Language, Power and Ideology Author(s): Tariq Rahman Reviewed work(s): Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.

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Language, Power

and

Ideology

Language has been intimately related to ideology and power in Pakistan. While Urdu is conspicuous as a symbol of Pakistani identity and national integration, other ethnic groups have seen this as a version of internal colonialism. Indigenous languages thus become tools that serve to assert ethnic identity and ensure a wider mobilisation.
TARIQ RAHMAN

state with akistanis a multilingual many ethnic groups. The official Urdu of language thestateis English. is the nationallanguagealthoughit is the who form mother tongueof the Mohajirs, The only 7.6 per cent of the population. are the Muslimswho had emiMohajirs cameinto whenPakistan fromIndia grated existence in 1947. the haveresented Theethnicminorities power and statusthat has been given to Englishand Urdu.The use of Englishas has a language communication favoured of the westernisedelite. The use of other wouldhavegivenpowertoother languages The candidates. elitegroupsandtheethnic minoritieshave used languageto define theirideologitheiridentitiesandfurther cal aims. of Therehavebeena number languagein short movements Pakistan's based ethnic history [Rahman 1996]. The Bengali LanguageMovementof 1948-52 in East of fuelledtheemergence Bengali Pakistan which led to the creethno-nationalism, ation of Bangladeshand the breakupof in Pakistan 1971.Therewereriotsbetween the Urdu-speaking Mohajirs and the Sindhi speakersin Sindh province between January1971 and July 1972. The ethnictensionbetweenthe Mohajirsand theSin4hishasgrownsincethemid-1980s, when the Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM) became a militant force to be reckonedwith. Whenthe Bengalilanguagemovement began to challenge the West Pakistani of domination the formerEast Pakistan, the peopleandthe pressin West Pakistan of that thought thiswasthework theHindus, elements and thecommunists theanti-state who wantedto destabilisethe state. The believedthat WestPakistani intelligentsia the Sindhi,Pashtun,Bengali and Baloch ethno-nationalism duringthe Ayub Khan era (1958-1969)was due to the fact that these ethnicpeople were bornwith fixed identities.This was the reason why the Punjabis,Pathans,Sindhis and Balochis 4556

could not become modern enough to just as nationalistidentities were constructedin Europeusing collective symidentify with Pakistanas a whole. as on have Serious studies ethnicity emerged bols, like standardised printlanguages, was BenedictAnderson(1983) has argued. One onlyrecently. of thefirstattempts in TahirAmin's studyof the ethno-national Apartfromtheroleof language identhereis the issue of its Aminused mod- tity construction, of movements Pakistan. ern theories of ethnicityto explain that use in education.Shemeem Abbas has movementsare the pro- writtenaboutthe strongpresenceof Enethno-national ductsof the demandfor a just share in glish in educationand in other domains goodsandservicesina modemstate[Amin [Abbas 1993]. SabihaMasroorhas done students'attitude 1988]. However, Amin's reference to a surveyon the Punjabi and languagewas inadequate incomplete. towards languagesand found that they Later,Feroz Ahmed, a Sindhi left-wing rankedEnglishhighest,Urdusecondand last intellectual,wroteseveralarticleson the theirmother Punjabi, [Masroor tongue, Pashtun Sindhinationalism, 1993]. In additionto the above works, and Mohajir, which were later published as a book therehavebeensomestudieson theteach[Ahmed1998].He wroteon the language ing of English [Malik 1996] and on the and riots in Sindh but refusedto accept the useof Urdu,bothformally informally, as He Mohajirs an ethnic'group. couldnot outsidePakistan[Javed1996]. However, research give an objective accountof the ethnic therehasnotbeenmuchscholarly in identity-construction the light of the on the relationshipbetween language, on latesttheories thesubject which see power and ideology. This paper is an [for and Hutchinan Smith1996].M S Korejo's attemptto fill that gap. recent study of G M Syed, the leading Sindhinationalist leader,also fails to go Background where Mohajir the rhetoric identity beyond was and The last census in Pakistan held in is concerned bringsno freshevidence towards March 1998 but its resultsare yet to be on theroleof theSindhilanguage or Sindhiethnicidentityformation asser- published. The census figures that are tion [Korejo2000]. The role of language availableare of 1981. A questionasked in ethnicmovements hardly has beenstud- in thatcensus was: which is the language ied. Anwarand Afia Dil, a husbandand thatwas 'commonlyspokenin the housewas that wife team, publishedtheirhistoryof the hold'?Itwasfound Punjabi spoken Movement in2000 by 48.17 percentof the people,Pashtoby only BengaliLanguage [Dil andDil 2000]. Unlikeanyotherbook 13.14 per cent, Sindhiby 11.77 per cent, in Pakistan, book provideshistorical Siraikiby 9.83 percent, Urduby 7.60 per this details and draws on Bengali literature cent, Balochiby 3.02.percent, Hindkoby but is short on theoreticalinsights into 2.43 percent andBrahviby 1.21percent. and Otherlanguageswerespokenby 2.81 per identity-formation ethnicity. The presentwriter's book, Language cent. The 'other' includes more that 50 and Politics in Pakistan (1996), presents languagesor dialects, most of them unan analysisof the role of languagein the written,which are given in Annexure. ethnic movements ofPakistan concludes and The census does not mentionEnglish, thatlanguage becomesan identitysymbol ArabicandPersian. Englishis thekey But whendifferent ethnicgroupscompetefor to power and employment in the state power and resources.Easy communica- and privatesectors.Thereareno reliable of of tion facilitatesthe manipulation group figuresfor the number peoplewho use identitieson the basis of religionor lan- English.The 1961Censusgave the figure [Census guage. Ethnic identitiesare constructed as 2.7 per cent of the population Economicand Political Weekly November2-9, 2002

1961:IV,30-32].If thosewhohavepassed in theirmatriculation examination, which subject,areconEnglishis a compulsory sideredto be literatein English,then the figurecomesto 19.56percent in the 1981 [Census 1981: Table 4.6, p 31]. This would have gone up by now percentage because the middle class or, ratherthe 'salariat' defined HamzaAlavi as (1987) by - has expanded. However,most matriculatesfromvernacular schoolscannotspeak English and can barely read their textbooks,which tendtomemorise. they People fluentinEnglish couldhardly morethan be Urduis 3 to 4 percent of the population. muchmorewidely used. Not only are 20 percentof thematriculates proficient quite in it, but also the studentsof religious soldiersandilliterate seminaries, working class people in cities pick it up and use it quitewell. Urduhas also spreadwidely becauseit is usedin inter-provincial commedia(newsmunication, entertainment, radio TV)and,aboveall,lower and papers, middle-class all overPakistan jobs except in ruralSindh. of Onlya handful peoplein thereligious seminaries a few scholars Islamand and of Arabic understandArabic. Although, Muslimslearnto readtheQuran 1981 (the Censusreported 18.37percentof the that people read it [Census 1981:Table4.7, p 33], theirknowledgeis mostly limited to the recognition Arabicletters.They of are not taughtthe meaningsof words.A few expertsunderstand Persian.Students in certainexaminationsleading to state takeit as an easy optionbut employment most neverget beyondthe memorisation of a few passages. mother Important indigenous tonguesof the people,like Punjabi, not taughtat are all. Somearetaught Pashto, inadequately. for example,is the mediumof instruction up to class five in some schools and an optionalsubjectat the higherlevels. The others,for instanceSindhi in Sindh, are areas.However,the taught only in certain people do learnthese languageson their own becausebooks on them, called the are chapbooks, availablein all the major cities of Pakistan. WilliamHanaway,an American and Nasirhave scholar, Mumtaz listed 940 chapbooks Punjabi,Siraiki, in Hindko,Khowar, Pashto,Sindhi,Persian andUrdu and [Hanaway Nasir1996].Films and songs in these languages,especially inPunjabi Pashto, quitepopular and are too. The elite English-medium schools are so expensiveas to exclude lower middle and workingclass pupils.The Urduand

Sindhi-medium schools,as well as thefew schools where Pashtois the mediumof instruction the lower levels, arerunby at the stateandarequiteaffordable most for Evenmoreaffordable, Pakistanis. because they providenot only free educationbut also free board and lodging, are the 'madrasas' (religiousseminaries),which bodiesto examinestudentsin havecentral The in UrduandArabic. madrasas Pashtospeakingareasuse Pashtoas the medium of instruction while those in the Sindhispeaking parts of Sindh use Sindhi. In and whereUrduis the Punjab Balochistan, formalmedium instruction, teachers of the often explain in the local language. of No dataon the number schools and their medium instruction available. of is The followingthe tableis basedon the partial information and aboutsomeprovinces the that stateschools assumption all ordinary in Punjab, AzadKashmir, Balochistan and theNorth-West Frontier Province Urdu use as the mediumof instruction. Therearean indeterminable number of madrasas.The press puts the figure at October 6,761 (Nawa-i-Waqt, 1999)while thegovernment sources quote figure still the of 3,906 from1995[Directory 1995:282]. As mentionedearlier,the madrasas preserveArabicmoreas a symbolof Islamic identitythan a living language.Most of theirgraduates cannotfunctionin Arabic [Rahman1999] and use Urdu. In fact, Urdu has spread through the madrasa network ever since the 19th century with [Metcalf1982]andis nowassociated Islam and the Muslim identity in both Pakistanand India [Rahman1999].

in Indiain the 19thcentury.It was highly Persianisedas described by Amrit Rai (1984) and used in the lower domainsof power- administration, judiciary,education and commerce- in the centres of ProvMuslim power, especiallytheUnited inces. In time, partlybecauseof the competitionfor jobs and power betweenthe MuslimandHindu'salariats', Urducame to be identifiedwith the Muslimidentity whileHindiwas identifiedwiththeHindu identity [King 1994]. The Urdu-Hindi of controversy the 19thand20thcenturies was reallypartof the powerstrugglebetween the Hindusand the Muslimsin undividedIndia[Rahman1996:Chapter 4]. As the controversyitself has been described in great detail [Brass 1974:119181; Gupta1970; Kerrin1972], we need not go into it here.It has been mentioned in orderto makethe point thatUrduwas a partof the ideology of Muslimseparatas ism in Indiaand was laterprojected a in major symbolof national integration the new country Pakistan. of Urducameto be withthehegemony thecentre of associated in Pakistan. the Punjabis Mohajirs As and controlledthe militaryand the bureaucracy in the country,the people of East and Bengal,Sindh,Balochistan theNWFP also perceived that the Punjabis were dominatingthem. The ethnic groups in these provinces reacted consolidating theiridentities, of by whichlanguage animportant The was part. of assertion this was theBhasha strongest Ondolan,the Bengali LanguageMovement of 1948 and 1951. The movement itself hasbeendescribed elsewhere[Alam 1991;Umar1970]andneednotdetainus. The importantpoint is that the state's Language and Power: Ethnic Dimensions and was ideologywaschallenged language the symbolused for the mobilisation a of Althoughthe Britishfirst taughtUrdu counterideology of ethnic assertion.Alitself was becameanidentity thoughthe languagemovement formally, this'language symbolof the elite Muslims(the 'ashraf) diffusedby 1955, it resonated throughout
Table: Number of Language Medium Schools in Pakistan Punjab Islamabad NWFP Sindh Balochistan Azad FANA Federal Total Kashmir Government UrduMedium 368 67,490 SindhiMedium nil nil Pashto Medium nil (up to class V only) nil MixedMedium No nil Information (nil) nil 48 EnglishMedium Total 67,490 416 13,556 3,657 nil 36,750 10.731 nil nil 24,287 nil 1,394 95 41,896 9,939 nil nil nil nil 9.939 6,009 nil nil nil nil 6,009 1,370 nil nil nil nil 1,370 167 102,556 nil 36,750 nil' 10,731 nil 1,394 82 225

249 151,656

Source: Sindh:SEMIS,1998; Punjab: EMIS,1998. Allotherfiguresare fromthe Academyof Educational Planningand Management,Islamabad, 1999. Figures for the Federal Governmentinclude schools in military cantonment)areas for which the source is the Directorate Federal of (or Government Institutions, Rawalpindi.

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the whole period of united Pakistan.It againstWest symbolisedthe antagonism in whichfinallyculminated the Pakistan, creationof Bangladesh. The state'sideologyof usingIslamand did Urdu as symbols of integration not changeevenaftertheloss of EastPakistan Pakistani historians admitthat now though this policy was wrongly adaptedin the easternwing [Zaheer1996]. The Sindhilanguagemovementin reactionto the perceived domination the by Urdu-supporting ruling elite caused the Urdu-Sindhi riots in Sindh between 1971 July1972[Rahman 1996: January and Chapter7]. Only the Pashto language movement decreased intensitybecause in the Pashtunsextended their trade and networksall over Pakistan transportation andentered salariat, the the especially army, in fairly large numbers.Yet the Awami National showsits resentment the of Party Punjabidominationby maintainingits Pashtun separate identityof whichPashto is a part.It keeps alive the demandfor Pashto giving it moreimporand teaching tance [Rahman1996:Chapter 8]. The Siraikilanguagemovement,probin ably a responseto underdevelopment southern Punjab, is not powerful and of confined theintelligentsia thisregion. to as Siraiki However, thestatehasdescribed as the languageof the region,the people inthearea identify also withit now.Earlier, they usedto identifywith theirown local like languages, 'Multani','Derewali'and 'Riasati',etc. The Siraikimovementprovides insights into the phenomenonof when local identities, identityformation, suchas Multani Riasati, merged or into get the larger ethnic identity, Siraiki [see Shackle1977;Rahman 1996:Chapter 10]. Theother movements, language although small, are also responses to the state ideology of using Urdu as a symbol of Pakistani identity. For instance, in the Balochistan, Balochiand Brahvilanliterature written guagesandtheresistance in them are seen as a response to the dominanceof Urdu, the Punjabiruling elite, andthe Urdu-based Mughlaiculture of northIndia[Rahman1996:Chapter 9]. Evenin Punjab, muchmalignedthoughit is by activistsof all ethnic movements, thereis a smallmovementto give importance to Punjabi. The movementis confinedtoa smallintellectual circleof Lahore and a few other Punjabicities. Some of these intellectualsargue that the state, thoughdominatedby the Punjabis,uses the languagesof the elite, English and

Urdu,to acquirepowerthrough employin ment.Urduis also patronised orderto consolidate the elite's control over the federalunitsof thecountry. Theyfeel that this is a heavya priceto payfor maintaining Punjabihegemony[Mirza 1994]. Language and Individual Empowerment

If one cannotwritein UrduandEnglish, one cannot get even clerical jobs in Pakistan, exceptin Sindh.If one canwrite in Urdubut not in English,one can get of lowerjobsin all theprovinces Pakistan. Higherjobs, however, are reservedfor those who fluent in English. Forthe armed forcesandstatefunctionaries,thestatehascreated aparallel system of education in which the medium of instruction Englishfor all subjectsand, is in some cases, all science subjects.The armed forces run schools throughtheir welfare organisations such as the Fauji the BahriaFoundaFoundation (Army), tion (Navy) and the ShaheenFoundation such (Air Force).Some stateinstitutions, as therailways, customs,thetelephone the and telegraphas well as the police, also run their own schools. There are chains of privateexpensive schoolsliketheFroebels, English-medium the Beaconhouse and the City School System. Here the tuition fees range between Rs 1,500 to 3,500 per month.The more wealthypeople send theirchildren to the InternationalAmerican school, which charges over US $ 10,000 per academic year. The peoplego through greathardships to provideEnglishmediumeducation for theirchildren.Thereare schools all over the country claimto teachin English. that They chargebetweenRs 50 to Rs 1,000 per month and provideeducationof so Linguistic Responses variable qualitythatit defies classificaa to Modernity of tion. A number religiousorganisations too now runsuch schools.They claim to The Britishintervention createda new combine Islamic studies with skills in kindof literature UrduandSindhi.The in modem subjectsand English. Victorian British administratorscondemned medieval the textsthatwereerotic. The Indian reformers,includingsecular Language, Textbooks and like writers AltafHasanHali(1837-1914) Ideology and ulemas such as Ashraf Ali Thanvi, That languagecontainsan ideological madethelanguage literature more and even is 1956].This, puritanical. baggage wellknown[Whorf here.What In Pakistan,this trend has led to the however,is notbeingexplored I wouldliketopointoutis that textbooks devaluation the indigenouslanguages the of on history, social studies and Pakistan andtheir worldviews. agrarian pre-modern, studies alllanguages usedin Pakistan Yet the people have not abandoned in are these to give ideological messages on Islam, languages. writer seen manuscripts This has

Islam is conationalism militarism. and optedin theserviceof thestatein a process described JamalMalik,who in another by context has writtenaboutthe 'colonialiis sation Islam'[Malik of 1996].Islam made to supportnationalism,of which militarismis the chief expression. to According some analysts,the lessons on militarism those between glorify war, particularly Pakistan Indiain 1948, 1965and1971. and The heroesof these wars are celebrated. is The purposeof this indoctrination to create supportfor the state's militaristic anti-India policies[Saigol1995].Ithasalso been pointedout that the textbookssupand hierarchical portthe male-dominated, (ibid). power-oriented society in Pakistan A number people,notablyK K Aziz of (1993), have looked at the ideological messages in history and social studies textbooks.During his researchin 1998, this writerfoundthatthereis also a high ideological componentin the languageteachingtextbooksfor classes one to 10. The ideological content in the Arabic languagebooks is 71 per cent; in Urdu, 40 per cent; in Pashto,43 per cent; in 31 Persian, percent;in Sindhi,29 percent and in English, 8 per cent. Urduhas been used as an Islamiclanguage since the colonial period,when it was adopted by the religious scholars ('ulemas')andthe clergymen('maulvis') to disseminate Islam[Metcalf1982].It is at of thelanguage examination themadrasas of differentsects, like the Deobandis, the and Barelvis,the Ahl-i-Hadith the Shias 5]. [Nayyar1998;Rahman1999:Chapter It is also the language some of the most of that reactionary newspapers incitepeople to fight in Kashmir,struggleagainstthe or perceivedwesterndomination support Islamic fundamentalism.

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or printedversionsof books in Punjabi, Sindhi, Pashto, Balochi and Brahvi in librariesand privatecollections in EnThesebooksareabout glandandPakistan. of theProphet, teachings Islamandthe the ritualsof cleanlinessand so on. Some of love themarealsoaboutlegendary affairs, like that of Heer and Ranjha. Conclusion to has related Language beenintimately The ideologyandpowerin Pakistan. state has lookeduponUrduas a symbolof the Pakistani and integration. identity national Most ethnic groupshave counteredthis of The version internal colonialism. ethnic eliteshaveusedtheir indigenous languages toassert identities mobilise their and people. The nationalists, led by the Punjabis, maintain this is againstthe ideology that of Pakistan. Language also defines the socioeconomicclassdividein Pakistan. English is associatedwith the upper and upper middleclasses,Urduwith the middleand lowermiddleclasses andthe local, indigunenous languageswith the peasantry, skilledlabourers the workingclasses. and However,in Sindh,thereareareaswhere In Sindhiis usedformally. Sindhandparts of thePashto-speaking thelocalpride belt, is strongenough to counterUrdu. InPakistan, is English seenas thecarrier of western,liberalvaluesand Urduas an Islamic Pakistani-nationalist and language. The indigenouslanguagesare associated with ethnic nationalism and identity. However,English is being appropriated by the Islamicrevivalistsand the underprivilegedPakistanigroups, who recognise it as a languageof employment and [13 empowerment.
Addressfor correspondence:

Annexure Language Balti Badeshi Bagri Bashgali Bateri Bhatneri Burushaski Chilisso Dameli Domaaki Dogri Dehwari Dhatki Gujari Gujrati GawarBati Bagria,Bagris, Baorias,Bahgri EasternKativiri OtherNames Sbalti, Baltistani, Purki variety Balti) of (a WhereSpoken Baltistan (SwatKohistan) Bishigram Sindh(nomadicbetween Indiaand Pakistan Gobar,Rumbur Valley(Chitral) IndusKohistan NorthEasternTraces Hunza,Nagar,Yasin Areas) Valleys (Northern Koli,Palas, Jalkot IndusKohistan DamelValley (SouthernChitral) Mominabad (Hunza and Nagar) Azad Kashmir Kalat,Mastung (Central Baluchistan) Tharparkar, Sanghar (Sindh) Swat, Dir,Northern Areas, Azad Kashmir otherparts Karachi, Sindh Arandu SouthernChitral, Kunar riveralong Pakistan-Afghanistan Border IndusKohistan (on the eastern bank, Mahrin village) Quetta DirKthistan and Kashmir diaspora Gobar (Chitral) Linkah Valleys Chitral (southernend of Bashgal Valley) North-eastBalochistan KalashValleys southern (Chitral) IndusKohistanWest bankof river, (LowerSindh)around Towns of Tando and Allahyar TandoJam LowerTharDesert Kalam(Swat) DirKohistan Speakers 27,000-300,000 (in 1992) Not known 200,000. (in 1993) 3,700- 5,100 -30,000 Unconfirmed 55,000- 60,000 (in 1981) 1600-3000 2000 - 5000 (in 1992) 500 plus (in 1989) 1 million? 10,000 (in 1987) 100,000 plus (in 1987) 200,000300,000 (in 1992) Not known (44,000,000 Inthe world) 1300- 2000 (in 1992) 1,000 2,000 (in 1990) 70,000 (in 1993) 4,000 (in 1990) 105,000 (in 1993) 3,700-5,100 (in 1992) 1,500 - 2,000 (in 1992) Few Thousand (in 1987) 2,900 - 5,700 (in 1992) 22,000 (in 1993) 80,000 100,000 (in 1995) 30,000 (in 1980) 60,00070,000 (in 1995)

Billum, Kunjut, Khajuna Chiliss,Galos Damia, Gudoji, Dameoli,Damel Domaski,Doma Pahari Punjabi, Deghwari Dhati Gojri,Gogri Gujari, KashmirGujuri, Gujuri Rajasthani Gujarati Narsati,Narisati, Arandui, Gowari, Satre, Gowar-Bati Gabaro,GabarKhel fromGawri) (different Hazara,Hezareh, Hezare'i None reported Keshur Bashgali,Kativiri, Nuristani Kamoleshi. Shekhani, Kamik Lamertiviri, None reported Bashgali,Kalashwar, Urtsuniwar, Kalash Kalashamon, IndusKohistani; Dir Kalami; Kohistani, Kohiste, Khili, Maiyon; Mair. Shuthun, Maiya, Kuchikoci Kachi, Kori,

Gowro

Hazargi Kalkoti Kashmiri Kati Kamviri Khetrani Kalasha

dr.trahman @sat.net.pk

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Economic and Political Weekly

November 2-9, 2002