GEROPANTA VASILIKI

The residential component as an incubator for urban change in Science Parks, in the context of peripheral areas: The case of Ait/nia's Science Park

DISSERTATION ARCHITECTURAL ASSOCIATION, HOUSING & URBANISM, 2007_2008, TUTOR: LARRY BARTH

Acknowledgements

This thesis could never have been realized without the contribution of several people and situations. The person that I am especially indebted to is my supervisor at the Architectural Association Graduate School at Housing and Urbanism Program, Larry Barth for his encouragement, patience and stimulating suggestions. Although I didnt know it at that time and though he didnt acknowledge it, I believe that from the very beginning he assigned himself the task of mentoring me, something that shaped and affected deeply my understanding of architecture. I am grateful for his insight, his inspiration, and his insistence on my learning, his ability to arouse my interest and make me see through the lines. As always gratitude to my brother Christos who has provided unconditional support over the years and without whom AA would still be an elusive dream. Last but not least I would like to thank Marianna for bring delight to my days in London and for making this year appear like a constant trip to the Fiji Islands.

This dissertation is dedicated to my friend Gianni for his indisputable belief that everything is always possible as far as we follow the strength of our will.

INTRODUCTION .05

Chapter 1 1.1 The phenomenon of innovation and its implications. 1.1.1 A knowledge based economy in less favored cities.......07 1.1.2 The Science Park, the University, the peripheral area of Agrinio....08 1.1.3 The project, the structural elements of the development strategy...11 1.1.4 The problems, the disjunction between the development strategy and the spatial strategy ..12 1.1.5 The meaning of innovation.....14 1.1.6 Innovation Environments: localization and spatial organization...16 1.2 The myth of Science Parks 1.2.1 Definition of science parks ...16 1.2.2 Technological specialization of Science parks..17 1.2.3 Spatial organization of science parks..17 1.2.4 Science Park and Technopolitan planning...18

1.3 The disaggregation of innovative clusters (specifically islands of innovation) from the urban process. 1.3.1 The role of Housing ...19 1.4 Specificities of the Greek project20 1.5 Conceptual questions ...22 1.6 Conclusions..22

Chapter 2 2.1 Primary solution: the Bilbao case and the need for strategic planning 2.1.1 Key ambitions23 2.1.2 Bilbaos strategy on housing: multiple scales..24

2.2 Strategy based projects as opposed to single master planning.26

2.3 Limitations of science parks, the role of housing...28 2.4 The case of Greek traditional housing form: Polykatoikia as an urban catalyst 2.4.1 Historical Context of polykatoikia.....29 2.4.2 The effects of polykatoikia on the city, typology..30 2.4.3 Typological problems: building, block, public space..31 2.5 Conceptual questions..33 2.6 Conclusions ........34

Chapter 3 3.1 Critique of the existing proposal 3.1.1 The localization of Science Park ...37 3.1.2 The weaknesses of Greek Urban block...38 3.2 Basque case results 3.2.1 Coherent linkage between the different ideas/proposals in multiple scales...39 3.3 Critique of the simple repetition of the urban block.40 3.4 Proposals 3.4.1 The reinterpretation of existing elements..41 3.4.2 Planning process starting through a strategic design.42 3.4.3 Rethinking on the localization of the new residential district.42 3.4.4 The use of the effective void42 3.4.5 Polykatoikias typology: the creation of collective/communal space..43 3.5 Conclusions...44

CONCLUSIONS....46 INDEX.48 REFERENCES........49

INTRODUCTION

According to Komninos (2002), the shift to an economy based on knowledge and the simultaneous transformation of cities towards learning environments (the innovation environments), has resulted in an intensified competition in agricultural markets, ageing rural populations and the expanding of existing urban areas. These crucial local transformations represent the strategic instruments for economic growth, human development and environmental equilibrium, affecting both the national and international economy, and the theoretical concepts of simulation and expansion. The worlds leading centers of innovation appear to be the testing ground for feedback loops illustrating these progressive transformations spatially, not only of the innovative cluster that is emerging there itself but also of its implications on a regional scale. However, in peripheral areas, both the process of innovation and the application of a planning model raise challenges mostly determined by their spatial integration in an area that has the characteristic of being non-intensive. From the totally endogenous cluster, the island of innovation, to a totally urbanized model, the evolution of each innovation cluster is an environmental condition which reinterprets existing elements (Komninos, 2002, p.30). However, the noticeable design disjunction between the applicable innovation environments and the urban process builds the line of thought of this investigation. Thus this thesis is trying to support the proposal of the possible link between the housing component and an innovation environment (more specifically the science park) in the context of peripheral cities. An exploration related to the way this possible linkage can be realized or envision possibilities in terms of urban decisions, inevitably opens up investigations which refer to what I have suggested throughout the text as social, spatial and theoretical modifiers. These include scale, context, method and the piecing together of different ideas and approaches both spatial and theoretical as to implement a spatial strategy able to fulfill the desirable linkage. These modifiers form the subscript to the ensuing presentation of the illustrative case study in the first Chapter of the dissertation, namely: the proposal of the creation of a Science Park in Greece, outside of Agrinio in Aetolia- Acarnanias prefecture. This particular case has been chosen not only as it suggests the emergence of the consideration of such a linkage through strategic planning but because it responds to a particular scalar challenge, that of the transformation of a relatively large Greek peripheral region to a learning environment affecting the local, the national and international economy.

The procedure of applying innovation in such an area therefore requires an understanding of its implications, its limitations and its spatial application. This is in order what might be contested not through economical theories but through the application of transformative change altering the normative and substantive bases of the Science Park. Therefore it requires a deep understanding of how different urban decisions can be applied in the context of peripheral cities and therefore manifests in this thesis the structures and processes that are latent under these decisions. A schematic outline of the urban theoretical investigations undertaken by Nikos Komninos and Richard Marshall is included as a means of approaching these issues from a theoretical perspective. It is hoped that aspects related to the application of innovation will further qualify and amplify spatial potentials through alternative urban strategies. This discussion will form Chapter 3 of the dissertation, with underlying themes and issues explored through the theoretical underpinning of Chapter 1 and Chapter 2. Therefore, this thesis has a relatively simple structure. Chapter 1 unfolds the tools that are being explored -- the University and the Science Park -- in terms of their spatial application in peripheral cities and more specifically in Greece, and underlining the fragmentation of the theoretical process of innovation and its spatial application in terms of urban design. It considers the need for a linkage between housing components and Science Parks as seen through a personal observation. This challenge leads to Chapter 2 where the Case of the development of the Basque region forms a first line of possible solutions as suggested through their application in the Basque region on multiple scales. The conclusions drawn from analyzing the example of Bilbao suggests the need to consider the existing urban fabric or pattern of the area of investigation, which in turn leads to the specific analysis of the Greek traditional form of housing as it forms the background to the experiment. These specific elements will affect Chapter 3, where the results of the critic of the Basque Case, of the theoretical components of a successful innovation cluster as well as the critique of the existing traditional urban block of Greece are piecing together in an effort to open up the discussion about the way the possible linkage between housing and working space can be realized.

Chapter 1 This chapter will briefly present a discussion of the shift from an industrial based economy to a knowledge based economy focusing on less favored cities. Then a brief analysis will be conducted of the urban tools that are used throughout the thesis, and the main challenges that these tools face. Contributing to this investigation are the theories on the meaning of innovation and the application of science parks. The dominant issue in the chapter is the disconnection of these urban tools from the issue of housing. 1.1 The phenomenon of innovation and its implications. 1.1.1 An economy based on knowledge in less favored cities

The shift to an economy based on knowledge as a result of the phenomenon of innovation, (as well as the evolution of the knowledge-based economy itself towards

concepts of learning environments and social innovation), has been extensively described
1. Santa Clara Valley, agriculture economy shifting to economy based on high tech, the new development surrounded the orchards fields, 1960

and

analyzed

through

conspicuous body of specialized literature.1 According to Scott (1988b), this shift is illustrated through the significant turn, from

the traditional centers of heavy industry, or the areas exporting fordists mass production of goods, towards a number of cities and regions, in less or not, developed areas, with rapidly increasing small companies and firms. Spatially, it was the after the 80s peripheral cities (created around an old powerful industrial center), or areas where the initiative of a small company or even family in some cases started exploiting technological advances, that attracted the concepts of creative milieu or transformation of the traditional local economy (Komninos, 2002). Recently, this shift has been observed in several European cities that do not drive the development of excellence in technological innovation; however, their unique characteristics show a potential participation in the network of the global economy. Mainly they come up into being as islands of innovation and their economies rely mostly on agriculture, trade, small industry (Scott, 1988b).

Namely: Komninos, 2002, Intelligent Cities, Innovation, Knowledge, System and Digital Spaces, ed. Spon press; Allen Scott, (1988b) Flexible production systems and regional development: the rise of new industrial spaces in North America and Western Europe, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, Vol. 12-2; Borja J., and Castells Manuel, 1997, Local and global, Management of cities in the information age (Earthscan Publications) etc.

This phenomenon raises several questions of the method under which this shift can be spatially applied in these less favored European cities. In these specific areas, the transformation of their identity towards the concept of learning environments converts them to a new urban model2.This new model should be able to accommodate every possible/ future entrepreneurial network, the future spinoff of each company that is located inside the knowledge cluster, fostering the vivid district that is created. Shane, 2005, citing Mudon, argues that these combinatorial networks depend mostly on space types and built elements. The typo morphological approach to define them combines the volumetric characteristics of built structures with their related open spaces. (Shane, 2005, p. 157) Thus, the appropriate method for cultivating such networks in these peripheral cities relies on a transformative planning process including the understanding of the challenges that rural areas set. The main challenge that we are focusing on in this thesis is this of their intensification.

1.1.2 The Science Park, the University, the peripheral area of Agrinio

3. Localization of the new Science Park, in the boundaries of Agrinio

The prefecture of Aetolia- Acarnania3 in Greece is one of these European regions which lacks technological innovation, is located on the periphery and faces the challenge of its intensification but, however, seems able to realize this economical shift. The regions specialization is manufacture and its sufficiency in natural resources inspired the municipality to propose the development of a Science Park, outside of Agrinio 4, that will give a boost to the local economy. Thus, it is this similarity that enables it to be considered both as an appealing as well as a possible location for the development of a knowledgebased cluster. It is located in the crossroad of three big road arteries: the Ionian road,
With the term urban model we refer to the way urban elements enter into a composition as part of a constructed unity and fit into a formula ( Shane, 2005, citing Ernesto Rogers, p. 255) 3 Located in the west mainland and covering 11.350km, which means 8.6 % of the total surface of Greece, its widely known as the most rich in natural resources among all regions of Greece. 45.3% of it is mountainous, 25.6% semi mountainous and 29.1% is plain. Also it consists of coasts leading to the Ionian Sea, Amvrakikos and Patraikos gulf, 8 natural lakes, 2 lagoons and 3 rivers. The population is 67% agricultural. (Skouras, Kyriaki, Kakouros, 2000) 4 Agrinio is the largest city and a municipality of the Aetolia- Acarnanias prefecture, with about 100,000 inhabitants, home to around a quarter of the prefectures population.
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which connects the southern part of Peloponnese with Epirus until the borders between Albany and Greece; the West axe that connects Antirrio with Kakavia; and the axe of Antirrio, Messolonghi, Platigyali, Astakos, Aktio, Igoumenitsa. (Skouras, Kyriaki, Kakouros, 2000). The area is not really urbanized, and the total surface that the project will cover in the first phase is 198.000 m . It is unclear whether there will really be an innovation in technology and in social terms but, however, the statistical data uncovers a dynamic innovative incubator, able to change totally the economy of the area. Under this framework, the investigation of the method of its intensification appears to be essential.

1.1.3 The project, the structural elements of the development strategy The prefectures strategy for the areas development includes the creation of a number of Universities and research laboratories, as well as their relation to local resources, as a way to promote innovation. Strategically the project suggests several different urban decisions. According to Skouras, Kyriaki, Kakouros (2000) the creation of the economic force will be mainly located in the highway connecting Patras, Agrinio, Amfilohia, as an operation system corridor. This corridor assumes a development of techno-park byway, next to the old existing industries and factories. The extent of the corridor outside of Agrinio is meant to reinforce the industries that are already there giving them a commercial role. Furthermore, the project includes a new university campus on the site that currently houses the old military airport. According to the strategic approach the project also prolongs the future expansion of the nearby city, Agrinio, in the south, so as to create new residential districts able to accommodate the increase of the population and the labor force. Moreover the archeological places that were already there are supposed to be surrounded by the residential districts hopping that this could lead to their future exploitation. In addition, the municipalitys proposal for the improvement of infrastructure and the protection of lakes and lagoons includes the construction of projects for basic infrastructure, such as anti flooding, refosteration and creation of roads etc. It also looks at a future regeneration of the waterfront and a future connection between the small villages and settlements that already exist there. Touristic proposals are focused towards the improvement of the coasts on the west part as well as the restoration of the archeological monuments of the region. Furthermore, there exists a larger concept of changing the image of the cities, and transforming or reinforcing the identity of the old ones. The shift towards cities within the context of a learning environment becomes fundamental as well as the strategic target of reinforcing Messolonghi as the historical center and Agrinio as the economical center. Last but not least the settlements that surround the second ring of developments, on the southern part are supposed to be the limits where the urban sprawl will be allowed. (Skouras, Kyriaki, Kakouros, 2000).

1.1.4 The problems, the disjunction between the development strategy and the spatial strategy

If it is true that we want to have a strategy that combines all the above mentioned elements (tourism, the exploitation of the coasts, the use of rivers, the development of certain research components, the promotion of agriculture and cattle-breeding), then one could naively suggest that these elements, small fragmented pieces for the moment, should link together and create suggestions for a new approach to both the identity of the area and its ability to attract talents in this island of innovation. However, at the moment, the main obvious problem is that these pieces seem to be totally divorced from a process of interaction, and thus obstruct the comprehension of the ways that may lead to the areas intensification. Therefore there would be a challenge to give a real coherence to an overall proposal that depends upon several elements that are pieced together in an obviously coherent way.

Theoretically, piecing the fragments together through their spatial dimensions should suggest that there is a complete realization of the urban processes desired under the shift to knowledge economies. This linkage envisions possibilities that inevitably open up investigations of what are the most suitable modifiers towards urbanizing a peripheral area. The knowledge literally has to do with incorporating many business ecologies into the city, transforming the city into a learning environment that supports entrepreneurial behavior. More specifically exogenous inventions are sought out by entrepreneurs, brought into their small companies and turned into commercial innovations (Simmie, 2001 p.11). Then these companies might expand, the processes of innovation might need to transfer in the networks of companies, leading people to seek out the synergies that exist in the relations that are developed in the technical and business world and beyond it. Consequently, the social being, the built environment and the theoretical application of innovation become the catalysts of the formation of such an area.

These specific environments are areas that work 24 hours a day and as such, in big centers of excellence, they are supported by the existence of housing there. The reason for this is that housing as a component relies on a multi function organization system that enables the creation of schools, libraries, supermarkets, retail and recreational functions as components to support social life during the day. As a result, as innovation environments drift back to urban centers (Mission Bay, One North etc), this pattern of the urbanization of innovation environments has drifted away from the idea of isolated technology parks and is headed towards new urbanized environments. These

new urbanized environments however, do not include a specific idea about how a residential district should be formed, and this is an issue still to be explored.

In the early twentieth century there was a complete disjunction between what people were in their professional lives and what they were outside of the company.5 However, today it is observed that this notion has changed direction as people now seek to live and act according to what they are in their professional lives and the way this is connected to their personal lives. In other words, they are building networks, a whole series of entrepreneurial networks that are actually organized between home and work. These networks blur the distinction between home and work and in fact the working environment is no longer contained inside the corporation but is something that could be understood and extended outside of it. That means that the communication system, the mobility, the circulation and the resources that are there, become much more important.

However, this complex linkage between different relations of places requires an intensified area and does not match with the image of the periphery and peripheral cities and particularly in the example of non intensive ones. In fact, the knowledge environment in the Greek case is based upon the idea of a variety of industries spread over a radius of some miles and that involves a series of infrastructural decisions and location decisions about placing the industries and the nodes that might drive excellence to the area. However, the statistical data coming from the European Union6 reveals a high mobility system of its professionals that raises questions about the effectiveness of the above mentioned method. The gap in the quality of life is completely repellent, even if the statistical advantages of the area seem to be extremely promising.7 Consequently the question appears of defining the strategy that will allow these things to establish a strong pattern of identity both in terms of their specificities within the larger scale but also give the identity in the region as a learning sector. This definition therefore starts with the application of innovation in the periphery and concludes with a spatial strategy that links together the different elements that innovation in the specific area proposes.

In order to understand how these three modifiers, the social, the theoretical and the spatial are able to affect and thus be affected by the process of innovation in a peripheral area, I will undertake a thorough analysis of the procedure of innovation as well
The creation of a factory for example, was not obviously connected with the design approach of the surrounding residential districts, but in contrary, the residential districts were similar to any other single family dwelling. 6 Skouras, Kyriaki, Kakouros, 2000, Strategic planning design for the development of the University of Agrinio, publ. Athens University of Economics and Business 7 It is characteristic that it belongs among the prefectures of Greece that appear to have the highest level of training. Most than half of the population has been extremely well educated and has been attended the high professions. (Skouras, Kyriaki, Kakouros, 2000)
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as its spatial characteristics of different applied models, such as the Science Park, in different contexts either urbanized or not.

1.1.5 The meaning of innovation

A common base of all territorial systems of innovation is the geographical concentration of knowledge-intensive activities and institutions involved in knowledge management that create a favorable environment of product/process renewal (Komninos, 2002, p. 30)

The progressive sequence of the transformation towards learning environments begins with the offer of local knowledge, advice and development capital in the initial phase of the businesss development (the pre-project phase), in other words, before the business has created an actual concept, product or service in an area. Once the preproject phase is over, the innovation environments may help to raise capital, for instance through the Growth Foundation, venture companies or private investors (Komninos, 2002, p. 19). Literally, when fully developed an innovation environment embraces all five functions: research and technology, development, innovation funding, technology transfer and adaptation, product development, networking and technology collaboration (Komninos, 2002, p. 30). This process manifests its spatial effect through the feedback loops, coming from established and powerful centers of innovation, such as Californias Silicon Valley, Route 128 etc. The determinative elements in this case are innovation, technology transfer, industrial clustering and the internationalization of local productive systems (Komninos, 2002, p.48). Last but not least, the highly educated and trained labor, can contribute mostly in the commercialization of new knowledge and the agglomeration of innovative activities (Simmie, 2001).

Innovation, thus, is not a linear process that begins with research and ends with a new product but a complex web of interactive relationships 8 that depends mostly on two key issues. On the one hand its the technological activity or more specifically the technological capacity of an area, with properties of flexibility and creativity that leads it towards innovation.9 On the other hand, although it has not been extensively discussed, it is the ability to attract and retain the labor force, through a spatial model that integrates

Komninos, 2002, Intelligent Cities, Innovation, Knowledge, System and Digital Spaces, ed. Spon press, p.20 An industrial cluster that has a specific specialization and that is rich in internal relationships and catalysts.(Komninos, 2002)
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into a region through a specific method, and to profit from the existing urban fabric, delivering thus indefinite ideas about their spatial, design development. The reason for not having a precise idea about the design development of an innovation environment depends mostly on the fact that the different models (the industrial district, the learning region, the digital intelligent city, including the Science Park 10), are accordingly defined in order to facilitate the process of innovation and technology development without however delivering a specific formula that leads to innovation (Komninos, 2002). Conversely, the definition of innovation leads us to something with equivocal results,11 since it does not deliver the testing ground for feedback loops, or a considerable tool for investigation. Therefore the successful formula for an area that puts effort into research and technological development is ambiguous. Simultaneously, when a certain environment profits from the innovation that is emerging in it, certain distinctive geographical features and strategic approaches are meant to be the main contributors towards the formation of a spatial understanding of this areas evolution (Komninos, 2002, p.48). Furthermore, when these two statements are put into action then the future district is more than an industrial cluster and ends up functioning as a complex mechanism on the one hand, and a profitable manipulation of its innovation on the other hand (Komninos, 2002, p. 42). This urban complexity might focus on questions all related to a clusters spatial application, and could deliver conceptual feedback loops for the development and evolution of an innovative cluster. Therefore the success in the localization of innovation cannot actually be predicted if it does not include a thorough spatial analysis, and cannot be directed only by means of institutional arrangement, but rather it is a process that is realized simultaneously (Saxenian 1994). For example, in the Greek case, the institutional arrangement depends on its successful placement. This placement relies on its strategic localization in areas that can both renew the innovation cluster and thus facilitate the production of innovation and simultaneously benefit from the geographical/ environmental advantages that will realize its integration in the existing urban fabric.

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Komninos, 2002, Intelligent Cities, Innovation, Knowledge, System and Digital Spaces, ed. Spon press, p.28 that is something with double challenge, it s both the process of innovation (purchase of technology) and its result (the discovery of a new product or a new method), Komninos, 2002, in Intelligent Cities, Innovation, Knowledge, System and Digital Spaces, ed. Spon press p. 17, citing European Commission 1996a.

1.1.6 Innovation Environments: localization and spatial organization Mainly, by talking about innovation in less favored regions we assume that the term is referring to a design model which is located in a rural or peripheral area, and it is excluded from the operation system of the surrounding areas. This means that the knowledge based cluster is not integrated in a city fabric (such as UCL in the center of London, for example), and so it does not already have a consolidated set of infrastructures (transport links, institutions, housing, retail and leisure facilities, etc.) among which the cluster itself can effectively become an active player also allowing its inner growth to happen, through compromises, changing land uses, renewal of legislation, and spatial rethinking (Komninos, 2002). On the contrary it is exactly these non urbanized places, the rural form, with the openness and the empty lands that give birth to islands of innovation. These are utterly defined as working areas and thus are not conceived as areas that participate in the urban concept. As a result they seem to be completely divorced from spaces of residence excluding the social modifier. The model of science parks appears to place emphasis on realizing a connection between different elements and strategies. 1.3 The myth of Science Parks

1.2.1 Definition of science parks Komninos 1991, citing the United Kingdom Science Park Association (UKSPA) defines the Science Park as: [] a property based initiative which has formal operational links with a university or other higher education institutions as major centre of research; is designed to encourage the formation and growth of knowledge based businesses and other organizations normally resident on site; and has a management function which is actively engaged in the transfer of technology and business skills to the organizations on site. (Dalton 1987, p i)12 According to Komninos, 2002 and Autio Erkko, 1992, although the science parks as a tool are still too young to provide grounds for realistic assessment of their effectiveness as an environment for high growth technology based companies, they are probably the simplest way to plan and develop new technology districts and industrial places and to promote links between industries and universities. They are one aspect of a new set of relations between the state and the market. What is involved is a revived

Dalton 1987, in Kafkalas, Grigoris, 1991, Cities and Regions in the New Europe: The Global-Local Interplay and Spatial Development Strategies, John Wiley & Sons Inc, article by Nikos Komninos citing Dalton 1987, page 91

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social-democratic contract centered on the development of public environments that enhance the efficiency of individual actors.13 Furthermore, European governments and the European Commission have supported them in the past with the aim of creating environments favorable to technology transfer and technological development, something that seems promising enough to start the process of innovation quicker. Generally Greece follows a model of small parks oriented towards new technology-based firms similar to those of UK, Germany and Holland. (Komninos 1991) According to Komninos study there are two factors that are critical for the development of science parks: the regional context and their technology specialization. This manifold ability of including in their organization process procedures that consider this complex juxtaposition of the social context as applied in a theoretical innovation environment as part of a spatial strategy makes them so appealing. 1.2.2 Technological specialization of Science Parks According to Komninos 2002, the Science Parks uniquely placed as a local delivery mechanism for a range of technological innovation and entrepreneurship policies directed to new technological based firms and can be a tool that can indeed catalyze transfer of technology between university and technical research, institutions and the industry. Furthermore, he argues that the objective of science parks is to provide an environment with specific resources for high- technology firms (venture capital, production information and management services) rather than to offer land, infrastructures and external economies of scale. To such firms science parks offer a friendly environment to product development, cooperation with R&D organizations, and support from technology transfer agencies, brand name and quality premises. (Komninos, 2002, p.53). This technological specialization becomes what I have suggested as a theoretical modifier that can build the entrepreneurial behavior of the area they are applied to. 1.2.3 Spatial organization of science parks Spatially, they come up from a planning procedure, whereas the district is the result of a long term social process, which can be hardly imitated through policy and intervention. Actually it constitutes a specific output of a planning process: there are analytical guidelines for Science Park planning, concerning the background analysis, the market analysis, the strategy to follow, the development plan. Consequently in any evaluation account must be taken of: the objectives of the project, the type of park
13

Kafkalas, Grigoris ,1991, Cities and Regions in the New Europe: The Global-Local Interplay and Spatial Development Strategies, John Wiley & Sons Inc, article by Nikos Komninos, page 90

involved and the regional development context and technology transfer processes (Komninos, 2002, p.55). The assessment of science parks is at the same time an appraisal of a local strategy for the development of small technology-based firms, spinoffs and innovative local growth, however the efforts to attract companies and foster relationships with the universities and research organizations overshadowed the concern and integration between companies (Komninos, 2002, p.67). In other words, one of the main deficits in the application of Science Parks is the relatively low thought that has been given to the way the building networks can be organized between home and work, instead subsequent studies of the agglomeration tendencies of the innovative phase of the product life cycle model have mainly analyzed location- specific factor cost efficiencies. (Simmie, 2001, p. 20). Taking as starting point in our case that we refer to a new industrial space, (Komninos 2002) so as to characterize a variety of agglomerations and regions sharing the same industrial structure, we will try to understand how it applies in a local frame. 14

1.2.4 Science Park and Technopolitan planning

The challenges of its application in a rural area are multiple and need complex consideration. The need to bring the critical mass to an area and the difficulty of several urban tools to work efficiently appear as obvious limitations to these islands of innovation. However, there exist several concerns around these limitations, starting with Komninos(2002) analysis on the creation of the industrial district, the application of technopolitan planning, which takes for granted that innovation is related/ depending on its local and regional context.15 According to him, technopolitan planning includes three main components: the public undertaking of part of the R&D and transactions costs due to external R&D and technology transfer. The second component is the public spending on urban regeneration programs related to new tertiary activities (producers services etc). The third is to stimulate new industry, system areas and districts through local integration, networks and inter- firm alliances. The argument he is proposing through these projects is more a spatial strategy, an effort to create areas attractive to residents and external companies, to make inner city areas safe and attractive to live and work in, and to

According to Komninos, 2002, the new industrial spaces were the spatial manifestation of flexible production and flexible specialization strategies 15 Following Philippe Aydalots theory applied on GREMI, that the success of an innovative environment could depend on, making the localization principles to gain more fields, Komninos, 2002, Intelligent Cities, Innovation, Knowledge, System and Digital Spaces, ed. Spon press, p. 47

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encourage enterprises to locate in particular cities and regions within the international mobility of skills and investments.16

1.3 The disaggregation of innovative clusters (specifically islands of innovation) from the urban process. Therefore, local existing environment becomes the spatial modifier and the questions related to its intensification start to form the method for overcoming this disconnection of Science Parks from the urban process. Therefore, the way the science park will be spatially applied in an area becomes crucial. Yet, as seen through the literature, it seems to be divorced from the urban process: instead, traditionally an industrial cluster, for example, involves production processes and the development of the supporting infrastructure takes precedence, leaving questions related to housing, to the new residential district that is going to accommodate these people unexamined. In this case the social impact remains uninvestigated and thus the real public life is an issue completely excluded, but this public life, as delivered through the creation of schools etc, is responsible for building the entrepreneurial networks that blur the distinction between home and work. Therefore the exclusion of housing from the conceptual design becomes an essential issue to be explored. 1.3.1 The role of housing It is not accidental that all the statistical data17 shows that the labor, the highly educated people (young talented scientists), are concentrated mainly in core metropolitan regions, transforming them to the main urban centers of innovation. In the rest of Europe, the statistics reveal a system of massive mobility, in other words the residence of the labor force of these areas is temporary. Generally speaking, the regions that possess

promising economies, high quality facilities and attractive environments are in a better position to attract and retain innovators and brainworkers than those whose the urban elements do not appear to work effectively (Lambooy and Boschma, 1998). Taking the example of Sophia Antipolis, which is located in southern France, close to the Cote d Azur, and trying to look at it as a strategic geographical location, it was its geographical benefits that lead to a successful concentration of labor, not only because of its high connection with other networks of technological advances but also because of its location next to one of the most beautiful places of the world. Also, following James Simmies

16

Komninos, 2002, Intelligent Cities, Innovation, Knowledge, System and Digital Spaces, ed. Spon press, p. 47 Jamies Simmie, 2001,Innovative cities, spon press, p. 19

argument (2001)18, we agree that it is the highly educated and trained labor and the dynamic interactions between actors that are the most important local factors of production for knowledge-based innovative industries. Furthermore the mechanism that is linking economic development and urbanization is the labor market. The physical concentration of workers appears to be an important initial phase in this process of raising in general level of social productivity; once concentrated, the workers and their families then become an additional element in sustaining growth in demand []. Thus the economic significance of settlements lies in the physical bunching of the labor force (Nigel Harris, 1990, p.4, 5). So the need to reexamine the potential relations of the residential component within an innovative cluster becomes crucial. Recently, with the creation of science parks all over the world, and with the application of knowledge economies this exclusion of housing started to be a questionable part of the design approach, affecting differently the different models of innovation clusters and depending also on the diverse regional conditions. Afterwards, it is the different types and models of territorial systems of innovation that highlight the multiplicity of conditions affecting innovation and the difficulty in defining a single set of factors that shape the innovation capacity of an area, and the profitability of its labor force (Komninos, 2002, p.). In other words, in rural areas that constitute the main area of investigation in this thesis, the potential linkage of housing in the design process of a Science Park could contribute to the future intensification of the area. Consequently the social, spatial and theoretical modifiers when brought together can create an effective gesture towards the creation of the Science Park and could lead to a new design formula. As a result a thorough investigation of the specificities of each case and the way these specificities link together can be the informational ground towards the spatial application of the Science Park. 1.4 Specificities of the Greek project The basic infrastructure that enables the regional development is the connection with a bridge between Rio and Antirrio (Aetolia Acarnania is connected with a bridge with Peloponnese), the connection with an underwater tunnel between Preveza and Aktio, the Ionian Road, and the projects of national street system -- the West axe (connecting Antirrio, Kakavia,) the axe of Lamia, Karpenissi and Agrinio, the axe of Antirrio Mesologgi, Platigyali, Astakos, Aktio, Igoumenitsa. Moreover, a number of railway projects and the improvement of the airport of Aktio aim to connect the region with the rest of Greece and
18

Jamies Simmie, 2001,Innovative cities, spon press, p. 19

with the other European cities. Furthermore an investment of 127,000,000 Euros is earmarked to be given for the operation of an industrial and commercial free zone that will contain installations for a Container Terminal, a Container Freight Station, a Ro-Ro and Car Terminal, and that will contribute in the development of the port Platigiali (AN. AIT. AE, 2001).19

As this area belongs to the periphery it has to face a lot of challenges but however, apart from the basic infrastructure that it already has, it seems to include a series of advantages. According to Vakakis, 2001, the water resources constitute the attraction for the founding of a specialized program that can conduct research on hydro electric problems. The rich agricultural and cattle- breeding activities underline the potential for more effective exploitation which will lead in the improvement of the production system. The coasts of the Prefecture, the lakes and the sea lakes, with their rich resources of different species of fish allow the production of installations specializing in pisciculture. The rich touristic destinations deliver a strong basis for the establishment of touristic zones for different forms of tourism. The area is already rich in different industrial and manufacture zones. Salt, pottery, marbles, gypsum, timber, charcoal, set- stones, legumes and oil are the main products that the area is rich in. The strategic planning of the prefecture as an agriculture area can deliver to the national market the production of high quality goods. Furthermore, the area could be strongly competitive in tourist markets as it includes several different applications of tourism and alternatives forms all depending on the existing natural resources, such as the sea lakes with biotopes rich in components which are now under research; the healing springs; and the coasts in the west part of Greece as among the most important prefectures of Greece. The existing University school of prisciculture in collaboration with the Research pisciculture center of Ahelloos River proposes the thorough research and the opening of new supportive schools in these fields. Furthermore the University of Natural Resources and Agriculture of Ioannina in collaboration with the Information Center of Aetoliko and the Environmental Center of Leukas want to establish the development of the security, promotion, exploitation and extraction of the natural resources of the area (Vakakis, 2001).20 Last but not least the establishment of the University of Mesolongi, with its clear production and technological orientation, was the most significant step in upgrading the weak aspects of the local productive system. The University includes an autonomous department in Agrinion

19

20

AN. AIT. AE, Development Company, established and working by/with the 48 municipalities of Aetolia and Acarnanias prefecture and the Prefect himself. Vakakis, 2001, Strategic planning of the development of Aetolia and Acarnanias prefecture, document from Aetolia and Acarnania Prefecture.

concerning environmental and resources issues, as well as computer sciences, pisciculture department and management of environmental issues (Vakakis, 2001). 1.5 Numerous conceptual questions remain. What features of the site should be drawn on? How to tackle large scale mechanisms when the conceptual tools have only been proven on a smaller scale? These projects often entail interweaving diverse fabrics to rework the urban structure. Is it a question of piecing the fragments together? Many projects derive their new order from an interpretation of an existing context. How can all the participating parties be brought together at the beginning of the planning process? 1.6 Conclusions The shift to an economy based on knowledge does not deliver a clear idea of the method of its application in a non intensified area. This challenge should depend on the cross-fertilization of social/ spatial/ theoretical modifiers. These, however, include challenges of scale, context, method and the piecing together of different proposals. The way these elements are coming together should reveal the way the possible link between the Science Park and housing could be realized. But altering the form of a Science Park requires a simultaneous alteration of the housing form itself. And specifically in peripheral areas this transformation has to be realized in a larger context of change, of thinking about the linking elements.

Chapter 2 This chapter investigates certain alternative solutions to the potential linkage between science parks and housing in the context of peripheral cities. Taking as its starting point the case of Bilbao, the role of the strategic design in the spatial compositions becomes fundamental. Thus the way in which the traditional Greek form of housing (the polykatoikia) is applied should be part of a larger scale spatial strategy. 2.1 Primary solution: the Bilbao case and the need for strategic planning 2.1.1 Key ambitions

5. A strategy connecting the Atlantic and Mediterranean arc

6. Map of Bilbao Waterfront

A citys success today depends less on location and more on the availability of an appropriate infrastructure adding that as cities shift from industrial to service economies, a major aspect of their success will be in the quality of their city spaces. (Richard Marshall, 1998, p.54). The Basque case seems to be extremely interesting as it is formed around a number of urban decisions that resulted to the regeneration of the whole region. Following the strategic plan, for the revitalization of the Basque region, the Basque Government and the Biscay County Council, tried to fulfill certain specific ambitions under the coherent linkage of different proposals that lead to the spatial successful outcome. Starting with the reconceptualization of the Basque Country as a city- region21 they shaped the main

21

City region: this term is used since 1950 and means not just the administrative area of a recognizable city or conurbation, but also, its hinterland that will often be far bigger. Conventionally if one lives in an apparently rural area, suburbs or county town where a majority of wage- earners travel into a particular city for a full or part time job then one is (in effect) residing in the city region, Soane, K, 2001, Oxford English Dictionary, Oxford University Press

context in which the transformation of the old decadent industrial center to a services economical center took place.22 Under this aim the strategic based projects included the urban regeneration of the waterfront, the improvement of investments in human resources, the creation of a service orientated metropolis, the improvement of mobility and accessibility to the residential districts and finally an engagement in social improvements for the people living in Bilbao. As a result, the plan escaped urban sprawl (specifically of housing) and created a stable urban system (Marshall, 2001). Consequently the availability of the appropriate infrastructure and the strategic spatial application of this infrastructure successfully in the area lead to the creation of spaces with qualities that made them seductive around the world. 2.1.2 Bilbaos strategy on housing: multiple scales According to Marshall (2001), the completion of the project relied basically on six key points, in multiple scales. Firstly, on the creation of complementary capitals, where each one has a specific character (Bilbao is the economic and financial center, DonostiaSan Sebastian is the elegant capital of culture and tourism and Vitoria- Gasteiz is the political and administrative capital). Secondly, on the renewal of the roles of the Basque network of medium-sized cities. Thirdly, on the revaluation of the system of rural nuclei with connections to the natural areas. The fourth concerns the prohibition of the new development outside of the existing urban and rural nuclei as an alternative to urban sprawl. And the last key point concerns the creation of a network of natural spaces and ecological corridors connecting the Basque city region with important neighboring cities. The spatial application of this strategy included, as mentioned above, a series of projects that supported the linkage of the pieces and thus the realization of the general target in multiple scales. In the Metropolitan area of Bilbao the project of cleaning the river and the project of extending of the port, lead to the creation of spaces of high quality able to attract investors, first and foremost. The communication systems that provided railway access, the improvement of airport connections, and the new highways brought together different districts with multiple identities and so created a flexible ground for the intensification of the old unattended industrial part. By including cultural and educational facilities, technology and science parks, commercial and government offices and support services,

22

In the 19 century Bilbaos industrial area consisted of mining, iron and steel industries dominating the urban landscape. On the waterfront, shipping and railways carved their mark on the edge of the city. In the 1960s and 1970s with a crisis in manufacturing, the industrialized city fell into an economic decline leading the city to suffer from high unemployment, environmental decay, urban stagnation and emigration. Under the rule of Franco, the city struggled politically to develop its competitive position. However after his death the Basque Country became semi- autonomous region, free to set its own destiny and recast its relationship with the rest of Europe. The citys economic crisis and new bureaucratic autonomy coincided with the rise of cities and regions in a united Europe. Geopolitical lines between nation-states became blurry and the new economic circumstance of a united Europe began to favor autonomous regions. Marshall, 2001, p. 56.

th

all of them located next to the coasts of the river of Bilbao, the new residential districts became potentially active and intensified.
8. Guggenheim museum, the waterfront

7. Aerial view of Bilbao

Intensification, however, depends on different issues and is not again something that can be predicted specifically. In Zorrozaurres case for example, that is the island opposite to the San Ignazio district and it is mainly residential, its integration is assured via delivering certain qualities that other districts of Bilbao are lacking. The restoration plan envisages the setting up of a Business Park for innovative activities where private enterprises and the University will carry out research together. Commercial and leisure areas are also to be built and considerable importance is given to sports since it s planned to build a sports center and a basketball pavilion. The idea is to convert Zorrozaurre to a well communicated residential district that will cover the needs of the new Business Park.23 This concept is applied in relation to all the new development areas in Bilbao as a strategy of integration, in the case of Zorrozaurre the quality that is being delivered is the presence of a large number of open spaces and it is exactly this virtue of differentiation that allows the integration between the different districts. It does so that the new part could fulfill the needs of the other part. By looking, for example, at the center of the city that is located just behind the Guggenheim Museum one can observe the lack of open spaces, so in that sense leisure and recreation become the main characteristic of the new area, assuring the future intensification of the new residential district. Consequently, and according to Marshall (2001), the good comprehension of the existing situation of Bilbao is the main contributor in its regeneration. The clearance of the river and the new urban projects, not only created events that corresponded to the needs of the new metropolitan region and the new learning environment but also delivered an environment full of interesting alternations. Furthermore, the urban regeneration of the river, for example, brought together the three different existing social classes. Also, the city is connected to the waterfront through the creation of new residential districts that face
23

http://www.bilbaoport.es/aPBW/web/en/community/environs/urban/index.jsp

the river and are highly connected (by means of infrastructure) with both of its sides and with the areas where the new projects took place. Creating this framework of communication among the different centers, the different capitals but also the detailed and thorough attention to each project, (such as the Guggenheim Museum), opened up the discussion for flexible and changing transformation. 2.2 Strategy based projects as opposed to single master planning.

Thus we refer to an urban strategy which, as seen through the regeneration of the Basque region, provides a reflective framework, created so as to help cities to regenerate for the benefit of the inhabitants. According to Delarue (2002)24, a spatial strategy becomes the transformative guide for adapting urban areas to social and economical requirements, and also the economic and social lever. It can be seen as a method that is mainly contributing to the realization of the development plans but, at the same time, enhancing urban functions and activities so as to create a powerful region/cluster/ district. This method entails embellishing open public spaces, strengthening central commercial and recreational areas, building new districts of high-quality design and regenerating existing neighborhoods. Furthermore it includes prestigious project-injecting strength and energy into the venture Collaboration and dialogue among undertakings and residential (Delarue, 2002, p. 7). In innovative clusters in less favored cities, the spatial strategy depends on issues that are more complex, exactly because their location is not an urban one. Mainly these areas are brown field sites, mostly industrial wasteland, former dockland, disused railway areas, neglected plot of land and area created by roadwork projects. The schemes (plans) are often designated especially concerning these for housing, public spaces and community facilities. These development strategies are typical in touch with the dynamics of time both in terms of future growth and the expectations of their urban communities (Masbounghi, Ariella, 2002, p.8)25. Thus time appears to be one of the determinative factors since it describes a process of the future growth of the cluster, revealing the challenges of its future intensification. It illustrates quite clearly the idea that David Grahame Shane, citing Peter Hall, presents that, instead of producing finished plans frozen in time planners suddenly began analyzing shifting situations in complex, self
24

Delarue Francois, 2002, Preface

in Chieng, Chan Diana, 2002, Marcela Cardin Ramirez, Darrault- Moucattaf

Nada, Projects Urbains en France, Le Moniteur, Architecture Art Association

25

Masbounghi, Ariella, 2002, in Chieng, Chan Diana, 2002, Marcela Cardin Ramirez, Darrault- Moucattaf Nada,

Projects Urbains en France, Le Moniteur, Architecture Art Association

organizing systems with no final, perfect, finished state in sight (Shane, 2005, p.28). The issue of avoiding producing frozen plans needs a good evaluation of those urban elements that can deliver flexible urban patterns. In turn, this phenomenon can be illustrated by the interactive relationship of the social, theoretical and spatial modifiers. Also, in the context of peripheral areas, these frozen plans, with all the above mentioned projects, should lead, not only to an attractive environment, but also to that one can allow future changeability. Thus this suggests the transformation of a non intensive area to an active, intensified one where these interactive relationships can be realized. According to Masbounghi (2002), urban strategies are always linked to a context and may take a variety of forms, such as large-scale strategic plan, a public open scale program, the creation of new neighborhoods and new focal points. Beyond this diversity there lies a set of constants. An urban project organizes an area to improve the use made of it, enhancing its value, functioning, cultural and economic dynamics and social environment. At the same time, everyone should be afforded equal access to housing, facilities open spaces and transport. The underlying aim of sustainable development and a carefully considered use of space have to be pursued, while ensuring the proper functioning of infrastructures and the transport and distribution networks. An urban

strategy must embody a sufficiently clear set of objectives to fuel public debate. (Masbounghi, 2002, p.23) This is not always easy to achieve as it promotes a desirable but uncertain future and as such it remains open to interpretation, unlike an architectural scheme. The strategy is more a transformative proposal that could make possible the potential urban rejuvenation and future change. This means that it should be an action against the permanence of a citys constituent components, leading to flexible structures able to evolve social and economic issues (Masbounghi 2002). The aim of the collaboration of these ideas is to embellish and recompose public spaces by strengthening threatened central areas, regenerating architectural designs and rejuvenating run-down

neighborhoods. Furthermore, several urban products as shopping centers cinema complexes and housing estates, seem to have a lack of co-ordination between road, infrastructure and commercial development, social behavioral patterns that are growing increasingly individualistic in the search for more diverse lifestyles, land economics and financial mechanisms that render peripheral development less expensive. The devalorisation of living in towns-cities, as all the essential services is accessible outside the centre development policies that reflect user requirements. In addition, there is nothing providing a link between the different elements of urbanization in the .areas, in terms of public transport or landscaping. (Masbounghi, 2002, p.26)

2.3 Limitations of science parks, the role of housing However, as we have already seen, one of the dominant limitations of science parks is that it has given no thought to housing, a phenomenon that affects totally the design process. Subsequently the incubators of innovation are settling down, creating somehow an environment attractive to work in, but not at all to live in and not at all flexible or an environment that opens up discussions related to future change. As we have seen through previous experiences, the relationship between work spaces and housing, whose role was not appropriately evaluated, has not been elaborated as beneficial in urban processes of science parks. The perception of these relationships between housing and working spaces can lead to the rethinking of the general mechanism of spatial organization of the science park, as well as the nature of the housing component itself. In fact, the understanding of this problem will alter the established conception of the science park and will cause the invention of new housing models based on the specific limitations of previously considered housing typologies. This shift in the conception both of the housing component and its relationship to the entire built environment of the science park should be considered as a crucial part of a larger strategy which will define the nature of the Science Park and its effect on the city region in terms of its operating technology and spatial structure. To apply a transformative strategy in such a case means that we have to consider all the elements that could help in such a change. By considering the case of Bilbao and the need for an evaluation of the existing situation we argue that a way to look at this issue is by analyzing or at least trying to describe the way the Greek cities are composed, and the traditional form of housing there. Since the new science park will be created from scratch, a thorough analysis of the housing pattern in Greece could contribute to understanding and assessing the limitations of the traditional housing form and then juxtaposing this with the science park model.

2.4 The case of Greek traditional housing form: Polykatoikia as an urban catalyst

2.4.1 Historical Context

9. Expansion of Athens in districts, after the Asian, Minor Disaster

10. Center of Athens, as created by the ceaseless sprawl

The traditional model of building housing in Greece is widespread, and known throughout as polykatoikia.26 The birth of polykatoikia as one of the most important urban elements of the grid structure, is related to the rapid demographic change of Athens between 1920 (453,000 inhabitants) and 1928 (800,000 inhabitants) due to the arrival of Greek refugees from Asia Minor and not to a gradual inflation of rural population to a developing city (FHW, 1998)27. As such, it affected not only the plots themselves, but the whole urban structure in different scales.

The insufficient network of streets and means of public transportation were unable to serve such an expansion. Thus concentrating the density of the city in plots, by vertical developments, where all the housing units had the same importance, size square meter, and more or less the same potential advantages seemed to be the solution. At the same time the large amount of shop fronts everywhere, the small size of the streets and the appearance of small shops, created a highly domestic environment relying on the hierarchy of the public spaces (Lefas, Siebel, Binde, 2003).

In such a context, the financial prospects of the investment in "polykatoikia" became obvious. We call it here an investment as it was not the result of a strategic design, but it was developed through direct exchange of services between plot owner and contractor via the law of antiparohi. This law allowed a small construction company, without the involvement of an architect, to build on a plot without paying for it, but offering

Polykatoikia which comes from the words polys (a lot) and katoikw (live/habitat), is defined in the dictionaries as condominium, and is a form of housing tenure, a housing block, Mpampinotis, 2002, Dictionairy of new modern Greek Language, pub. Leksikologia Canter 27 With FHW, we refer to the Foundation of Hellenic World, one of the main sources that refer to the Asia Minor disaster, http://www.fhw.gr/fhw/

26

in exchange part of the resulted space. Both of these two factors considered quantity more important than quality, or precisely their quality anticipations were restricted to the interior of the flat itself and not to the articulation of the building or its position in the city. One should also not forget that the mass of the population sheltered in these houses had no experience of living in big cities and an urban attitude of collectiveness or a need to express such a thing was not observed. Therefore the maximum building height, the maximum covered ground and the minimum cost became the areas of primary interest, elements to fight for, and subsequently some developers began to present false plans to the town-planning office, to make a small "present" to the proper public servant, or to use the family connections among people with political influence, who would excuse an "exception". (Paschou, 2001,2, p.11)

2.4.2 The effects of polykatoikia on the city, typology

11. Polykatoikia, in the center of the city, Agrinio, 2008

12. Sketch of typological analysis of Polykatoikia

According to Paschou, 2001,2, the mass production of polykatoikia defined the contemporary structure of the city and its size: where once stood family houses with gardens, now 6-floor volumes were developing. The urban tissue and the plot sizes were overloaded. The organization of polykatoikia occurred in this way as to keep the main faade facing the streets, where the main entrance is also located. The building itself consists of these 6-floor volumes which comprise balconies, most of the time of the same size as the living rooms. These balconies are highly used, considering the favorable climate and created a relation with the streets they are facing. The placement of the staircase-elevator and the light pipes for bathrooms and kitchens are the elements that determine the floor plans. The streets and their pavements, however, soon proved to be disproportionably small, the squares and the parks not large enough. Furthermore in the scale of the block, one is located precisely next to the other, which means that in each

one of them one wall is left without windows or balconies so that the next polykatoikia can attach there. Inside the block, each housing block should leave a percentage of space uncovered so as to support the limitations of hygiene and lighting. Each of these open spaces is private and is not connected to the other housing blocks. Since the ground-floor is not permeable it creates a strongly dense urban block, with open spaces inside that cannot be used for any reason. The architectural identity was also altered: the ornamental neo-classical houses were replaced or abandoned. (Paschou, 2001,2, p.11)

Regarding the functional potentials of polykatoikia everything has been embraced: residence, office space, public office, shop, supermarket, cinema, theatre, coffee shop, bar, workshop, car station. The urban benefits of this multifunctional model is a continuous and vivid public space, which is primarily sheltered at the ground floor (usually 5 meters high) but also bursts out to the street, diffusing the limits of indoors and outdoors. This concentration of activities was not planned, but occurred from the lack of other building types and the absence of zoning. One could say that polykatoikia is "attacked" by functions; others could argue that its ground floor flexibility - or lack of identity - attracts them. (Paschou, 2001,2, p.14)

2.4.3 Typological problems: building, block, public space

13. Map of the center of Athens 14. Urban Block in Athens 15. Analysis of Urban block, tight street system, dense block, inside space unused 14. 13. 16. Analysis of Polykatoikia

15

16.

Furthermore, the sprawl of Athens to every corner of its boundaries created an unstable conception of the contribution of polykatoikia to the urban environment in a

larger scale. The sprawl happened suddenly and rapidly and there was no time to think what would happen if this model is applied in areas where there is nothing else. In other words, it leaves unclear the question of its effectiveness when it is applied separately from the tight street pattern, or the dense urban block. Its application however in a science park, means that next to the open space of the science park there will be a residential district, with some of these housing blocks placed in rows, the one next to the other. Obviously, this strategy is based upon a model that does not considerate the people that are going to work there, since it does not provide any alternatives for entertainment, or sports events etc, or does not pay any attention to a collective way of living which could be an alternative solution to inhabiting a place. The way to transform this model starts to raise a question related to method and to the ambition of changing it as to deliver a more suitable and effective model. In other words, these questions start to belong to a larger scale of analysis, a strategy that includes housing a future residential district connected with a working area and not to polykatoikia itself. They refer to the space in between the science park and the polykatoikia. Moreover, the use of the public spaces could be another tool to look at, as it appears to be indispensable from the urban fabrics formation. Their value as urban elements is not something that appeared recently but something that has its roots in the classical period that has formed the general way of understanding cities (Lefas, Siebel, Binde, 2003). The reason that it appears to be highly linked with models that do not follow an economic-based strategy or a development strategy. In fact, the links between the classical Greek ways of thinking that had aligned the city with the political organization of its residents and the life in the city with their participation in the public affairs is a starting point with but not the final arrangement (Lefas, Siebel, Binde, 2003 p. 25). The idea of creating a built environment around an event (in this case a political dialogue) gave birth to our understanding of the role of public space. These relations were pretty much different compared to those created in the classical period but almost everybody agrees on the fact that they were in the same way capable of creating the fundamental prerequisite of the city. From this point of view the classical Greek thought involves an idea fundamental for the comprehension of the modern domestic reality that the city cannot be conceived independently of its citizens (Lefas, Siebel, Binde, 2003 p. 24). And the argument here is that there is an interaction: the Greek family bonds appear to be so strong and hard that is almost impossible to act without them28. In spatial terms this means that to go and stay in a place you start by creating small social networks that appear to reinforce the idea of inhabiting a place. Thus inhabiting a place is highly
Lefas, Siebel, Binde, 2003, Cities tomorrow, Plethron p. 25

connected with collective affairs and actions. But even more practically this means that the private functions that are placed inside the dwelling, such as kitchen, childrens play room, laundry have already been transformed to commercial facilities. The image of the Greek city does not fulfill the image of the big European cities with the infrastructure linking it to the other end of the world but rather, surprisingly enough, they continue in being low density and mainly remote, but with a high sense of using the public spaces. Furthermore an important element is that Greek cities are spread all around the peripheral areas and they keep on insisting on models of cities that are small and domestic, based on the links between the neighborhoods. Trying to understand the

values of the small and the big scale is important. The bigger scale, in my opinion, has changed and destroyed all the topological relations that could produce a special meaning and reinforce the links between relations and people. On a smaller scale cities have become much simpler. The understanding of what the relation is between Greek people and the built environment, and how these social networks that appear to be so important are going to be illustrated on a piece of land, became very challenging for us. By the use of public spaces we mostly refer to the use of squares, parks and open spaces as a means of communicating with others. This can be supported by the way the functions are distributed. In an effort to talk about retails outlets for example we have to face important contradictions. Globally the retails are growing and changing rapidly compared to the past where shopping was located in open urban markets, and accommodated under ephemeral constructions within complex colorful environments. During the industrial revolution this changed and set a more strict hierarchy in the areas of shopping. Thus next to the traditional markets appeared the series of stores either in pedestrian passages or in main highways in the big European cities. This specific restriction affected not only the everyday life of citizens but also the buildings themselves as it started typologically to create relationships between the facade of a building and the street that is located just in front.

2.5 Conceptual questions. Since the traditional housing form is based very much on a relatively tight street pattern and, most of the time, science parks are associated with a loose pattern what is

progressively the design question? Since the traditional way of using the public space reinforces the idea of dense centers rather than marking a hierarchy between public and private space, how could that space be used if it is conceived differently, as a means to promote events rather than concentrate them in a small piece of land? Does one juxtapose the tight street pattern of housing to the loose fabric of the science park, or can we intermix them, by using the openness of science parks? What defines the zone of interaction? 2.6 Conclusions All of these conceptual questions could not be answered without placing them in a real site with its real conditions. The typological analysis gives birth to numerous questions concerning the future of the residential district in Agrinio. Supposing that the science park will be created and taking for granted that Agrinio does not have the economic power to invest or attract investors, the need for a strong spatial strategy becomes fundamental. We argue here that the way this strategy brings together the different components of the development strategy and at the same time responds to the questions of its intensification delivers their spatial outcome.

Chapter 3 This chapter will examine the link between the Science Park and housing in the context of Greece and more specifically the city of Agrinio through a critique of the existing development proposal and of the traditional housing patterns, and through the application of the strategic design of the Basque case and through the examination of different proposals.

The case of the new Science Park in Aetolia and Acarnania the subject of this examination.
30

29

prefecture will be

As we saw in the previous chapters, the strategic

location for the project depends on its localization exactly at the crossroad of the big urban infrastructure projects. Furthermore, its environment, rich in natural resources, as well as its potential fields of research/investigation/ exploitation and manufacturing development may have an impact on the national market.

29

Thus, located in west mainland and covering 11.350km which means 8.6 % of the total surface of Greece, its widely known as the most rich in natural resources among all regions of Greece. 45,3% of it is mountainous, the 25,6% semi mountainous and the 29,1% is plain. Also it consists of coasts leading to Ionion pelagos, Amvrakikos and Patraikos gulf, 8 natural lakes, 2 lagoons and 3 rivers. The population is of percentage 67% agricultural. Skouras, Kyriaki, Kakouros, (2000) 30 This project has been proposed from the previous government which was committed to European Union to deliver a new science park next to a university campus that will be financed partly by the European Union and partly by foreign developers.( Skouras, Kyriaki, Kakouros, 2000)

3.1 Critique of the existing proposal Looking at the existing strategic proposal, the localization of the new knowledge corridor along the main highway and the localization of the science park may support the future development of the city of Agrinio. However, following the development strategy, it seems that this specific localization is not related to Aheloos River, or close to the sea lakes. Furthermore, since the Techno Park is located along the highway and the research labs are in the parallel spaces, they seem to be far from the hydro-electric research laboratories which are located in the northern part of Lisimahia River. In other words, it seems that the distribution of institutions is rather strangely realized and it does not fulfill the challenges of the strategic development since it does not create either a compact powerful innovation environment or a coherent spatial proposal where each part benefits from the others. In fact the knowledge environment in this case is based upon the idea of a variety of industries spread over some miles radius, at the same time concentrating the economic power and life in the southern part of Agrinio. In this way, it may lead to a successful economic development of the city but it does not generate ideas about how to give a new identity to the area and how to attract talent. It seems also as if it does not include notions of flexibility or adaptability or even make use of the existing conditions as seen in the current development proposal. Consequently, the localization of the Science Park appears to be doubtful.

3.1.1 The localization of Science Park

Furthermore, according to the development strategy, the future intermixing of housing and Science Park appears to be proposed. The existing proposal actually illustrates an area in the southern part of Agrinio where the Science Park and the residential district are located, prolonging the future extension of the city. However, the ambiguous localization of the Science Park, as, in fact, it appears to be completely disconnected from attractive natural resources suggests an even more doubtful outcome for the housing component. Nevertheless, supposing that the localization of science park is correct, (ignoring, of course, the argument about the way the touristic development can be realized since in this view it appears to be excluded from the general strategy), then the questions about the entrepreneurial networks between the working space and the residential district start to appear. These networks, as seen in the first chapter, should blur the distinction between home and work and in fact the working environment should be extended outside of the corporation. In other words the communication system, the mobility, the circulation and the resources should become the fundamental elements. On the contrary, the development proposal reveals a tendency to produce a new district, as

an extension of the existing city by a simple repetition of the urban grid. In other words, the main effort appears to be Agrinios mirroring in the southern part of the city31. But if the one of the questions is how to create different centers than the existing ones, then we start wondering what the identity of each center would be. However, it seems as if, in the existing development proposal, there is no thought about how these new centers will create areas attractive to residents and external companies; how these new inner city areas will encourage enterprises to locate there. Questions related to how these new centers will intensify the area appear to be ambiguous.

3.1.2 The weaknesses of Greek Urban block Furthermore, as seen through the second chapter, the use of the Greek urban block that appears to be the traditional construction element cannot really intensify an area. The block as comprised by polykatoikia, adjusted the one next to the other, is an unstable element to use in the specific conditions of peripheral areas. It does not prolong any future complex linkage between different relations of places that an intensified area requires and thus seems unable as a system to support this change/shift towards a learning environment. Moreover, polykatoikia, is traditionally very dense and it is based on a very tight grid that is appropriate in a dense urban environment. Coming back, though, to a relatively compact area where we use the same structure we would not have many amenities: 6 or 7 blocks that could not shape an intensified area. Housing, in this case, could be integrated only as part of the city near-by However, in the typology of polykatoikia, the density is prolonged. So in order to take advantage of things that are not already in a dense environment we should think about housing differently. Instead, according to the data, what they are proposing is a satellite localization of housing around the science park. The satellite distribution, however, supposes a grid without any stable or static reference element. In other words, the place they mark as a residential area, the open space with the archeological monuments, the sports center and the university campus connect in an
18. Satellite distribution

ambiguous way. Rather, as seen through the second

chapter this does not allow free ground for the creation of open spaces, let alone the

31

This depends on a larger idea about the multi centrality that the urban block creates in Greece given that it is created in

that way. Lefas, Paulos, Walter Siebel, Binde Jerome, 2003, Cities tomorrow, Plethron

creation of events. Thus the need to rethink the idea of the housing form itself becomes fundamental.

3.2 Basque case results

3.2.1 Coherent linkage between the different ideas/proposals in multiple scales

The Basque experience, on the other hand, gave us certain valuable tools to investigate. First and foremost, it is clear that the lack of the coherent linkage between the different proposals cannot lead to a successful development of housing. This coherent linkage is going to give the spatial outcome needed. In the Basque case the coherent linkage was realized through the participation of projects affecting the city in multiple scales. So the fact that Agrinio seems to be in the crossroad of the road system should mainly affect not only the application of the Science Park as part of the region (networking the region with other regions in Greece and outside of it) but should also facilitate the mobility and circulation of the knowledge cluster itself. In other words, it should reflect in a more precise concept its benefit within the local scale. The idea of regenerating the River and creating connections between the River and the city was a valuable tool towards the creation of an attractive environment for the residential component. This raises the question of whether the use of the lake/river coasts could have the same effect in the Greek case. Furthermore, the new urban projects, including the Guggenheim, gave a new identity to the city while retaining its identity as a domestic area. Thus, these urban projects, if seen as events, partly became the catalyst for the creation of interesting environments for the working class that habituated the place. This fact, with the contribution of the creation of the green corridors and the open spaces, shaped this unique environment. Consequently achieving to bring the critical mass in an area exactly non-intensified, includes also the insertion of events able to create an environment where the working class starts acquiring its identity not only inside the working environment but also outside of it. Simultaneously, these events should be part of a planning process able to link them through an amount of public spaces, green corridors, all related and depending on their specific location. This specific location, as seen through the case of Zorrozaure, could fulfill the lack of the surrounding districts. Therefore, since the tight Greek street pattern lacks open spaces, and since it appears to be fundamental though in the creation of the cities, instead of using them as an effort to create a new center, we could use them as a tool to organize the area better. The idea of recreation and sports support appears also to be very appealing as it is not fully covered

in the area of Agrinio. In other words, the new district, in terms of being a result of Agrinios extension, actually it could be a supplementary district fulfilling the deficits of the surrounding cities, assuring in this way its future intensification. 3.3 Critique of the simple repetition of the urban block As seen in the second chapter, the Greek urban block creates a domestic environment which cannot guarantee either sustainability in the city or a flexible environment adaptable to future changes. In this way a thorough consideration of notions of scale, grain, intensity of use, pedestrian experience, the disposition and nature of uses, definitions of public and private, conflict and security become fundamental. Additionally the hierarchy of public spaces becomes of main importance as it could be a way to form the life of the area. The argument about vitality in the public realm, however, is concerned with an appropriate mix of uses in relation to activity in the street or other public spaces and not necessarily within the city block. For a neighborhood to support an intensity of pedestrian use and to have an essential vitality, it requires a multiplicity of uses, attractions and routes. Attraction may comprise shops, small commercial outlets, bars, restaurants, clubs, and hotels: in short, uses that offer opportunities for the public to enter and leave both the street and buildings on the street and to interact. (Roberts M., LloydJones Tony, 1996)

3.4 Proposals

18. 19. Diagram reflecting the spatial relationships of the different urban elements

Consequently, and more generally speaking, it is not only the technological supplies that should be flexible to start the process of innovation, but also, in spatial terms its transformation to an active district, able to provide to its labor a seductive environment. The word seductive, in spatial terms should refer to a flexible environment, flexible in terms of its adaptation to future changes. The intensification in the Basque case did not happen accidentally or through one decision but came as the result of a larger strategy of bringing together different urban components. The way these components link (in the Basque case and in the Greek case) leads to the creation of a methodology.
3.4.1 The reinterpretation of existing elements

As seen through the Basque case, the existing environment acquires an important role in the conception of the new knowledge cluster and a strategic approach is rooted in the history and geography of the site, and must freely reinterpret existing elements.

Therefore, the conception of the creation of a flexible environment with typologies that could intervene with the existing ones starts to create an interesting model. Thus altering the concept of the future integration of the residential district in a peripheral area creates the need for the consideration of the characteristics of the existing environment.
3.4.2 Rethinking on the localization of the new residential district

The proposal of the Science Park in terms of the economical development of the surrounding cities could be kept as a reference point. The boundaries of the city as shown in the development map cover an amount of land which arrives at the stream of the Lisimahia Lake. The continuation of this stream meets the Aheloos River. The existing proposal indicates an ignorance of the waterfront possibilities. Therefore, considering the small distances of the places, there could be a shift towards thoughts of locating the future residential district exactly in the boundaries of the city. This could be beneficial for many reasons. Firstly, the use of the lake and the green area in the intermediate space could contribute in controlling the urban sprawl as well as corresponding to the future regeneration of the waterfront of the lake. If located on the waterfront of the lake, it approaches spatially the area where the biggest amount of archeological monuments exists, and thus it can promote easier touristic development.
3.4.3 The use of the effective void

On behalf of the working class, such an area, with its natural beauty becomes much more attractive. Since kayak races take place in this lake, sports events can be developed. Simultaneously, around the lake, there are already located several villages that offer the possibility of their own future intensification. Since the knowledge corridor is directed to extend and penetrate through this area, its future development seems to be possible. Last but not least, the idea of locating housing in that area extends two potential scenarios. On the one hand, looking at it as a diagram and delivering the necessary infrastructure, if in fact the city extends then this localization could invite this extension towards that direction, controlling simultaneously urban sprawl. On the other hand the void that stands between the working space and the residential space could react as an effective void, in other words, it could provide space for sports, or the types of events that cannot easily be found in the middle of the city. Last but not least, the future possible spin offs of the companies supporting both the techno-park and the Science Park could be realized in the intermediate space, prolonging the creation of a strong compact environment.

3.4.4 Polykatoikias typology: the creation of collective/communal space.

Furthermore, since the traditional housing form is based very much on a relatively tight street pattern and science parks are typically associated with a loose type, then the way in which we are using the intermediate space, the space in between the science park and the residential district becomes fundamental. We argued, however, that it is the typological problems of polykatoikia that lead to this dense and tight street pattern and that in order to overcome these typological problems we should understand what it is extremely critical to change. According to the research considered in the second chapter, one of the main problems for the application of the Greek urban block is that it does not allow the development or even conservation of public spaces if ones exist. So, since the public space appears to be the problematic area for the application of the Greek urban block, one idea could be to start firstly with thinking about the role of the public space, in other words, the openings as the organizational system. One way to do this, is to start by looking at these voids as the organizing structure instead of looking at the voids as areas where functions will be distributed. A way to do this is by imagining that instead of a satellite system there is a system of interaction between events and components by rethinking the urban block itself and its application in a larger scale. If we suppose for a minute that instead of this urban block, we have a block that is partly permeable and that the courtyards inside are used as a semi private space before going to the street. Then this could mean that the streets could have a different identity than the small domestic commercial streets, and, simultaneously, the public space could start containing a hierarchy, from the private one to the more public one.

Secondly let us suppose though that instead of talking generally about a satellite distribution of housing we think more precisely in terms of leisure time, entertainment and family. As we have already seen, a fundamental prerequisite for the creation of events in Greece is the strong network system which requires lunch with the family, open collective spaces to gather, in other words a collective way of living. One limitation of this phenomenon is what Jose Maria de Lapuerta (1998), notes: the traditional patterns associated with the permanence of residence and to homogeneity of family links, dramatically affect the domestic environment when they obstruct the incorporation of new information that would benefit development.
32

The shift that is realized with the arrival of

a new knowledge cluster is from the marginal user with a specific economy, to a
32

Jose maria de Lapuerta, 2006, Collective Housing, A manual, Actar, p. 15

significant number of potential inhabitants (of the public housing) who can be defined as active subjects of the new urban environment, undefined by familiar origin or profession: young adults, singles, couples without children, single parent families, elderly people. In fact it is difficult to know when the architectural project rejected the communal uses of collective housing, or even more difficult is to comprehend the reluctance to develop mixed use typologies that include the participation of residential public use. (De Lapuerta, 2006, p.17) The target is to try to enrich the collective sense of the residence through the incorporation of communal use business that respond at the scale of a small community. We argue here for the construction of complex programs in which facilities, infrastructures, work spaces and housing fight in tandem against the residential ghettos that form at the large and small scales.

However the limitations of the traditional housing form in terms of its strict and nonflexible typology is the main critical point to rethink. The traditional housing form is highly connected with a mono thematic family unit, since the exclusive program of the Polykatoikias is conceived through the number of bedrooms, and the size of the living room. The collective space, in other words, collectivity, is conceived through the staircases or the elevator. A way to respond though to new concepts of flexibility could mean firstly, adding to polykatoikia another system of functionality. Let us suppose, for example, that while entering the housing block, we could pass through a floor with communal use, which could accommodate in other words, communal needs, laundry, kitchen, childrens room, or a caf, a library, a restaurant. Consequently the typology of the building itself could acquire a different meaning.

3.5 Conclusions:

Piecing together different components relies on a multiscalar approach which considers correct localization, distribution of functions, use of open- public spaces and use of the natural resources so as to benefit from the existing local conditions. Taking into consideration the need for a strategic approach as well as the need for the correct use of each element, we shape the argument of looking at each one, in different scales, as if it constitutes the spatial and social modifiers. The Greek urban block, if applied in a less dense manner under the idea of a collective destination can result in spaces much more flexible and adaptable. These places could much easier support the creation of entrepreneurial networks. The creation of events, such as sports events, could firstly fulfill the lack of the nearby cities, could give a new identity to the new residential district, that of the recreational district. Moreover, the use of the infrastructure in the concept not only of

large networking but also of a relatively local communication system, could lead to well connected areas. In my view, these ideas could break the traditional way of creating cities around a strong social/ family network, and lead to the creation of a flexible environment that can interact with any innovative idea that is applied to the area. Collectivity as understood through the use of communal spaces could be the starting point for this breakthrough.

CONCLUSIONS This dissertation tried to build a framework about how to link housing and the Science Park in the context of less favored, non intensified cities. It is neither a recipe nor a prescription but rather a discussion concerning the spatial strategies that should work towards this new direction. The main issue that we would like to emphasize is that the spatial strategies need a thorough consideration of the existing situation, the problematic conditions of the existing situation and the reasoning about the new strategies that enable in each project. The theoretical background concerning the process of innovation revealed the way peripheral cities around the world felt the need for transformation towards new economic systems. In this way they tried to change their identity towards one concerned with learning environments, creating systems of entrepreneurial networks. However, the

feedback loops coming from the leading centers of innovation refer to urbanized places and this use of urbanization depends exactly on the way these entrepreneurial networks are built. The application of innovation in less favored cities of the world raises questions related to its future intensification, and the evaluation of each urban element, that will have a catalytic impact. These urban elements interact and each design decision leads to a different urban outcome. The method of linking these elements namely: housing, void, and even Science Park, constitute a strategy approach, which freely reinterprets the existing geographical and environmental context. In other words, these elements are rooted in the history and geography of the site and the way we choose the appropriate ones forms the identity of the investigating area. In this thesis, we understood the value of using those elements, defined as theoretical, social and spatial modifiers. When piecing the fragments together through their spatial dimensions, landscape, geography and an artistic touch then this complex linkage starts delivering a spatial outcome flexible and able to build the entrepreneurial networks. The projects that allow such changes often entail interweaving diverse fabrics to rework the urban structure. Thus using the natural resources of an area, the existing villages, the settlements, the voids that already exist there, allows the innovative environment to integrate successfully in the local context, permeating the existing fabric to renovate it, ultimately benefiting both. The recommendations in this thesis are that all the participating parties be brought together at the beginning of the planning process as well as to ensure that the project is not a simple repetition of old models and types but rather becomes the result of a thorough consideration of each one.

The method that could deliver the desirable results is that of applying a transformative change, altering the normative and substantive bases of the proposed project. Therefore, changing the form of a science park requires the simultaneous change in the traditional form of housing. Furthermore, there are manifold relationships between urban development and periods of time, for a number of time frames co-exist. There is immediate time, which embraces future prospects, there is the time of progressive evolutionary processes and there are the various time frames of the interweaving of histories, insufficiencies and contradictions of expectations and evolving situations. This interweaving can be perceived as a fundamental aspect of civilization in every sense of the term. Yet built-up land and the morphological components that make up this land, whether old or new, do not change in either similar or simultaneous fashion. Over the long term, it can be noted that roads and infrastructures last, that plot layout changes less than buildings but that living conditions and above all the functions, atmosphere and values of towns and cities change much more rapidly. The question is how to reconcile the requisite constancy of initial choices with flexible planning and spatial considerations that are attuned to the market, to electoral swings and to social expectations. Preserving certain values of the existing environment is part of the strategic design that we are proposing. Through a system of hierarchy in public and private space, and a critique of the polykatoikia as an environment that accommodates different functions but not different categories of people, we are trying to change the idea of reproducing Greek norms but directed towards a more collective way of living in all scales.

INDEX OF ILLUSTRATIONS 1. Santa Clara Valley, agriculture economy shifting to economy based on high tech, the new development surrounded the orchards fields, 1960, illustration taken from http://www.historysanjose.org/cannerylife/popups/19972081174.html 2. Indicating Aetolia and Acarnania prefecture, illustration from Google Earth 3. Localization of the new Science Park, in the boundaries of Agrinio, illustration from Google Earth 4. Proposal by the municipality for the main infrastructure and connectivity of the new Science Park, Skouras, Kyriaki, Kakouros, 2000, Strategic planning design for the development of the University of Agrinio, publ. Athens University of Economics and Business 5. A strategy connecting the Atlantic and Mediterranean arc , Marshall, Richard, 2001, Waterfronts in Post- Industrial Cities, Spon Press P. 87 6. Map of Bilbao Waterfront Marshall, Richard, 2001, Waterfronts in Post- Industrial Cities, Spon Press P. 55 7. Aerial view of Bilbao, indicating Zorrozaure , , illustration from Google Earth 8. Guggenheim museum, the waterfront,. Map of Bilbao Waterfront Marshall, Richard, 2001, Waterfronts in Post- Industrial Cities, Spon Press P. 53 9. Expansion of Athens in districts, after the Asian, Minor Disaster, authors drawing 10. Center of Athens, as created by the ceaseless sprawl, areal view taken from Google Earth 11. Polykatoikia, in the center of the city, Agrinio, 2008, pic. Authors gallery 12. Sketch of typological analysis of Polykatoikia, authors drawing 13. Map of the center of Athens, aerial view taken from Google Earth 14. Urban Block in Athens, aerial view taken from Google Earth 15. Analysis of Urban block, tight street system, dense block, inside space unused, created by me 16. Analysis of Polykatoikia, authors drawing 17. Proposal concerning the new Science park, Skouras, Kyriaki, Kakouros, 2000, Strategic planning design for the development of the University of Agrinio, publ. Athens University of Economics and Business 18. Satellite distribution, taken by Aravantinos A, 1997, Urban Planning, towards a sustainable development of the built environment (ed. by Symmetria) 19. Diagram reflecting the spatial relationships of the different urban elements, authors drawing

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