Revista Canadiense de Estudios Hispnicos

The Treatment of the Jew and the Moor in the Catalan Works of Francesc Eiximenis Author(s): DAVID J. VIERA Source: Revista Canadiense de Estudios Hispnicos, Vol. 9, No. 2 (Invierno 1985), pp. 203-213 Published by: Revista Canadiense de Estudios Hispnicos Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27762367 . Accessed: 06/06/2011 08:04
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DAVID

VIERA J.

and the Moor in of The Treatment the Jew

the Catalan Works of Francese Eiximenis

Durante

su vida Francese Eiximenis (1325-1409) recibi? muchos favores y de los reyes de la Corona de Arag?n, quienes le ayudaron a Maestr?a en Teolog?a de laUniversidad de Tolosa. El rey Pedro conseguir la el Ceremonioso apoy? el proyecto de la enciclopedia del fraile titulado El Cresti? (El cristiano). La fama del franciscano creci? durante su estancia en Valencia (1383-1408), ciudad ilustre que lleg? a su punto m?ximo en el siglo XV. Eiximenis jug? un papel activo en esta ciudad y recibi? el aprecio de los Jurados que gobernaban la ciudad. Durante sus a?os en su ciudad honores adoptiva pod?a observar lasminor?as jud?as ymoriscas. La influencia que ejerci? este grupo fue tan evidente que el fraile describ?a Valencia como una ciudad casi morisca. Las ideas de Eiximenis sobre estas dos minor?as nos interesan no s?lo por su gran prestigio sino tambi?n porque reflejan actitudes del pueblo cristi ano, de los jurados, y sobre todo de los burgueses y del clero hacia los dos grupos, ideas que a veces contradicen las de los monarcas catalanes, a quienes Eiximenis tambi?n serv?a lealmente. Su silencio sobre los jud?os en el Llibre deis ?ngels (Libro de los ?ngeles) y las contradicciones que incorpora el Dotz? se pueden explicar por el saqueo del barrio jud?o de Valencia en 1391.

The opinions expressed by Francese Eiximenis on the Jeware traditional, at times ambiguous, and mirror popular prejudices; his attitude toward Islam is unfavorable. To arrive at Eiximenis, sentiments toward the Jew and which the Catalan friartreated both Muslim we must evaluate theway in groups from theological, social, and historical perspectives. Regulations of the latemedieval Church and the rulers of the kingdom of Aragon on the two races are reflected inthe opus of Eiximenis. Although much legislation and many opinions on the Jew are also applied to the Muslim, we will

discuss both groups separately. The works of Eiximenis present little originality, for the medieval writer to substantiate Christian beliefs and political ideas with quotations sought from the Classical moralists, the Church Fathers, and monastic and medie
REViSTA canadiense de estudios hisp?nicos Vol. IX,No. 2 lnvierno1985

204 val authorites. The Catalan friar, who admits ignorance of the Hebrew had to rely on the Church Fathers and Jewish and Christian language, authors such as PeterMartyr of Verona, Isidore of Sevile, Pon? Carbonell, Raymond Marti, and Josephus, the Hebrew historian, for his opinions on A Judaism.1 detailed reading of the Primer de Cresti? (1379-1381), however, reveals that Eiximenis drew upon Nicolaus de Lyra (c 1270-1349),2 an eminent French Franciscan who lived a generation before the Catalan,

when confronted with arduous problems regarding the Jewish faith. An attitude of apprehension toward Jews ispatent in Eiximenis' works, and the root of this suspicion lies in the fact that the Catalan friarheld the Jew responsible for the crucifixion of Christ,3 an act which must be pun ished. Jewish rejection of Christ's teachings (Primer, chs. 22, 71,117, 367) and those of his disciples4 reinforces his resentment and leads to several similes in which this race iscompared to stone, the cold, and must.5 They shun the sun (Christ) in their migratory movement from east to west ch. 367), and - quoting Augustine-are inneed of the candlelight (Primer, (faith) to view the sun.6Along with the rejection of Christ and Christianity, Eiximenis attacked the Jew for another motive: hisOld Testament idolatry (Primer, chs. 116,120, 260, 263; Ter?, ch. 615). In the Primer del Cresti?, Eiximenis proposes eight reasons for the "malicia judaica," which brought about thewrath of God: 1) the evil roots of the Jewish race (i.e. illegitimate birth of some of its leaders); 2) the evil

influence of the land (Jerusalem) on itspeople (repeated in the Ter?, ed. , 14); 3) the celestial influence of Saturn (cold, sad, Marti de Barcelona, melancholic, dry), according to Ptolemy; 4) their rural and peasant origins

(Eiximenis disliked the peasant class); 5) their proximity to evil people (i.e. the Egyptians); 6) the desire and accumulation of worldy goods (repeated in the De vita Christi, fol. 267ro); 7) their freedom to tempt others (an evil God granted them by the devil); 8) their presumption (overconfidence in for having made them the chosen people). Despite this negative attitude, Eiximenis does take on an occasional conciliatory stance toward Judaism for he sees in the Old Testament, Jewish institutions,and inmonotheism, a base on which Christianity has built. Jewish circumcision and Christian baptism are equated, although Eiximenis condemns Jews for rejecting the latter rite (De vita Christi, fol. 99). Other traditional views are expressed: Christianity tempered the lawwhile bringing itto completion; darkness and severity of theMosaic light are used to compare the Old and New Testaments.7 In short, the purpose of the discussion of Judaism in the Primer del Cresti?, and to a lesser extent in the De vita Christi, is to prove thatChristianity is the only true religion.

Nolasc del Molar, who previously had studied the Jewish argument in

205
the Primer, had concluded that the Catalan Friar not only scrutinizes the historical background of the Jewish faithas presented in theOld Testament, but indoing so he attacks Judaism as itexisted during his time.8 Eiximenis lived at a time when anti-Semitism often ran rampant, as attested by the sackings of thejewish quarter inBarcelona (1348,1391), themutiny against the Jews in the rural areas such as Peratallada (1387), and the widespread R. destruction which took place throughout Iberia in 1391.9 Jill Webster, a noted authority on theworks of Eiximenis, has expressed surprise that the Catalan friar remains silent on the unrest and attacks on the Jewswhich took place at the height of his literaryproduction.10 Two possible motives have been suggested for the Franciscan's tolerance: 1) Eiximenis may have come from Jewish stock; 2) he may have withheld negative opinions to While the first conform to the monarchy's protective stance on Jews.11 isconjectural, the second theory deserves some attention, as the possibility Jews represented a substantial resource to the monarchy and the city of Valencia. Indeed the sackings of 1391 in Barcelona and Valencia caused John and the city authorities of Valencia to react abruptly indefense of thisminority group.12 In the Primer, the testimony of the Jew isdoubted:
... dels com quals valdr?a m?s fonch un testimoni que m?lia de gent dels jueus.

incr?dula,

bestial

e folla, ax?

tostemps

la gent e p?ble

(Primer, ch. 115)

by Papal decrees.17 Despite seemingly negative remarks, the attitude of Eiximenis toward the Jew isat times ambiguous: rather than condemning the Jews,he hopes for their salvation. Led by the prophecies of Joachim of Flora, Ubertino da Casale, Johnof Roquetaillade, and Arnau de Vilanova,18 Eiximenis believed that the seventh seal or age of Christianity was approaching, which would bring about peace, restore the Church to itsprimitive state, and bring an end to Judaism. The Catalan friarpondered and wrote extensively in the

To illustrate the deceit of the Jews, Eiximenis recounts an anecdote, taken perhaps from Peter Martyr of Verona, about a Jewwho sold the Roman emperor to the devil.13 What especially disturbed the Catalan Franciscan was the vice of avarice and the practice of usury with which he identified the Jew. The subject of usury brought out such racial slurs as "jueu falsari per avaricia," "aquell orrible e malvai p?ble de Israel,"14and other opinions which reflect popular attitudes.15 In the Llibre de les dones, the maiden isadvised to always avoid Jews and Muslims,16 a reflection of the segregation which existed during the time, which was mandated

Primer (chs. 102,204,405,270), Segon (ch. 66), Ter? (ed.M. de Barcelona, il, 14),Dotz? (459-473), the Llibre dels ?ngels (treatise 5, ch. 34-43), and the De

206
vita Christi, fol. 149voof Spanish translation, on the conversion of the Jews, which some authors whom Eiximenis quotes believed to be at hand (Dotz?, ch. 459,466). Despite Biblical references that Jewish law and ceremonies would never cease (Primer, ch. 205), Eiximenis expressed the opinion several times that would convert to Christianity and that the event would occur when Jews Jerusalem was captured by Christians (Primer, ch. 270). In the meantime, Christians were to simply tolerate Jewsand Moors (Primer, ch. 205; De vita Christ, fol. 149vo). The conversion would take place in the near future according to Eiximenis, forChristians would soon capture Jerusalem (Pri

mer, ch. 270). Nolasc del Molar, who wrote on the theme of prophetic tendencies and the conversion of the Jews in Eiximenis' works,19 limited his analysis of the topic to the Primer. Eiximenis announced that he would discuss this topic again in Book vin, which he may have never written (Primer, ch. 204). However, in theDotz?, themedieval friar complicated prophecies he had in the Primer. Pere Bohigas' excellent article on the subject of made prophecies in the works of Eiximenis concludes that chapters 467-473 of the Dotz? were added at a later date (1391), perhaps due to a reprimand

the Franciscan may have received from John forprophecies favoring the king of France20 as conqueror of infidels and sole monarch to rule the In the Dotz?,

world.

Eiximenis relinquishes (perhaps unwillingly) the beliefs of he meant the Catechetical Lectures of Cyril of Jerusalem), Cyril (probably of Johnof Roquetaillade and others on the imminent conversion of Jews at the death of Antichrist, the rule by one pope and one king or nation

followed by themillennium, and he adopts instead the belief that after the death of Antichrist, a short grace period would be given to allow for Jewish conversion, which he specifies as forty days in the Llibre dels angels (treatise 5, ch. 42) and the final chapters of the Vida de ?esucrist, which elaborate on the former chapter, during which time Jewswould accost Christians, "axi com a cans rabiosos," to findout more about Christ. Dr. Bohigas and others, having given theirentire attention to the change in Eiximenis' political interpretation of the "Casal de Franca," failed to

notice another belief which may also have been brought about by the letterof John of November 17, 1391.21 Reexamining the interpolated (467-473), we find that the first three chapters chapters of the Dotz? convey two main ideas: 1) the center of Christianity will not be moved will not convert to Christianity ina short from Rome to Jerusalem; 2) Jews time, nor will they convert at the death of Antichrist, but rather just before the Last Judgment. Eiximenis then goes on to rectifyhis political stance in the lastthree chapters (471-473).

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Eiximenis took up prophetic tendencies in the ilibre dels angels, written in 1392, a year after he had composed the interpolated chapters of the which he brought about after the and in the Vida de Jesucrist,22 Dotz?, death of John (1395). These works are consistent with the aforementioned interpolated chapters regarding Jewish conversion. Eiximenis falls back into the Pseudo-Methodius prophecy, avoiding mention of Jerusalem as

the new seat of Christianity, themass conversion of the Jewsat the death of Antichrist, and specific dates of future events. Given the fact that the chapters inthe lastthree Catalan works appear on or after 1391, we can posit several motives for the changes in Eiximenis7 interpretation of imminent Jewish conversion: 1) pressure put on the friar by John to change his interpretation of previous prophecies, especially those of the Dotz?; 2) sympathy toward the Jewishminority having wit nessed the results of the sackings which took place in the Jewishquarter of Valencia, an event which had just occurred; 3) a desire to create a positive attitude toward Jews among the Christian populace. Eiximenis' prophecy of the defeat of Antichrist and his Jewish followers and their conversion before themillennium may verywell have irked John I,not tomention the Jews of his kingdom whom he favored, all of whom had just witnessed death and devastation in the Jewishquarter of their cities.lt must also be mentioned thatVincent Ferrer's vision of the Apocalypse and the flagellant movement he led in southern Europe took place in 1396, after the death of the 1391 destruction in John . Ferrer, inone of his Sermons, condemned the Jewish quarters.23 Indeed there appear to be furthermotives to the king's dissatisfaction with Eiximenis, prophecies than simply the latter's favoritism toward the French monarch. In theDotz? (chs. 165-170,470), Eiximenis upholds specific civil liberties into two for Jews and non-Christians, which can best be subdivided Jewsmay not be forced to convert to Christianity; 2) Jews categories: 1) may own land, property, and non-Christian slaves. Although critics have applauded these liberal principles in Eiximenis' works25 at a timewhen the must be admitted that the Catalan growth of anti-Semitism was evident, it friar in the chapters just quoted was simply reiterating passages from the Church Councils.25 Chapters 170 and 836 of theDotz?, on the other hand, show the restrictive side of Eiximenis' attitude toward the Jew, again a reflection of canon law in the works of the Franciscan, more specifically the Council of Vienne's restraintson Jews and Muslims living inChristian must be admitted that some of the mandates, such as dominated land. It those prohibiting Jewish physicians and statesmen to serve Christian However, throughout monarchs, were not followed by the Catalan rulers.26 canon law has precedence over civil law. theworks of the Catalan friar, Francese Eiximenis envisioned his world as comprised of three major

208
religions or "sects/' as he called them: Christianity, Judaism, and Islam (Primer,chs. 99,208), each of which corresponds to "les principals ?engues del m?n, ax? com s?n Nati,hebraic e morisc."27 It is important to establish this point, as medieval writers and legal documents classifyMuslims as either pagans28 or heretics.29Although theCatalan friarreferred toMuslims, for the most part, as "serrahins," a term also used inCatalan legal docu ments of the time,30 he believed they should be called "agarens" or "isma?lites," for they owe their origins toAgar, the slave of Abraham, and Ismael, the illegitimate son of Abraham and Agar, not to Sara, Abraham's

wife (Primer, ch. 353). Despite occasional positive opinions on Moorish customs31 and beliefs which Eiximenis derived from observing the Mudejares of his time, the Catalan author holds a negative concept of Islam,32 regarding it as the leading enemy of Christianity. The terms used to describe the prophet are quite uncomplimentary: "un gran falsari ab ses falses Mohammed maneres," "horn vii e orreu, sutze e abhominable," "damn?t et enemich de veritat" (Primer, ch. 63); "endiablat" (Primer, ch. 73); "fill de perdido" described as: "pures (Regiment de la cosa p?blica, pp. 16-17). The Koran is falsies e oradures" ch. 97); "gran volum ... en lo quai parla en (Primer, manera d'om ?xit de seny o qui ?s endiablat o embriach" (Primer, ch. 97).33 Eiximenis' negativism toward Islam is based on historical motives and Islamic beliefs which came down to him, not by a direct reading of the Koran or the Sunna but, as Enrico Cernili has indicated, through Latin or Romance sources: The Libro della Scala, Augustine's De Civitate Dei, the Legenda Aurea of Jacobo da Voragine, the works of Arnau de Vilanova, especially the Confessi? de Barcelona and the Tractatus de mysterio cyn
and several French "chansons."34 To Eiximenis, Islam was con

balorum,

envejosos contra tota secta del m?n" (Primer, ch. 125).Whereas avarice is given as the leading vice of the Jew, an inordinate desire for sexual satisfaction is said to be the major defect in theMoor, which isdue to the influence of the planet Venus (Primer, chs. 100-103,183, 208).36 is less desirable than the Jew to Eiximenis and to another The Muslim medieval Hispanic author, Alfonso x,el Sabio, foranother apparent reason : on military force to extend its territory, religion and Islam depended influence.37 Inorder to counteract Muslim expansion, Eiximenis approved

who selected beliefs and traditions ceived by a deceiver, Mohammed, from Judaism and Christianity to draw disciples from each faith (Primer, ch. Mohammed's idea of a material heaven, 96).35 The Catalan friar found in with sensual pleasures, an absurd and appalling belief (Primer, chs. replete 22,101). As inthe case of the Jew,Eiximenis sought theworks of astrologers like Ptolemy to explain the "evil" of theMoor: "els pus ergullosos, els pus vans e mundanals h?mens del m?n, carnals, pereosos e maliciosos e

209
in favor of the Crusades.38 The Catalan Franciscan spent and preached twenty-five years (1383-1408), themost productive and influential years of his life, inValencia, a city he described as "quasi morisca" (Regiment de la cosa p?blica, p. 19). The situation of theMud?jar community of this city and province, which John Boswell has recently described (see footnote 26), no doubt affected Eiximenis' concept of Islam. Historically, the events which took place in the Kingdom of Aragon during the Catalan friar's revolt (1364)39 and theMudejar lifetime,more specifically, theMud?jar

defection during theWar with Castile (1356-65),40 in no small measure must have added to his negativism. In the famous chapter on "Les especi?is belleses de Val?ncia," Eiximenis is somewhat negative on the influence of Moorish culture inValencia (Regiment, pp. 16, 27). The privileges and obligations of the Muslim conform to Eiximenis' interpretation of canon law and therefore closely overlap those pertaining to the Jewwhich were previously cited. The Catalan Franciscan specifies that Jewscould own land, provided that ithad not previously belonged to Christians (Dotz?, ch. 99), a reflection of the Council of Vienne's decrees of 1311-12; another reflection of thisCouncil's decisions was the prohibition of Islamic religious manifestations, which were not prohibited in the legal code until 1403when Martin condemned these outward religious practi ces.41 Eiximenis also advocates that Muslims inChristian territorybe pre vented from carrying arms42 (Primer, ch. 103; Regiment de la cosa p?blica, pp. 18-19), again voicing sections of canon law, while the legal code vacillated in regard to both prohibitions.43

He reluctantly acknowledges the growth of Islam during his time, a fact which contradicted Cyril's prophecy (Dotz?, ch. 469). However, theCatalan does not, as in the case of the Jews, soften his attitude toward Islam in friar the interpolated chapters of the Dotz? (chs. 467-473), written in 1391, nor in the Llibre dels angels, written the following year.44 The role of conqueror of Islam is now assigned to the Christian king doms of Spain (Llibre dels angels, tr. 5, ch. 38), and France isdenied her place in the conquest.45 It iscurious that although Eiximenis resorts to the Pseudo-Methodius prophecy, which was originally diffused to console Syrian Christians of the seventh and eighth centuries livingunder Muslim appears to be the role of the oppression,46 his principal preoccupation Jews.References to the conquest of Islam appear in the Llibre dels angels (tr.4, chs. 55, 57; tr.5, ch. 38-40, 55) but are completely absent in the final

Eiximenis insisted several times in his works that Islamwould be extin guished from the face of the earth ina short time (Primer, chs. 71,102-103, 207, 247; Regiment de la cosa p?blica, p. 36). As in the case of the Jew, Eiximenis modifies predictions of a general conversion based on Cyril of Jerusalem, which was to take place at the end of the fourteenth century.

210 chapters of the Vida de fesucrist, although Eiximenis assures us in both will be cast into hell in the company of Lucifer, works thatMohammed Judas, and Antichrist (Llibre dels ?ngels, tr.4, ch. 55, 57). In the Vida de jesucrist this reference appears in the chapter on the fifteen signs of the Apocalypse. The attitude toward the Jew and theMuslim in the works of Eiximenis reflects traditional and popular beliefs and prejudices of the Christian populace. However, his opinions were conditioned and to a large extent tempered by canon law,which rejected forced conversion and allowed the ownership of property, and by the Catalan monarchs such as Peter m and John I, who were tolerant in their dealings with both groups. Eiximenis may have lacked the apostolic zeal of Vincent Ferrer, or perhaps the difference lies in the diverse attitude and dynamism with which the Franciscan and Dominican orders pursued the conversion of Jews and infidels and an end to heretical sects and doctrines. Therefore, one must not condemn our Catalan friarformaking apocalyptic prophe cies, nor should this aspect inhis vast literary production be regarded as a defect48 which is"en oposici? amb el seny pr?ctic iel saber viure."49 The tendency to prophesy came from a preoccupation with morality at a time structure of southern Europe and the of change in the socio-economic conviction of the need for conversion or elimination of all dissidents, which became an obsession not only for Eiximenis, but also forVincent There Ferrer in 1398, as well as other contemporaries of the Catalan friar. the eschatological euphoria in theworks of Francese Eiximenis must fore, be viewed in this lightand not as aweakness in the Catalan friar'scharacter. that Christianity was the only means of salvation, Eiximenis Convinced

ardently desired the conversion of Jewsand infidels,unlike other moralists of theMiddle Ages who either condemned all Jewsand infidelsor, likehis predecessor Catalan Dominican Ramon Marti,50 believed that only a few would be saved. Salvation was the greatest privilege of humankind which was not to be denied any group. Judged from a fourteenth-century in the works of perspective, the attitude toward the Jew and Muslim Francese Eiximenis, despite popular prejudices, reflects the loftysense of justice and humane treatment which characterize the opus of our Catalan
Franciscan.

Tennessee Technological University

NOTES
1 See our more hebrea," detailed study on the topic: "Francese Eiximenis, O. F.M. y la lengua (1983), 151-53. Regarding the last two authors, Eiximenis appears

Balmesiana

to

211
have known Mart?'s Pugeo F/de/'and Joseph us; De Bello Judaico. Italso appears that Eiximenis may have used the Contra perfidiam Judaeorum of Peter of Blois, especially chs. 3-5, in his f inal chapters of the Primer in his comparison of the Tetragrammaton and IHUH orjahweh. 2 The treatise Disputatio contra perfidiam Judaeorum was well known in theMiddle Ages. Edward A. Gosselin, "A Listing of the Printed Editions of Nicolaus de Lyra/; Tradi tio, 26 (1970), 39^-426. 3 This aspect isparticularly apparent in the Primer del Cresti? (Valencia: Lambert Palmart, 1483), chapters 71,116, 204, 266, 367, 369, and the De vita Christi (Spanish translation: Granada: Meinart Ungut, 1496, fols. 89ro, 116vo). 4 In the Primer, ch. 204, Eiximenis holds the Jew specifically responsible for the stoning of St. Steven and the death of James the Less. 5 De 6 De vita Christi, ch. 350; Primer, ch. 119. vita Christi, fol. 253ro. On fol. 27ro, Eiximenis recalls the Biblical reference to the Jews

being "llenos de musto." 7 De vita Christi, fol. 239. 8 "Francisco Miscell?nea Amador de Eiximenis y los 'espirituales.' de Melchor de Pobladura Sobre un cap?tulo de ordenaci?n (Roma, 1964), i,255. jer?rquica,"

9 Antoni Rovira

i Virgili, Historia nacional de Catalunya (Barcelona, 1928), v, 547-50; J. los R?os, Historia social, pol?tica y religiosa de los jud?os de Espa?a y Portugal (Madrid, 1960), 466; Ferran Soldevila, Historia de Catalunya (Barcelona, 1962), u, 503-04; Carmen Battle Gallart, La crisis social y econ?mica de Barcelona a mediados del siglo xv (Barcelona, 1973), i,107-08; N. J. Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms del Cresti?," (1250-1516) (Oxford,

1978), 136-37. 10 Francese Eiximenis, "Edition of the Dotz? 11 Ibid., 26-27. 12 Amador de

(Diss: Toronto, 1969), 4.

los R?os, 470-471; Andr?s Ivars, "El escritor Fr. Francisco Exim?nez en Valen cia (1383-1408), "Archivo Ibero-Americano, 15 (1921), 305, 321. 13 Francese Eiximenis, Contes i Faules, ed. M. Oliver (Barcelona, 1925), 85. 14

de Rei (Barcelona, 1927), 173-76. Also see Jill Webster, "Francese Eiximenis on R. Studies, 31 (1969), 247^9. This attitude isevident in Spain at Royal Officials," Medieval the time: Francisco Cantera, "La usura jud?a en Castilla," La ciencia tomista, 43 (1931), 10. 15 Josep Torres iBages, La tradici? catalana (Barcelona, 1935), n, 108. 16 Lo libre de les dones, ed. Frank Naccarato, revised by Curt J. Wittlin and Antoni Comas Molins (Barcelona, 1981), ,31. 17 Solomon Grazel, The Church and the Jews in the Thirteenth Century (New York, 1966), 184^85, 204-05; A. A. Neuman, The Jews of Spain (New York, 1970), n, 11-12, 200, 248-49; Robert I,Burns, Islam under the Crusaders (Princeton, 1973), 163. in Eiximenis are given in their order tendencies leading studies on the prophetic of importance: Pere Bohigas, "Prediccions iprofecies en les obres de fra Francese M. Pou Mart?, "Visionarios i Eiximenis," Franciscalia (Barcelona, 1928), 23-38; J.

Ibid.; also consult F. Elias y Tejada, Historia del pensamiento pol?tico catal?n (Sevilla, 1965), ni, 141. Eiximenis lashed out against the practice of usury in the Ter? (ed. Mart? de 42, and Regiment de la cosa p?blica, ed. Daniel de Barcelona), (Barcelona, 1932), in,

18 The

23 (1925), 349-69; Tom?s beguinos y fraticelos catalanes," Archivo Ibero-Americano, Carreras yArtau, "Fray Francisco Eiximenis: su significaci?n religiosa, filos?fico-moral, pol?tica y social," Anales del Instituto de Estudios Gerundenses, (1946), 270-93. 19 Nolasc del Molar, 1,263-64. 20 Bohigas, 31-34; a subsequent this thesis: "Profecies de study by Bohigas continues Butllet?de la Biblioteca de Catalunya, 8 (1929-33), 275-79. Soldevila, , 104, Merlin," states that "Juan de Aragon fue el ?nico rey que castig?, condenando a la ?ltima

212
pena resurgieron." of 1391. 21 Antoni a no pocos de la culpables. Pero algunas aljamas, como la de Barcelona, ya no He was thus the only king to punish those responsible for the sackings Rubio i Lluch, Documents per Thist?ria de la cultura migeval (Barcelona,

Franciscans, 40 (1928), 472-73, insisted on 1397-98. John died in 1395. 23 Roque Chabas, "Estudio sobre los sermones de San Vicente Ferrer, que se conservan manuscritos en la Biblioteca de la Bas?lica Metropolitana de Valencia, "Revista de

, 372-73. 1908-21), 22 Two different dates are given: Rubio i Lluch, ii, its 406-96, established writing at 1404, whereas Marti de Barcelona, "Fra Francese Eiximenis. O. M. (1340?-1409?)," Estudis

8 (1903), 124-25. Archivos, Bibliotecas yMuseos, 24 Eduardo de Hinojosa, Obras de Eduardo de Hinojosa H. (Madrid, 1948), i,67-70; J. 39 Probst, "Francesch Eiximeni?. Ses id?es politiques et sociales, "Revue Hispanique, (1917), 54. Jews and Muslims were not allowed Christian slaves for fear of proselytism 25 (Neuman, n, 94; Grazel, 171-73). see Neuman, For Papal decrees against forced conversion n, 188- 9; this attitude of : in the Papal Bull of the Spanish anti-Pope Benedict leniency isalso apparent Nolasc de Molar, Eiximenis (Olot, 1962), 17. 26 Jewswere not allowed to hold public office nor serve as physicians to monarchs: Grazel, 187-88, 298-99. Spanish rulers, however, ignored the latter decree: Grazel, n, 214-15; Burns, 254; Hillgarth, 135. Jews also served as tax 154-55; Neuman, collectors and liaisons between the Muslim and Christian communities of Valencia; under the Crown of Aragon

John Boswell, The Royal Treasure, Muslim Comunities the Fourteenth Century (New Haven, 1977). 27 Regiment de la cosa p?blica, ed. Molins de Rei, 35. 28 Boswell,

in

in the Cantigas of Alfonso pp. 164, 374; Albert I. Bagby, Jr.,"The Moslem Sabio," Kentucky Romance Quarterly, 20 (1973), 184-90. 29 Enrico Cernili, Nuove richerche sul libro della Scala e la conoscenza in dell'Islam Occidente (Citt? del Vaticano, 1972), 77. The Islamic belief ina material paradise Islamic monotheism brought about the concept of Islam as a pagan belief, whereas and the denial of the crucifixion separates Islam from the heresies Primer, ch. 99. 30 Burns, p. 64. 31 Eiximenis admired led some to believe of his time: see De

,el

was a heresy. Eiximenis clearly it vita Christi, fol. 319ro and the

the solemnity with which Muslim women enter the mosque and are denied entrance the fact that non-Muslims (Primer, ch. 228), their judicial system 154-55), their eating habits (7er?, in,185), their dress (Regiment de la cosa p?blica,

32 Nolasc

del Molar, "Francese Eiximenis y los 'espirituales/" 255-56; also see his "Un altre volum d'Eiximenis," Estudis Franciscans, 44 (1932), 410-411. 33 In the Primer, ch. 97 et seq., Mohammed is referred to as "lo malestruch," "malvat," e fonch gran encantador," "astut e savi en ... art de nigromancia "mogut de spirit de ambici? endiablat

(Dotz?, ch. 208, Dones, ch. lvi), their respect forMary (De vita Christ, fol. 13ro) and that the regard forChrist as a prophet (Primer, ch. 99). He may also have believed idiom spoken by the Mud?jares influenced the language spoken among the Christians of Valencia (Regiment, 35). The rigorous military training of Muslim youth (Dones, ch. clxxi). applauded

is

e de sup?rbia," "fill del pare de mon?onega," "om ?xit de seny o que es o embriach," "fill del diable," "fill del peccat e dexeble del demoni." In the LTibre dels angels (tr.4, ch. 57), he is unwillingly dragged into hell by Antichrist. 34 Cernili, 41-77.

213
35 Also Eiximenis, "Ter? del Cresti?: Edition and Study of Sources," ed. j. E. (Diss: Toronto, 1971), 377. as being fickle (Primer, ch. 208). Although Mohammed was are also described 36 Moors a trickster and traitor, Eiximenis does not insist thatMoors in general are considered guilty of these "vices", as does Alfonso x, el Sabio: Bagby, 181-83. Gracia see Francese

37 Primer, ch. 72,103; Albert I. Bagby, Jr., "Alfonso x, el Sabio, compara moro y jud?os," 82 (1970), 583. Romanische Forschungen, 38 Dotz?, ch. 168; Regiment, ed. Molins de Rei, 16-17; Andr?s Ivars,Dos creuades a les costes de Berber?a ( 397-99), (Valencia, 1921), xxii et valenciano-mallorquines seq. 39 Leopoldo (Valencia, Poles Ros, Estudio documental 1970), 299, note 819. sobre el Bayle General de Valencia

40 Boswell, 391-94. Eiximenis was no doubt aware of the deaths of two Franciscans at the hands of Valencian Moors which had occurred years before: Le?n Amor?s, "Los santos m?rtires franciscanos B. Juan de Perusa y B. Pedro de Saxoferrato en la historia de Teruel," Teruel, 15 (1956), 5-142. 41 Hillgarth,130; Burns, 187-88,196. 42 Rovira iVirgili, v, 550. 43 Boswell, 172-93,286-93. 44 "El Llibre dels ?ngels de Fr. Francisco mismo," Archivo Ibero-Americano, Exim?nez y algunas versiones castellanas del 19 (1923), 108-24. 45 Bohigas, Franciscalia, 24-25, 34; Dotz?, ch. 471; Llibre dels ?ngels, tr. 5, ch. 38-40, 55. It iscurious that Eiximenis had previously stated that the kingdom of Aragon as well as 46 Islam (Primer, ch. 247). the kingdom of France would eliminate the last two Leonard Cohn, The Pursuit of theMillenium (London, 1962), 17,146-47: interest in certain sections of the Pseudo-Methodius pages outline a renewed

of a Thirteenth-century Valencia. Reconstruction . Chapter i 48 Pou Mart?, 368. 49 Bohigas, Franciscalia, 38.

inThuringia at the time Eiximenis wrote the Llibre dels prophecy which occurred angels and the Vida de Jesucrist. in theWest," 47 See two studies by Robert I. Burns, "Christian-Islamic Confrontation American Historical Review, 76 (1971), 1384-1434, and The Crusader Kingdom of Frontier (Princeton, 1973). See

50 A. LukynWilliams, Adversus judaeos. A Bird's-eye until the Renaissance 1935), 248-55. (Cambridge,

View of Christian

"Apologiae"