profiles and proposals for tunnel cross-sections were also presented in this memo. The length of the railway lines across the Baltic Sea range between 88 km and 240 km. The length of individual tunnels dug into the rock under the sea range between 60 km and 85 km. In the case of the railway tunnels, the construction costs of the connection across the land Islands will total between 3.4 and 5 billion Euros; across the Gulf of Finland between 2.3 and 2.7 billion Euros; and across Kvarken between 1.7 and 2.1 billion Euros. The bridge option in the land Islands would add 2 to 3 billion Euros to the costs. The quoted construction costs are according to 2007 price levels. The construction time needed for the connections varies between 15 to 30 years. This assessment particularly concerns rock tunnels and the construction of the foundations of surface connections. Land use and transport plans have not been discussed. This assessment is expected to generate interest in fixed transport connections across the sea and in the research and development of offshore technology in the northern part of the Baltic Sea, in the bedrock of the Fennoscandian Shield.

Conclusions
The objective of the EUs transport policy is to shift traffic volume from roads onto railways and to harmonise the railway networks of different countries. The land Islands, Gulf of Finland and Kvarken railway connections would serve this objective. According to the EUs agenda, a European high-speed train service may reach Tallinn in 2020 and Ume even ten years earlier. A ring railway circling the Baltic area may be constructed in the Baltic countries using the international rail gauge, which is 89 mm narrower than the one used in Finland and Russia. For this reason, it would be useful to study the option of constructing a similar EU railway either from Turku to Helsinki or from Vaasa to Helsinki via Pori and Turku. This would link Finland to the high-speed Baltic ring railway (illustration 3).

140

The Effect of Transport Tunnels Across the Baltic Sea on Finnish Transport Policy Guidelines

Fixed railway connections from Finland to Sweden and Estonia could significantly influence the plans for new transport connection projects: o Blue Road (or Railway) in Central Finland, o Helsinki-Turku railway connection, o Greater Helsinki Ring Railway, o Metro connection from Pasila to Helsinki-Vantaa Airport, and o The growth of the Helsinki-Vantaa Airport into a hub for passenger and freight traffic. Tunnel experts view the suggested transport tunnels as feasible. The primary question, therefore, is of finances. The studies presented in the memo should be conducted before making any decision to start these projects. The intellectual and financial resources for this already exist. Does the new generation have the courage to take action?

by Usko Anttikoski

141

AUTHORS
Martti Turtola, Ph.D., Professor The National Defence University

Colin Divall, BSc (Bristol), MSc, PhD (Manchester), FRHistS, Professor of Railway Studies, Head of Research (National Railway Museum), Head of the Institute of Railway Studies & Transport History, University of York Xiaoli Wu, Ph.D. in Social and Cultural Anthropology, Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology The Chinese Academy of Social Sciences

Igor Kiselev, Ph.D. Professor, St. Petersburg State Transport University

Barbara Schmucki, Lic. Phil. I (Zurich), Dr Phil. (Munich), Institute of Railway Studies & Transport History, University of York, National Railway Museum Hiroki Shin, BA (Aoyama-Gakuin), BA (Tokyo), MA (Tokyo), PhD (Cambridge), AHRC Postdoctoral Research Associate, Institute of Railway Studies & Transport History, University of York, National Railway Museum Evgeni Korovyakovskiy, PhD, Head of the Logistics and Commerce Operations Department, St. Petersburg State Transport University

142

AUTHORS

Oiva Turpeinen, Ph.D, Professor University of Helsinki

Ilkka T. Seppinen, Ph.D, Lecturer, University of Helsinki

Tiina Pivrinne, MA (Dissertation 5.3.2010), University of Helsinki

Usko Anttikoski, M.Sc. Techn, Baltirail Association

Rautatiekulttuurikeskus Centre of Railway Culture Kouvola